海伦，对我而言，你的美貌
就像昔日的尼西亚小船，
轻轻地驶过芳香的大海，
把疲惫不堪的流浪者带到
他家乡的海岸。
Helen, thy beauty is to me
Like those Nicean barks of yore,
That gently, o’er a perfumed sea,
The weary, wayworn wanderer bore
To his own native shore.
在长期航行的绝望之海上，
你的风信子色头发，你那古典的面容，
你的水仙风道骨将我带回了
希腊的辉煌
，以及罗马的宏伟。
On desperate seas long wont to roam,
Thy hyacinth hair, thy classic face,
Thy Naiad airs have brought me home
To the glory that was Greece
And the grandeur that was Rome.
牛津 纽约 多伦多
德里 孟买 加尔各答 马德拉斯 卡拉奇
吉隆坡 新加坡 香港 东京
内罗毕 达累斯萨拉姆 开普敦 墨尔本
奥克兰
Oxford New York Toronto
Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi
Kuala Lumpur Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo
Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town
Melbourne Auckland
及贝鲁特柏林伊巴丹墨西哥城尼科西亚的相关公司
and associated companies in
Beirut Berlin Ibadan Mexico City Nicosia
版权所有 1949 年，牛津大学出版社；1976 年由 Gilbert Highet 续订
Copyright 1949 by Oxford University Press, Inc.; renewed 1976 by Gilbert Highet
1949 年由牛津克拉伦登出版社首次出版
1957 年首次以牛津大学出版社平装本形式发行
1985 年由牛津大学出版社以平装本形式重新发行，地址：
198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016–4314
First published in 1949 by the Clarendon Press, Oxford
First issued as an Oxford University Press paperback, 1957
Reissued in paperback, 1985, by Oxford University Press, Inc.,
198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016–4314
Oxford 是牛津大学出版社的注册商标。
Oxford is the registered trademark of Oxford University Press.
保留所有权利。未经牛津大学出版社事先许可，不得
以任何形式或任何手段（
电子、机械、影印、录音或其他方式）复制、存储在检索系统中或传输本出版物的任何部分。
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press, Inc.
美国国会图书馆出版品目数据
Highet, Gilbert，1906–1978 年。
古典传统。
参考书目：第 15 页。
包括索引。1
. 比较文学——古典和现代。2
. 比较文学——现代和古典。PN883。H5
1985 809 85–15477
ISBN 0–19-500206-7（平装本）
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Highet, Gilbert, 1906–1978.
The classical tradition.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Literature, Comparative—Classical and modern.
2. Literature, Comparative—Modern and classical.
PN883. H5 1985 809 85–15477
ISBN 0–19-500206-7 (pbk.)
印刷（最后一位数字）：9 8 7 6
Printing (last digit): 9 8 7 6
美国印刷
Printed in the United States of America
前言
PREFACE
本书概述了希腊和拉丁影响对西欧和美国文学的影响的主要方式。
THIS book is an outline of the chief ways in which Greek and Latin influence has moulded the literatures of western Europe and America.
希腊人发明了几乎所有我们现在使用的文学模式：悲剧和喜剧、史诗和浪漫等等。在他们两千年的写作历程中，他们创作出了无数的主题——有些主题轻如“只用你的眼睛为我举杯”，有些主题强大如勇士穿越地狱。他们将这些主题和模式传给了罗马人，罗马人对其进行了发展，并加入了很多自己的元素。
The Greeks invented nearly all the literary patterns which we use: tragedy and comedy, epic and romance, and many more. In the course of their two thousand years of writing they worked out innumerable themes—some as light as ‘Drink to me only with thine eyes’, others as powerful as a brave man’s journey through hell. These themes and patterns they passed on to the Romans, who developed them and added much of their own.
罗马帝国覆灭后，文明几乎被摧毁。文学和艺术沦为难民，躲藏在边远地区或受到教会的保护。在中世纪黑暗时代，很少有欧洲人识字，能写书的人就更少了。但那些能读会写的人，都是借助国际拉丁语，将基督教材料与希腊罗马思想融合在一起，才做到了这一点。
When the Roman empire fell civilization was nearly ruined. Literature and the arts became refugees, hiding in outlying areas or under the protection of the church. Few Europeans could read during the Dark Ages. Fewer still could write books. But those who could read and write did so with the help of the international Latin language, by blending Christian material with Greek and Roman thoughts.
新语言慢慢地形成了。第一个留下大量成熟文学的是盎格鲁-撒克逊语，即古英语。之后是法语，然后是意大利语，然后是其他欧洲语言。当作者开始用这些新媒介写作时，他们讲的是他们自己民族所熟知的故事，唱的是他们自己民族所熟知的歌曲。但他们向罗马和希腊寻求指导，以找到有力或优美的表达方式，找到鲜为人知的有趣故事，找到尖锐的思想。
New languages formed themselves, slowly, slowly. The first which has left a large and mature literature of its own is Anglo-Saxon, or Old English. After it came French; then Italian; and then the other European languages. When authors started to write in each of these new media, they told the stories and sang the songs which their own people knew. But they turned to Rome and Greece for guidance in strong or graceful expression, for interesting stories less well known, for trenchant ideas.
随着这些语言的成熟，他们不断向希腊人和罗马人寻求进一步的教育和帮助。他们通过吸收希腊和罗马词汇来扩大词汇量，就像我们现在所做的那样：例如，电视。他们复制和改编了高度发达的希腊罗马风格。他们学习了著名的故事，如凯撒被谋杀或俄狄浦斯的厄运。他们发现了戏剧诗的真正力量，并意识到悲剧和喜剧的含义。他们的作者以希腊和罗马作家为榜样。各国从希腊和罗马获得了伟大政治运动（如法国大革命）的灵感。
As these languages matured they constantly turned to the Greeks and Romans for further education and help. They enlarged their vocabulary by incorporating Greek and Roman words, as we are still doing: for instance, television. They copied and adapted the highly developed Greco-Roman devices of style. They learned famous stories, like the murder of Caesar or the doom of Oedipus. They found out the real powers of dramatic poetry, and realized what tragedy and comedy meant. Their authors modelled them-selves on Greek and Roman writers. Nations found inspiration for great political movements (such as the French Revolution) in Greece and Rome.
这种通过模仿希腊罗马文学进行教育的过程，模仿其成就、改编其主题和模式的过程自现代语言形成以来就一直在进行。从公元 700 年到 1949 年，它有着连续但非常曲折的历史。没有一本书能够完整地描述这一过程。据我所知，甚至没有现存的概述。本书旨在提供这样的概述。
This process of education by imitating Greco-Roman literature, emulating its achievements, and adapting its themes and patterns, has been going on ever since our modern languages were formed. It has a continuous, though very chequered, history from about A.D. 700 to 1949. No single book could give a complete description of the process. As far as I know, there is not even an outline of it in existence. This work is an endeavour to provide such an outline.
有许多书分别论述了这个过程的不同阶段。它们讨论了古典主义对某个特定国家或某个特定时期的作家的影响；或者描述了一位古典作家在现代的命运变迁，展示了中世纪如何忽视了他，他如何在文艺复兴时期被重新发现并受到高度赞赏，他如何在十七和十八世纪失宠，以及他如何在十九和二十世纪重新出现并激励了一批新的作家。这些作品非常有用，我非常感谢这些作者。
There are a number of books which treat separate phases of this process. They discuss classical influence on the writers of one particular country, or in one particular period; or they describe the changing fortunes of one classical author in modern times, showing how the Middle Ages neglected him, how he was rediscovered in the Renaissance and much admired, how he fell out of favour in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and how he re-emerged, to inspire a new group of authors, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. These works are extremely useful, and I am much indebted to their authors.
编纂整个主题的书目将是一项艰巨而永无止境的任务。至少需要一本这么厚的书。然而，我在笔记中提到了相当多的我认为有用的书；我还附上了一份简短的书目，列出了该主题各个部分的最新综合调查。从这些书目中，应该很容易分支出来，追随任何看起来有趣的特定渠道。很多领域仍未得到充分探索。
It would be an enormous, a Sisyphean, task to compile a bibliography of the whole subject. At least a volume as large as this would be needed. However, I have mentioned in the notes a considerable number of books which I have found useful; and I have added a short bibliography of the most recent general surveys of various sections of the subject. From these it should be easy to branch off and follow any particular channel which seems interesting. A great deal of the territory is still quite unexplored.
除非有特殊原因，所有书名和引文均以英文提供。所有翻译（除非另有说明）均由我翻译；原文和参考资料可在注释中找到。在一本涉及多种语言的书中，我觉得德语短语与法语短语、意大利语短语与西班牙语短语的混杂可能会让人分心。
All book-titles and all quotations are given in English, unless some special reason intervenes. All translations (unless otherwise noted) are mine; the original text and the references will be found in the notes. In a book dealing with several different languages, I felt it might be distracting to have German phrases jostling French and Italian jostling Spanish.
我的许多朋友和同事都很友善地阅读并批评了本书的各个部分，还有许多人提醒我注意我忽略的要点。为了回报他们的有益批评和建设性建议，我想向以下人士表示热烈的感谢：Cyril Bailey；Jean-Albert Bede；Margarete Bieber；Dino Bigongiari；Wilhelm Braun；Oscar Campbell；James Clifford；DM Davin；艾略特·V·K·多比；查尔斯·埃弗里特；奥蒂斯·费洛斯；唐纳德·弗雷姆；贺拉斯·弗里斯；WM·弗罗霍克；摩西·哈达斯；阿尔弗雷德·哈贝奇；亨利·哈特菲尔德；沃纳·耶格尔；恩斯特·卡普；JA·克劳特；罗杰·卢米斯；阿纳尔多·莫米利亚诺；弗兰克·莫利；玛乔丽·霍普·尼科尔森；贾斯汀·奥布莱恩；丹尼斯·佩奇；RH·菲尔普斯；奥斯汀·普尔；科林·罗伯茨；伊内兹·斯科特·赖伯格；阿瑟·席勒；肯尼斯·西萨姆；赫伯特·史密斯；诺曼·托里；拉鲁·范胡克；詹姆斯·沃德罗普；TJ·沃滕贝克；欧内斯特·亨特·赖特。
Many of my friends and colleagues have been kind enough to read and criticize various sections of this book, and many others have drawn my attention to points which I had overlooked. I should like, in return for their salutary criticisms and constructive suggestions, to express my warm gratitude to the following: Cyril Bailey; Jean-Albert Bede; Margarete Bieber; Dino Bigongiari; Wilhelm Braun; Oscar Campbell; James Clifford; D. M. Davin; Elliot V. K. Dobbie; Charles Everett; Otis Fellows; Donald Frame; Horace Friess; W. M. Frohock; Moses Hadas; Alfred Harbage; Henry Hatfield; Werner Jaeger; Ernst Kapp; J. A. Krout; Roger Loomis; Arnaldo Momigliano; Frank Morley; Marjorie Hope Nicolson; Justin O’Brien; Denys Page; R. H. Phelps; Austin Poole; Colin Roberts; Inez Scott Ryberg; Arthur Schiller; Kenneth Sisam; Herbert Smith; Norman Torrey; LaRue Van Hook; James Wardrop; T. J. Wertenbaker; and Ernest Hunter Wright.
我还要感谢我的一些学生，他们非常善良，愿意提出建议——特别是伊莎贝尔·盖伯林和威廉·特纳·利维。我还要感谢哥伦比亚大学图书馆的工作人员，特别是以下人员，他们的专业书目知识为我节省了许多搜索时间：康斯坦斯·温切尔、让·麦卡利斯特、查尔斯·克拉尔、简·戴维斯、爱丽丝·戴、卡尔·伊斯顿、奥利夫·约翰逊、卡尔·里德、露西·雷诺兹和玛格丽特·韦伯。我还必须感谢圣安德鲁斯大学图书馆的图书管理员和工作人员，他们给了我传统的苏格兰式热情款待。
I am also grateful to a number of my pupils who have been so good as to make suggestions—in particular Isabel Gaebelein and William Turner Levy. I have further to thank the members of the staff of Columbia University Library, especially the following, whose expert bibliographical knowledge has saved me many hours of searching: Constance Winchell, Jean Macalister, Charles Claar, Jane Davies, Alice Day, Karl Easton, Olive Johnson, Carl Reed, Lucy Reynolds, and Margaret Webb. And I must express my thanks to the Librarian and the staff of St. Andrews University Library, who gave me the traditional Scots hospitality.
奉献书中承认了另一项最重要的恩惠。
One other debt, the greatest of all, is acknowledged in the dedication.
生长激素
G. H.
哥伦比亚大学
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
纽约
NEW YORK
致谢
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
我要向那些慷慨授权我刊登以下作品引文的作者、公司和代表表示感谢，他们拥有这些作品的版权：
I SHOULD like to express my thanks to the authors, firms, and representatives who have been kind enough to grant me permission to print quotations from the following works, in which they hold the copyright:
乔治艾伦与昂温有限公司（伦敦），摘自罗素勋爵的《西方哲学史》；
George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London, from Lord Russell’s A History of Western Philosophy;
纽约 Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.，摘自JB Black 所著的《历史的艺术》；
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., New York, from The Art of History, by J. B. Black;
Artemis-Verlag，苏黎世，出自 Carl Spitteler 的Olympischer Frühling；
Artemis-Verlag, Zürich, from Carl Spitteler’s Olympischer Frühling;
波士顿大西洋月刊出版社，摘自 EJ Simmons 的《列夫·托尔斯泰》；
The Atlantic Monthly Press, Boston, from E. J. Simmons’s Leo Tolstoy;
CH Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung，慕尼黑，出自奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒 (Oswald Spengler) 的《Der Untergang des Abendlandes》；
C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Munich, from Oswald Spengler’s Der Untergang des Abendlandes;
剑桥大学出版社，摘自 EM Butler 的《希腊对德国的暴政》； ASF Gow 的《AE Housman：概述》； AE Housman 的1892 年导论讲座及其《尤维纳尔》版序言；JE Sandys 的《古典学术史》；以及 AA Tilley 的《法国文艺复兴时期文学》；
Cambridge University Press, from E. M. Butler’s The Tyranny of Greece over Germany; A. S. F. Gow’s A. E. Housman: a Sketch; A. E. Housman’s Introductory Lecture of 1892 and his preface to his edition of Juvenal; J. E. Sandys’s A History of Classical Scholarship; and A. A. Tilley’s The Literature of the French Renaissance;
伦敦的 Jonathan Cape, Ltd.，出自 AE Housman 的《A Shropshire Lad》；
Jonathan Cape, Ltd., London, from A. E. Housman’s A Shropshire Lad;
伦敦 Chatto and Windus 出版社，摘自利顿·斯特雷奇的《书籍和人物》；
Chatto and Windus, London, from Lytton Strachey’s Books and Characters;
克拉伦登出版社，牛津，摘自 WJ Sedgefield 的《阿尔弗雷德国王版的波爱修斯的安慰书》；
The Clarendon Press, Oxford, from W. J. Sedgefield’s King Alfred’s Version of the Consolation of Boethius;
纽约哥伦比亚大学出版社，摘自 DJ Grout 的《歌剧简史》； SA Larrabee 的《英国吟游诗人和希腊大理石》； EE Neff 的《历史的诗歌》；以及 GN Shuster 的《从弥尔顿到济慈的英国颂歌》；
Columbia University Press, New York, from D. J. Grout’s A Short History of Opera; S. A. Larrabee’s English Bards and Grecian Marbles; E. E. Neff’s The Poetry of History; and G. N. Shuster’s The English Ode from Milton to Keats;
JM Dent & Sons，伦敦，来自 Everyman’s Library 版的吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》和 RK Ingram 译本的《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》；
J. M. Dent & Sons, London, from the Everyman’s Library editions of Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire and R. K. Ingram’s translation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle;
Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung，威斯巴登，摘自 W. Rehm 的Griechentum und Goethezeit（Das Erbe der Alten，第二辑，第 26 期）；
Dieterich’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Wiesbaden, from W. Rehm’s Griechentum und Goethezeit (Das Erbe der Alten, 2 nd series, no. 26);
EP Dutton & Co. Inc.，纽约，来自 Everyman’s Library 版的吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》和 RK Ingram 译本的《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》；
E. P. Dutton & Co. Inc., New York, from the Everyman’s Library editions of Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire and R. K. Ingram’s translation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle;
巴黎伯纳德·格拉塞版本，选自让·谷克多的《地狱机器》和让·吉罗杜克斯的《Électre》和《La Guerre de Troie n'aura pas lieu》；
Éditions Bernard Grasset, Paris, from Jean Cocteau’s La Machine infernale and Jean Giraudoux’s Électre and La Guerre de Troie n’aura pas lieu;
《大英百科全书》，芝加哥，源自 JB Bury 的文章《后来的罗马帝国》和 DF Tovey 的文章《格鲁克》；
The Encylopaedia Britannica, Chicago, from J. B. Bury’s article ‘Roman Empire, Later’ and D. F. Tovey’s article ‘Gluck’;
伦敦 Faber & Faber, Ltd.，摘自 TS Eliot 的诗歌和 S. Gilbert 的詹姆斯·乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》；
Faber & Faber, Ltd., London, from T. S. Eliot’s poems and S. Gilbert’s James Joyce’s ‘Ulysses’;
亨利·弗劳德 (Henry Frowde)，伦敦，选自 EJ Dent 的《巴洛克歌剧》，载于 1910 年 1 月的《音乐古物学》；
Henry Frowde, London, from E. J. Dent’s ‘The Baroque Opera’, in The Musical Antiquary for Jan. 1910;
巴黎伽利玛，选自安德烈·纪德的《奥迪佩》和保罗·瓦勒里的《诗集》；
Gallimard, Paris, from André Gide’s Œdipe and Paul Val7éry’s Poésies;
哈佛大学出版社，马萨诸塞州剑桥，摘自 D. Bush 的《神话与英国诗歌的浪漫主义传统》（哈佛英语研究 18）；
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., from D. Bush’s Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English 18);
纽约 Harcourt, Brace & Co., Inc. 出版，摘自利顿·斯特雷奇 (Lytton Strachey) 的《书籍和人物》；
Harcourt, Brace & Co., Inc., New York, from Lytton Strachey’s Books and Characters;
威廉海涅曼有限公司 (William Heinemann Ltd.)，伦敦，来自 E. Gosse 的《父与子》；
William Heinemann Ltd., London, from E. Gosse’s Father and Son;
纽约亨利霍尔特公司 (Henry Holt & Co. Inc.)，改编自 AE Housman 的《什罗普郡少年》和 RK Root 的《莎士比亚的古典神话》；
Henry Holt & Co. Inc., New York, from A. E. Housman’s A Shropshire Lad and R. K. Root’s Classical Mythology in Shakespeare;
纽约 Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.，改编自 S. Gilbert 的詹姆斯·乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》；
Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., New York, from S. Gilbert’s James Joyce’s ‘Ulysses’;
Librairie Ancienne et Editions Honoré Champion，巴黎，出自 E. Faral 的《Les Arts Poetiques du XII e et XIII e siècle》（Bibliothèque de 1'École des Hautes Éludes，sciences historiques et philologiques，fasc. 238）；
Librairie Ancienne et Éditions Honoré Champion, Paris, from E. Faral’s Les Arts poetiques du XIIe et XIIIe siècle (Bibliothèque de 1’École des Hautes Éludes, sciences historiques et philologiques, fasc. 238);
巴黎 Armand Colin 图书馆，摘自《Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française》，由 L. Petit de Julleville 编辑；
Librairie Armand Colin, Paris, from the Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, edited by L. Petit de Julleville;
巴黎阿歇特图书馆，出自 A. Meillet 的Esquisse d'une histoire de la langue latine和 H. Taine 的Histoire de la litterature anglaise；
Librairie Hachette, Paris, from A. Meillet’s Esquisse d’une histoire de la langue latine and H. Taine’s Histoire de la litterature anglaise;
波士顿 Little, Brown & Co. 出版社，改编自 EJ Simmons 的《列夫·托尔斯泰》；
Little, Brown & Co., Boston, from E. J. Simmons’s Leo Tolstoy;
伦敦朗文格林有限公司出版，摘自 GP Gooch 的《十九世纪的历史和历史学家》；
Longmans, Green & Co., Ltd., London, from G. P. Gooch’s History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century;
感谢 KSP McDowall 先生引用了 EF Benson 所著的《As We Were》（朗文格林出版公司出版）中的一段话；
K. S. P. McDowall, Esq., for the quotation from E. F. Benson’s As We Were, published by Longmans, Green & Co.;
麦克米伦有限公司 (Macmillan & Co. Ltd.)，伦敦，摘自 CM Bowra 的《象征主义的遗产》； JW Cunliffe 的《塞内卡对伊丽莎白悲剧的影响》；以及 M. Belloc Lowndes 的《爱与友谊的栖居之处》；
Macmillan & Co. Ltd., London, from C. M. Bowra’s The Heritage of Symbolism; J. W. Cunliffe’s The Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy; and M. Belloc Lowndes’s Where Love and Friendship Dwelt;
纽约麦克米伦公司，摘自 CM Bowra 的《象征主义的遗产》； R. Garnett 和 E. Gosse 的《英国文学，插图记录》； ASF Gow 的《AE Housman：素描》；以及 AE Housman 的《入门讲座》（1892 年）；
The Macmillan Company, New York, from C. M. Bowra’s The Heritage of Symbolism; R. Garnett’s and E. Gosse’s English Literature, an Illustrated Record; A. S. F. Gow’s A. E. Housman: A Sketch; and A. E. Housman’s Introductory Lecture (1892);
Methuen & Co. Ltd.，伦敦，摘自 JB Black 的《历史的艺术》；
Methuen & Co. Ltd., London, from J. B. Black’s The Art of History;
伦敦的约翰·默里 (John Murray)，出自格雷戈里夫人的《众神与战士》；
John Murray, London, from Lady Gregory’s Gods and Fighting Men;
《新方向》，康涅狄格州诺福克市，源自 H. Levin 的詹姆斯·乔伊斯作品和艾兹拉·庞德的诗歌；
New Directions, Norfolk, Conn., from H. Levin’s James Joyce and from the poems of Ezra Pound;
《法国新评论》，巴黎，摘自安德烈·纪德的《文艺复兴时期古典主义的回应》；
Nouvelle Revue Française, Paris, from André Gide’s Résponse à une enquête de ‘La Renaissance’ sur le classicisme;
Nouvelles Éditions Latines，巴黎，选自安德烈·奥贝的《Le Viol de Lucrèce》；
Nouvelles Éditions Latines, Paris, from André Obey’s Le Viol de Lucrèce;
牛津大学出版社，伦敦，来自 GL Bickersteth 的讲座“莱奥帕尔迪和华兹华斯”，以及在英国学术院的讲座（此前曾发表过该讲座）；来自 CM Bowra 的《古典教育》； H. Cushing 的《威廉·奥斯勒爵士传》； TS 艾略特的《古典文学与文人》； TE Lawrence 译本的《奥德赛》； H. Peyre 的《路易斯·梅纳德》（耶鲁罗马研究 5 期）；WL Phelps 的《带书信的自传》； Grant Richards 的《豪斯曼 1897–1936》； AJ Toynbee 的《历史研究》；以及 J. Worthington 的《华兹华斯对罗马散文的解读》（耶鲁英语研究 102 期）；
Oxford University Press, London, from G. L. Bickersteth’s lecture ‘Leopardi and Wordsworth’, and to the British Academy, before which the lecture was delivered; from C. M. Bowra’s A Classical Education; H. Cushing’s Life of Sir William Osler; T. S. Eliot’s The Classics and the Man of Letters; T. E. Lawrence’s translation of the Odyssey; H. Peyre’s Louis Menard (Yale Romanic Studies’ 5); W. L. Phelps’s Autobiography with Letters; Grant Richards’s Housman 1897–1936; A. J. Toynbee’s A Study of History; and J. Worthington’s Wordsworth’s Reading of Roman Prose (Yale Studies in English 102);
纽约万神殿图书公司 (Pantheon Books Inc.)，出自安德烈·纪德 (André Gide) 的《Thésée》；
Pantheon Books Inc., New York, from André Gide’s Thésée;
Paul，巴黎，来自 J. Giraudoux 的Elpénor；
Paul, Paris, from J. Giraudoux’s Elpénor;
皮卡德，巴黎，摘自 G. Guillaumie 的《JL Guez de Balzac et la prose francaise》；
Picard, Paris, from G. Guillaumie’s J. L. Guez de Balzac et la prose francaise;
普林斯顿大学出版社，摘自 JD Spaeth 的《古英语诗歌》；
Princeton University Press, from J. D. Spaeth’s Old English Poetry;
普特南有限公司和伦敦和纽约的 GP 普特南之子出版社出版，改编自 JH 罗宾逊和 HW 罗尔夫的《彼特拉克：第一位现代学者和文学家》；
Putnam & Co., Ltd., and G. P. Putnam’s Sons, London and New York, from J. H. Robinson’s and H. W. Rolfe’s Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar and Man of Letters;
纽约兰登书屋公司（现代图书馆），摘自康斯坦斯·加内特翻译的托尔斯泰的《安娜卡列尼娜》和詹姆斯乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》；
Random House, Inc., New York (The Modern Library), from Constance Garnett’s translation of Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina, and James Joyce’s Ulysses;
Rheinverlag，苏黎世，摘自 W. Rüegg 的《西塞罗与人道主义》；
Rheinverlag, Zürich, from W. Rüegg’s Cicero und der Humanismus;
WE Rudge's Sons，纽约，来自 JS Kennard 的意大利剧院；
W. E. Rudge’s Sons, New York, from J. S. Kennard’s The Italian Theatre;
查尔斯·斯克里布纳之子出版社，纽约，摘自尼古拉斯·默里·巴特勒的《跨越忙碌的岁月》；
Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York, from Nicholas Murray Butler’s Across the Busy Years;
西蒙与舒斯特公司，纽约，摘自罗素勋爵的《西方哲学史》；
Simon and Schuster, Inc., New York, from Lord Russell’s History of Western Philosophy;
伦敦作家协会，作为已故 AE Housman 遗产受托人的文学代表，引用了《什罗普郡少年》中的引文；
The Society of Authors, London, as literary representative of the trustees of the estate of the late A. E. Housman, for quotations from A Shrop-shire Lad;
爱荷华州立大学，摘自 J. Van Home 的《莱奥帕尔迪研究》（爱荷华大学人文研究卷 I，第 4 期）；
The State University of Iowa, from J. Van Home’s Studies on Leopardi (Iowa University Humanistic Studies, v. I, no. 4);
巴黎斯托克，出自让·谷克多的《奥尔菲》；
Stock, Paris, from Jean Cocteau’s Orphée;
BG Teubner Verlagsgesellschaft，莱比锡，摘自 U. von Wilamowitz Moellendorff 的“Geschichte der Philologie”，载于 Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft，编辑。 Gercke 和 Norden，以及 T. Zielinski 的《Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte》；
B. G. Teubner Verlagsgesellschaft, Leipzig, from U. von WilamowitzMoellendorff’s’Geschichte der Philologie’, in Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft, ed. Gercke and Norden, and from T. Zielinski’s Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte;
加州大学出版社，加利福尼亚州伯克利市，摘自 G. Norwood 的《品达》（Sather Classical Lectures，1945 年）；
University of California Press, Berkeley, Cal., from G. Norwood’s Pindar (Sather Classical Lectures, 1945);
芝加哥大学出版社，芝加哥，摘自 HT Parker 的《古代崇拜与法国革命者》；
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, from H. T. Parker’s The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries;
范德比尔特大学出版社，纳什维尔，Term.，来自 CM Lancaster 和 PT Manchester 的译本《阿劳卡尼亚人报》；
Vanderbilt University Press, Nashville, Term., from C. M. Lancaster’s and P. T. Manchester’s translation, The Araucaniad;
纽约维京出版社，摘自詹姆斯·乔伊斯的《一个青年艺术家的画像》；
The Viking Press Inc., New York, from James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man;
伦敦瓦尔堡研究所，来自瓦尔堡图书馆图书馆，编辑。 F.萨克斯尔；
The Warburg Institute, London, from the Vortrage der Bibliothek Warburg, ed. F. Saxl;
耶鲁大学出版社，康涅狄格州纽黑文，摘自 H. Peyre 的《Louis Ménard》（耶鲁罗马研究 5）和 J. Worthington 的《华兹华斯的罗马散文解读》（耶鲁英语研究 102）；
Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., from H. Peyre’s Louis Ménard (Yale Romanic Studies 5) and J. Worthington’s Wordsworth’s Reading of Roman Prose (Yale Studies in English 102);
以及所有其他可能在无意中遗漏了姓名的作者和出版商，我对他们表示同样的感谢。
and to any other authors and publishers whose names may have been inadvertently omitted, and to whom I am indebted for similar courtesies.
内容
CONTENTS
我们的世界是希腊和罗马的直接精神后裔
Our world is a direct spiritual descendant of Greece and Rome
这本书描述了文学中的这种下降
This book describes that descent in literature
THE FALL OF THE GREEK AND ROMAN CIVILIZATION
罗马帝国的文明高度发达
Civilization was highly developed in the Roman empire
当这一切崩溃时，欧洲几乎又陷入了野蛮状态
When that fell, Europe relapsed almost into barbarism
文明如何在野蛮人入侵后幸存下来？
How did civilization survive through the barbarian invasions?
希腊罗马世界的语言
The languages of the Greco-Roman world
希腊语
Greek
罗马帝国是双语帝国
The Roman empire was bilingual
帝国的分裂及其影响
The division of the empire and its effects
希腊语在西方被遗忘
Greek was forgotten in the west
拉丁
Latin
罗曼语和方言
Romance languages and dialects
教会拉丁语
Church Latin
古典拉丁语
Classical Latin
宗教：基督教受到希腊罗马民间传说和哲学的影响
Religion: Christianity enriched by Greco-Roman folk-lore and philosophy
罗马法
Roman law
罗马的政治意识
Roman political sense
历史和神话
History and myth
文明逐渐进步：教育大学的成长
Gradual progress in civilization: the growth of education universities
修道会
monastic orders
旅行
travel
国际拉丁语与地方方言
international Latin v. local dialects
书籍和图书馆
books and libraries
希腊仍关闭
Greek still closed
西欧语言通过拉丁语的扩张
expansion of western European languages through Latin
文化快速拓展：文学艺术新发现
Rapid expansion of culture: new discoveries in literature and art
丢失的书籍和作者的手稿
manuscripts of lost books and authors
艺术作品
works of art
希腊语
Greek
口语
the spoken language
书面语言
the written language
手稿
manuscripts
这些发现的刺激作用
Stimulating effect of these discoveries
古典学术进步
classical scholarship improved
罗曼语和英语丰富
Romance languages and English enriched
(Teutonic and Slav languages unaffected)
风格的改进
improvement in style
文学形式的发现
discovery of literary forms
探索古典历史和神话
exploration of classical history and myth
美感的更新
renewal of the sense of beauty
CHAPTER 2. THE DARK AGES: ENGLISH LITERATURE
英国文学在黑暗时代最为显著
English literature the most considerable in the Dark Ages
世俗诗歌
Secular poetry
贝奥武甫和荷马
Beowulf and Homer
冲突
the conflict
世界
the world
诗歌：古典和基督教的影响
the poetry: classical and Christian influence
史诗与罗马帝国的衰落
Epic poetry and the fall of the Roman empire
基督教诗歌
Christian poetry
卡德蒙
Caedmon
圣经释义
Biblical paraphrases
西内沃尔夫
Cynewulf
圣十字架之梦
The Dream of the Rood
凤凰
Phoenix
拉丁语来源
its Latin sources
英文译者所做的修改
changes made by its English translator
其重要性
its importance
英国文化在黑暗时代取得的进步
The advances made by British culture in the Dark Ages
两大冲突：
Two great conflicts:
英国教会与罗马教会
British church v. Roman church
佩拉杰
Pelagius
奥古斯丁、西奥多、哈德良
Augustine, Theodore, Hadrian
吉尔达斯和阿尔德赫尔姆
Gildas and Aldhelm
比德
Bede
阿尔昆和约翰·司各特
Alcuin and John Scotus
基督教盎格鲁撒克逊人vs异教北欧人
Christian Anglo-Saxons v. pagan Northmen
阿尔弗雷德和他的翻译
Alfred and his translations
格雷戈里的《牧羊人之书》
Gregory’s The Shepherd’s Book
比德的《英国教会史》
Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation
奥罗修斯”反对异教徒的历史
Orosius” History against the Pagans
波爱修斯《哲学的慰藉》
Boethius” The Consolation of Philosophy
它的作者
Its author
本书概要
Summary of the book
伟大的原因
Reasons for its greatness
个性
individuality
情感
emotion
教育力量
educational power
内容
content
个人例子
personal example
阿尔弗雷德是如何翻译的
How Alfred translated it
福音书译本
translations of the Gospels
英国在黑暗时代文化中的主导地位
Britain’s primacy in the culture of the Dark Ages
CHAPTER 3. THE MIDDLE AGES: FRENCH LITERATURE
法国是中世纪文学的中心
France the centre of medieval literature
Romances of chivalrous adventure
罗兰
Roland
其他侠义爱情故事
Other chivalrous romances
文化的崛起和古典知识的深化
Rise in culture and deepening of classical knowledge
特洛伊传奇及其起源
The Romance of Troy and its sources
“敢于”
‘Dares’
他的目的
his purposes
他的方法
his methods
狄克提斯
‘Dictys’
为什么使用这些书
Why these books were used
特洛伊传奇的影响
Influence of The Romance of Troy
特洛伊传说
The Trojan legend
这首诗的模仿者
Imitators of the poem
埃涅阿斯的浪漫史
The Romance of Aeneas
底比斯的浪漫史
The Romance of Thebes
亚历山大的浪漫史
The Romance of Alexander
亚里士多德的诗歌
The Lay of Aristotle
奥维德和浪漫爱情
ovid and romantic love
浪漫爱情的概念
The conception of romantic love
一些艺术产品
some of its artistic products
奥维德
ovid
他在法国文学中的权威
his authority in French literature
他对浪漫爱情发展的影响
his influence on the development of romantic love
他的故事和诗歌
his stories and his poems
皮拉摩斯与提斯柏
Pyramus and Thisbe
菲洛梅拉
Philomela
希洛伊德和其他人
The Heroides and others
爱的艺术
The Art of Love
《变形记》道德化
The Metamorphoses moralized
其形式受到古典主义的影响
Classical influences on its form
梦
dream
战斗
battle
对话
dialogue
说教语气
didactic tone
无形
shapelessness
其材料受到古典主义的影响
Classical influences on its material
示例
illustrative examples
参数
arguments
描述
descriptions
Classical authors known to the poets of the Rose
这首诗的崇拜者和反对者
Admirers and opponents of the poem
CHAPTER 4. DANTE AND PAGAN ANTIQUITY
但丁异教文化与中世纪基督教文化的融合
Dante the synthesis of pagan and medieval Christian culture
喜剧：片名含义：幸福结局
The Comedy: meaning of its title: happy ending
谦逊的作风
humble style
维吉尔作为但丁的向导：
Vergil as the guide of Dante:
基督教的先知
prophet of Christianity
天生基督徒
Christian by nature
罗马帝国的先驱
herald of Roman empire
意大利爱好者
lover of Italy
诗人：他对但丁风格的影响
poet: his influence on Dante’s style
冥界揭露者
revealer of the underworld
流亡诗人
poet of exile
《神曲》中异教世界与基督教世界的相互渗透
Interpenetration of pagan and Christian worlds in The Comedy
但丁所借鉴的古典作家
The classical writers from whom Dante drew
CHAPTER 5. TOWARDS THE RENAISSANCE: PETRARCH, BOCCACCIO, CHAUCER
希腊罗马文明的重生始于意大利，而它消亡得最晚
The rebirth of Greco-Roman civilization began in Italy, where it died latest
它的两位发起人都是有法国背景的意大利人
Its two initiators were Italians with French connexions
彼特拉克
PETRARCH
彼特拉克和但丁之间的对比象征着中世纪和文艺复兴之间的鸿沟
The contrast between Petrarch and Dante symbolizes the gulf between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance
彼特拉克不喜欢《神曲》
Petrarch’s dislike of The Comedy
他的旅行和友谊
His travel and friendships
他的图书馆和他发现的失传古典书籍
His library and his discovery of lost classical books
彼特拉克和但丁的古典知识
Petrarch’s and Dante’s knowledge of the classics
彼特拉克和但丁都是基督徒
Petrarch and Dante as Christians
彼特拉克的作品：
Petrarch’s works:
拉丁
Latin
非洲
Africa
原创性与改编性
Originality and adaptation
牧歌
Eclogues
秘密
Secret
意大利语
Italian
坎佐尼尔
Canzoniere
胜利
Triumphs
彼特拉克为桂冠诗人
Petrarch as poet laureate
薄伽丘与但丁的对比
The contrast between Boccaccio and Dante
十日谈
The Decameron
薄伽丘是古典与现代元素的综合体
Boccaccio as a synthesis of classical and modern elements
忒西德
The Theseid
菲亚梅塔
Fiammetta
薄伽丘的学术成就和失传经典的发现
Boccaccio’s scholarship and discovery of lost classics
他的皈依
His conversion
他早期的异教信仰
His earlier paganism
现代文学中的异教与基督教
Paganism v. Christianity in modern literature
英语文学重新进入欧洲文学潮流
English literature re-enters the current of European literature
乔叟的作品受到法国和意大利原著的启发
Chaucer’s works inspired by French and Italian originals
乔叟的古典学知识
Chaucer’s knowledge of the classics
错误和迷惑
Mistakes and mystifications
“罗利乌斯”
‘Lollius’
'悲剧'
‘tragedy’
他直接认识的作家：
Authors whom he knew directly:
奥维德
Ovid
维吉尔
Vergil
波爱修斯
Boethius
斯塔提乌斯
Statius
克劳迪安
Claudian
西塞罗
Cicero
塞内加？
Seneca?
他通过摘录认识的作者：
Authors whom he knew through excerpts:
瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯
Valerius Flaccus
尤纳尔等人
Juvenal and others
他的学识对他的思想和风格的影响。英语中的古典文学
Effect of his scholarship on his mind and his style. The classics in English
CHAPTER 6. THE RENAISSANCE: TRANSLATION
翻译、模仿和效仿是古典影响的渠道
Translation, imitation, and emulation are the channels for classical influence
翻译
Translation
起源
origin
教育重要性
educational importance
智力重要性
intellectual importance
语言重要性
linguistic importance
法语的扩展
expansion of French
拉丁词
Latin words
动词成分
verbal elements
法语单词被同化为派生词
French words assimilated to derivations
希腊词
Greek words
低级拉丁词
low Latin words
英语的扩展
expansion of English
拉丁语和希腊语单词
Latin and Greek words
动词成分
verbal elements
同化为派生词的英语单词
English words assimilated to derivations
西班牙语的扩展
expansion of Spanish
其他欧洲语言
other European languages
意象
imagery
诗歌形式
verse-forms
文体手段
stylistic devices
翻译作为刺激
translations as a stimulus
西欧国家的翻译
Translation in the western European countries
从希腊语和拉丁语翻译的书籍类型：史诗
Types of book translated from Greek and Latin: epic
奥维德
Ovid
文艺复兴时期翻译的力量
The power of translation in the Renaissance
CHAPTER 7. THE RENAISSANCE: DRAMA
现代戏剧对希腊和罗马的影响 127—
Debts of modern drama to Greece and Rome 127—
将戏剧视为一门艺术
Conception of drama as a fine art
戏剧文学类型的实现
Realization of drama as a type of literature
戏剧建设与制作原则
Theatre-building and principles of production
现代戏剧结构
Structure of modern drama
比例
proportions
对称分裂
symmetrical division
合唱
chorus
阴谋
plot
诗
verse
值得效仿的高标准
High standards to emulate
幸存下来影响现代戏剧的古典剧作家
Classical playwrights who survived to influence modern drama
塞涅卡是其中的领袖
Seneca the chief of these
拉丁语和希腊语戏剧的翻译
Translations of Latin and Greek plays
意大利
Italy
法国
France
西班牙、葡萄牙、德国
Spain, Portugal, Germany
拉丁古典戏剧模仿
Imitations of classical drama in Latin
用现代语言模仿古典戏剧
Emulation of classical drama in modern languages
意大利：第一场比赛
Italy: the first play
第一部喜剧
the first comedy
第一个悲剧
the first tragedy
法国：第一场悲剧
France: the first tragedy
第一部喜剧
the first comedy
英格兰：第一场悲剧
England: the first tragedy
早期的喜剧尝试
early attempts at comedy
第一部喜剧
the first comedy
西班牙
Spain
源自古典戏剧的其他方面
Other aspects of drama derived from the classics
假面剧
Masques
田园剧
Pastoral drama
Amyntas and The Faithful Shepherd
脍炙人口的闹剧
Popular farce
歌剧
Opera
戏剧批评：统一
Dramatic criticism: the Unities
概括
Summary
CHAPTER 8. THE RENAISSANCE: EPIC
文艺复兴时期的四种主要史诗类型
The four chief types of epic poetry in the Renaissance
直接模仿古典史诗
Direct imitations of classical epic
法兰西亚人
The Franciad
当代英雄冒险史诗
Epics on contemporary heroic adventures
鲁苏斯之子
The Sons of Lusus
阿劳卡尼亚之诗
The Poem of Araucania
中世纪骑士精神的浪漫史诗
Romantic epics of medieval chivalry
罗兰的疯狂
The Madness of Roland
仙后
The Faerie Queene
解放耶路撒冷
The Liberation of Jerusalem
意大利从哥特人手中解放出来
The Liberation of Italy from the Goths
基督教宗教史诗
Christian religious epics
失乐园
Paradise Lost
重现乐园
Paradise Regained
这些诗歌受到古典主义的影响
Classical influences on these poems
主题
Subjects
结构
Structure
超自然元素
Supernatural elements
在当代史诗中
in contemporary epics
侠义史诗
in chivalrous epics
在基督教史诗中
in Christian epics
贵族背景
The noble background
历史的连续性
continuity of history
英雄事迹的比较
comparisons of heroic deeds
自然
nature
风景
scenery
经典剧集改编
Adaptations of classical episodes
唤起死亡与未出生的
evocations of dead and unborn
英雄冒险
heroic adventures
人群场景
crowd-scenes
荷马明喻
Homeric similes
人物
characters
缪斯的召唤
invocations of the Muses
引用与模仿
Quotations and imitations
本设备的使用和误用
use and misuse of this device
拉丁化和希腊化的单词和短语
Latinized and hellenized words and phrases
弥尔顿的语言
Milton’s language
词源意义上的词语
words used in their etymological sense
句法中的拉丁语
latinisms in syntax
对该设备的批评
criticism of this device
文艺复兴史诗的丰富内涵
The richness of Renaissance epic
CHAPTER 9. THE RENAISSANCE: PASTORAL AND ROMANCE
介绍
Introduction
希腊和罗马的田园风光
Pastoral in Greece and Rome
忒奥克里托斯
Theocritus
维吉尔与阿卡迪亚
Vergil and Arcadia
罗马帝国统治下的希腊浪漫
Romance in Greece under the Roman empire
希腊浪漫史描述
Description of the Greek romances
文艺复兴时期最著名的三个
The three best known in the Renaissance
田园和浪漫作为愿望实现文学
Pastoral and romance as wish-fulfilment literature
现代相似之处
Modern parallels
文艺复兴时期的田园风光和浪漫情怀
Pastoral and romance in the Renaissance
薄伽丘的《阿德墨托斯》
Boccaccio’s Admetus
桑纳扎罗的阿卡迪亚
Sannazaro’s Arcadia
蒙特马约尔的黛安娜
Montemayor’s Diana
田园传奇中的异教信仰
Paganism in the pastoral romances
悉尼的世外桃源
Sidney’s Arcadia
D'Urfé 的Astraea
D’Urfé’s Astraea
田园理想的其他表达
Other expressions of the pastoral ideal
田园诗
bucolic poems
田园自传
pastoral autobiography
田园讽刺
pastoral satire
田园挽歌
pastoral elegy
田园剧
pastoral drama
田园歌剧
pastoral opera
阿卡迪亚社会
Arcadian societies
传统的延续
Continuity of the tradition
CHAPTER 10. RABELAIS AND MONTAIGNE
欣赏拉伯雷的困难源于他内心的冲突
The difficulty of appreciating Rabelais arises from conflicts in him
文艺复兴是一个充满冲突的时代
The Renaissance was an age of conflicts
天主教与新教
Catholicism v. Protestantism
自由派天主教徒vs保守派天主教徒
liberal Catholics v. conservative Catholics
中产阶级与贵族
middle class v. aristocracy
科学与传统哲学和神学以及迷信
science v. traditional philosophy and theology and v. superstition
个性与权威
individuality v. authority
拉伯雷的一生
Rabelais’s life
他的书是一系列充满童趣的巨人冒险故事，里面包含了他愿望的实现
His book a childish series of giant-adventures containing his wish-fulfilments
它的古典学问和中世纪的污垢
Its classical learning and its medieval dirt
其中的经典元素：
Classical elements in it:
人物和人民的名字
names of characters and peoples
主题
themes
他认识的作家
the authors whom he knew
他的精力如何主宰他的冲突
How his energy dominated his conflicts
蒙田是一位博览群书、阅历丰富的人
Montaigne was a deeply read and widely experienced man
他受过不同寻常的古典教育
His unusual classical education
他的职业生涯和退役
His career and retirement
他的散文
His Essays
他的读书
His reading
管理它的原则
principles governing it
他最喜欢的作家
his favourite authors
他所知道的作家的完整列表
complete list of authors he knew
他对阅读的运用
His use of his reading
散文中运用古典文学的方法
Methods of employing classical literature in the Essays
警句
apophthegms
插图
illustrations
参数
arguments
他是如何发明现代散文的
How he invented the modern essay
哲学论文
philosophical treatises
格言集
collections of apophthegms
（心理人物素描）
(psychological character-sketches)
主观要件
the subjective element
自传、自由和人文主义是文艺复兴精神的表达
Autobiography, liberty, and humanism as expressions of the Renaissance spirit
CHAPTER 11. SHAKESPEARE’S CLASSICS
介绍
Introduction
莎士比亚的主要题材：当代欧洲、英国历史、古典神话和历史
Shakespeare’s chief subjects: contemporary Europe, British history, classical myth and history
人物和言语中融入了英国、意大利和希腊罗马元素
English, Italian, and Greco-Roman elements in his characters and their speech
他对中世纪思想的忽视
His neglect of medieval thought
他对罗马的了解和对希腊的了解
His knowledge of Rome and his knowledge of Greece
他的悲剧精神是罗马精神而非希腊精神
The spirit of his tragedies Roman rather than Greek
他对希腊和拉丁意象的运用
His use of Greek and Latin imagery
语言中拉丁语较少，希腊语较少
Small Latin and less Greek in language
引用与模仿
Quotations and imitations
平行段落作为一位作者对另一位作者依赖性的证明
parallel passages as a proof of the dependence of one author on another
渗透式传播思想
transmission of ideas by osmosis
莎士比亚熟知的古典作家
The classical authors whom Shakespeare knew well
奥维德
Ovid
引文
quotations
仿制品
imitations
参考
references
神话
mythology
塞内加
Seneca
悲剧宿命论
tragic fatalism
坚忍的顺从和过度的激情
Stoical resignation and extravagant passion
股票人物
stock characters
仿制品
imitations
普鲁塔克
Plutarch
历史的刺激
stimulus of history
普鲁塔克事实的运用
use of Plutarch’s facts
普鲁塔克散文的嬗变
transmutation of Plutarch’s prose
普劳图斯
Plautus
运用普劳图斯的情节和人物
use of Plautus” plots and characters
忽视普劳图斯的语言
neglect of Plautus’ language
其他古典作家
Other classical authors
教科书引文
quotations in school-books
维吉尔
Vergil
凱撒
Caesar
利维
Livy
卢肯
Lucan
普林尼
Pliny
尤维纳尔
Juvenal
希腊和拉丁文化是莎士比亚思想的重要组成部分，对他的精神提出了强烈的挑战
Greek and Latin culture was an essential part of Shakespeare’s thought and a powerful challenge to his spirit
CHAPTER 12. THE RENAISSANCE AND AFTERWARDS: LYRIC POETRY
每个人都会自然地创作歌曲，以配合音乐和舞蹈
Songs are made naturally by every people, to go with music and dancing
抒情诗是一种高度发达的舞曲
Lyric poetry is a highly developed dance-song
古典主义对现代抒情诗的影响仅限于精心创作和反思性的诗歌
Classical influence on modern lyric poetry is limited to elaborate and reflective poems
现代歌词的古典范本
The classical models for modern lyrics
生活
life
诗歌
poems
理解困难
difficulties in understanding them
结构
structure
想法
thought
诗歌与模特
poetry and models
与品达形成对比
contrast with Pindar
“古典”与“浪漫”
‘classical’ v. ‘romantic’
阿那克里翁和他的模仿者
Anacreon and his imitators
希腊文选
The Greek Anthology
卡图卢斯
Catullus
现代抒情诗从古典抒情诗中汲取了什么
What modern lyric poetry took from classical lyric poetry
名字颂歌
The name ode
品达的挑战及其回应
The challenge of Pindar and responses to it
龙沙
Ronsard
他的老师和朋友
his teachers and friends
七星团的革命行动
revolutionary acts of the P1eiade
其原则
its principles
他对品达的模仿
his emulation of Pindar
主题
subjects
风格和神话
style and mythology
诗意结构
poetic structure
他放弃比赛
his abandonment of the competition
他的尝试的结果
results of his attempt
基亚布雷拉
Chiabrera
他的职业和工作
his career and work
他的主题和风格
his subjects and style
英语颂歌
The ode in English
南部
Southern
米尔顿
Milton
約森
Jonson
现代颂歌的定义
Definition of the modern ode
考利
Cowley
音乐颂歌
Musical odes
礼仪颂歌
Ceremonial odes
失败的原因
reasons for their failure
德莱顿和格雷
Dryden and Gray
贺拉斯
Horace
西班牙
Spain
加尔西拉索·德·拉·维加
Garcilaso de la Vega
埃雷拉
Herrera
路易斯·德·莱昂
Luis de Leon
意大利
Italy
伯纳多·塔索
Bernardo Tasso
尝试重现贺拉斯诗韵律
Attempts to re-create Horatian metres
法国
France
佩莱蒂耶
Peletier
龙沙
Ronsard
英格兰
England
琼森和他的“儿子们”
Jonson and his ‘sons’
迈威尔
Marvell
米尔顿
Milton
波普、柯林斯、沃茨
Pope, Collins, Watts
革命时代的抒情诗
Lyrical poetry in the revolutionary era
品达颂歌
The Pindaric ode
歌德、席勒、荷尔德林
Goethe, Schiller, Holderlin
雨果
Hugo
雪莱
Shelley
华兹华斯
Wordsworth
融合品达元素的贺拉斯颂歌
Horatian odes blended with Pindaric elements
济慈
Keats
十九世纪和二十世纪
The nineteenth and twentieth centuries
斯威本和霍普金斯大学
Swinburne and Hopkins
现代自由诗
Modern free verse
从文艺复兴到我们今天这个时期可以分为两个部分：巴洛克时代和现代时期
The period from the Renaissance to our own day falls into two parts: the baroque age and the modern era
现代时期：五个重要的变化对文学产生了影响：
The modern era: five important changes which made it their effects in literature:
数量增加
increase in quantity
转向大众标准
shift to popular standards
专业化作为反应
specialization as a reaction
活力增加
increase in vigour
教育的传播，包括古典知识的传播。
spread of education, involving spread of classical knowledge.
文艺复兴的终结与反文艺复兴浪潮
The end of the Renaissance and the counter-wave
压抑和阴郁
repression and gloom
文化灾难
disasters to culture
反应的主要峰
chief peaks of the reaction
CHAPTER 14. THE BATTLE OF THE BOOKS
介绍
Introduction
战役的重要性
Importance of the Battle
其所在地
Its locale
现代人使用的主要论点
The chief arguments used by the moderns
1. 基督教的行为比异教的行为更好
1. Christian works are better than pagan works
但丁、弥尔顿、塔索
Dante, Milton, Tasso
古典教育和教堂
Classical education and the churches
2. 科学进步，艺术也进步
2. Science progresses, therefore art progresses
这一论点的情感基础
Emotional basis of this argument
这是科学的真理
Its truth in science
艺术中的虚假和生活中的问题
Its falsity in art and the problems of life
被遗忘的工艺品
Forgotten crafts
巨人肩膀上的侏儒
The dwarf on the giant’s shoulders
世界正在老龄化
The world growing older
斯宾格勒的文明相对年龄理论
Spengler’s theory of the relative ages of civilizations
进展中的中断和挫折
Interruptions and setbacks in progress
3. 大自然不会改变
3. Nature does not change
艺术材料是不变的，但生产条件却在变化
The material of art is constant, but the conditions of production change
4. 经典作品很愚蠢或粗俗
4. The classics are silly or vulgar
愚蠢
Silliness
超自然的
the supernatural
神话
myths
风格
style
想法
thought
粗俗
Vulgarity
低级行为和语言
low actions and language
原始礼仪
primitive manners
喜剧效果
comic relief
这些论点背后的先入之见
Preconceptions behind these arguments
当代品味的绝对正确性
Infallibility of contemporary taste
反对传统权威
Opposition to traditional authority
自然主义与传统主义
Naturalism v. convention
翻译与原文；拉丁语与希腊语
Translations v. originals; Latin v. Greek
战役时间顺序回顾
Chronological survey of the Battle
第一阶段：法国
Phase 1: France
法兰西学院（1635年）
The French Academy (1635)
德斯马雷·德·圣索兰 (1657-)
Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin (1657-)
丰特奈尔 (1683)
Fontenelle (1683)
佩罗（1687-97）
Perrault (1687-97)
战争史（1688）
History of the War (1688)
于埃和布瓦洛（1692-4）
Huet and Boileau (1692-4)
和解（1694）
Reconciliation (1694)
第二阶段：英格兰
Phase 2: England
圣埃弗勒蒙德（1661-17303）
St. ÉVremond (1661-17303)
圣殿（1690）
Temple (1690)
沃顿（1694）
Wotton (1694)
波义尔的《法拉里斯书信》（1695 年）。
Boyle’s Letters of Phalaris (1695).
本特利的论文（1697）
Bentley’s Dissertation (1697)
本特利的米尔顿
Bentley’s Milton
斯威夫特的《桶的故事》和《书之战》（1704）
Swift’s Tale of a Tub and Battle of the Books (1704)
教皇的《愚人记》（1742）
Pope’s Dunciad (1742)
第三阶段：法国
Phase 3: France
达西耶夫人 (1699)
Mme Dacier (1699)
胡达尔·德·拉·莫特 (1714)
Houdar de la Motte (1714)
达西耶夫人 (1714)
Mme Dacier (1714)
和解（1716年）
Reconciliation (1716)
战斗结果
Results of the Battle
“巴洛克”一词的含义
Meaning of the word ‘baroque’
巴洛克艺术的本质是激情与控制之间的张力
The essence of baroque art is tension between passion and control
生活中的例子
examples from life
艺术方面的例子
examples from art
最伟大的巴洛克艺术家
The greatest baroque artists
古典主义对其作品的影响
Classical influences on their work
主题
themes
表格
forms
道德和审美约束
moral and aesthetic restraint
古典主义的夸张
its exaggeration in classicism
西方世界的精神统一
spiritual unity of the western world
古典与反古典力量对巴洛克悲剧的影响
Classical and anti-classical forces acting on baroque tragedy
受过高等教育的作家
highly educated authors
高乃依
Corneille
拉辛
Racine
米尔顿
Milton
德莱顿
Dryden
艾迪生
Addison
梅塔斯塔西奥
Metastasio
文化程度较低的观众
audiences less cultured
促成悲剧发生的社会条件
social conditions favouring tragedy
城市化
urbanization
崇高崇拜
cult of grandeur
巴洛克悲剧与歌剧的联系
connexion of baroque tragedy and opera
巴洛克悲剧的失败
The failure of baroque tragedy
受众有限
limitation of its audience
主题范围狭窄
narrow range of subjects
古典学习
classical learning
资源有限
limitation of its resources
避免使用“低级”词语
avoidance of ‘low’ words
图像贫乏
poverty of images
限制米
restricted metre
情绪范围有限
limited range of emotions
极端对称
extreme symmetry
人为规则
artificial rules
结论
Conclusion
讽刺是罗马人的发明
Satire was a Roman invention
罗马诗歌讽刺作家
Roman verse satirists
罗马散文讽刺作家
Roman prose satirists
希腊对罗马和现代讽刺的影响
Greek influences on Roman and modern satire
卢锡安
Lucian
讽刺的定义
Definition of satire
中世纪的讽刺文学
Satirical writing in the Middle Ages
罗马讽刺文学的重新发现催生了现代讽刺文学
Modern satire created by the rediscovery of Roman satire
散文讽刺不直接受到古典模式的影响
Prose satire not directly influenced by classical models
亚伯拉罕·圣克拉拉
Abraham a Sancta Clara
基于罗马讽刺诗的讽刺诗
Verse satire based on Roman satire
文艺复兴
The Renaissance
意大利讽刺作家
Italian satirists
布兰特的《愚人船》
Brant’s The Ship of Fools
英国讽刺作家
English satirists
法国讽刺作家
French satirists
梅尼普讽刺诗和德奥比涅
The Menippean Satire and D’Aubigné
雷尼埃
Régnier
巴洛克时代
The baroque age
布瓦洛
Boileau
德莱顿：他的独创性
Dryden: his originality
模仿史诗
mock epic
人物素描
character-sketches
教皇
Pope
约翰逊
Johnson
帕里尼
Parini
Limitations of the ‘classical’ verse satirists in the baroque age: metre
词汇
vocabulary
题材
subject-matter
造成这些限制的情况：试图通过改进语言来模仿古典标准
Situations responsible for these limitations: attempt to emulate classical standards through refinement of language
贵族和专制的社会秩序
the aristocratic and authoritarian social order
巴洛克时代是散文的时代
The baroque era was the age of prose
它的散文模仿的是古典散文，主要是拉丁文。
Its prose was modelled on classical, chiefly Latin, prose
两所不同的学校
Two different schools
西塞罗
Cicero
塞涅卡和塔西佗
Seneca and Tacitus
塞内卡和塔西佗的现代模仿者
Modern imitators of Seneca and Tacitus
宽松的方式和简洁的方式
the loose manner and the curt manner
塞内加和塔西佗风格的政治含义
political implications of Senecan and Tacitean style
西塞罗的现代模仿者
Modern imitators of Cicero
他们从经典中学到什么
What they got from the classics
例证性的相似之处
illustrative parallels
间接暗示
indirect allusions
刺激
stimulus
文体手段
stylistic devices
响度
sonority
丰富
richness
对称
symmetry
分配
division
对立
antithesis
高潮
climax
三冒号
tricolon
费奈隆的职业生涯和他的书
Fénelon’s career and his book
忒勒马科斯
Telemachus
其来源包括言情小说、史诗、悲剧等
its sources in romance, epic, tragedy, and other fields
它的教育和批判目的
its educational and critical purpose
它的继任者
its successors
理查森的帕梅拉
Richardson’s Pamela
二手古典主义的影响
classical influences on it at second-hand
忒勒马科斯
Telemachus
阿卡迪亚
Arcadia
菲尔丁的约瑟夫·安德鲁斯和汤姆·琼斯
Fielding’s Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones
他声称它们是史诗
his claim that they were epics
古典喜剧史诗
classical comic epics
浪漫
romances
他的说法属实
the truth of his claim
The classical ancestry of the modern novel
吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》
Gibbon’s The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
它的国际性
Its international character
它的前身
Its predecessors
博须埃的普遍历史论述
Bossuet’s Discourse on Universal History
孟德斯鸠对罗马人伟大与衰落原因的思考
Montesquieu’s Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and of their Decadence
吉本作品的范围和技巧
Scope and skill of Gibbon’s work
结构
Structure
风格
Style
故障
Faults
罗马风格多于希腊风格
more Roman than Greek
未能解释罗马陷落的原因
failure to give reasons for the fall of Rome
对基督教的偏见
bias against Christianity
它的动机
its motive
其结果就是篡改历史
its result—falsification of history
CHAPTER 19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION
十八世纪下半叶思想和文学发生了变化
Thought and literature changed in the second half of the eighteenth century
“浪漫”这个词并不适合新时代，而且部分是错误的
The name ‘romantic’ is inappropriate for the new era, and partly false
这是一个抗议的时代，希腊和罗马的理想至关重要
It was an age of protest, in which Greek and Roman ideals were vital
为什么有时它被称为‘反古典’？
Why is it sometimes called ‘anti-classical’?
革命时代抛弃了陈腐而缺乏想象力的古典典故
The revolutionary age abandoned hackneyed and unimaginative classical allusions
它拒绝了某些古典理想
It rejected certain classical ideals
它开辟了新的思想和经验领域
It opened up new fields of thought and experience
但它也更深地渗透了经典的含义
But it also penetrated deeper into the meaning of the classics
这是一个扩张和探索的时期
It was a period of expansion and exploration
巴洛克珍珠的火爆
The explosion of the baroque pearl
它与文艺复兴相似，并与之相辅相成
It resembled the Renaissance and was complementary to it
文艺复兴时期探索了拉丁语，革命时代探索了希腊语
The Renaissance explored Latin, the revolutionary era Greek
希腊对于革命时代的人们来说意味着什么？
What did Greece mean to the men of the revolutionary age?
美丽与高贵
Beauty and nobility
自由
Freedom
文学
literary
道德
moral
政治的
political
宗教：即摆脱基督教
religious: i.e. freedom from Christianity
自然
Nature
在文学中
in literature
在行为上
in conduct
身体的
physical
精神的
psychical
审美的
aesthetic
十六世纪的文艺复兴并没有影响德国
The sixteenth-century Renaissance did not affect Germany
巴洛克时期的文学理想也没有激起她的
Nor did the ideals of the baroque age in literature stir her
德国文艺复兴始于 18 世纪中叶 369 温克尔曼
The German Renaissance began in the mid-eighteenth century 369 Winckelmann
他的英国前辈
His English predecessors
他的《古代艺术史》
His History of Art among the Ancients
莱辛
Lessing
拉奥孔
Laocoon
传奇
the legend
该集团
the group
为什么它受到推崇
why it was admired
其他作品
Other works
沃斯
Voss
德国人对希腊语的热情：赫尔德和歌德
Enthusiasm for Greek in Germany: Herder and Goethe
难以吸收希腊的影响
Difficulty of assimilating Greek influences
席勒
Schiller
希腊诸神
The Gods of Greece
荷尔德林
Holderlin
与济慈平行
parallel to Keats
歌德
Goethe
他对希腊的热爱
His love for Greek
逃往罗马
His escape to Rome
伊菲革涅亚
Iphigenia
罗马哀歌
Roman Elegies
西尼亚
Xenia
赫尔曼与多萝西娅：荷马式田园诗
Hermann and Dorothea: a Homeric idyll
“伍德论荷马的原创天才
“Wood’s Essay on the Original Genius of Homer
沃尔夫对荷马的介绍
Wolf’s Introduction to Homer
他的论点及其结论
his arguments and their conclusions
对学者和作家的影响
their effect on scholars and writers
歌德对他们的不同反应
Goethe’s varying reactions to them
浮士德二世
Faust II
特洛伊的海伦象征着什么？
What does Helen of Troy symbolize?
外表美
physical beauty
审美经验
aesthetic experience
希腊文化
Greek culture
它的艰辛和崇高
its difficulty and loftiness
对于现代人来说，它短暂无常
its transience for modern men
尤福里翁和革命诗人
Euphorion and the revolutionary poets
德国人浮士德和希腊人海伦
Faust the German and Helen the Greek
3. FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES
古典主义的影响是法国大革命的主要因素
Classical influences were a leading factor in the French Revolution
Their expression in art: David
音乐：格鲁克
in music: Gluck
政治道德：卢梭
in political morality: Rousseau
理想化的斯巴达
the idealized Sparta
普鲁塔克的启发
the inspiration of Plutarch
政治象征意义
in political symbolism
在演讲和政治才能方面
in oratory and statesmanship
美国革命中的平行表达
Parallel expressions in the American revolution
机构、插图、座右铭
institutions, illustrations, mottoes
地名
names of places
杰斐逊总统是一位人道主义者
President Jefferson as a humanist
法国大革命文学
French literature of the revolution
安德烈·谢尼埃
André Chénier
他的兄弟玛丽·约瑟夫
his brother Marie-Joseph
他的诗
his poetry
夏多布里昂
Chateaubriand
殉道者
The Martyrs
基督教的天才
The Genius of Christianity
革命的继承人：维克多·雨果
The heir of the revolution: Victor Hugo
他在诗歌词汇方面的革命
his revolution in the poetic vocabulary
他对维吉尔的爱与蔑视
his love and scorn of Vergil
他对古典学科的厌恶
his revulsion from the discipline of the classics
希腊和罗马文明和文学对于革命时代的英国诗人意味着什么？
What did Greek and Roman civilization and literature mean for the English poets of the revolutionary age?
华兹华斯似乎没有受到古典主义的影响
Wordsworth might seem to be alien from classical influence
作为自然之子
as a child of nature
作为一名很少模仿其他诗人的诗人
as a poet who rarely imitated other poets
作为新田园诗的发明者
as inventor of a new pastoral
但对华兹华斯来说，经典意味着精神高贵
But for Wordsworth the classics meant spiritual nobility
罗马历史
Roman history
斯多葛哲学
Stoic philosophy
柏拉图主义
Platonism
控制情绪
control of emotion
拜伦对希腊和罗马的态度模棱两可
Byron’s attitude to Greece and Rome was equivocal
他精通古典文学
he knew much classical literature
但糟糕的教学阻止他接受其全部力量
but bad teaching prevented him from accepting its full power
他更喜欢这些国家本身，以及它们的理想
He preferred the countries themselves, and their ideals
济慈与莎士比亚的比较
Keats compared to Shakespeare
他是如何获得古典知识的
How he got his classical knowledge
拉丁书籍；翻译；词典；其他作者
Latin books; translations; dictionaries; other authors
埃尔金大理石雕和希腊花瓶
the Elgin Marbles and Greek vases
他的知识空白影响了他的诗歌创作
The gaps in his knowledge as they affected his poetry
对于济慈来说，希腊诗歌和艺术意味着美
For Keats Greek poetry and art meant beauty
雪莱与弥尔顿的比较
Shelley compared to Milton
他对希腊语和拉丁语的广泛了解418
His wide knowledge of Greek and Latin 418
荷马
Homer
埃斯库罗斯、索福克勒斯、欧里庇得斯
Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides
柏拉图
Plato
提奥克里特斯和其他田园诗人
Theocritus and other bucolic poets
阿里斯托芬
Aristophanes
卢肯
Lucan
卢克莱修
Lucretius
维吉尔
Vergil
雕塑和建筑
sculpture and architecture
对于雪莱来说，希腊精神意味着自由
For Shelley the Greek spirit meant freedom
希腊诗人的挑战与陪伴
The challenge and companionship of the Greek poets
意大利革命诗人是悲观主义者
The revolutionary poets of Italy were pessimists
阿尔菲耶里
Alfieri
他的早年生活和自我教育
his early life and his self-education
他的晚年
his later life
他的悲剧
his tragedies
它们的古典形式
their classical form
其革命性的内容
their revolutionary content
福斯科洛
Foscolo
他的革命生涯
his revolutionary career
他的幻灭
his disillusionment
雅科波·奥蒂斯的最后信件
The Last Letters of Iacopo Ortis
他对过去的感受
his sense of the past
论坟墓
On Tombs
形式
form
想法
thought
莱奥帕尔迪
Leopardi
他不幸的青春
his unhappy youth
他的古典学术成就
his classical scholarship
他对古典诗歌的“伪造”
his ‘forgeries’ of classical poems
他对民族革命的希望：早期歌词
his hope of a national revolution: early lyrics
他的幻灭：后来的歌词
his disillusionment: later lyrics
他的绝望：道德短篇
his despair: Short Works on Morals
他对古典艺术和思想的贡献
his debts to classical art and thought
莱奥帕尔迪和卢克莱修
Leopardi and Lucretius
革命时代和文艺复兴
The revolutionary era and the Renaissance
这个时代的其他力量
Other forces in this era
其他作者
Other authors
丰富多彩的时期
Rich variety of the period
CHAPTER 20. PARNASSUS AND ANTICHRIST
许多十九世纪的作家痛恨他们所生活的世界
Many nineteenth-century writers hated the world in which they lived
他们转向希腊和罗马的世界
They turned away to the world of Greece and Rome
because it was beautiful: Parnassus
因为它不是基督教的：反基督的
because it was not Christian: Antichrist
情绪控制
emotional control
坡
Poe
阿诺德
Arnold
Leconte de Lisle 等人
Leconte de Lisle and others
形式的严重程度
severity of form
埃雷迪亚
Heredia
卡尔杜奇
Carducci
戈蒂埃
Gautier
为艺术而艺术
art for art’s sake
“该学说的起源”
origin of the doctrine’
它的危险
its dangers
于斯曼、斯温伯恩、王尔德
Huysmans, Swinburne, Wilde
对大多数十九世纪作家的经典著作进行深入阅读。
deep classical reading of most nineteenth-century writers.
逃跑的方方面面
aspects of their escape
希腊和罗马的外在美
physical beauty of Greece and Rome
对历史有着广泛的想象兴趣
widespread imaginative interest in history
当代生活的道德低下
moral baseness of contemporary life
使用非个人的古典形象来表达个人问题
use of impersonal classical figures to express personal problems
丁尼生的《尤利西斯》、《卢克莱修》等
Tennyson’s Ulysses, Lucretius, and others
阿诺德的《埃特纳火山上的恩培多克勒》
Arnold’s Empedocles on Etna
某些神话人物的令人回味的性格
evocative character of certain mythical figures
斯温伯恩和阿诺德的悲剧
Swinburne’s and Arnold’s tragedies
布朗宁的《巴拉斯提翁的冒险》
Browning’s Balaustion’s Adventure
帕纳索斯山的意义不仅仅在于逃离过去
Parnassus means more than a mere escape to the past
Antichrist: the chief arguments against Christianity
Christianity is oriental and barbarous
雷南
Renan
法国
France
王尔德
Wilde
卡尔杜奇
Carducci
莱孔特·德·利斯尔
Leconte de Lisle
梅纳尔
Ménard
斯威本
Swinburne
路易斯
Louÿs
Christianity is timid and feeble
尼采
Nietzsche
福楼拜
Flaubert
通俗小说中的基督教反宣传
Christian counter-propaganda in popular novels
庞贝的最后日子
The Last Days of Pompeii
希帕蒂娅
Hypatia
宾虚
Ben-Hur
何去何从？
Quo Vadis?
冲突已解决
The conflict resolved
CHAPTER 21. A CENTURY OF SCHOLARSHIP
在过去的一百年里，古典知识的内涵增加了，但外延却减少了
During the last hundred years classical knowledge has increased in intension but decreased in extension
增加原因：
Reasons for the increase:
use of methods of experimental science
use of methods of applied science
系统化
systematization
量产
mass-production
专业化
specialization
国际合作
international co-operation
古典学术影响文学的三个领域：历史
Three fields in which classical scholarship affected literature: HISTORY
尼布尔
Niebuhr
蒙森：他为什么从未完成他的《罗马史》？
Mommsen: why did he never finish his History of Rome?
富斯特·德·库朗日
Fustel de Coulanges
迈耶
Meyer
翻译
TRANSLATION
阿诺德和纽曼谈荷马史诗的翻译
Arnold and Newman on translating Homer
荷马的语言
Homer’s language
与英文圣经平行
parallel with the English Bible
朗
Lang
（阿诺德的《巴尔德之死》和《索拉博与鲁斯塔姆》）
(Arnold’s Balder Dead and Sohrab and Rustum)
丁尼生
Tennyson
巴特勒
Butler
劳伦斯
Lawrence
专业学者翻译失败
Failure of translations by professional scholars
教育
EDUCATION
古典文学教学不当的例子
Examples of bad teaching of the classics
古典文学知识的普遍衰退
Decline in general knowledge of the classics
下降的原因：
Reasons for the decline:
科学、工业化、商业的进步
advance of science, industrialism, commerce
普及教育
universal education
不良教学——其类型和结果
bad teaching—its types and results
懒惰
laziness
纪律崇拜
the cult of discipline
乙太化
etherialization
科学方法：豪斯曼
the scientific approach: Housman
糟糕的翻译
bad translations
糟糕的写作
bad writing
丑陋的书
ugly books
资源研究
Quellenforschung
主题的碎片化
fragmentation of the subject
古典教学的失败与学者的责任
The failure of classical teaching and the responsibility of the scholar
CHAPTER 22. THE SYMBOLIST POETS AND JAMES JOYCE
象征意义
Symbolism
使用古典材料的主要象征主义诗人：马拉美、瓦莱里、庞德、艾略特
The chief symbolist poets who use classical material: Mallarmé, Valéry, Pound, Eliot
乔伊斯和他引用希腊传说的两本书
Joyce and the two books in which he uses Greek legends
象征主义者的印象派手法
The impressionist technique of the symbolists
这些作家如何尝试使用古典形式
How these writers try to use classical forms
乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》和《奥德赛》
Joyce’s Ulysses and the Odyssey
他们如何使用古典传说
How they use classical legends
象征性人物
symbolic figures
牧神
the Faun
希罗底
Herodias
年轻的命运
the young Fate
水仙。
Narcissus.
皮提亚女祭司
the Pythian priestess
代达罗斯
Daedalus
神话
myths
进入死亡世界
descent into the world of death
荷马的奥德赛
Homer’s Odyssey
维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》
Vergil’s Aeneid
地狱的折磨
The Harrowing of Hell
但丁的喜剧
Dante’s Comedy
庞德的诗章
Pound’s Cantos
乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》
Joyce’s Ulysses
艾略特最喜欢的传说
Eliot’s favourite legends
斯威尼 饰演 忒修斯
Sweeney as Theseus
斯威尼 饰演 阿伽门农
Sweeney as Agamemnon
菲洛梅拉
Philomela
提瑞西阿斯
Tiresias
女巫
the Sibyl
其古典意象与典故背景概要：
Their classical background of imagery and allusion Summary:
他们对希腊罗马文学的贡献难以估量
Their debt to Greco-Roman literature is difficult to estimate
他们的诗歌难以捉摸
their poetry is elusive
庞德纸莎草书
Pound’s Papyrus
他们对经典的了解是非智力性的
their knowledge of the classics is non-intellectual
他们热爱希腊罗马诗歌和神话，将其视为刺激和安慰
they love Greco-Roman poetry and myth as stimulus and as consolation
CHAPTER 23. THE REINTERPRETATION OF THE MYTHS
哲学与心理学解释
PHILOSOPHICAL AMD PSYCHOLOGICAL INTERPRETATIONS
英雄般的神祇（Euhemeros）
gods as heroic men (Euhemeros)
神与魔鬼
gods as devils
部落、动物、文明的脚步
gods as tribes, animals, steps in civilization
神话是哲学真理的象征
Myths as symbols of philosophical truths
神话是自然过程的象征
Myths as symbols of natural processes
太阳之旅
the journey of the sun
复活和繁殖
resurrection and reproduction
心理驱动力
psychical drives
弗洛伊德
Freud
荣格
Jung
神话的文学转化
LITERARY TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE MYTHS
安德烈·纪德。
André Gide.
王尔德对他的影响
influence of Wilde on him
德国剧作家
German playwrights
奥尼尔
O’Neill
杰弗斯和阿努伊
Jeffers and Anouilh
德博西斯
de Bosis
加缪
Camus
施皮特勒
Spitteler
普罗米修斯和厄庇米修斯
Prometheus and Epimetheus
奥林匹克春天
Olympian Spring
寓意
allegorical meanings
希腊和瑞士元素
Greek and Swiss elements
施皮特勒作为艺术家和自然的声音
Spitteler as an artist and as a voice of nature
法国现代剧作家
The modern French playwrights
为什么他们使用希腊神话
why they use Greek myths
权威与简单
authority and simplicity
现代意义
modern significance
幽默和诗歌的来源
sources of humour and poetry
古典戏剧形式
classical form of the plays
情节变化
changes in the plots
意想不到的真相
unexpected truths
新的动机
new motives
现代语言
modern language
新符号
new symbols
超自然的
the supernatural
口才
eloquence
神话的永恒
The permanence of the myths
古典文学对现代文学的影响源源不断
The continuous stream of classical influence on modern literature
其他作者和其他受此影响的表达
Other authors and other expressions of this influence
希腊罗马哲学思想
Greco-Roman philosophical thought
经典的间接刺激
indirect stimulus of the classics
瓦格纳
Wagner
惠特曼
Whitman
托尔斯泰
Tolstoy
教育的故事
the story of education
不受希腊罗马影响的潮流
Currents outside Greco-Roman influence
This continuity is often underestimated or ignored
如果语言仍然被阅读，那么它就没有消亡
languages are not dead if they are still read
如果历史事件仍然产生结果，那么它就没有消亡
historical events are not dead if they still produce results
文学是永恒的礼物
literature as an eternal present
西方文学的延续性：希腊和罗马教给我们什么。
The continuity of western literature: what Greece and Rome taught us.
传说
legends
语言和哲学
language and philosophy
文学模式和人文主义理想
literary patterns and the ideals of humanism
历史和政治理想
history and political ideals
神话的心理意义
the psychological meaning of the myths
基督教与希腊罗马异教
Christianity v. Greco-Roman paganism
唯物主义与思想和艺术
Materialism v. thought and art
文明不是财富的积累，而是心灵的美好生活
Civilization is not the accumulation of wealth, but the good life of the mind
CHAPTER 2: The Dark Ages: English Literature
CHAPTER 3: The Middle Ages: French Literature
CHAPTER 4: Dante and Pagan Antiquity
CHAPTER 5: Towards the Renaissance
CHAPTER 6: The Renaissance: Translation
CHAPTER 7: The Renaissance: Drama
CHAPTER 8: The Renaissance: Epic
CHAPTER 9: The Renaissance: Pastoral and Romance
CHAPTER 10: Rabelais and Montaigne
CHAPTER 11: Shakespeare’s Classics
CHAPTER 12: The Renaissance and Afterwards: Lyric Poetry
CHAPTER 14: The Battle of the Books
CHAPTER 19: The Time of Revolution
CHAPTER 20: Parnassus and Antichrist
CHAPTER 21: A Century of Scholarship
CHAPTER 22: The Symbolist Poets and James Joyce
缩写
ABBREVIATIONS
为简洁起见，使用了以下约定：
The following conventions have been used for the sake of brevity:
书籍和期刊名称的缩写是任何标准列表中显示的缩写。其中最常见的是：
The abbreviations of the titles of books and periodicals are those shown in any standard list. Among the commonest are:
日期后面的小数字表示该日期出版的书的版本。因此，1914 3表示所提及的书的第三版于 1914 年出版。
A small superior number after a date shows the edition of the book produced on that date. So 19143 means that the third edition of the book mentioned came out in 1914.
引言
I
INTRODUCTION
我们的现代世界在许多方面都是希腊和罗马世界的延续。但并非在所有方面都是如此——尤其是在医学、音乐、工业和应用科学方面。但在大多数智力和精神活动中，我们是罗马人的孙子，也是希腊人的曾孙。其他影响也使我们成为今天的样子；但希腊罗马血统是最强大和最丰富的。没有它，我们的文明不只是会有所不同。它会变得更加单薄、更加零散、更加缺乏思想、更加物质化——事实上，无论它积累了多少财富，无论它打了多少战争，无论它创造了多少发明，它都不值得被称为文明，因为它的精神成就不会那么伟大。
OUR modern world is in many ways a continuation of the world of Greece and Rome. Not in all ways—particularly not in medicine, music, industry, and applied science. But in most of our intellectual and spiritual activities we are the grandsons of the Romans, and the great-grandsons of the Greeks. Other influences joined to make us what we are; but the Greco-Roman strain was one of the strongest and richest. Without it, our civilization would not merely be different. It would be much thinner, more fragmentary, less thoughtful, more materialistic—in fact, whatever wealth it might have accumulated, whatever wars it might have fought, whatever inventions it might have made, it would be less worthy to be called a civilization, because its spiritual achievements would be less great.
希腊人以及学习希腊文明的罗马人创造了一种高贵而复杂的文明，这种文明繁荣了一千年，只是因为一系列入侵和内战、流行病、经济灾难以及行政、道德和宗教灾难才被推翻。它并没有完全消失。没有哪一种伟大而悠久的文明会完全消失。在人类缓慢重建西方文明的痛苦岁月中，它的某些部分幸存了下来，虽然发生了变化，但并未被摧毁。但其中大部分被一波又一波的野蛮所覆盖；被淤泥覆盖；被掩埋；被遗忘。欧洲不断倒退，几乎陷入野蛮状态。
The Greeks and, learning from them, the Romans created a noble and complex civilization, which flourished for a thousand years and was overthrown only through a long series of invasions and civil wars, epidemics, economic disasters, and administrative, moral, and religious catastrophes. It did not entirely disappear. Nothing so great and so long established does. Something of it survived, transformed but undestroyed, throughout the agonizing centuries in which mankind slowly built up western civilization once more. But much of it was covered by wave after wave of barbarism; silted over; buried; and forgotten. Europe slipped backwards, backwards, almost into savagery.
当西方文明开始复兴和重塑时，它很大程度上是通过重新发现被埋没的希腊和罗马文化来实现的。伟大的思想体系、深刻而精湛的艺术作品，除非它们的物质载体被彻底摧毁，否则不会消亡。它们不会变成化石，因为化石是无生命的，无法自我复制。但是，只要它们找到一个接受它们的心灵，它们就会重新活在其中，并使它更加充实地活下去。
When the civilization of the west began to rise again and remake itself, it did so largely through rediscovering the buried culture of Greece and Rome. Great systems of thought, profound and skilful works of art, do not perish unless their material vehicle is utterly destroyed. They do not become fossils, because a fossil is lifeless and cannot reproduce itself. But they, whenever they find a mind to receive them, live again in it and make it live more fully.
黑暗时代之后，欧洲人的思想被重新唤醒、转变和激发，这是因为古典文明的重新发现。其他因素也对这种重新觉醒起了作用，但这些因素发挥的作用比任何因素都更强大、更多样化。这一进程始于公元1100 年左右，中间偶尔出现停顿和挫折，但进展越来越快，直至 1400 年至 1600 年间，西欧掌握了古典希腊和罗马的艺术和理念，热切地吸收它们，通过部分模仿、部分改编为其他媒介、部分在它们产生的强大刺激下创造出新的艺术和思想，建立了现代文明。
What happened after the Dark Ages was that the mind of Europe was reawakened and converted and stimulated by the rediscovery of classical civilization. Other factors helped in that reawakening, but no other worked more strongly and variously. This process began about A.D. 1100 and, with occasional pauses and set-backs, moved on faster and faster until, between 1400 and 1600, western Europe seized on the arts and the ideals of classical Greece and Rome, eagerly assimilated them, and, partly by imitating them, partly by adapting them to other media, partly by creating new art and thought under the powerful stimulus they produced, founded modern civilization.
本书只打算在一个领域概述这个故事：文学。它还可以从许多其他极其有趣的角度来讲述。在政治方面，它可以展示民主是如何发明的，希腊人如何探索民主的基本力量和错误，民主的理想是如何被罗马共和国采纳，并在现代世界的民主宪法中再次复兴；以及我们对公民权利和义务的思考有多少直接源于希腊罗马思想。在法律方面，很容易展示美国和英国法律、法国法律、荷兰法律、西班牙和意大利和拉丁美洲法律以及天主教会法律的核心支柱是如何由罗马人制定的。 （如果没有罗马的帮助或鼓励，我们不可能像现在这样建造这些法律。我们的文明在某些发明上富有成效，尤其适合征服物质；但在其他方面则不然。从我们无法创造新的艺术形式和新的哲学体系来看，我们极不可能在没有帮助的情况下建立起任何可与罗马法的坚固、崇高结构相媲美的东西。）在哲学和宗教、语言和抽象科学以及美术（尤其是建筑和雕塑）方面，同样可以证明，我们所写、所做和所想的许多最优秀的东西都改编自希腊和罗马的创造物。这没有什么可耻的。相反：忽视和忘记它是可耻的。在文明和人类生活中，现在是过去的产物。只有在精神生活中，我们才可以选择祖先，并选择最好的。
This book is intended to give the outlines of that story in one field only: in literature. It could be told from many other vitally interesting points of view. In politics, it could be shown how democracy was invented and its essential powers and mistakes explored by the Greeks, and how the ideals of democracy were adopted by the Roman republic, to be revived again in the democratic constitutions of the modern world; and how much of our thinking about the rights and duties of the citizen derives directly from Greco-Roman thought. In law it would be easy to show how the central pillars of American and British law, French law, Dutch law, Spanish and Italian and Latin-American law, and the law of the Catholic church, were hewn out by the Romans. (And it is unlikely that we should have constructed them, as they stood, without any help or stimulus from Rome. Our civilization is fertile in some kinds of invention, and particularly apt for the conquest of matter; but not in others. Judging by our inability to create new artistic forms and new philosophical systems, it is extremely improbable that, unaided, we could have built up anything comparable to the firm, lofty structure of Roman law.) In philosophy and religion, in language and abstract science, and in the fine arts—especially architecture and sculpture—it could equally well be shown that much of the best of what we write and make and think is adapted from the creations of Greece and Rome. There is nothing discreditable in this. On the contrary: it is discreditable to ignore and forget it. In civilization as in human life, the present is the child of the past. Only, in the life of the spirit, it is permitted to select our ancestors, and to choose the best.
然而，本书只涉及文学，并仅提及生活的其他领域以说明重要的文学事件。“文学”将指用现代语言或其直系祖先写的书籍。尽管拉丁语至少在 1860 年之前在欧洲仍然被书写和使用，1尽管拉丁语不仅是一种古老的欧洲语言，而且也是一种现代欧洲语言，弥尔顿和兰多、牛顿和哥白尼、笛卡尔和斯宾诺莎都曾写过部分或全部最优秀的作品，但现代作家所写的拉丁文学史与我们这个时代的其他欧洲文学史截然不同，因此必须单独对待。尽管如此，拉丁语作为一种独立语言存在了这么久，而且在某些方面（如弥撒）仍然如此，这一事实本身就再次证明了古典文化是我们文明中必不可少的活跃部分。思想比语言存在的时间更长。
However, this book will deal only with literature, and will refer to other fields of life only to illustrate important literary events. ‘Literature’ will be taken to mean books written in modern languages or their immediate ancestors. Although Latin was currently written and spoken in Europe until at least 1860,1 although Latin is not only an ancient but also a modern European language, in which Milton and Landor, Newton and Copernicus, Descartes and Spinoza, wrote some or all of their best work, the history of Latin literature written by modern authors is so different from that of the other European literatures of our era that it must be treated separately. Still, the fact that Latin continued to live so long as an independent language, and for some purposes (such as Mass) still does, is itself one more proof that classical culture is an essential and active part of our civilization. And thoughts live longer than languages.
希腊和罗马文明的衰落
THE FALL OF THE GREEK AND ROMAN CIVILIZATION
如今，人们并不总是理解希腊罗马文明是多么高贵和广泛，它如何使欧洲、中东和北非在几个世纪中保持和平、文明、繁荣和幸福，以及当野蛮人和侵略者闯入时，它遭受了多大的损失。直到几代人之前，它在很多方面都比我们自己的文明要好，而且事实证明它总体上是更好的。但是，我们习惯于思考人类进步的奇观，以至于我们认为现代文化比它之前的任何文化都要好。我们也忘记了人类是多么有能力和多么愿意逆转进步的潮流：有多少野蛮的力量仍然存在，就像一个耕种岛屿上的火山一样，仍然强大地活着，不仅能够破坏文明，还能在文明的位置上形成一片燃烧的沙漠。
It is not always understood nowadays how noble and how widespread Greco-Roman civilization was, how it kept Europe, the Middle East, and northern Africa peaceful, cultured, prosperous, and happy for centuries, and how much was lost when the savages and invaders broke in upon it. It was, in many respects, a better thing than our own civilization until a few generations ago, and it may well prove to have been a better thing all in all. But we are so accustomed to contemplating the spectacle of human progress that we assume modern culture to be better than anything that preceded it. We forget also how able and how willing men are to reverse the movement of progress: how many forces of barbarism remain, like volcanoes in a cultivated island, still powerfully alive, capable not only of injuring civilization but of putting a burning desert in its place.
当罗马帝国处于鼎盛时期时，法律和秩序、教育和艺术传播广泛，几乎受到普遍尊重。在公元纪年的最初几个世纪，文学作品几乎太多了；许多铭文留存至今，来自许多不同省份的许多城镇和村庄，我们可以肯定，许多人（如果不是大多数人的话）都能读写。2文盲可能（就像在美国一样）是最贫穷的工人、最不文明的移民、在农场工作的奴隶或奴隶的后代以及偏远森林和山区的居民。
When the Roman empire was at its height, law and order, education, and the arts were widely distributed and almost universally respected. In the first centuries of the Christian era there was almost too much literature; and so many inscriptions survive, from so many towns and villages in so many different provinces, that we can be sure that many, if not most, of the population could read and write.2 The illiterates were probably (as they are in the United States) the poorest workers, the least-civilized immigrants, the slaves or descendants of slaves working on farms, and the inhabitants of remote districts of forest and mountain.
但两三代人的战争、瘟疫和革命以惊人的速度摧毁了文化。在为争夺罗马帝国领土而互相争斗的北方野蛮人中，书写不仅不常见。它如此罕见，以至于它在某种程度上是一种魔法。符文——实际上是北欧的字母表——能够使死者复活，使人类或自然界着迷，使战士甚至神灵无敌。符文一词的意思是“秘密”。那些认为书写的目的是保守秘密的人是多么野蛮啊？同样，我们理解为“魔法”的“魅力”一词，其实是指“语法”，即书写的力量。在黑暗时代——大约公元600 年——西方文明几乎退回到公元前 1000 年左右兴起的水平：比荷马时代更粗糙、更简单。在《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》中，标记和符号相当常见，但书写只被提及一次，而且描述得含糊不清、险恶。正如在最初的野蛮故事中，哈姆雷特前往英国执行任务的同伴携带着“刻在木头上的字母”一样，柏勒洛丰也被赋予了“刻在折叠石板上的恶毒符号”，要求他被处死。3就像符文一样，它们稀有而又神秘。
But two or three generations of war and pestilence and revolution destroy culture with appalling rapidity. Among the northern savages who fought each other over the body of the Roman empire, writing was not only uncommon. It was so rare that it was partly magic. The runes—which were really a northern European alphabet—could raise the dead, bewitch man or nature, and make warriors and even gods invincible. The word rune means’ a secret’. How barbarous were the people who believed that the purpose of writing was to keep a thing secret? Similarly, the word glamour, which we take to mean ‘magic’, really means ‘grammar’, the power of writing. During the Dark Ages—say about A.D. 600—civilization in the west had dropped back almost to the point whence it had risen in about 1000 B.C.: to something even rougher and simpler than the Homeric age. All through the Iliad and the Odyssey tokens and symbols are fairly common, but writing is mentioned only once, and then it is described in a vague and sinister way. Just as Hamlet’s companions on his mission to England, in the original savage story, carried ‘letters incised in wood’, so Bellerophon was given ‘baneful signs cut in a folding tablet’ which called for his execution.3 Like the runes, they were rare and uncanny.
欧洲文字观念的倒退也讲述了一个同样的故事，即回归野蛮时代，这种故事在对罗马遗迹的发掘中也可以看到。这些遗迹位于一些已被开垦的省份，如英国，或亚洲土耳其和北非，它们仍然比罗马统治时期更加野蛮。发掘者在一个美丽的地方发现了一座宽敞舒适的乡间别墅的轮廓，它俯瞰着山谷或河流，生活设施精良，还有马赛克地板和雕像碎片等艺术品味的证据。它已经毁坏了。在它的废墟上，有时可以发现后来的一代人，他们还处于半文明状态，建了一个临时的家，只是修补了一下，而不是重建。然后又出现了新的烧毁和破坏的痕迹；然后就什么也没有了。整个遗址被几个世纪以来的泥土覆盖着，树木的根系高高地扎在装饰好的地板上。4文艺复兴所做的就是挖掘淤泥，寻找失落的美，然后模仿或效仿它们。我们继续了他们的工作，并走得更远。但现在，在我们周围，出现了可能是新黑暗时代的第一批废墟。
The same story of a relapse into barbarism which is told in this retrogression in European ideas of writing can be read in many excavations of Roman remains in provinces which have been reclaimed, like Britain, or, like Asiatic Turkey and north Africa, still remain more barbarous than they were under the Romans. The excavator finds the outlines of a large and comfortable country house, in a beautiful site overlooking a valley or a river, with elaborate conveniences for living, and evidences of artistic taste such as mosaic floors and fragments of statuary. It is ruined. On its ruins it is sometimes possible to show that a later generation, still half-civilized, established a temporary home, patched up rather than rebuilt. Then there are new traces of burning and destruction; and then nothing more. The whole site is covered with the earth of the slow succeeding centuries, and trees are rooted high above the decorated floors.4 What the Renaissance did was to dig down through the silt and find the lost beauties, and imitate or emulate them. We have continued their work and gone farther. But now, around us, have appeared the first ruins of what may be a new Dark Age.
黑暗时代
THE DARK AGES
黑暗时代文明并未完全消亡。有多少文明幸存了下来？又通过哪些渠道或转变幸存了下来？
Civilization did not completely perish during the Dark Ages. How much of it survived? and through what channels or transformations?
首先，希腊罗马世界的语言幸存了下来。但它们的命运却截然不同。
First of all, the languages of the Greco-Roman world survived. But their fates were strangely different.
希腊语广泛流传于整个东地中海地区。不仅希腊血统的人讲希腊语，埃及、巴勒斯坦等地的人也讲希腊语。5简单的口语希腊语是拥有自己语言的近东国家之间相互交流的标准语言：这就是为什么新约是用希腊语写成的。
Greek was widespread all over the eastern Mediterranean. It was spoken not only by people of Greek blood but in Egypt, in Palestine, and elsewhere.5 A simple colloquial Greek was the standard language for intercommunication between Near Eastern countries which had their own languages: that is why the New Testament is written in Greek.
意大利、西欧和北非大部分地区都讲拉丁语。在此之前，几乎所有的本土方言和迦太基语等被征服的语言都消失了，在生活中留下的痕迹很少，在文学中更是毫无踪迹。6然而，在发展到顶峰时，罗马帝国并非讲拉丁语，而是拉丁语和希腊语双语。由于希腊语的灵活性，罗马人自己也将其用作社交和知识语言。当然，他们（除了少数怪人）民族主义情绪过于强烈，无法完全放弃拉丁语；但共和国末期和帝国初期几乎所有上层罗马人不仅将希腊语用于哲学讨论和文学实践，还用于社交对话甚至做爱。（法语在腓特烈大帝的宫廷和十九世纪的俄罗斯也扮演着类似的角色。在人们的记忆中，巴伐利亚的一些贵族家庭从不在家说德语，而总是说法语。）因此，尤利乌斯·凯撒在被谋杀时说的最后一句话是希腊语，皇帝马可·奥雷利乌斯也用希腊语记下了他的私人精神日记。7
In most of Italy, western Europe, and northern Africa Latin was spoken. Before it, nearly all the scores of native dialects and conquered languages like Carthaginian disappeared, leaving few traces in life and none in literature.6 However, at its highest development, the Roman empire was not Latin-speaking but bilingual in Latin and Greek. Because of the flexibility of Greek, the Romans themselves used it as a social and intellectual language. Of course, they were (except for a few eccentrics) too strongly nationalist to abandon Latin altogether; but nearly all the upper-class Romans of the late republic and early empire used Greek not only for philosophical discussion and literary practice, but for social conversation and even for love-making. (French played a similar part in the court of Frederick the Great and in nineteenth-century Russia. Within living memory there have been noble families in Bavaria who never spoke German at home, but always French.) Thus it is that the last words of Julius Caesar, spoken at the actual moment of his murder, were Greek, and that the emperor Marcus Aurelius kept his private spiritual diary in Greek.7
但在公元 4 世纪，曾汇聚在一起形成古典希腊罗马文明的两股语言和文化潮流再次出现分歧。这里的关键事实是罗马帝国的分裂。由于无法作为一个整体进行管理和保卫，帝国于公元364 年分裂为两个：西部帝国由瓦伦提尼安统治，首都设在米兰；东部帝国由他的兄弟瓦伦斯统治，首都设在君士坦丁堡。此后，尽管东西方经常接触，但差异却越来越大。公元476年，西部最后一位皇帝（他的名字让人联想到罗马的创始人罗慕路斯和奥古斯都，即“小奥古斯都”）被废黜，他的权力被半野蛮的国王接管，差异急剧增大；此后，差异不断加剧。激烈。在经历了八世纪和九世纪的严重分歧之后，基督教会最终在 1054 年分裂，当时教皇将君士坦丁堡的主教和整个东正教教会视为异端邪说而逐出教会。最后，冲突实际上变成了一场战争。1204 年，代表西方罗马和天主教传统的第四次十字军东征的法国和威尼斯基督教军队洗劫了希腊基督教城市君士坦丁堡。现代世界仍然显示出帝国之间这种分裂的许多强大影响。西欧和中西欧的异教徒受到罗马教会的影响而皈依，而俄罗斯和巴尔干半岛的异教徒则受到君士坦丁堡的影响。这种分裂在波兰和俄罗斯之间延续，并在他们的文字中有所体现。尽管波兰语和俄语是密切相关的语言，但波兰（965 年从罗马皈依）使用罗马字母，而俄罗斯（988 年从拜占庭皈依）使用希腊字母。但这两位现代皇帝都自称“凯撒”——在西方称为“凯撒”，在东方则称为“沙皇”或“沙皇”。8
But in the fourth century the two streams of language and culture which had flowed together to produce classical Greco-Roman civilization diverged once again. The essential fact here was the division of the Roman empire. Having proved impossible to administer and defend as a unit, the empire was in A.D. 364 divided into two: a western empire under Valentinian, with its capital at Milan, and an eastern empire under his brother Valens, with its capital at Constantinople. Thenceforward, although there were frequent contacts, the differences between east and west grew greater and greater. They increased sharply when in A.D. 476 the last emperor of the west (who bore the reminiscent names of Romulus, after the founder of Rome, and Augustulus, or ‘little Augustus’) was deposed and his power taken over by semi-barbarous kings; and thereafter they grew constantly more intense. After grave dissensions in the eighth and ninth centuries the Christian churches were finally divided in 1054, when the pope excommunicated the patriarch of Constantinople and the entire eastern Orthodox church as heretical. And at last the conflict became virtually a war. The Greek Christian city of Constantinople was sacked in 1204 by the French and Venetian Christian armies of the Fourth Crusade, representing the Roman and Catholic traditions of the west. The modern world still shows many powerful effects of this division between the empires. The pagans of western and west-central Europe were converted by the influence of the church of Rome, but those of Russia and the Balkans by Constantinople. The division runs down between Poland and Russia, and is shown in their writing. Although Polish and Russian are closely related languages, Poland (converted from Rome 965) uses the Roman alphabet, and Russia (converted from Byzantium 988) uses the Greek alphabet. But both the modern emperors called themselves Caesar—Kaiser in the west and Czar, or Tsar, in the east.8
早在君士坦丁堡被洗劫之前，希腊语就被西方遗忘了。直到 1453 年土耳其征服之前，希腊语一直是东罗马帝国的官方语言，即使在土耳其人统治下，希腊本土和岛屿的部分地区仍然存在一种被严重贬低的语言形式。希腊语一直沿用至今，并长期以罗马语的历史名称命名——即“罗马”，即罗马帝国的语言。但在黑暗时代，希腊文化与欧洲西部隔绝，只有少数几股通过阿拉伯和犹太渠道渗透进来；几百年后，希腊文化才回到西方，正好赶上土耳其野蛮人在其故乡对其造成的破坏。9
Long before the sack of Constantinople, Greek had been forgotten in the west. It continued to be the official language of the eastern empire until the Turkish conquest in 1453, and a muchdebased form of the language persisted, even under the Turks, in parts of Greece proper and of the islands. It has survived to the present day, and long bore the historical name of Romaic—i.e. ‘Roman’, the language of the Roman empire. But Greek culture was cut off from the western parts of Europe during the Dark Ages, except for the few trickles which penetrated through Arabian and Jewish channels; and it only returned to the west hundreds of years later, just in time to escape the mutilation which was to be inflicted on it in its home by the Turkish barbarians.9
拉丁语的命运则有所不同，也更为复杂。拉丁语不是以一种方式，而是以三种不同的方式幸存下来。
The fate of the Latin language was different and more complex. Latin survived, not in one, but in three different ways.
首先，它通过七种现代语言和多种方言而存留下来：
First, it survived through seven modern languages and a number of dialects:
西班牙语、葡萄牙语、法语、意大利语、罗马尼亚语、加泰罗尼亚语、
普罗旺斯语；科西嘉语、撒丁岛语、罗曼什语、拉丹语等。
Spanish, Portuguese, French, Italian, Rumanian, Catalan,
Provençal; Corsican, Sardinian, Romansch, Ladin, &c.
这些语言和方言并非源自我们从西塞罗的演讲和维吉尔的诗歌中了解到的文学拉丁语，而是源自士兵、商人和农民使用的更简单的“基本”拉丁语。然而，从结构和感觉上讲，它们本质上是拉丁语，正是通过这些讲拉丁语的国家，大多数古典文化才传播到西欧和美国。10
These languages and dialects were not derived from the literary Latin which we know from Cicero’s speeches and Vergil’s poems, but from the simpler ‘basic’ Latin spoken by soldiers, traders, and farmers. Yet they are fundamentally Latin in structure and feeling, and it is through these Latin-speaking nations that most of classical culture was transmitted to western Europe and America.10
此外，拉丁语在天主教会中也幸存了下来。在这里，拉丁语的生活更加复杂。起初，教堂里说的和写的拉丁语被刻意保持简单和口语化，以适应其会众的拉丁语使用者的简单语言。圣经被翻译成这种简单的拉丁语，明确目的是“让人们理解”。许多教父一再解释说，他们根本不关心优美的古典语言和风格，甚至不在乎语法。他们只希望每个人都能理解福音和他们的布道。（例如，好斗的教皇格里高利一世（公元590-604 年）强烈反对古典学习，并说他所说和写的口语化和不合语法的拉丁语是唯一适合基督教教学的语言。为圣本笃会（公元530年左右）起草的修道院规章是我们关于晚期口语拉丁语词汇和语法的最佳文献之一。11）
Also, Latin survived in the Catholic church. Here its life was more complicated. At first the Latin spoken and written in the church was kept deliberately simple and colloquial, to suit the simple speech of the Latin-speaking people who were its congregations. The Bible was translated into this simple Latin with the express purpose of being ‘understanded of the people’. Again and again, many fathers of the church explain that they care nothing for fine classical language and style, nothing even for grammar. All they want is that everyone should be able to understand the gospels and their sermons. (For instance, the fighting pope, Gregory I (A.D. 590–604), was bitterly opposed to classical learning, and said that the colloquial and ungrammatical Latin he spoke and wrote was the only suitable language for Christian teaching. The monastic regulations drawn up for the order of St. Benedict (c. A.D. 530) are one of our best documents for the vocabulary and grammar of late colloquial Latin.11)
但是，随着蛮族入侵的持续，帝国各省分裂为王国并开始独立存在，同样的口语拉丁语也逐渐分裂，发展成为上述不同的语言和方言；因此，它们朝着不同的方向发展，脱离了圣经和教会的简单拉丁语。此时，教会必须做出其历史上最重大的决定之一：它是否应该将圣经、祈祷书和仪式重新翻译成西方基督教世界的所有各种语言，还是应该保留原始的拉丁语，尽管拉丁语最初很简单，但现在却变成了一种死语言，一种必须学习的被遗忘的语言？为了统一，它选择了第二种选择：因此，武加大拉丁语，曾经被刻意用来让每个人都能理解教会的教义，现在却变成了一种晦涩难懂的语言。爱尔兰僧侣、法国牧师从小就讲古爱尔兰语或原始法语方言，后来为了职业不得不学习教堂拉丁语，因此他们发现学习古典拉丁语更加困难和混乱——古典拉丁语更复杂，有不同的词汇，甚至使用不同的语法。很少有神职人员这样做；当然，教会内部也一直强烈反对对古典文明的任何研究，因为那是一个腐败、异教、死亡和诅咒的世界的产物。
But, as the barbarian invasions continued and the provinces of the empire split up into kingdoms and began their separate existences, that same colloquial Latin split up sectionally, and developed into the different languages and dialects mentioned above; and so they grew away, in different directions, from the simple Latin of the Bible and the church. At this point the church had one of the gravest decisions of its history to make: should it have the Bible and the breviary and the rituals translated again, into all the various languages of western Christendom, or should it keep them in the original Latin, which, although originally simple, was now becoming a dead language, a forgotten language that had to be studied? For the sake of unity it chose the second alternative: and so the Latin of the Vulgate, which had once been deliberately used in order to make the teaching of the church intelligible to everybody, became an obscure and learned tongue. The Irish monk, the French priest, who spoke Old Irish or a primitive French patois from childhood, and then had to learn church Latin for his vocation, therefore found it still more difficult and confusing to learn classical Latin—which was more elaborate, had a different set of words, and even used a different grammar. Few churchmen did so; and, of course, there was always strong opposition within the church to any study of classical civilization, because it was the work of a world which was corrupt, pagan, dead, and damned.
然而，古典拉丁语言和文学确实在教堂图书馆和学校中幸存下来。手稿被保存下来，并作为修道院纪律的一部分由僧侣们复制。某些作者的作品被教给高级学生，并由高级教师进行评论。但许多其他作者却部分或全部地永远消失了。异教作家比基督教作家更不可能幸存下来。信息丰富的作家比情感和个人作家更有可能幸存下来。因此，我们仍然有许多不重要的地理学家和百科全书编纂者的作品，但几乎没有抒情诗和戏剧诗——尽管在希腊罗马世界鼎盛时期，人们更重视纯粹的诗歌，而不是预先消化的信息。道德批评家可能会幸存下来，但不道德的人却不会：因此讽刺作家尤维纳尔幸存了下来，贺拉斯主要作为讽刺作家幸存下来，但卡图卢斯只通过一份保存在他家乡维罗纳的手稿流传到我们身边，而佩特罗尼乌斯实际上永远消失了。12
And yet the classical Latin language and literature did survive in church libraries and schools. Manuscripts were kept, and were copied by the monks as part of the monastic discipline. And certain authors were taught to advanced students and commented on by advanced teachers. But many, many other authors were lost, in part or wholly, for ever. Pagan authors were much less likely to survive than Christian authors. Informative authors were much more likely to survive than emotional and individual authors. Thus we have still the works of many unimportant geographers and encyclopaedists, but hardly any lyrical and dramatic poetry—although in the Greco-Roman world at its height there was far more emphasis on pure poetry than on predigested information. Moral critics were likely to survive, but immoralists not: so Juvenal the satirist survived, and Horace survived chiefly as a satirist, but Catullus reached us through only one manuscript, preserved in his home town of Verona, and Petronius was, practically, lost for ever.12
此外，黑暗时代的学者更倾向于阅读和抄写与他们时代相近的作者的作品。如今，我们能够像飞行员飞越山脉一样，从一处全景中纵览古典文明。但在公元六世纪或九世纪，学者们就像登山者一样，他们看到较近的山峰非常高大和令人印象深刻，而较远的山峰虽然更高，但却相对模糊。因此，他们将大部分时间和精力投入到那些相对不重要但生活在他们时代附近的作者身上。
Also, the scholars of the Dark Ages were more inclined to read and copy authors nearer to them in time. Nowadays we are able, as it were, to survey classical civilization in a single panorama, like an aviator flying over a mountain range. But in the sixth or ninth centuries the learned men were like Alpinists who see the nearer peaks very big and impressive, while the more distant mountains, although higher, fade into relative obscurity. Therefore they devoted a great proportion of their time and energy to authors who are comparatively unimportant but who lived near their own day.
黑暗时代古典文化得以存续的第二个主要渠道是宗教。尽管基督教起源于犹太教，但西方和东方教会也在其中融入了其他非犹太教的元素。例如，基督教的早期支持者引入了一些民间传说。在异教时代的最后几个世纪里，地中海世界各地的人们都梦想着一个奇迹般的婴儿诞生，这个婴儿将宣告和平与幸福的新时代的到来。这在耶稣诞生前四十年，年轻的维吉尔在一首著名而优美的诗中出现过：13马太福音一至二章所讲的故事与实际生活关系不大和耶稣的教义，在其他福音书中被省略了。后来，不久之后，希腊哲学被加入。耶稣自己的教义很难放入一个哲学体系中；但上帝派遣他的目的、异教神灵的存在、基督教在国家中的地位，这些话题都被基督教的攻击者和捍卫者在哲学基础上进行了讨论。圣奥古斯丁本人在他的自传中实际上说，是西塞罗的哲学入门书霍滕修斯将他的思想转向了宗教，转向了基督教。14通过他的作品以及许多其他教父的作品，古典哲学得以保存，并服务于基督教，并传承到现代。15
The second main channel for the survival of classical culture in the Dark Ages was religion. Although the origins of Christianity were Jewish, other elements not of Jewish origin were embodied in it by the western and eastern churches. Its early supporters introduced some folk-lore, for instance. The miraculous birth of the baby who is to announce a new age of peace and happiness was a dream of men all over the Mediterranean world in the last centuries of the pagan era. It appeared in a famous and beautiful poem by young Vergil forty years before the birth of Jesus:13 the story as told in Matthew i-ii has little to do with the actual life and teaching of Jesus, and is omitted from other gospels. Then, a little later, Greek philosophy was added. The teachings of Jesus himself are difficult to put into a single philosophical system; but God’s purpose in sending him, the existence of the pagan deities, the position of Christianity in the state, and such topics were discussed, by the attackers and the defenders of Christianity, on a philosophical basis. St. Augustine himself, in his autobiography, actually says it was Cicero’s introduction to philosophy, Hortensius, that turned his own mind towards religion, to Christianity.14 Through his works, and the works of many other fathers of the church, classical philosophy was kept alive, converted to the service of Christianity, and transmitted to modern times.15
比古典哲学的传播更重要的是罗马法和罗马政治观念通过教会得以存续。即使在罗马帝国解体并被蛮族王国所取代之后，西方教会仍保留罗马法供自己使用。这在公元六世纪的早期日耳曼法律中得到了明确规定，尽管这一原则不断发展，但并未改变。16教会的教规源自罗马法学的伟大文明成就；即使在黑暗时代，它不仅延续了罗马法的方法和原则，还延续了法律是权利的永久体现，只能非常谨慎地进行修改，并且始终高于任何个人或团体的基本观念。这一观念在西欧、美洲和英语世界比地球上任何其他地方都更有效，而这要归功于罗马。
Even more important than the transmission of classical philosophy was the survival, through the church, of Roman law and Roman political sense. Even after the Roman empire dissolved and barbarian kingdoms succeeded it, the western church retained Roman law for its own use. This is clearly laid down in an early Germanic law of the sixth century, and although the principle developed, it did not change.16 The canon law of the church grew out of the great civilizing achievement of Roman jurisprudence; and it carried on, even through the Dark Ages, not only the methods and principles of Roman law, but the fundamental conception that law is a lasting-embodiment of right, to be altered only with great care, and always higher than any individual or group. This is a conception more effective in western Europe and the Americas and the English-speaking world than anywhere else on the planet, and we owe it to Rome.
罗马的政治意识，主要传承给教会，但也在查理曼大帝等君主身上得到复兴，使西欧免于沦为巴尔干混乱。尽管罗马不是基督教的发源地或首次强大起来的城市，尽管公元一世纪末的一位罗马学者……对基督教几乎一无所知，只在近东地区接触过它，17我们本能地感觉到，将罗马天主教会的所在地从罗马转移到耶路撒冷会破坏一个重要的价值。而且，尽管天主教在南美洲比在欧洲更为牢固，但将教会的中心转移到布宜诺斯艾利斯或里约热内卢则更加不合适。圣保罗是第一个有这种感觉的人：因为，正如斯宾格勒指出的那样，18他没有去东方城市天主教会是罗马帝国的精神后裔。圣奥古斯丁很久以前在他的《上帝之城》中就指出了这种继承关系；但丁再次强调了这一点；而且这是必要的。甚至教会权力的地理分布（不包括美国）也与罗马帝国的地理分布非常相似；教会的庞大组织，有唯一的尘世统治者、由七十位“教会王子”组成的参议院、在值得信赖的行政人员领导下的安全省份、在叛乱或未征服地区（in partibus infidelium）的远征军、外交经验和技巧、巨大的财富和不懈的毅力，不仅在结构上与帝国平行，而且是唯一一个可与罗马创建的国际体系相媲美的持续有效的国际体系。19
Roman political sense, chiefly as handed on to the church but also as revived in monarchs like Charlemagne, saved western Europe from degenerating into a Balkan disorder. Although Rome was not the city in which Christianity originated or first grew powerful, although a scholarly Roman at the end of the first century A.D. knew practically nothing about Christianity and met it only in the Near East,17 we feel instinctively that it would be destroying an important value to transfer the seat of the Roman Catholic church from Rome to Jerusalem. And, although Catholicism is more firmly established in South America than in Europe, it would be still more improper to shift the centre of the church to Buenos Aires or Rio de Janeiro. It was St. Paul who first felt this: for, as Spengler points out,18 he did not go to the oriental cities of Edessa and Ctesiphon, but to Corinth and to Athens, and then to Rome. The Catholic church is the spiritual descendant of the Roman empire. The successorship was marked long ago by St. Augustine in his City of God; it was re-emphasized by Dante; and it is necessary. Even the geographical distribution of the power of the church (excluding America) bears a close resemblance to the geography of the Roman empire; and the great organization of the church, with its single earthly ruler, its senate of seventy ‘princes of the church’, its secure provinces under trusted administrators, and its expeditionary forces in rebellious or unconquered areas (in partibus infidelium), its diplomatic experience and skill, its immense wealth, and its untiring perseverance, is not only parallel in structure to the empire, but is the only continuously effective international system comparable to that created by Rome.19
最后，一些关于希腊罗马历史和神话的知识在黑暗时代得以流传，尽管它们的形式往往非常残缺和压缩。当时的许多人，或许是大多数人，都没有历史视角意识。正如早期画家将时间上相隔遥远的场景混合在一个画面中，或者在一个平面上画出实际上属于几个不同层次的人物，仅通过大小来区分，黑暗时代的人们也混淆了眼前与遥远的过去，混淆了历史与传说。一个很好的非文学例子是著名的法兰克棺材，一个盎格鲁-撒克逊人的盒子，用鲸骨雕刻而成，大约在公元 8世纪。20上面的图画描绘了至少来自三个遥远时代的六个不同的英雄场景：
And lastly, some knowledge of Greco-Roman history and myth survived through the Dark Ages, though often in a strangely mutilated and compressed form. Many, perhaps most, of the men of that time had no sense of historical perspective. As the early painters mix up in one single tableau scenes distant from one another in time, or draw in one plane, differentiated only by size, figures which really belong to several different levels of perspective, so the men of the Dark Ages confused the immediate with the remote past and the historical with the fabulous. A good non-literary example of this is the famous Franks Casket, an Anglo-Saxon box carved of whalebone about the eighth century A.D.20 The pictures on it show six different heroic scenes from at least three very distant ages:
罗慕路斯、雷穆斯和两只狼（约公元前 800 年？）；
Romulus, Remus, and two wolves (c. 800 B.C.?);
对智者的崇拜（公元一世纪）；
the adoration of the Wise Men (A.D. I);
罗马人占领耶路撒冷（公元70 年）；
the capture of Jerusalem by the Romans (A.D. 70);
韦兰德 (Weland) 和贝多希尔德 (Beadohild) 的故事（约公元400年？）；
the story of Weland and Beadohild (c. A.D. 400?);
以及一段鲜为人知的神话，以及一段关于
鲸鱼本身的铭文。
and an unknown myth, as well as an inscription about the
whale itself.
显然，艺术家没有感受到一千五百年的漫长而遥远的走廊，这些不同起源和性质的冒险故事一个接一个地发生在那里，有近有远。他看到的是一个单一的单元，即英雄的过去；但其中一部分是希腊罗马的。随着黑暗时代的文明化，这种单一的历史观变得更加有序和复杂，最后，这种追求在但丁称之为《喜剧》的伟大历史回顾中得到了最高体现。
Evidently the artist did not feel the long, receding corridor of fifteen hundred years, where these adventures, of different origins and natures, had their places, one behind another, this near and that remote. He saw one single unit, the Heroic Past; but some of that past was Greco-Roman. This unitary view of history grew more orderly and complex as the Dark Ages civilized themselves, and at last it found its highest manifestation in the great review of history which Dante called his Comedy.
中世纪
THE MIDDL E AGES
西欧的黑暗时代几乎毫无文明可言。到处都有伟人、高贵的制度、优美而博学的作品；但人民大众既无力抵抗自然，也无力抵抗压迫者、劫掠的野蛮人、四处游荡的罪犯和专横的贵族。欧洲的自然面貌令人厌恶：一片废墟和丛林的大陆，遍布着简陋的堡垒、凄惨的村庄和分散的小城镇，这些城镇由几条恶劣的道路连接，中间是大片的偏远地区，那里的土地和土著人几乎和中非一样野蛮。与那种阴郁而几乎静止的野蛮相比，中世纪代表着文明的渐进、稳定、艰苦的进步；文艺复兴是突然的爆炸性扩张，空间、时间和思想的边界被打破或以令人困惑和陶醉的速度向外扩展。
The Dark Ages in western Europe were scarcely civilized at all. Here and there, there were great men, noble institutions, beautiful and learned works; but the mass of people were helpless both against nature and against their oppressors, the raiding savages, the roaming criminals, and the domineering nobles. The very physical aspect of Europe was repellent: a continent of ruins and jungles, dotted with rude forts, miserable villages, and tiny scattered towns which were joined by a few atrocious roads, and between which lay huge backwoods areas where the land and natives were nearly as savage as in central Africa. In contrast to that gloomy and almost static barbarism, the Middle Ages represent the gradual, steady, laborious progress of civilization; and the Renaissance a sudden explosive expansion, in which the frontiers of space and time and thought were broken down or pushed outwards with bewildering and intoxicating speed.
中世纪的进步很大程度上是教育的进步；其主要标志之一是古典思想、语言和文学知识的扩展和深化。
Much of the progress of the Middle Ages was educational progress; and one of its chief marks was that the knowledge of classical thought, language, and literature expanded and deepened.
为了研究古典学，人们建立了或重新定位了各种组织。大学出现了，就像停电后一盏盏路灯亮起一样：最早的大学是萨勒诺，然后是博洛尼亚、巴黎、牛津、剑桥、蒙彼利埃、萨拉曼卡、布拉格、克拉科夫、维也纳、海德堡、圣安德鲁斯；然后是伊顿公学和温彻斯特等学校。这些大学虽然教职员工和大多数学生都是神职人员，但并不是神职机构。它们是高等学校，而不是宗教神学院；从一开始，它们的学生就比神学更广泛。他们致力于的不是我们所理解的语言和文学，而是哲学：哲学指的是亚里士多德的希腊哲学，不管它是通过曲折的方式获得的，还是经过奇怪的改造。
Organizations were founded or reoriented in order to study the classics. The universities appeared, like street-lights going on one by one after a blackout: Salerno, the earliest, and Bologna, Paris, Oxford, Cambridge, Montpellier, Salamanca, Prague, Cracow, Vienna, Heidelberg, St. Andrews; and then schools, like Eton and Winchester. These universities, although their staff and most of their students were churchmen, were not clerical institutions. They were advanced schools rather than religious seminaries; and from their inception they had students who ranged more widely than divinity. They were devoted, not to language and literature as we understand the terms, but to philosophy: and philosophy meant the Greek philosophy of Aristotle, however deviously acquired and strangely transformed.
与此同时，某些修道会的学术水平也提高了。尤其是本笃会修士，他们建立了至今仍存的学习和审美传统：我们中世纪最优秀的许多古典手稿都是在本笃会图书馆撰写或保存的。
At the same time, the standard of scholarship rose within certain of the monastic orders. The Benedictines in particular built up a tradition of learning and aesthetic sensibility which still survives: many of our finest medieval manuscripts of the classics were written for or preserved in Benedictine libraries.
这些学术活动受到书信的刺激，而旅行则更为刺激。中世纪的人都是伟大的旅行者。坎特伯雷朝圣者是渴望朝圣的人们的典型代表；还记得骑士（曾去过西班牙南部、俄罗斯、北非和土耳其）和巴斯比西德之妻（曾三次到过耶路撒冷，还参观过科隆和孔波斯特拉）的旅行。当时为了接受教育而旅行的人比现在多得多。那个奇怪的世界性群体，即“流浪学者”，他们的智慧因旅行和竞争而变得敏锐，在增加古典文学的普遍知识方面发挥了相当大的作用。21他们提高了哲学讨论的标准；通过辩论、竞争和批评，他们为现代学术铺平了道路。当然，他们都说拉丁语，而且通常只说拉丁语。他们用拉丁语辩论、通信、发表演讲、开玩笑和写讽刺作品。拉丁语不是一种死语言，而是一种活语言。它是中世纪的国际语言，不仅用于哲学辩论，还用于科学、外交和礼貌交谈。（AJ Toynbee 在《历史研究》 5.495-6 中，错误地指出这种国际语言直接源自罗马贫民窟的“狗拉丁语”。低级拉丁语实际上发展成为现代罗曼语。国际拉丁语是古典拉丁语的直接延续，通过持续的学术交流传统学习而来，最多受到早期教会著作的一些低级拉丁语影响。）
These scholarly activities were stimulated by correspondence, and still more by travel. The men of the Middle Ages were great travellers. Think of the Canterbury Pilgrims as types of the folk who longed to go on pilgrimages; and remember the travelling already done by the Knight (who had been in southern Spain, Russia, northern Africa, and Turkey) and by the Wife of bisyde Bath (who had been three times to Jerusalem, as well as visiting Cologne and Compostella). Relatively far more people travelled for education then than now. That strange cosmopolitan group, the ‘wandering scholars’, with their wits sharpened by travel and competition, played a considerable part in increasing the general knowledge of the classics.21 They improved the standards of philosophical discussion; and by debate, competition, and criticism they helped to prepare the way for modern scholarship. Of course, they all spoke Latin and usually nothing but Latin. They argued, corresponded, delivered speeches, made jokes, and wrote satires in Latin. It was not a dead language but a living speech. It was the international language of the Middle Ages, not only for philosophical debate, but for science and diplomacy and polite conversation. (A. J. Toynbee, in A Study of History, 5. 495–6, is disastrously wrong in stating that this international language was directly descended from the ‘Dog Latin’ of the Roman slums. Low Latin actually grew into the modern Romance languages. The international Latin was a direct continuation of classical Latin, learnt through a continuous tradition of scholarly intercourse, with at most some Low Latin influence from early church writings.)
今天，我们中的许多人都很难理解，为什么十二、十三或十四世纪的聪明人会说拉丁语，用拉丁语写书，而他却有自己的语言。我们本能地认为这是“反动的”。解释是，当时的选择不是在拉丁语和西班牙语或英语等伟大的现代语言之间，而是在拉丁语和一些小方言之间，这些方言远没有拉丁语丰富、柔和、音调高雅，理解程度也远没有拉丁语那么广泛。如果一位中世纪的哲学家想写一本关于上帝的书，没有一种当代欧洲语言能为他提供足够的词汇和句型，而且很少有语言能吸引到不仅仅是地方性的读者。此外，这些方言中很少有被写下来的，因此拼写和句法给他在表达思想时又增加了一个难题。我们如果看一个现代的类似例子，就能理解这一点。假设一个聪明的荷属西印度群岛库拉索岛人想写一本关于他的族人生活的小说。如果他用当地的方言帕皮阿门托语写，那就合适了；但是他会发现很难写出简单的对话和描述以外的任何东西。而且，除非他的书被翻译成荷兰语、英语、西班牙语或某种文化语言，否则在库拉索岛以外没有人会读他的书。如果他是一个写纳瓦霍语的印度人，或一个写罗曼什语的瑞士东部人，或一个写贡博语的新奥尔良克里奥尔人，情况都是一样的。22或巴斯克人、那不勒斯人或芬兰人用母语写作。原因是地方语言和方言对他们自己的群体、日常生活以及他们自己的歌曲和故事有用，但只有伟大的语言才能用于交流思想和在整个文明世界传播知识的更高目的。23
To-day many of us find it hard to understand why any intelligent man in the twelfth or thirteenth or fourteenth century should have spoken Latin and written books in Latin when he had a language of his own. We instinctively think of this as ‘reactionary’. The explanation is that the choice did not then lie between Latin and a great modern language like Spanish or English, but between Latin and some little dialect which was far less rich, far less supple, far less noble in its overtones, and far less widely understood than Latin. If a medieval philosopher wanted to write a book about God, no single contemporary European tongue could provide him with enough words and sentence-patterns to do it, and very few with an audience which was more than merely parochial. And in addition, few of the dialects had ever been written down, so that their spelling and syntax provided still another difficulty for him to surmount in expressing his thoughts. We can understand this if we look at a modern parallel. Suppose an intelligent native of Curaéao in the Dutch West Indies wanted to write a novel about the life of his people. It would be appropriate if he wrote it in Papiamento, the local patois; but he would then find it very difficult to set down anything beyond simple dialogue and descriptions. And no one would read his book outside Curacao until it was translated into Dutch, or English, or Spanish, or one of the culture-languages. It would be the same if he were an Indian writing Navaho, or a native of eastern Switzerland writing Romansch, or a New Orleans Creole writing Gombo,22 or a Basque or a Neapolitan or a Finn writing in his mother tongue. The reason is that local languages and dialects are useful to their own groups, for daily life and for their own songs and stories, but only the great languages can be used for the higher purposes of communicating thought and spreading knowledge throughout the civilized world.23
此外，在中世纪，人们读的是更好的书。在黑暗时代，读者非常关注相对较晚和不太重要的作家。中世纪开始纠正这种态度。当时已知的最伟大的古典作家的手稿数量开始增加。修道院、修道院和大学的图书馆扩大了，并系统化了。而且——这是智力活动的明确标志——从拉丁语到白话文的翻译变得更加频繁和更好。
Again, in the Middle Ages better books were read. During the Dark Ages readers had paid great attention to comparatively late and unimportant authors. The Middle Ages began to correct this attitude. Manuscripts of the greatest classical writers, so far as they were then known, began to increase in number. Libraries were enlarged and systematized in abbeys, monasteries, and universities. And—a sure sign of intellectual activity—translations from Latin into vernacular languages became much more frequent and much better.
希腊语仍然几乎是一个封闭的领域。人们一次又一次地发现，中世纪的抄写员在正确而优美地书写拉丁语时，一碰到希腊语就会崩溃：他会抄写一串胡言乱语，或者添加一个哀怨的注释说“因为这是希腊语，所以无法阅读”。帝国的分裂几乎已经完成。在拉丁语中，从古罗马到今天，存在着一条不间断的知识传承线：遥远，但未中断。我们从一个学习拉丁语的人那里学习拉丁语，而这个人的受教育祖先是罗马人。但西欧的希腊语知识在黑暗时代几乎完全消失了；西方仅存的少数口语希腊语岛屿处于主流文化之外。从古典拉丁语到古典希腊语几乎和从古典拉丁语到古典希腊语一样困难。我们可以重建印加人的语言。希伯来语和阿拉伯语的知识可能比希腊语的知识更普遍。亚里士多德的著作不是用他自己写的语言读的，而是用拉丁语翻译的——有些是波爱修斯在帝国覆灭后不久翻译的，有些是犹太人根据阿拉伯语翻译的，还有一些是在圣托马斯·阿奎那的指导下完成的，构成了欧洲普遍再教育的一部分。但丁学识渊博，但似乎只懂一两个希腊语单词。如今，当两种语言都消亡的时候，开始学习其中一种语言的小学生总是从拉丁语开始：这是中世纪学校课程的残余，因此，从遥远的角度来看，这是帝国分裂的结果。
Still Greek remained almost a closed field. Again and again one finds that the medieval copyist who writes Latin correctly and beautifully breaks down when he comes to Greek: he will copy a string of gibberish, or add a plaintive note saying ‘because this was in Greek, it was unreadable’. The division of the empires was almost complete. In Latin there is an unbroken line of intellectual succession from ancient Rome to the present day: remote, but unbroken. We learn Latin from someone who learnt it from someone … whose educational ancestor was a Roman. But the knowledge of Greek in western Europe died out almost completely in the Dark Ages; the few islands of spoken Greek that remained in the west were outside the main streams of culture. It was almost as hard to get beyond classical Latin to classical Greek as it would be for us to reconstruct the language of the Incas. A knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic was probably commoner than a knowledge of Greek. Aristotle was read, not in the language he wrote, but in Latin translations—some made by Boethius soon after the fall of the empire, others written by Jews from Arabic translations, and others produced at the direction of St. Thomas Aquinas and forming part of the general re-education of Europe. Dante, whose scholarship was very considerable, appears to have known no more than a word or two of Greek. Nowadays, when both languages are equally dead, schoolboys who begin one of them always start with Latin: this is a survival of the curriculum of medieval schools and thus, at a distant remove, a result of the division of the empires.
然而，拉丁语知识却在不断扩展和改进。其结果是改进了西欧语言，而这些语言大多是在黑暗时代结束后才形成的。法语、意大利语、西班牙语都通过引入古典拉丁语词汇来扩大词汇量——有时是迂腐和愚蠢的添加，但更多的时候是有价值的词汇，用来表达由于缺乏讨论语言而无法充分理解的智力、艺术和科学思想。英语也以类似的方式发展。而且，由于语言的任何扩展都会使人类思维更加灵活和丰富，文学也立即受益，变得更加微妙、更有力、更加多样化。对拉丁诗歌的研究，以及在当今欧洲语言中模仿其美的尝试，帮助建立了许多现代民族文学，并大大扩展了已有文学的范围。
However, the knowledge of Latin was constantly extending and improving. The effect of this was to improve the western European languages, most of which only took shape after the close of the Dark Ages. French, Italian, Spanish, all expanded their vocabularies by bringing in words from classical Latin—sometimes pedantic and silly additions, but more often valuable words to connote intellectual, artistic, and scientific ideas which had been badly or inadequately understood for lack of the language with which to discuss them. English expanded in a similar way. And, as any enlargement in language makes human thought more flexible and copious, literature immediately benefited, becoming subtler, more powerful, and far more varied. The study of Latin poetry, and the attempt to emulate its beauties in current European languages, assisted in the foundation of many modern national literatures and greatly extended the range of those which already existed.
文艺复兴
THE RENAISSANCE
中世纪的生活虽然充满暴力和刺激，而且容易突然爆发出奇怪的能量，但本质上是一种从一代人到一代人的缓慢变化。中世纪的世界就像它自己的大教堂一样，建造得从容不迫、精雕细琢。但文艺复兴的重要之处在于它令人难以置信的速度。最近，我们自己在一两代人的时间里就看到了同样突然的变化——机械动力的扩展，从第一台电动机和第一台内燃机到更大的能源，所以伟大的是，废除人类劳动是一项可能的成就。文艺复兴时期的人们，在更为多样但同样惊人的加速中，数十年、数年、数月，不断涌现出新的可能性。地理发现扩大了世界——我们几乎无法想象，除非我们想象今天的探险队深入地球内部两千英里，探索海洋深处以寻找新元素和新的可居住区域，或访问和定居其他星球。与此同时，人体被发现，既是雕塑家和画家的美的灵感，也是解剖学家探索的智力世界。机械发明和科学发现使世界比以往任何时候都更易于管理，人类也比以往任何时候都更强大。不仅是印刷机和火药，还有指南针、望远镜和启发列奥纳多·达·芬奇的伟大机械原理，使人类更容易掌握环境；而波兰科学家哥白尼革命性的宇宙学说则瓦解了中世纪人类的整个物质宇宙。
The life of the Middle Ages, though violent and exciting and prone to strange sudden outbursts of energy, was essentially one of slow gradual change from generation to generation. The medieval world was built as unhurriedly and elaborately as its own cathedrals. But the important thing about the Renaissance is its unbelievable rapidity. Recently we ourselves, within one or two generations, have seen an equally sudden change—the expansion in mechanical power, from the first electric motor and the first internal-combustion engine to far greater sources of energy, so great that the abolition of human labour is a possible achievement. In much wider variety, but in the same astounding accelerando, new possibilities burst upon the men of the Renaissance, decade after decade, year after year, month after month. Geographical discoveries enlarged the world—we can scarcely imagine how surprisingly unless we conceive of expeditions to-day piercing two thousand miles deep into the interior of the earth, or exploring the depths of the ocean to find new elements and new habitable areas, or visiting and settling in other planets. At the same time, the human body was discovered, both as an inspiration of beauty for the sculptor and painter and as a world of intellectual interest to be explored by the anatomist. Mechanical inventions and scientific discoveries made the world more manageable and man more powerful than ever before. Not only the printing-press and gun-powder, but the compass, the telescope, and the great mechanical principles that inspired Leonardo da Vinci, made it easier for man to master his environment; while the revolutionary cosmological theory of the Polish scientist Copernicus dissolved the entire physical universe of medieval mankind.
在我们最关注的文学领域，变化的速度也相当快。大部分变化是由新发现引起的，这是探险时代的特征；但当时的学者称之为重生。
In literature, our chief concern, the tempo of change was quite as rapid. Much of the change was caused by new discoveries, characteristic of an age of exploration; but the scholars of that time called it rebirth.
许多被遗忘的拉丁文书籍和失传的拉丁文作者的手稿被发现，它们藏在图书馆里，几百年前被复制后就一直无人触碰和忽视。伟大的书籍发现者波焦·布拉乔利尼（Poggio Bracciolini，1380-1459）描述了他如何说服修道院，要求参观图书馆，并在漏水、老鼠出没的阁楼里找到布满灰尘和碎片的手稿：他动情地讲述他们仰望他寻求帮助，仿佛他们是他在医院或监狱里活着的朋友。24发现一位知名作家的手稿几乎没什么意思，除非它极其稀有或古老；但文艺复兴时期的学者们的兴奋来自于发现他们所熟悉和钦佩的作家的鲜为人知的作品，有时还来自于发现那些作品已经完全丢失、人们只从百科全书中的几条引文中知道的作家的作品。他们的兴奋因行动的危险性而加剧。这就像寻找埋藏的钻石。许多作者仅在一份手稿中被发现，之后再也没有发现过他们的书籍副本。
Many manuscripts of forgotten Latin books and lost Latin authors were discovered, hidden in libraries where they had lain untouched and neglected since being copied hundreds of years before. The great book-finder Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459) describes how he would talk his way into monasteries, ask to see the library, and find manuscripts covered with dust and debris, lying in leaky rat-ridden attics: with touching emotion he speaks of them looking up at him for help, as though they were living friends of his in hospital or in prison.24 Discovering a manuscript of an author already known is scarcely very interesting, unless it is extremely rare or ancient; but the excitement of the Renaissance scholars came from discovering quite unknown works by authors whom they knew and admired, and sometimes from finding the books of writers whose works had been entirely lost and who had been known only from a few quotations in encyclopaedias. Their excitement was intensified by the precariousness of the operation. It was like looking for buried diamonds. A number of authors were found in only one manuscript, ahd no more copies of their books have ever been discovered.
与此活动同时，人们重新发现了埋藏了一千多年的古典艺术作品：著名的雕像、浮雕、硬币和奖章，如今它们遍布世界各地的博物馆。因此，拉奥孔雕像是在提图斯浴场遗址中的葡萄园中被挖掘出来的，教皇尤利乌斯二世立即买下了它，送给了梵蒂冈博物馆。当一尊特别精美的雕像被挖掘出来时，人们会用音乐、鲜花和演讲等特别的游行队伍把它抬到教皇面前展示。这项工作不是科学发掘，而是艺术研究。人们寻找的是艺术，艺术家们在它出现时就对其进行了研究。随着每一尊新雕像的出现，艺术家们开始复制和模仿它独特的美，有时还会以那个时代的自信修复它缺失的肢体。美第奇家族教皇利奥十世任命了一位罗马城文物总管，他制定了一项计划，要发掘隐藏在花园、小屋和废墟之下的无数宝藏。他的名字就是拉斐尔。
This activity was paralleled by the rediscovery of classical works of art which had been buried in the ground for a thousand years and more: the famous statues, the cameos, coins, and medals which now fill museums all over the world. Thus, the Laocoon was dug up in a vineyard among the ruins of the Baths of Titus, and straightway bought by Pope Julius II for the Vatican Museum. When one particularly fine statue was excavated, it was carried in a special procession, with music and flowers and oratory, to be shown to the pope. This work was not scientific excavation but artistic investigation. It was art that was being searched for, and artists studied it when it emerged. As each new statue came to light, artists began to copy and emulate its special beauties, and sometimes to restore, with the dashing self-confidence of that era, its missing limbs. The Medici Pope Leo X appointed a general superintendent of antiquities for the city of Rome who produced a plan for excavating the innumerable hidden treasures that lay beneath the gardens, cottages, and ruins. His name was Raphael.
更为重要的重新发现是古典希腊语。这是一个缓慢的过程。它有两个主要方面。
An even more important rediscovery was that of the classical Greek language. This was a slower event. It had two main aspects.
西方学者从拜占庭意大利访客那里学习希腊语。彼特拉克是第一个尝试这样做的人。他于 1339 年开始与僧侣巴拉姆一起学习，后者显然是东帝国的秘密特工。但他年纪太大，课程中断了，他不得不满足于看到皮斯迦山的景象。然而，在 1360 年，他的年轻朋友薄伽丘让巴拉姆的一名学生莱昂提乌斯·皮拉图斯成为西欧第一位希腊语教授——在佛罗伦萨，佛罗伦萨长期以来一直是这项活动的中心。在莱昂提乌斯的帮助下，薄伽丘首次将荷马史诗完整翻译成非常呆板的拉丁文散文。随后，拜占庭的其他使者继续在意大利教授希腊语。二十五
Western scholars learned Greek from Byzantine visitors to Italy. Petrarch was the first to make this attempt. He started in 1339, with the monk Barlaam, who was apparently a secret agent of the eastern empire. But he was too old, the lessons were broken off, and he had to be content with a Pisgah-sight. However, in 1360, his younger friend Boccaccio had one of Barlaam’s pupils, Leontius Pilatus, made the first professor of Greek in western Europe—at Florence, which long remained the centre of this activity. With Leontius’s help Boccaccio produced the first complete translation of Homer, into very wooden Latin prose. Subsequently other emissaries from Byzantium continued the work of teaching Greek in Italy.25
现在，拜占庭的官方语言和宫廷语言显然与古典希腊语有着联系，这是一条连续不断的活生生的传承链；但它不是古典希腊语。因此，尽管拜占庭人可以把古典希腊语作为一种活生生的语言教给意大利人，但他们引入了拜占庭的书写和发音方法，这与古典希腊语是错误的。标准，需要很长时间才能根除。吉本用一个有趣的注释说明了这一困难：二十六
Now, the official and court language of Byzantium was recognizably connected with classical Greek through a continuous living chain of descent; but it was not classical Greek. Therefore, although the Byzantines could teach classical Greek to the Italians as a living, though archaic, language, they introduced Byzantine methods of writing and pronunciation which were false to classical standards and took a long time to eradicate. Gibbon illustrates the difficulty by an amusing note:26
“现代希腊人将 β 发音为 V 辅音，并混淆了三个元音和几个双元音。这就是严厉的加德纳在剑桥大学刑法中维护的粗俗发音（吉本是牛津人）；但单音节 βη 在阿提卡人听来就像羊咩咩叫，领头羊比主教或总理更有说服力。”
‘The modern Greeks pronounce the β as a V consonant, and confound three vowels and several diphthongs. Such was the vulgar pronunciation which the stern Gardiner maintained by penal statutes in the university of Cambridge (Gibbon was an Oxford man); but the monosyllable βη represented to an Attic ear the bleating of sheep, and a bellwether is better evidence than a bishop or a chancellor.’
至于书写，第一批印刷工以现有的最佳标准手写体为范本。因此，当他们着手印刷希腊文时，他们要求拜占庭抄写员写出字母，以模仿他们的字体。但拜占庭手写体与古典时代的希腊文截然不同。它充满了缩略词或连字，用于提高草书书写速度：例如ov变成了8，Kai变成了
。在罗马字体中，我们仍然保留了一些这样的缩略词：例如 fl 和 & ；但它们并不笨重，而早期的希腊字体中充满了这些缩略词，以至于非专业人士无法阅读，难以设置，而且价格昂贵。一种牛津希腊字体需要 354 个字模。它们在十六和十七世纪逐渐被淘汰；然而，大多数大学出版社使用的希腊字体中仍然保留着拜占庭希腊语手写体的斜体，而纯粹主义者仍然敦促重新设计希腊字体，以消除最后的拜占庭影响并呈现古典希腊人书写的语言。二十七
As for writing, the first printers took for their models the best available standards of handwriting. Therefore, when they undertook to print Greek they asked Byzantine scribes to write out alphabets on which to model their founts. But Byzantine handwriting was very different from Greek as written in classical times. It was full of contractions, or ligatures, used to increase speed in cursive writing: ov, for instance, became 8, and Kai became . In Roman type we still keep a few such contractions: fl, for instance, and &; but there they are not cumbrous, while the early Greek founts were full of them, so much as to be unreadable by non-specialists, difficult to set, and expensive. One Oxford Greek fount needed 354 matrices. They were gradually expelled during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; yet the slope of Byzantine Greek handwriting survives in the Greek type used by most university presses, and purists are still urging that the Greek founts be redesigned to cut out the last Byzantine influence and to present the language as the classical Greeks wrote it.27
古典希腊文重新发现的第二个方面是希腊作家手稿在西方的出现。随着土耳其人逐渐逼近君士坦丁堡，出现了大批学者移民，就像 1933 年从中欧到美国的大批学者移民一样；拜占庭难民也带来了希腊手稿。与此同时，意大利的学术赞助者也在东方和西方热切地寻找希腊手稿。吉本引用了这样的说法：佛罗伦萨的洛伦佐·德·美第奇派他的希腊代理人雅努斯·拉斯卡里斯到希腊“不惜一切代价”购买好书，而拉斯卡里斯实际上访问了偏远的阿索斯山修道院，找到了雅典演说家的作品。在洛伦佐之前，他的祖父科西莫和教皇尼古拉斯五世（1447 年至 1455 年在位）也进行了同样的活动。正是尼古拉斯创建了现在的梵蒂冈图书馆，雇用了数百名抄写员和学者，“在八年的统治期间，建立了一个藏书五千卷的图书馆”。二十八
The second aspect of the rediscovery of classical Greek was the appearance of manuscripts of Greek authors in the west. As the Turks drew nearer Constantinople, there was an exodus of scholarly emigrants, like the exodus from central Europe to America in 1933; and the Byzantine refugees brought Greek manuscripts with them. At the same time, Italian patrons of learning were eagerly searching for Greek manuscripts in both east and west. Gibbon quotes the statement that Lorenzo de’ Medici of Florence sent his Greek agent, Janus Lascaris, to Greece to buy good books ‘at any price whatever’, and that Lascaris actually visited the remote monasteries of Mount Athos and found the works of the Athenian orators. Before Lorenzo the same activity had been carried on by his grandfather Cosimo and by Pope Nicholas V (who reigned from 1447 to 1455). It was Nicholas who created the present Vatican Library, employing hundreds of copyists and scholars, and ‘in a reign of eight years, formed a library of five thousand volumes’.28
因此，古典文化的大部分内容被发现，仿佛它们是全新的，而人们对另一部分，即拉丁地区的知识，则得到了极大的扩展。对现代语言和文学的影响是立竿见影的，至今仍未消失；所有新思想、情感和艺术手法都能如此轻松、理智地被吸收，这显示了人类思维惊人的力量和灵活性。这就像眼睛可见的颜色范围突然扩大了，从现在的七到十二种小光谱，就像艺术家们有了新的创作媒介和新的绘画主题。我们将在后面详细研究这场革命的影响，同时对其进行总结。
Thus the greater part of classical culture was discovered as though it were absolutely new, while men’s knowledge of the other part, the Latin area, was immensely extended. The effect on modern languages and literatures was immediate and has not yet disappeared; it is a revelation of the amazing power and flexibility of the human mind that all the new ideas, emotions, and artistic devices could be so easily and sanely assimilated as they were. It was as though the range of colours visible to the eye had suddenly been enlarged, from the present small spectrum of seven to twelve, and as though artists had been supplied both with new media to work in and with new subjects to paint. We shall study the effects of this revolution in detail later, and meanwhile summarize them.
当然，古典学研究取得了巨大的进步。最后，人们开始真正理解和同情古人。自野蛮时代开始以来就存在的解释困难、个性和传统的混乱、愚蠢的神话和愚蠢的误解，由于合理化和曲解而一个世纪又一个世纪地延续下来，开始迅速消失。古代的广大地区被探索、绘制并成为现实。西方学者的拉丁语水平不断提高，直到不亚于西塞罗本人。西蒙兹特别强调了科鲁奇奥·萨卢塔蒂的工作，他于 1375 年成为佛罗伦萨的首相，在超过 25 年的时间里，他用纯正而尖锐的拉丁语撰写外交信函和政治小册子，受到包括梵蒂冈在内的所有其他意大利列强的钦佩和模仿。二十九
Of course classical scholarship took a tremendous forward leap. At last, men began really to understand and sympathize with the ancients. Difficulties of interpretation, confusions of personalities and traditions, stupid myths and silly misunderstandings which had existed since the onset of barbarism, perpetuated century after century by rationalization and misinterpretation, began rapidly to disappear. Vast areas of antiquity were explored, mapped, and became real. The Latin of western scholars improved until it was not far inferior to that of Cicero himself. Symonds particularly emphasizes the work of Coluccio Salutati, who became the chancellor of Florence in 1375 and for over twenty-five years wrote diplomatic correspondence and political pamphlets in Latin so pure and pointed that it was admired and imitated by the chanceries of all the other Italian powers, including the Vatican.29
罗曼语进一步丰富了其内涵，吸收了直接取自古典拉丁语和古典希腊语的词汇，其中后者的吸收量较小，但仍然很重要。英语也吸收了希腊语和拉丁语词汇，一些直接取自古典文学，另一些则来自法国和意大利作家已经改编的版本。只有词典编纂者才能准确找出英语中这两种不同类型借词的比例。但它们与盎格鲁-撒克逊语和诺曼法语相结合，使英语作为文学载体比任何罗曼语都要丰富得多。莎士比亚一次又一次地将纯正的古英语、简单的并且强劲，带有更微妙的诺曼法语和更宏大的拉丁语衍生词：因此——
The Romance languages were still further enriched by the incorporation of words taken directly from classical Latin and, to a smaller but still important extent, from classical Greek. English also assimilated Greek and Latin words, some directly from the classics and others from adaptations already made by French and Italian writers. Only lexicographers can trace the exact proportion between these two different types of loan-words in English. But they combined with the Anglo-Saxon and Norman-French bases of English to make it far wealthier than any Romanic tongue as a vehicle for literature. Again and again, Shakespeare makes his finest effects from a combination of genuine old English, simple and strong, with the subtler Norman-French and the grander Latin derivative: thus—
我的这只手宁愿把
浩瀚的大海染成猩红色，
让绿色的大海变成红色。三十
This my hand will rather
The multitudinous seas incarnadine,
Making the green one red.30
但是德语和其他北欧语言（瑞典语、佛兰芒语等）几乎没有因为拉丁语和希腊语的新知识而得到扩展。毕竟，英语与拉丁语的相似之处在于它的祖先之一诺曼法语。德语没有这种密切的亲缘关系，因此很难借用和吸收拉丁语词汇。此外，当时德国的文化水平相对较低；尽管存在古典学者和人文主义者，但他们与德国普通民众之间的互动比法国和意大利等国家要脆弱得多。
But German and the other northern European languages—Swedish, Flemish, &c.—were scarcely expanded at all by this new knowledge of Latin and Greek. After all, English is akin to Latin through one of its ancestors, Norman-French. German, having no such close kinship, finds it more difficult to borrow and assimilate Latin words. Besides, the standard of culture in Germany was then relatively low; and although classical scholars and humanists existed, the interaction between them and the general public in Germany was far more tenuous than, for instance, in France and Italy.
在这一时期，波兰人几乎全部用拉丁语写作散文和诗歌，俄罗斯人则用古斯拉夫语写作。本土文学继续以自己的方式发展，几乎不受西方重新发现古典文学的影响。土耳其人的征服切断了从拜占庭流入斯拉夫民族的文明潮流，对俄罗斯文化造成了严重挫折。
During this period, the Poles wrote nearly all their prose and poetry in Latin, the Russians in Old Slavonic. The native literatures went on in their own way, almost unaffected by the rediscovery of classical literature in the west. The Turkish conquest, which cut the current of civilization that had been flowing into the Slavic peoples from Byzantium, was a serious set-back to Russian culture.
在西欧，古典文学的重新发现意义远不止丰富了罗曼语和英语的词汇量。它改进并扩展了诗人、演说家和散文家所使用的文体。罗马作家和演说家，尤其是希腊作家和演说家，都是语言方面极其精明和经验丰富的工匠。现代写作中使用的文体技巧几乎都不是他们发明的。文艺复兴时期的白话作家热切地模仿所有新发现的句子结构和段落结构、韵律、意象和修辞安排的手段，在现代语言中复制和改编它们，就像文艺复兴时期的拉丁语学者在拉丁语中所做的那样热情。这才是文艺复兴前和文艺复兴后文学的分水岭。我们认为，许多中世纪作家的文风幼稚、笨拙，束缚了他们的思想：他们很难将自己的想法用文字表达出来，也很难将文字组织起来。但从文艺复兴以来，如此困难。事实上，情况恰恰相反：许多优秀的文体家几乎没有什么可说的。我们今天写作相对流畅，是因为我们属于文艺复兴时期重新进入西欧文学的古典文体丰富传统的一部分。
The rediscovery of the classics meant much more in western Europe than an enrichment of the vocabularies of the Romance tongues and of English. It improved and extended the styles used by poets, orators, and prosaists. The Roman, and still more the Greek, writers and orators were extremely subtle and experienced artisans in language. There is hardly a single stylistic trick now in use in modern writing which they did not invent. The vernacular writers of the Renaissance eagerly imitated all the newly found devices of sentence-structure and paragraph-structure, of versification, of imagery and rhetorical arrangement, copying and adapting them in the modern languages as enthusiastically as the Renaissance latinists did in Latin. It is this that really makes the watershed between pre-Renaissance and post-Renaissance literature. We feel of many medieval writers that their style, by its naïveté and awkwardness, cramps their thought: that it was painfully difficult for them to get their ideas into words and their words into groups. But from the Renaissance on there is no such difficulty. In fact, the reverse: there are many good stylists who have little or nothing to say. The comparative fluency with which we write to-day is because we are part of the rich tradition of classical style that re-entered western European literature at the Renaissance.
比文体创新更重要的是文学形式的发现。只有一个民族能够发明许多重要的文学形式，这些形式能够适应许多其他语言，并能给人带来永久的审美愉悦：希腊人。在他们完善和罗马人精心设计的模式被重新发现之前，西欧不得不发明自己的形式。除了歌曲和寓言等小型民间模式外，它做得并不完美，而且非常困难。希腊罗马文学形式的揭示，加上如此多文体手法的引入、语言的扩展以及古典历史和传说提供的丰富素材，刺激了现代世界有史以来最伟大的杰作的产生：
Even more important than stylistic innovations was the discovery of literary forms. There has only been one people which could invent many important literary forms capable of adaptation into many other languages and of giving permanent aesthetic pleasure: the Greeks. Until the models which they perfected and the Romans elaborated were rediscovered, western Europe had to invent its own forms. It did so imperfectly and with great difficulty, apart from small folk-patterns like songs and fables. The revelation of the Greco-Roman forms of literature, coming together with the introduction of so many stylistic devices, the expansion in language, and the wealth of material provided by classical history and legend, stimulated the greatest production of masterpieces the modern world has ever seen:
英国、法国和西班牙的悲剧；
tragedy in England, France, and Spain;
意大利、英国和法国的喜剧；
comedy in Italy, England, and France;
意大利、英国和葡萄牙的史诗；
epic in Italy, England, and Portugal;
意大利、法国、英国、西班牙和德国的抒情诗和田园诗；
lyric and pastoral in Italy, France, England, Spain, and Germany;
意大利、法国和英国的讽刺作品；
satire in Italy, France, and England;
西欧各地的散文和哲学论文；
essays and philosophical treatises throughout western Europe;
西欧各地的演讲术都源远流长：
从文艺复兴时期的文体家到
亚伯拉罕·林肯这样的现代演说家，都有着连续不断的传承，而林肯非常有效地运用了几十种归化的希腊拉丁修辞手法。31
oratory throughout western Europe: there is a continuous
line of descent from the Renaissance stylists to such modern
orators as Abraham Lincoln, who used, with great effect, dozens of naturalized Greco-Latin rhetorical devices.31
文艺复兴还为西欧作家打开了一个巨大的新素材宝库，即古典历史和神话。其中一些在中世纪就已为人所知，但并未得到充分的认识。现在，作家们抓住了这一宝藏，并如此热情地加以利用，以至于他们经常写出精心打磨的垃圾作品。如今，几乎不可能不厌倦他们无穷无尽的古典典故——如果是平凡的典故，那就是陈词滥调，如果是学术的典故，那就是晦涩难懂；他们的古典比喻——每个演说家都是西塞罗，每个士兵都是赫克托尔；神话人物——酒神巴克斯和牧神、黛安娜和仙女、牧羊人和哈皮、提坦和丘比特——这些主题充斥在十六和十七世纪的文学作品中，常常排除了所有真正有趣的内容。希腊想象力创造的神话确实不朽的最好证据是，它们经受住了这样的对待，仍然激发着诗人和艺术家的想象力。
The Renaissance also opened up a vast storehouse of new material to western European writers in the form of classical history and mythology. Some of it was known in the Middle Ages, but not so fully realized. Now authors seized on this treasure and exploited it so enthusiastically that they often turned out elaborately polished trash. It is almost impossible nowadays not to be bored with their endless classical allusions—which if commonplace are hackneyed and if scholarly are obscure; with their classical comparisons—every orator a Cicero, every soldier a Hector; and with the mythological apparatus—Bacchus and the fauns, Diana and the nymphs, shepherds and harpies, Titans and cupids—which loads the literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, often to the exclusion of all matters of real interest. The best evidence that the myths invented by the Greek imagination are really immortal is the fact that they survived such treatment, and are still stimulating the imagination of poets and artists.
最后，文艺复兴时期对古典文化的重新发现不仅仅是图书馆增加了书籍。它涉及所有艺术——雕塑、建筑、绘画和音乐——的力量和资源的扩展，以及它们之间更紧密、更富有成效的联盟。正如每个伟大的艺术时代一样，所有艺术都相互刺激。美感得到了加强和细化。人们画画、写诗、设计花园、锻造盔甲、印制书籍，主要目的就是给人以审美的愉悦；而中世纪那种从每件事实或艺术作品中汲取道德教训的可恶习惯逐渐——尽管肯定不是完全——被抛弃了。批评的能力此前几乎只局限于哲学和宗教争论，现在被大量应用于艺术——不仅应用于艺术，还从艺术辐射到社会生活、风俗、服装、身体习惯、马匹、花园、装饰品，到人类生活的每个领域。美感始终存在于人类之中，在中世纪，美感几乎被淹没在血腥和风暴中；尽管受到阻碍和误导，美感在中世纪重新出现。在文艺复兴时期，美感作为一种批判和创造性能力的复兴是希腊和罗马精神最伟大的成就之一。
Finally, the rediscovery of classical culture in the Renaissance was more than the addition of books to the library. It involved an expansion in the powers and resources of all the arts—sculpture, architecture, painting, and music too—and a closer, more fruitful alliance between them. As in every great artistic era, all the arts stimulated one another. The sense of beauty was strengthened and subtilized. Pictures were painted, poems were written, gardens were designed and armour forged and books printed for the chief purpose of giving aesthetic pleasure; and the detestable medieval habit of extracting a moral lesson from every fact or work of art was gradually—although certainly not entirely—abandoned. The faculty of criticism, hitherto almost confined to philosophical and religious controversy, was now applied intensely to the arts—and not only to the arts, but by radiation from them to social life, to manners, costumes, physical habits, horses, gardens, ornaments, to every field of human life. The sense of beauty always exists in mankind, During the Dark Ages it was almost drowned in blood and storms; it reappeared in the Middle Ages, although hampered and misdirected. Its revivification as a critical and creative faculty in the Renaissance was one of the greatest achievements of the spirit of Greece and Rome.
2
黑暗时代：英国文学
2
THE DARK AGES: ENGLISH LITERATURE
在所有伟大的现代欧洲语言中，英语拥有迄今为止最大、最重要的早期文学。在历史的黑暗时代，即罗马沦陷和公元 1000 年之间，法国、意大利、俄罗斯、西班牙和其他地方一定有一些白话诗——尽管除了当地方言的歌曲和民谣之外，可能没有太多。但实际上，这些诗歌都没有留存下来：它们可能从未被写下来。德语中只有两三首战争诗的片段；两首福音故事的诗意解释，其中有一首关于《创世纪》的诗和一段关于世界末日的简短描述；以及诺特克的几部哲学和圣经译本。在边缘地区——冰岛、爱尔兰、挪威、威尔士——出现了有趣的传奇和浪漫故事集、神话、格言和偶尔的挽歌诗；在流行的希腊语中，一些民谣和英雄故事留存了下来。当然，拉丁书籍的写作延续了国际传统，而拜占庭学者则继续以古典希腊文学的形式进行创作，而且往往具有惊人的新鲜感。但经过这么多世纪，几乎没有任何东西能以人们的语言留存下来。
OF all the great modern European languages, English has by far the largest and most important early literature. During the Dark Ages of history, between the fall of Rome and, say, the year 1000, there must have been some vernacular poetry in France, in Italy, in Russia, in Spain, and elsewhere—although it is unlikely that there was much more than songs and ballads in local dialects. But virtually none of it has survived: it may never have been written down. In German there is nothing but two or three fragments of war-poems; two poetic paraphrases of the Gospel story, with a section of a poem on Genesis and a short description of Doomsday; and several of Notker’s philosophical and biblical translations. In the peripheral lands—Iceland, Ireland, Norway, Wales—there were growing up interesting collections of sagas and romances, mythical, gnomic, and occasionally elegiac poems; and in popular Greek some ballads and heroic tales have survived. Of course Latin books were being written in a continuous international tradition, while the Byzantine scholars continued, often with remarkable freshness, to compose in the forms of classical Greek literature. But scarcely anything else has survived in the language of the people out of so many centuries.
然而，早在公元 1000 年之前，英国就已创造出丰富多彩、独具创意、充满活力的民族文学。这种文学始于西罗马帝国覆灭后不久；尽管困难重重，但这种文学在黑暗的黑暗时代仍然蓬勃发展，当时西欧文明正从野蛮状态中重新崛起。
However, long before 1000, a rich, varied, original, and lively national literature was being created in England. It began soon after the western Roman empire fell; and it developed, in spite of frightful difficulties, during the dismal years known as the Dark Ages, when western European civilization was fighting its way up from barbarism once again.
盎格鲁撒克逊诗歌
ANGLO-SAXON POETRY
古英语文学中最重要的诗歌是一首名为《贝奥武甫》的史诗。它讲述了一位战士首领一生中的两次英勇事迹，也讲述了他的青年时代、登基、成为国王和去世的故事。贝奥武甫是他的名字，他被称为盖塔斯的王子。据信这个部落曾居住在哥特兰，这仍然是瑞典南部的名字；他的叔叔海吉拉克在这场战斗中丧生，据说发生在公元520年左右。1提到的主要部落是盎格鲁人、瑞典人、法兰克人、丹麦人和盖塔人。因此，这首诗的素材是由罗马人离开英国后入侵英国的一些凶猛的战团从波罗的海地区带过来的。
The most important poem in old English literature is an epic called Beowulf. It deals with two heroic exploits in the life of a warrior chief, but also covers his youth, his accession to the throne, his kingship, and his death. Beowulf is his name, and he is called prince of the Geatas. This tribe is believed to have lived in Gotaland, which is still the name of southern Sweden; and the battle in which his uncle Hygelac was killed is known to have occurred about the year A.D. 520.1 The chief tribes mentioned are the Angles, the Swedes, the Franks, the Danes, and the Geatas themselves. The material of the poem was therefore brought over from the Baltic area by some of the fierce war-bands who invaded Britain after the Romans left it.
它的主要意义在于它向我们展示了欧洲文明发展的早期阶段，比任何其他同类文献（包括希腊和罗马书籍）都要早。将它与荷马的作品进行比较。所描述的生活类型，一个由部落国家、突袭队和勇敢的首领组成的混乱世界，几乎是一样的。贝奥武夫本人会在特洛伊城外的亚该亚人营地受到欢迎，并会在帕特洛克勒斯的葬礼比赛中赢得游泳奖。但存在重要差异：
Its chief interest is that it shows us an earlier stage of development in European civilization than any other comparable document, Greek and Roman books included. Compare it with Homer. The type of life described, a disorganized world of tribal states, raiding-parties, and gallant chiefs, is pretty much the same. Beowulf himself would have been welcomed in the camp of the Achaeans outside Troy, and would have won the swimming prize at Patroclus’ funeral games. But there are important differences:
( a ) 在《贝奥武甫》中，冲突发生在人类与亚人类之间。贝奥武甫的主要敌人格伦德尔是一个住在山洞里的巨人食人族。（除了格伦德尔的惊人体型外，他并不一定是寓言。直到十七世纪，欧洲边远地区仍有报道称，食人族家族居住在与格伦德尔的洞穴相似的洞穴中。最著名的例子是苏格兰南部的索尼·比恩。）贝奥武甫的另一个对手是火龙，一种守护宝藏的喷火龙。因此，这个故事讲述了勇敢的部落战士与荒野中凶猛的动物以及生活在人类世界之外并憎恨人类世界的野蛮穴居人之间的长期战斗。2但在《伊利亚特》中，战争发生在希腊的劫掠部落与富裕的亚洲城市特洛伊之间，希腊虽然原始，但并非没有城镇和商业，特洛伊拥有像门农这样富裕而文明的盟友。荷马史诗中没有人类与动物怪物之间的长期冲突。（柏勒洛丰被迫与一只会喷火的狮羊蛇怪物奇美拉战斗；但这一事件只用了五行来叙述。3荷马史诗中与贝奥武甫这一方面的主要相似之处可以在《奥德赛》中找到，那里的人们身处远离希腊世界的荒野地区：格伦德尔最近的亲戚是西西里山上的独眼巨人，或者是午夜太阳之地的食人魔莱斯特里戈涅斯。）与荷马史诗相比，贝奥武甫的冒险不是发生在文明的晨曦中，而是发生在那个巨大、孤独、反人类的世界的黄昏阴暗中，原始森林，瓦格纳如此美丽而可怕地唤起的世界《尼伯龙根的指环》；或是西贝柳斯音乐中被推崇为高贵的奇异的芬兰《卡勒瓦拉》。
(a) In Beowulf, the conflict is between man and the sub-human. Beowulf’s chief enemy Grendel is a giant cannibal living in a cave. (Apart from Grendel’s terrific size, he is not necessarily a mere fable. As late as the seventeenth century there are reports from outlying parts of Europe of cannibal families inhabiting caves not unlike Grendel’s. The most famous case is Sawney Bean, in southern Scotland.) The other opponent of Beowulf is a firedrake, a flame-spitting dragon guarding a treasure. So the story represents the long fight between brave tribal warriors on one side and, on the other, the fierce animals of the wilderness and the bestial cave-beings who live outside the world of men and hate it. 2 But in the Iliad the war is between raiding tribesmen from a Greece which, though primitive, is not empty of towns and commerce, and the rich civilized Asiatic city of Troy, with rich and civilized allies like Memnon. There is no prolonged conflict between men and animal monsters in Homer. (Bellerophon was forced to fight against a lion-goat-snake monster, the Chimera, which breathed fire; but that incident takes only five lines to narrate.3 The chief Homeric parallels to this aspect of Beowulf are to be found in the Odyssey, where they are located in wild regions far outside the Greek world: Grendel’s nearest kinsmen are the Cyclopes of the Sicilian mountains, or the man-eating Laestrygones in the land of the midnight sun.) Compared with Homer, Beowulf’s adventures take place, not in the morning light of civilization, but in the twilight gloom of that huge, lonely, anti-human world, the forest primeval, the world so beautifully and horribly evoked by Wagner in The Ring of the Nibelungs; or that of the weird Finnish Kalevala, which is ennobled in the music of Sibelius.
( b ) 贝奥武甫的世界比荷马的世界更狭窄、更简单。人类的记忆非常短暂。他们的地理范围很小：欧洲中北部，被无路的森林和蛇出没的大海所包围，再往前走就找不到斯拉夫人或罗马人的踪迹。在边界内，他们的定居点孤零零、分散、组织混乱。当《伊利亚特》中新的勇士相遇时，或者当《奥德赛》中奥德修斯登陆新地点时，通常会有礼貌但明确的信息交换，将一束束光芒射进周围的黑暗中。我们听说了远处的伟大城市和过去的伟大英雄。结果，史诗逐渐积累了丰富的历史和地理知识，很像《圣经》中的士师记和撒母耳记。但《贝奥武甫》包含的此类信息要少得多，因为其人物和作曲家对过去和周围世界的了解要少得多。《伊利亚特》或《奥德赛》中的任何三千行诗句都会把我们带入一个比《贝奥武甫》全部 3,183 行诗句更广阔、更人口稠密、探索程度更高和相互依存的世界；而荷马的风俗、武器、计谋、艺术和人物也比撒克逊史诗复杂得多。
(b) The world of Beowulf is narrower and simpler than that of Homer. Men’s memories are very short. Their geographical range is small: north central Europe, bounded by pathless forest and serpent-haunted sea, with no trace of Slavs or Romans beyond. Within this frontier their settlements are lonely, scattered, and ill organized. When new champions face each other in the Iliad, or when Odysseus makes a new landfall in the Odyssey, there is usually a polite but clear exchange of information which shoots rays of light into the surrounding darkness. We hear of great cities in the distance and great heroes in the past. The result is that the epics gradually build up a rich collection of historical and geographical knowledge, rather like the books of Judges and Samuel in the Bible. But Beowulf contains far less such information, because its characters and composers knew far less of the past and of the world around. Any three thousand lines of Iliad or Odyssey take us into a wider, more populous, more highly explored and interdependent world than all the 3, 183 lines of Beowulf; and the customs, weapons, stratagems, arts, and personalities of Homer are vastly more complex than those of the Saxon epic.
( c ) 从艺术上讲，《贝奥武甫》是一首粗俗且相对缺乏技巧的诗。史诗和悲剧一样，是一种高度发达的文学。它的原始祖先在许多国家仍然存在。它们是描述英雄事迹或苦难的短诗：苏格兰边境的民谣、关于马尔科·克拉列维奇和其他塞尔维亚酋长的歌曲、关于与入侵的丹麦人作战的盎格鲁-撒克逊优秀片段《马尔登》。有时这些诗被粗略地联系在一起，形成一个循环或编年史，讲述一场战争、一个王朝或一群强者所取得的许多伟大功绩。4但这些仍然不能构成一部史诗。赫拉克勒斯、大卫王或亚瑟王及其骑士的所有冒险经历将构成一个有趣的故事，但它们不会产生真正的史诗的艺术冲击力。史诗是由一位诗人（或者可能是紧密相连的一代诗人，一个诗人家族）创作的，他详细讲述一次伟大的英雄冒险，将其与尽可能多的历史、地理和精神背景联系起来，使它比任何孤立的事件（无论多么引人注目）都更有意义，并使其体现深刻的道德真理。
(c) Artistically, Beowulf is a rude and comparatively unskilled poem. Epic poetry is, like tragedy, a highly developed literary growth. Its wild ancestors still exist in many countries. They are short poems describing single deeds of heroic energy or suffering: the ballads of the Scottish borders, the songs about Marko Kraljević and other Serbian chiefs, the fine Anglo-Saxon fragment, Maldon, about a battle against the invading Danes. Sometimes these are roughly linked together, to make a cycle or a chronicle telling of many great exploits performed in one war, or under one dynasty, or by one group of strong men.4 But still these do not make an epic. All the adventures of Hercules, or King David, or King Arthur and his knights, will form an interesting story, but they will not have the artistic impact of a real epic. An epic is made by a single poet (or perhaps a closely linked succession, a family of poets) who relates one great heroic adventure in detail, connecting it with as much historical, geographical, and spiritual background as will make it something much more deeply significant than any isolated incident, however remarkable, and causing it to embody a profound moral truth.
现在，世界上大多数英雄诗都属于这一发展的第一阶段。它讲述了帕特里克·斯彭斯爵士的故事，或者奥特伯恩战役，然后就结束了。有一首盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌与此类似，名为《芬斯伯里》 ，我们也可以在《贝奥武甫》中找到不同的形式，就像后来建筑师将小教堂改造成大型复杂的教堂一样。5冰岛传奇故事属于第二阶段，即长篇编年史——尽管其中有几部，如《恩贾拉》具有真正的史诗的高贵品质。《贝奥武甫》是一部固执的尝试，虽然不够熟练，但是为了达到第三阶段，创作了一部将统一性和多样性、英雄行为和精神意义相结合的诗歌。其骨架如下：
Now, most of the heroic poetry in the world belongs to the first stage of this development. It tells the story of Sir Patrick Spens, or the battle of Otterburn, and then stops. There is an Anglo-Saxon poem like this, called Finnsburh, which we can also find built into Beowulf in a different shape, like the little chapel which later architects have worked into a large and complex church.5 The Icelandic sagas correspond to the second stage, the long chronicle—although a few, like Njála, have the nobility of true epic. Beowulf is a dogged, though unskilled, attempt to reach the third stage, and to make a poem combining unity and variety, heroic action and spiritual meaning. Here is its skeleton:
因此，这首诗主要讲述了两个（最多三个）英雄冒险故事，它们本质上是相似的，更不用说重复了。两个发生在遥远的国家，第三个发生在贝奥武夫漫长的一生的尽头；而他的登基和五十年的统治在不到 150 行的诗行中被略过。6其他情节让人回想起过去，7将贝奥武甫与早期的英雄们进行比较，8预言黑暗的未来，9旨在将这些冒险协调成一个单一的多维结构；但建造者几乎无法规划得足够好。如果那个只建造最原始的教堂、城堡和法律法规的时代能够产生有能力构思一个宏大而微妙的计划并将其强加给他们必须处理的粗暴顽固的材料和半野蛮的观众的诗人，那将是令人惊讶的。与希腊和罗马的伟大史诗相比，这首诗的风格和语言范围有限，有时甚至非常苛刻和困难；然而，即使笨拙，它们也非常大胆和有力，就像它们所讲述的英雄一样。10
So the poem is mostly occupied by relating two (or at most three) heroic adventures, which are essentially similar, not to say repetitious. Two happen in a distant country and the third at the end of Beowulf’s long life; while his accession to the throne and his fifty years’ reign are passed over in less than 150 lines.6 The other episodes, evoking the past,7 comparing Beowulf with earlier heroes,8 and foretelling the gloomy future,9 were designed to coordinate these adventures into a single multidimensional structure; but the builder could scarcely plan well enough. It would have been astonishing if the age which made only the most primitive churches and castles and codes of law could have produced poets with the power to conceive a large and subtle plan and to impose it on the rough recalcitrant material and half-barbarous audiences with which they had to deal. The style and language of the poem, in comparison with the greater epics of Greece and Rome, are limited in range, sometimes painfully harsh and difficult; yet, even if awkward, they are tremendously bold and powerful, like the hero of whom they tell.10
《贝奥武甫》和其他盎格鲁-撒克逊世俗诗歌显然没有受到直接的古典影响。11它们属于与希腊罗马文明不同的世界。人们试图证明贝奥武甫模仿了《埃涅阿斯记》，但他们的主要目的是表明这两首诗都用英雄的语言描述了非常相似的英雄事件；从这些方面我们可以证明印度史诗模仿了荷马。语言、结构和技巧是如此引人注目，以至于任何实质性的相似之处都只是巧合，即使在那个时期，一位诗人在一个困难的传统中工作，可能会从另一个更困难的传统中借鉴。当早期的工匠，如《贝奥武甫》的创作者，了解任何古典文学时，他们都会因其卓越的力量和精致而被迫非常小心和明显地改编它。
There is apparently no direct classical influence on Beowulf and the other Anglo-Saxon secular poems.11 They belong to a different world from that of Greco-Roman civilization. Attempts have been made to prove that Beowulf imitates the Aenetd, but they consist mainly in showing that both poems describe distantly similar heroic incidents in heroic language; and on these lines we could prove that the Indian epic poets copied Homer. The differences in language, structure, and technique are so striking as to make any material resemblance merely coincidental, even if it were probable that a poet working in one difficult tradition at such a period would borrow from another even more difficult. When early craftsmen like the creator of Beowulf know any classical literature, they are forced by its superior power and elaboration to adapt it very carefully and obviously.
然而，这首诗中确实有一定程度的基督教影响——尽管它显然是边缘性的，而且比诗歌的主要构思晚。《贝奥武甫》就像它成长的世界一样，展示了基督教理想叠加在野蛮的异教基础之上，并刚刚开始改变它。我们在一些冰岛传奇和盖尔传说中也看到了同样的事情。格雷戈里夫人讲述了奥辛如何从古老的英雄立场与圣帕特里克争论，并对他说：
There is, however, a certain amount of Christian influence—although it is evidently peripheral, and later than the main conception of the poem. Beowulf, like the world in which it grew, shows Christian ideals superimposed upon a barbarous pagan substructure, and just beginning to transform it. We see the same thing in some of the Icelandic sagas and in the Gaelic legends. Lady Gregory tells how Oisin argued with St. Patrick from the old heroic standpoint, and said to him:
“爱尔兰芬尼亚勇士打过许多仗，赢得许多胜利；但我从未听说圣徒之王（即耶稣）做过什么伟大的事，或者他曾让自己的手变红。”12
‘Many a battle and many a victory was gained by the Fianna of Ireland; I never heard any great deed was done by the King of Saints (i.e. Jesus), or that he ever reddened his hand.’12
因此，贝奥武甫以一场彻底的异教葬礼开始和结束。同样重要的是，当闹鬼的宫殿赫罗特首次开放时，一位吟游诗人唱了一首关于创世前五天的歌（显然是基于《创世纪》，就像卡德蒙的赞美诗一样）；但后来，当食人魔开始攻击宫殿时，讨论预防措施的首领们发誓要向“杀戮灵魂者”（=魔鬼=异教神灵）献祭。这种不一致可能是插入或文化混乱的标志。基督教的影响确实出现在《旧约》中，严格来说是《旧约》的传统。贝奥武甫的听众是阿尔德海姆为之演唱本土歌曲的“半野蛮人”，他们的智力和精神水平几乎不足以欣赏福音书和保罗书信。上帝只是一位一神论的国王、统治者和法官，因其权力而受人尊敬。没有提到耶稣基督、十字架、教堂、圣徒或天使。13出现了一两个早期《旧约》故事，就像嫁接到异教之上一样：巨人格伦德尔，连同“食人魔、精灵和海怪”，据说都来自兄弟相残的该隐的种族；其中还提到了洪水。14但这一切，虽然来自拉丁圣经，却只是最薄弱的古典影响。希腊和罗马对Beoem没有直接影响贝奥武夫及其同类诗歌，也不比威尔士的马比诺吉安、芬戈尔和他的战士们的故事、亚瑟王的伟大传说以及其他在罗马文明瓦解边境兴起的英雄故事更令人讨厌。古典文学的影响，如果真的影响到了他们和他们的创造者，也是通过教会影响到的。在希腊世界被切断，罗马世界变得野蛮之后，教会使野蛮人文明化。贝奥武夫让我们看到这一切是如何开始的：通过使他们皈依，教会是逐步而明智的。在经历了许多个黑暗的世纪之后，欧洲恢复了文明，很大程度上再次受到了希腊和罗马精神的刺激；但正是教会通过这种影响传递了更高的愿景，开始在战败帝国的废墟上重新征服胜利的野蛮人。
So Beowulf both begins and ends with a thoroughly pagan funeral. It is significant also that, when Heorot the haunted palace was first opened, a minstrel sang a song about the first five days of Creation (evidently based on Genesis, like Caedmon’s hymn); but later, when the ogre began to attack the palace, the chiefs who debated about preventive measures vowed sacrifices to ‘the slayer of souls’ (= the devil = a pagan divinity). Such inconsistency can be a sign either of interpolation or of the confusion of cultures. What Christian influence does appear is strictly Old Testament tradition. The audience of Beowulf, the ‘half-barbarous folk’ to whom Aldhelm sang vernacular songs, was scarcely at an intellectual and spiritual level which would permit it to appreciate the gospels and the Pauline epistles. God is simply a monotheistic king, ruler, and judge, venerable because of His power. There is no mention of Jesus Christ, of the cross, of the church, of saints, or of angels.13 One or two early Old Testament stories appear, as it were grafted upon paganism: the giant Grendel, together with ‘ogres and elves and sea-monsters’, is said to come of the race of the fratricide Cain; and there is a mention of the Flood.14 But all this, although it comes through the Latin Bible, is classical influence at its very thinnest. Greece and Rome had no immediate influence on Beoem wulf and its kindred poems, any more than on the Welsh Mabinogian, the stories of Fingal and his warriors, the great legends of Arthur, and other heroic tales which grew up along the frontiers of the dissolving civilization of Rome. Classical influence, if it reached them and their makers at all, reached them through the church. After the Greek world had been cut off and the Roman world barbarized, the church civilized the barbarians. Beowulf allows us to see how it began: gradually and wisely, by converting them. After many dark centuries, Europe regained civilization, urged forward largely by feeling, once again, the stimulus of the spirit of Greece and Rome; but it was the church which, by transmitting a higher vision through that influence, began the reconquest of the victorious barbarians upon the ruins of the defeated empire.
在《历史研究》中，AJ 汤因比先生讨论了一个非常奇怪的事实：北方的史诗中没有一部描述其民族最伟大的战争成就——推翻罗马帝国。15他的解释是，野蛮人觉得罗马人太复杂，不方便写，而征服他们的酋长（如克洛维和狄奥多里克）又太无趣。这个答案是不完整的。并不是所有的胜利者都是无趣的。许多胜利者都是令人难忘的人物，如阿提拉（═史诗和传奇中的埃策尔和阿特利）。但罗马帝国确实过于庞大和复杂。因此，它的征服花费了太长时间，以至于部落成员和部落诗人无法将其视为一次英雄壮举。《伊利亚特》不是关于特洛伊围城战的——尽管由于荷马的天才，它暗示了十年的战斗和最后的占领：它更不是关于北方人对地中海地区的整个入侵。对于原始人来说，行动和诗歌的刺激是单一的：侮辱、女人、怪物或宝藏。此外，尽管他们洗劫了罗马帝国的城市，尽管他们驱逐了官员并占领了领土，但许多野蛮人并不认为他们正在征服一个外来敌人，而是夺回了他们应得的特权。他们并没有废除帝国。他们搬进来并接管了它。套用蒙森的一句话，征服意味着野蛮人的罗马化，甚至比罗马人的野蛮化更为严重。16最后（正如汤因比先生所暗示的），征服帝国的过程本身往往会消除他们对史诗文学的渴望，因为这是一个成功的行动，而这一成功使他们更加富有和沉稳。英雄诗很少描述成功，除非面对可怕的逆境。它更喜欢讲述失败让勇敢的人更加勇敢，并让他的人生更加圆满。17征服罗马并不会令野蛮人的意志变得更加坚强、内心变得更加敏锐。18但几个世纪后，他们又重新创造了英雄风格。当他们在新凯撒（一个野蛮人后裔的基督徒）的领导下，受到同样强大的新异教徒的威胁时，在高山和黑暗的山谷上吹响了罗兰的垂死号角。
In A Study of History Mr. A. J. Toynbee discusses the very odd fact that none of the northern epics describes the greatest war-like achievement of their peoples, the overthrow of the Roman empire.15 His explanation is that the barbarians found the Romans too complex to write about, and the chiefs who conquered them (such as Clovis and Theodoric) too dull. This answer is incomplete. Not all the victors were dull. Many were memorable figures like Attila (═ Etzel and Atli in epic and saga). But the Roman empire was indeed too vast and complicated. Its conquest therefore took too long for the tribesmen and tribal poets to see it as one heroic effort. The Iliad is not about the siege of Troy—although, because of Homer’s genius, it implies the ten years’ fighting and the final capture: still less is it about the whole invasion of the Mediterranean area by the men from the north. For primitive man the stimulus to action and to poetry is single: an insult, a woman, a monster, or a treasure. Further, although they looted cities in the Roman empire, although they displaced officials and occupied territories, many of the barbarians did not think they were subjugating an alien enemy so much as taking over their due share in privileges from which they had been kept. They did not abolish the empire. They moved in and took it over. To adapt a phrase of Mommsen’s, the conquest meant the romanization of the barbarians even more than the barbarization of the Romans.16 And lastly (as Mr. Toynbee hints) the very process of conquering the empire tended to abolish their urge towards epic literature, for it was a successful operation, and a success that made them richer and more staid. Heroic poetry seldom describes successes, unless against fearful odds. It prefers to tell of the defeat which makes the brave man even braver and rounds off his life.17 Not through conquering Rome would the barbarians’ will become harder and their hearts keener.18 But centuries later they re-created the heroic style. When they themselves, led by a new Caesar (a Christian of barbarian descent), were threatened by new pagans no less formidable, then, over high mountain and dark valley, rang out the dying trumpet of Roland.
英国黑暗时代最伟大的历史学家明确指出，基督教英语诗歌源于盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌传统。这个故事载于比德的《英格兰教会史》。比德解释说，聚会上经常安排每位客人轮流弹奏竖琴并唱歌（这些歌曲一定都与宗教无关）。诺森伯兰郡的牧牛人凯德蒙“活到了高龄却没有学过任何诗歌”，因此他过去常常在轮到自己之前就离开聚会。但是一天晚上，在做完这件事后，他独自去牛棚里睡觉，看守着牛群，他在梦中受到启发，唱起了“万物之始”的歌，赞美造物主上帝。当他醒来时，他牢牢记住了睡梦中唱过的所有歌词，后来，他又以同样高贵的宗教风格演唱了其他歌词。消息传到惠特比修道院后，修道院院长希尔达检查了卡德蒙，并宣布他受到了神的启发。僧侣们向他重复了一段神圣的故事或教训，让他把这些内容写成诗句，他一夜之间就完成了。他既不会读也不会写；但“他通过倾听学到的所有东西，他都在心里思考”。他被带进修道院，学习了《旧约》和《新约》的内容。渐渐地，他“像一只干净的动物一样沉思”，把《圣经》的故事和教义变成了盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌。19就这样，在公元 657 年惠特比修道院建立后的某个时候，盎格鲁-撒克逊语和拉丁语这两个伟大的传统开始融合。当卡德蒙反复思考圣经中那些崇高的篇章，并把它们变成优美的歌曲时，他所做的就是像迪奥和威德西斯这样的世俗诗人那样，用古老的酋长和很久以前的战争的传说来创作。但他使用的材料是由使用拉丁语圣经的学者为他翻译的。20这种综合的象征是卡德蒙放弃世俗生活，进入修道院。
Christian English poetry is specifically stated by the greatest English historian of the Dark Ages to have sprung from the Anglo-Saxon poetic tradition. The story is in Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation. Bede explains that at parties it was often arranged that each guest in turn should play the harp and sing a song (the songs must all have been on non-religious subjects). A Northumbrian cowherd called Cædmon ‘had lived to an advanced age without learning any poetry’, so he used to leave the party before his turn came. But one night, after doing this and going away by himself to sleep in the byre, guarding the cattle, he was inspired in a dream to sing about ‘the beginning of created things’, in praise of God the Creator. When he woke he had firmly in his memory all that he had sung in his sleep, and to these words he later added others in the same noble religious style. After news of this was taken to Whitby Abbey, Caedmon was examined by the abbess Hilda and declared to be divinely inspired. The monks repeated to him the text of a sacred story or lesson to turn into verse, and he did it overnight. He could neither read nor write; but ‘all he could learn by listening he pondered in his heart’. Taken into the abbey, he was taught the contents of the Old and New Testaments. Gradually, ‘ruminating like a clean animal’, he turned the stories and teachings of the Bible into Anglo-Saxon poetry.19 And so—some time after A.D. 657, when Whitby Abbey was founded—the two great traditions, Anglo-Saxon and Latin, flowed together. When Caedmon ruminated the sublime chapters of the Bible and turned them into sweet songs, he was doing what secular poets like Deor and Widsith did with legends of old chieftains and battles long ago. But the material he was using was translated for him by scholars using the Latin Bible.20 The synthesis is symbolized by the fact that Caedmon gave up his secular life and entered the monastery.
卡德蒙的诗歌如今已所剩无几，只剩下一段残篇，这是一长串宏伟的英语基督教诗歌的正确开端——一首简短而优美的赞美诗，赞美造物主上帝。但后来还创作了其他古英语诗歌，采用卡德蒙的体系，可能受到他的启发。它们是对圣经故事的诗意解释和扩展，显然是由能够阅读拉丁文原文的作者创作的。它们的基本事实是，它们将圣经传统与盎格鲁-撒克逊风格和情感相结合。它们以与《贝奥武甫》相同的短小粗糙的韵律和诗意的语言写成，充满了紧握拳头、咬牙切齿的短语。它们具有古英语世俗诗歌特有的军事能量和意志力。亚伯拉罕在《创世纪》中以勇敢的希伯来“伯爵”的身份出现，从北方人手中救出了罗得。撒旦在《创世纪 B》中集结演讲的冷酷决心（可以想象弥尔顿知道21）讲述的是一千名北方酋长虽然战败，却有勇气永不屈服。这些诗歌的素材不是基督教传统，而是犹太人的历史和传说。正如《贝奥武甫》中为数不多的圣经回忆来自《旧约》的开篇一样，这些作品中有两部是关于《创世纪》，一部是关于《出埃及记》。另一部是关于《但以理书》的——这个故事虽然成书时间相当晚，但却是最原始、民族主义色彩最浓厚的希伯来语书籍之一。毫无疑问，故事的简单和暴力吸引了当时正在反抗残忍而强大的异教徒的原始英国人。一个类似的圣经历史释义是《朱迪思》，这是一段约 350 行的片段，赞扬了杀死亚述侵略者将军的犹太民族女英雄。当然，它被认为是凯德蒙的作品，就像许多短篇希腊英雄诗被认为是荷马或赫西奥德的作品一样；但现在它被置于十世纪，当时正值野蛮的丹麦人长期抵抗英国的入侵和占领。连同两部类似的德语作品，这是拉丁语圣经首次被翻译成现代白话文：它们宣告了圣经的一系列英文翻译，最终以詹姆斯王钦定版收官。
Of Caedmon’s poetry nothing now remains except a fragment which is the right beginning for the long magnificent series of Christian poems in English—a short and beautiful hymn to God the Creator. But there are other Old English poems written later, on Caedmon’s system and probably inspired by his example. They are poetic paraphrases and expansions of biblical narratives, apparently by authors who could read the originals in Latin. The essential fact about them is that they combine Bible tradition with Anglo-Saxon style and feeling. They are written in the same short rough metre and the same poetic language as Beowulf, full of fist-griping, teeth-grinding phrases. And they have all the martial energy and strength of will characteristic of Old English secular poetry. Abraham appears in Genesis as a bold Hebrew ‘earl’ rescuing Lot from the northmen. The grim resolution of Satan’s rallying speech in Genesis B (which may conceivably have been known to Milton 21) is that of a thousand northern chiefs who, although defeated, had courage never to submit or yield. The material of these poems is not Christian tradition but Jewish history and legend. Just as the few biblical reminiscences in Beowulf come from the very beginning of the Old Testament, so two of these works are on Genesis and one on Exodus. There is another on the book of Daniel—a story which, although it was written fairly late, is one of the most primitive and strongly nationalist Hebrew books. No doubt the simplicity and violence of the story appealed to the primitive people of England, who were themselves resisting cruel and powerful pagans. A similar paraphrase of biblical history is judith, a fragment about 350 lines long, praising the national Jewish heroine who killed the general of the Assyrian invaders. It was of course attributed to Cædmon, as so many short Greek heroic poems were attributed to Homer or Hesiod; but it is now placed in the tenth century, during the long resistance to the invasion and occupation of England by the savage Danes. Along with two similar German works, these are the first translations from the Latin Bible into a modern vernacular: and they announce the great series of English renderings of the Bible which culminates in the King James Version.
下一位已知的盎格鲁-撒克逊诗人西内沃尔夫代表了原始诗歌发展的第二阶段。在民歌、编年史和史诗中，就像在其他传统故事（例如童话）中一样，作曲家自己的个性被压制。没有人知道是谁创作了《伊利亚特》、《奥德赛》、《贝奥武甫》或《士师记》。但只要史诗风格依然存在，就经常会出现一位诗人，他意识到自己的使命并为自己的技巧感到自豪，他在史诗传统内或附近的诗歌中插入自己的名字，并改变传统风格以适合自己的个性。荷马史诗之后最早的已知希腊诗人是赫西奥德，他的《工作与时日》虽然充满了传统的传说和语言，也体现了他的名字、部分自传和大部分个人的人生观。在《伊利亚特》之后很久以史诗风格写成的一首赞美诗中，诗人说他是一个住在多岩石的希俄斯岛的盲人：这就是荷马是盲人传统的由来。22福基利德斯 (Phocylides) 写过诗意的谚语，他把自己的名字写在每句谚语的第一行，以此作为“签名”。同样，在古英语诗歌中，继传统主义者凯德蒙 (Cædmon) 之后，出现了个性更加鲜明的赛纽伍尔夫 (Cynewulf)。
Cynewulf, the next known Anglo-Saxon poet, represents the usual second stage in the development of primitive poetry. In lays, chronicles, and epics, as in other traditional stories (e.g. fairy-tales), the composer’s own personality is suppressed. No one knows who put together the Iliad, the Odyssey, Beowulf, or Judges. But while the epic style still lives, there often appears a poet conscious of his own mission and proud of his skill, who inserts his own name in poems written within or near the epic tradition, and alters the conventional style to suit his personality. The earliest known Greek poet after the Homeric epics is Hesiod, whose Works and Days, although full of traditional lore and language, also embodies his name, some of his autobiography, and much of his personal outlook on life. In one of the hymns written in epic style long after the Iliad, the poet says he is a blind man living in rocky Chios: this was the origin of the tradition that Homer was blind.22 Phocylides, who wrote poetic proverbs, ‘signed’ each of them by putting his name into the first line. And similarly in Old English poetry, after the traditionalist Cædmon, comes the much better-defined personality of Cynewulf.
我们知道他存在，也知道一些他的生活，还知道他写的四首诗。它们是：
We know that he existed, and know a little of his life, and know four of the poems he wrote. These are:
（a）《基督》是格里高利一世在耶稣升天时布道的诗意释义；23
(a) Christ, a poetic paraphrase of a sermon on the Ascension by Gregory the Great;23
（b）《朱莉安娜》，记述了圣朱莉安娜的殉难，显然是从拉丁殉道者名录中诗化而来的；24
(b) Juliana, an account of the martyrdom of St. Juliana, evidently versified from a Latin martyrology;24
（c）《使徒的命运》，以短诗形式记忆十二使徒的使命和死亡概要；
(c) The Fates of the Apostles, a short versified mnemonic summary of the missions and deaths, of the twelve apostles;
（d）《海伦娜》，详细记述了君士坦丁大帝的母亲圣海伦娜前往耶路撒冷的旅程，她在那里寻找耶稣埋葬的十字架，并找到了它（通过威胁处决大量犹太人），并建立了对它的崇拜。
(d) Helena, a long and detailed account of the journey of St. Helena, mother of the emperor Constantine, to Jerusalem, where she searched for the buried cross of Jesus, found it (by threatening to execute a large number of Jews), and instituted its cult.
所有这些诗都包含以符文形式插入的 Cynewulf 的名字。这个奇怪的密码基于这样一个事实：符文字母不仅具有作为字母的自身价值，还具有作为单词的意义。因此，它们可以作为单词编入诗歌，但可以写成拼出名字的字母。（例如，如果诗人的名字是 Robb，他可以在诗中突出的位置使用are、oh、be和bee来插入他的签名，但将它们写成R、O、B和B。25）《海伦娜》也包含自传信息：西内沃尔夫说他是一位诗人，富有且受宠，但遭受罪恶和悲伤，直到他皈依基督教信仰——或者更可能是一种更为强烈和真诚的基督教，以崇拜十字架为中心。
All these poems contain the name of Cynewulf inserted in runes. This odd cipher is based on the fact that the letters of the runic alphabet had not only their own value as letters but also meanings as words. So they could be worked into a poem as words, but written as letters spelling out a name. (For instance, if a poet’s name were Robb, he could insert his signature by using the words are, oh, be, and bee in prominent places close together in his poem, but writing them R, O, B, and B.25) Helena also contains autobiographical information: Cynewulf says he was a poet, rich and favoured, but suffered sin and sorrow until he was converted to the Christian faith—or, more probably, to a more intense and sincere Christianity, centring on the adoration of the Cross.
西纽伍尔夫的作品与凯德蒙的作品一样，是盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌风格与罗马基督教思想的综合体。然而，他的主题并非取自为凯德蒙朗读和翻译的《旧约》和《新约》，而是取自基督教教义和历史的晚期拉丁文作品。因此，他标志着英国基督教化和古典学识渗透进入了更高级的阶段。他的风格更加有序和流畅，对词汇有了新的掌握，思想结构也源于古典学。26尽管如此，他的情感基调无疑是盎格鲁-撒克逊式的，坚韧而好斗，充满天真的活力和对大自然大胆一面的热爱：他对海伦娜女王前往耶路撒冷的热情描述与大多数希腊和拉丁诗歌中对航海的憎恨形成了鲜明对比，是英国悠久水手传统的早期表达。甚至他的签名是用符文写的——这对像西内沃尔夫这样的学者来说一定已经过时了——也是英国个人主义和保守主义的典型特征。
Cynewulf’s work, like Cædmon’s, is a synthesis of Anglo-Saxon poetic style with the Christian thought which came through Rome. His subjects, however, are not taken from the Old and New Testaments which were read aloud and translated for Caedmon, but from late Latin works of Christian doctrine and history. He thus marks a more advanced stage in the Christianization of Britain and in its penetration by classical learning. And his style is more orderly and smooth, with a new command of vocabulary and the structure of thought which is classical in origin.26 For all that, his emotional tone is unmistakably Anglo-Saxon, tough and combative, full of naïve energy and love of the bolder aspects of nature: his zestful description of Queen Helena’s voyage to Jerusalem contrasts sharply with the hatred of seafaring shown in most Greek and Latin poetry, and is an early expression of the long English sailor tradition. Even the fact that his signatures are in runes—which must have been obsolescent to a scholar like Cynewulf—is typical of English individualism and conservatism.
虽然我们无法详细研究单独的作品，但两首独特的诗值得关注，这两首诗通常因风格原因被认为是西内武夫所作，但没有署名。《十字架之梦》是一首描述十字架和耶稣受难景象的诗。它比同时代任何其他作品都更具个性：虽然它与战斗英雄诗一样强烈，但它的强烈程度却来自一个更陌生、更艰难的精神世界。其中一些是早期英国艺术的传统。例如，十字架讲述了一个很长的自我描述——就像盎格鲁-撒克逊武器和装饰品上的铭文一样：阿尔弗雷德国王的宝石上写着Ælfred mec heht gewyrcean，即“阿尔弗雷德让我工作”。毫无疑问，这就是为什么这首诗的一部分被刻在苏格兰南部的鲁思韦尔十字架上，这样十字架似乎就可以讲述自己的故事。同样，作者以“听着！”开头，贝奥武甫也是如此，基督被描述为“年轻的英雄”。27但这首诗包含了一些早期英国文学中没有的元素，这些元素是中世纪的预兆：描述的感官美——十字架上滴着鲜血，闪耀着珠宝，就像哥特式大教堂的玫瑰窗一样；整个场景就像一场梦——这是中世纪超凡脱俗的典型特征；邪教十字架的崇拜——这种崇拜在公元 8 世纪确立，对西方教会来说是一种新事物；对基督的崇拜既不是作为一位强大的国王，也不是作为一位道德导师，而是一位至高无上、受人爱戴的人。据可追溯，这首诗既不是翻译也不是改编，而是一首完全原创的诗，是一个狂喜灵魂的神秘呐喊。
Although we cannot examine separate works in detail, two unique poems, often attributed to Cynewulf on grounds of style but not signed, deserve attention. The Dream of the Rood is a poem describing a vision of the Cross and of the Crucifixion. It is more individual than any other work of its time: although it is as intense as the fighting heroic poems, its intensity is that of a stranger, more difficult spiritual world. Some of it is in the tradition of early English art. For instance, the Cross speaks a long description of itself—which is like the inscriptions on Anglo-Saxon weapons and ornaments: the King Alfred jewel says Ælfred mec heht gewyrcean, ‘Alfred had me worked’. No doubt that is why some of the poem was carved on the Ruthwell Cross in southern Scotland, so that the Cross could seem to tell its own story. Again, the author begins ‘Listen!’ as does Beowulf, and Christ is described as a ‘young hero’.27 But the poem contains some elements which are unlike anything in earlier English literature, and which are harbingers of the Middle Ages: the sensuous beauty of the descriptions—the rood drips with blood and glows with jewels, as though in the rose-window of a Gothic cathedral; the setting of the whole as a dream—that characteristic mark of medieval otherworldliness; the cult of the Cross—which was established in the eighth century, and was a novelty for the western church; and the adoration of Christ, neither as a powerful king nor as a moral teacher, but as a supreme and beloved person. As far as can be traced, the poem is neither a translation nor an adaptation, but an entirely original utterance, the mystical cry of one enraptured soul.
但这一时期古典和英国传统最奇特的结合是名为《凤凰》的诗歌。作者讲述了一只神奇的鸟——凤凰的故事，它住在天堂之门附近；当它老了，它就自己堆起火堆，被烧死，死去，然后复活。然后诗人继续描绘出中世纪动物学家非常喜欢的寓言式寓意：火象征着世界末日之火，鸟的重生象征着基督和基督徒灵魂的复活，进入永生。他对凤凰的描述是对基督教作家拉克坦提乌斯的一首关于这个神话的晚期拉丁诗的扩译。28这个寓言主要来自于安布罗斯关于基督复活的布道，并添加了旧约、比德和其他人的内容。二十九
But the strangest synthesis of classical and English traditions in this period is the poem called Phoenix. Its author tells the story of the miraculous bird, the phoenix which lives far away near the gates of paradise; when it grows old, it builds its own funeral pyre, is burned, dies, and is resurrected. Then the poet goes on to draw the allegorical moral, of the type so dear to medieval zoologists: the fire symbolizes the fire of Doomsday, and the rebirth of the bird images the resurrection of Christ and Christian souls into eternal life. His description of the phoenix is an expanded translation of a late Latin poem on the myth, by the Christian writer Lactantius.28 The allegory comes largely from a sermon by Ambrose on the resurrection of Christ, with additions from the Old Testament, Bede, and others.29
看到《凤凰》的作者如何改变了拉克坦修斯这首相当乏味的诗，真是令人着迷。最重要的改变是情感基调。尽管拉克坦修斯的主题引人注目，但他的作品却很平庸：充满了早期诗人的陈词滥调，30结尾陷入一种忧郁的悲观主义，很少超越传统的描述，即使在描述凤凰的天堂之家时也是如此。这是一个华丽的主题，甚至比伊丽莎白时代和象征主义者所钟爱的天鹅还要美丽。它本可以激发人们创作出像丁尼生关于老鹰、波德莱尔关于信天翁、马拉美关于天鹅的抒情诗。它本可以是一个充满喘不过气来的抱负的神秘象征，就像霍普金斯的猎鹰一样。它本可以是一段华丽而精彩的弥尔顿式的描述。但拉克坦提乌斯所做的只是将陈词滥调拼凑在一起，他的主要情感是早期基督教对生命的凄凉憎恨。另一方面，这位盎格鲁撒克逊诗人热爱生活，热爱主题。他以深情的钦佩之情描述了这只奇怪的鸟。他对自然的描述更为详细，既描绘了凤凰的富饶家园，也将其与英国恶劣的气候进行了对比；他的想象力也更加丰富。例如，拉克坦修斯说，凤凰的家园在东方，那里是天空之门“打开”的地方（ patet），这是一个平淡的词用来指任何不是永久关闭的大门，实际上并不比“是”多多少。英国诗人不是把这个词当作一个常规词，而是当作一个激动人心的形象，并从中创造出一个美丽的新想法。天堂之门不仅敞开着，还发出了幸福颂歌的回声——让那些实际上不应该在那里的“人”听到，因为凤凰的家园是无人居住的，但这个概念太好了，不能失去：
It is fascinating to see how the author of Phoenix has changed Lactantius’s rather dull poem. The most important alteration is in emotional tone. Lactantius is, despite his remarkable theme, commonplace: full of cliches from earlier poets, 30 sinking into a peevish pessimism at the end, and seldom rising above conventional description, even in his account of the paradisiacal home of the phoenix. It is a gorgeous subject, even finer than the swan so beloved of the Elizabethans and the symbolists. It could have inspired lyrics like those of Tennyson on the eagle, Baudelaire on the albatross, Mallarmé on the swan. It could have been a mystical symbol full of breathless aspiration, like Hopkins’s falcon. It could have been a piece of ornate and splendid Miltonic description. But all that Lactantius does with it is to stitch clichés together, and his chief emotion is the dreary early Christian hatred of life. The Anglo-Saxon poet, on the other hand, loves life and loves the subject. He describes the strange bird with an affectionate admiration. He gives far more detail about nature, both in picturing the rich home of the phoenix and in contrasting it with the hideous climate of Britain; and his imagination is far more alive. For instance, Lactantius says that the home of the bird is away in the east, where the gate of the sky ‘opens’ (patet)—a flat word used of any gate which was not permanently closed, and really worth not much more than ‘is’. The English poet takes this, not as a conventional word, but as a stimulating image, and makes a beautiful new idea out of it. The gate of heaven not only stands open, but lets out the echoes of the anthems of the blest—to be heard by ‘people’ who really ought not to be there, since the home of the phoenix is unpeopled, but the conception is too good to lose:
无与伦比的岛屿，无与伦比的造物主，
荣耀的上帝为她奠定了基础。
幸福的人民
常常透过天堂敞开的大门听到欢快的歌声。31
Peerless the island, peerless her maker,
Glorious the Lord who laid her foundations.
Her happy people hear glad singing
Oft through Heaven’s open door.31
同样地，在诗的结尾，这位盎格鲁-撒克逊诗人抑制了拉克坦提乌斯的厌世思想，即凤凰是幸福的，因为它没有配偶和孩子，因为它通过死亡获得生命：
Similarly, at the end, the Anglo-Saxon poet suppresses Lactantius’s misanthropic reflections that the phoenix is happy because it has no mate and children and because it attains life through death:
哦，命运多舛的鸟儿，最受祝福的鸟儿，
上帝允许它们自己诞生！
O fortunate in fate, of birds most blessed,
whom God permits to give its own self birth!
并且，无论其性别是女性，男性，或两者皆非，
对爱一无所知的生命都是有福的！
And, be its sex female, or male, or neither,
blessed the being which knows nought of love!
死亡是它的挚爱，死亡是它唯一的乐趣，
为了能够诞生，它渴望死亡。三十二
Death is its love, and death its only pleasure,
and, that it may be born, it yearns to die.32
他将前一种观察改为对上帝神奇力量的赞美，将后一种观察改为对永生的暗示。
He changes the former observation into praise of the wonderworking power of God, and the latter into intimations of immortality.
然后，英国诗人开始解放思想，开始扩展。他的拉丁原文是紧密的对句，经常用狭义的对句来平衡对句。他并不在意这一点。他遵循古英语的习惯，不试图将意义限制在对句中，而是让它继续下去，甚至在中间行中断演讲或描述。这是英国诗歌与罗曼传统诗歌的根本区别，并持续了许多世纪。33从数量上看，英国诗人创作的诗句比原作多得多，这并不是因为他害怕误译或被误解，而是因为他希望增强描写的情感力量。拉克坦修斯的诗有 170 行，而盎格鲁-撒克逊诗有 677 行，其中 380 行或多或少与拉克坦修斯的诗句相对应。因此，拉克坦修斯第一行的“有一片幸福的土地”启发了盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌的 11 行，加上透过天堂之门歌唱的美好形象。
Then the English poet liberates and expands. His Latin original is in tight couplets, often balanced couplet against couplet in narrow antithesis. He pays no attention to that. Following the Old English habit, he does not try to confine the sense within a couplet, but lets it run on, and even breaks off a speech or a description in mid-line. This is a fundamental difference between English poetry and poetry of the Romance tradition, and continues for many centuries.33 In quantity, the English poet produces much more verse than his original, not because he is afraid of mistranslating or of being misunderstood, but because he wishes to heighten the emotional power of his descriptions. Lactantius’s poem is 170 lines long, but the Anglo-Saxon poem has 677 lines, of which 380 more or less correspond to Lactantius’s verses. Thus, ‘there is a happy land” in line 1 of Lactantius inspires eleven lines of Anglo-Saxon poetry, plus the fine image of singing hear i through the gate of heaven.
英国人为了迎合他的观众而进行了现代化的诠释。拉克坦修斯写道：
The Englishman modernizes to suit his audience. Lactantius writes:
当法厄同的火焰点燃了整个天顶时，
那地方却没有被火侵扰，
When Phaethon’s flames had kindled all the zenith,
that place remained inviolate by fire,
当洪水淹没世界时，
它战胜了丢卡利翁的强大洪水。三十四
and when the deluge plunged the world in billows,
it overcame Deucalion’s mighty flood.34
然而，他的译者却删除了这些遥远的希腊神话，代之以更真实、更可怕的希伯来洪水，并将法厄同的火焰改为闪电和世界末日的最后之火——这是他结束这首诗的主题：
His translator, however, suppresses these remote Greek myths, substitutes the more real and terrifying Hebrew flood, and changes Phaethon’s fires into lightning and the final fire of doomsday—the theme with which he is going to end his poem:
在世界末日来临之前，没有一片树叶会被毁掉，
没有一根树枝会被闪电炸黑
。当洪水
以强大的力量席卷人类世界，
洪水淹没整个地球时，
这座岛屿经受住了波涛汹涌的风暴
，在汹涌的大海中平静而坚定，
在上帝的力量下一尘不染，纯净无瑕。
因此，它一直存在到大火来临。三十五
No leaf shall waste,
no branch be blackened with blast of lightning,
till doomsday come. When the deluge swept
with might of waters the world of men,
and the flood o’erwhelmed the whole of earth,
this isle withstood the storm of billows
serene and steadfast ‘mid raging seas,
spotless and pure by the power of God.
Thus blest it abides till the bale-fire come.35
拉克坦提乌斯（继维吉尔之后）列出了凤凰之家所没有的灾难清单，这位英国诗人又添加了两个经常威胁盎格鲁-撒克逊英国的灾难：
And to the list of woes which Lactantius (following Vergil) says are absent from the home of the phoenix, the English poet adds two more, which often threatened Anglo-Saxon Britain:
敌人的攻击，或者突然结束。三十六
foe’s assault, or sudden end.36
最后，他用诗歌形式发表了一篇长篇布道，结尾处是一段奇怪的盎格鲁-撒克逊头韵诗和拉丁赞美诗短语的混合，每句各占半行。他说，上帝给了我们机会通过我们的善行赢得天堂，并
To conclude, he adds a long sermon in verse, ending with a curious blend of alliterative Anglo-Saxon verse and Latin hymnal phrases, half a line each. God, he says, has given us the chance to earn heaven by our good deeds, and to
看见我们救世主耶稣真美好，与天使一起在幸福中永远赞美
他——阿利路亚！
三十七
see our Saviour sine fine,
prolong his praises laude perenni
in bliss with the angels—Alleluia!37
无论这位诗人是谁，他都是一位优秀的学者（比几个世纪后中世纪的许多“文员”都要优秀），一位能够超越原作的强大而积极的诗人，还是一位虔诚的基督徒。显然，英国的文化水平很高，能够培养出这样的诗人和他的读者。
Whoever this poet may have been, he was a good scholar (better than many ‘clerks’ in the Middle Ages centuries later), a powerful and positive poet who could outsoar his original, and a devout Christian. Obviously the cultural level of England was high to produce such a poet and his audience.
《凤凰》最重要的意义在于它是第一部将古典文学中的诗歌翻译成现代语言的作品。它的作者精通拉丁语，一点也不害怕这项任务。他觉得自己的语言有着诗歌传统，他自己的精力和想象力，完全可以与他的拉丁典范相媲美。这是撒克逊人和丹麦人入侵之间英国先进文明的具体证明。在文学方面，潮流分为五波：
The greatest importance of the Phoenix is that it is the first translation of any poem in classical literature into any modern language. Its author knows his Latin, and is not at all afraid of his task. He feels that his own language with its poetic traditions, and his own energies and imagination, are fully equal to those of his Latin model. This is a concrete proof of the advanced civilization of Britain in the interim between the Saxon and the Danish invasions. In literature, the tide comes forward in five waves:
1. 首先是异教诗歌——《贝奥武甫》和一些短篇英雄诗及残篇。在这些诗歌中，找不到希腊罗马的影响，只有来自拉丁世界的微弱基督教影响。
1. First, pagan poetry—Beowulf and the smaller heroic poems and fragments. In them, there is no traceable Greco-Roman influence; but a faint irradiation of Christianity from the Latin world.
2. 随后，在公元七世纪下半叶，切德蒙以传统的盎格鲁-撒克逊风格创作了以拉丁文圣经为主题的诗歌。在他之后，其他诗人也用拉丁文阅读圣经，并自由改编了几本不太具有基督教色彩的书籍。
2. Then Csedmon, writing in the second half of the seventh century, composed poems in the traditional Anglo-Saxon style on subjects from the Latin Bible. Following him, other poets read the Bible in Latin and produced free adaptations of several of its less Christian books.
3. 大约公元 800 年，西内武尔夫改编了拉丁基督教散文作家的作品作为盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌的主题。
3. About 800, Cynewulf adapted material from Latin Christian prose writers as subjects for Anglo-Saxon poems.
4.在菲尼克斯，对拉丁诗歌和拉丁基督教散文作品进行了富有想象力的自由翻译、融合和扩展。
4. An imaginatively free translation, blending, and expansion of Latin poetry and Latin Christian prose works was made in Phoenix.
5. 最后，一位英国诗人以《十字架之梦》创作了看似新颖、独创的诗歌，其主题是通过拉丁基督教传入英国的。
5. Finally, with The Dream of the Rood, an English poet created apparently new and original poetry on themes introduced to Britain through Latin Christianity.
几个世纪之后，其他欧洲国家才敢于进行这样的翻译，并写出如此博学而又富有创意的诗歌。凤凰奇迹般地以基督的形象重生，象征着希腊罗马文化在曾经野蛮的环境中通过基督教的改造而奇迹般重生。
It was to be many centuries before any other European nation would venture to make such translations and write such poems, at once so learned and so creative. The phoenix, miraculously reborn in the image of Christ, symbolizes the miraculous rebirth, in surroundings once barbarous, of Greco-Roman culture transformed through Christianity.
盎格鲁撒克逊散文
ANGLO-SAXON PROSE
黑暗时代英国散文文学的故事也是不列颠群岛文明不断向上发展的故事。诗歌几乎总是在形式或内容上回顾更早的时代。散文更具时代性，反映了时代的需求、问题和力量。因此，这一时期的英国散文文学主要是教育性的。其目的是使英国人文明化，使他们保持文明，并鼓励他们与不断发生的野蛮攻击作斗争。为了做到这一点，它使用了两个主要工具。一个是圣经和基督教教义。另一类是古典文化。这个时代的英国散文没有轻浮、虚构或幻想。它绝对是宗教性的、历史性的或哲学性的。
The story of English prose literature during the Dark Ages is also the story of the much-interrupted upward struggle of civilization in the British islands. Poetry nearly always looks backwards, in form or matter or both, to an earlier age. Prose is more contemporary, reflecting the needs and problems and powers of its time. Therefore English prose literature in this period was primarily educational. Its intention was to civilize the British, to keep them civilized, and to encourage them in the struggle against the constantly recurring attacks of barbarism. To do this it used two chief instruments. One was the Bible and Christian doctrine. The other was classical culture. There was nothing frivolous, no fiction or fancy, about English prose in this era. It was resolutely religious, or historical, or philosophical.
英国维持文明的努力并非单向的进程。它曾被严重的冲突所打断和转移。其中第一个冲突就是英国教会与罗马教会之间的冲突。38英国教会失败了，但这场斗争旷日持久，惨烈无比。早期英国的大多数教士，圣帕特里克可能如此，圣哥伦巴肯定如此，都不是罗马天主教徒。他们不认为自己直接受罗马主教管辖，他们对基督教教义的解释也与意大利当时的教友不同。他们中的大多数人现在已被教会尊为圣人或被驱逐为异端；但事情并不总是那么简单。这些贱民中最有趣的人之一是凯尔特牧师佩拉杰（约360-420 年），他开创了后来被谴责为佩拉杰异端的教义。圣奥古斯丁认为人从出生起就完全堕落，没有上帝的恩典就绝对无法拯救自己免于罪孽和诅咒，与此相反，佩拉杰教导说，上帝只希望我们做我们能做的事。人可以行善，否则上帝不会因人作恶而惩罚他。义务意味着能力。不犯罪的生活是可能的，尽管很难。佩拉杰游历了基督教世界——罗马、非洲、巴勒斯坦——宣扬这一教义；但他失败了。有些人认为他是最早的新教徒，尽管他是盖尔人。
The effort to keep civilization alive in Britain was not a single unidirectional process. It was interrupted and diverted by grave conflicts. The first of these was the conflict between the British church and the church of Rome.38 The British church lost, but the conflict was long and bitter. Most of the early British churchmen, St. Patrick probably and St. Columba certainly, were not Roman Catholics. They did not consider themselves to be directly under the authority of the bishop of Rome, and they interpreted the Christian doctrine differently from their contemporary coreligidnists in Italy. Most of them have by now been appropriated by the church as saints or expelled as heretics; but it was not always so simple as that. One of the most interesting among the pariahs was the Celtic priest Pelagius (c. 360–420), who originated the doctrine later denounced as the Pelagian heresy. In opposition to St. Augustine’s view that man was totally depraved from birth and absolutely incapable of saving himself from sin and damnation without God’s grace, Pelagius taught that God expects us to do only what we can. Man can be good, or God would not punish him for being bad. Obligation implies ability. It is possible, although difficult, to live without sinning. Pelagius toured the Christian world—Rome, Africa, Palestine—preaching this doctrine; but he lost. Some see in him, Gael as he was, the earliest Protestant.
公元 596 年，罗马教会开始收复帝国的西部前哨，并征服其英国对手。随后，伟大的教皇格里高利一世派遣圣奥古斯丁（不是上面提到的希波主教）前往英格兰东南部建立教会。由于异教撒克逊人的入侵，这项使命十分必要。然而，教会之间的斗争持续了很长时间，奥古斯丁并没有完全获胜。他未能说服英国教士采用罗马历法和罗马复活节计算方法，而且在剃度方式上也存在一些困难。39但在赢得惠特比宗教会议 (664) 的大辩论后，罗马人占了上风。他们立即派出两位文化传教士，西奥多和哈德良，进一步巩固了自己的优势。西奥多是来自塔苏斯的亚洲希腊人，他既懂希腊语，又懂拉丁语（这在当时是罕见的），被任命为坎特伯雷大主教。40两人开办了一所学校，教授拉丁语、希腊语、宗教文学、天文学、度量衡和算术。然而，我们可以追溯到整个英国散文文学的第一个时期，这两个教会之间存在冲突，偶尔也存在融合。
The Roman church set out to recapture the western outposts of the empire, and to conquer its British rivals, in A.D. 596. Then the great Pope Gregory I sent St. Augustine (not the bishop of Hippo mentioned above) with a mission to establish himself in southeastern England. Because of the invasion of the pagan Saxons, the mission was much needed. The struggle between the churches, however, was long, and Augustine was not wholly victorious. He failed to persuade the British churchmen to adopt the Roman calendar with the Roman calculation of Easter, and there was also some difficulty about the manner of tonsure.39 But after winning the great debate called the synod of Whitby (664), the Romans had the upper hand. They at once improved their advantage by sending out two cultural missionaries, Theodore and Hadrian. Theodore, an Asiatic Greek from Tarsus, who knew Greek as well as Latin (a rare thing then), was named archbishop of Canterbury.40 The two opened a school where Latin, Greek, sacred literature, astronomy, metrics, and arithmetic were taught. We can, however, trace the conflict of the two churches, and occasionally a synthesis, all through the first period of British prose literature.
在诗歌方面，那是卡德蒙和西内伍尔夫的时代。在散文方面，只有拉丁文作品留存下来，但其文化水平相当高。已知的第一个关于英国黑暗时代的历史记载是由凯尔特僧侣吉尔达斯（约500-70 年）撰写的：他认为自己是罗马文明在英国的直接幸存者，称拉丁语为“我们的语言”，并像早期美国人鄙视印第安人一样鄙视凶猛的土著酋长。最早的撒克逊学者阿尔德赫尔姆（675 年马姆斯伯里修道院院长）先是盖尔人（Mældubh）的教育者，然后是罗马人哈德良的教育者。41他的诗写得不错，其中很多都受到维吉尔的影响，显得轻松而迷人。他的信函和关于宗教、道德和教育的文章的散文风格因模仿教父而受到影响：显然他读的大多是晚期和曲折的拉丁文，只引用过西塞罗三次。
It was the era of Caedmon and Cynewulf in poetry. In prose only Latin works have survived, but their cultural level is fairly high. The first known historical account of Britain in the Dark Ages was written by a Celtic monk, one Gildas (c. 500–70): he considers himself a direct survivor of the Roman civilization in Britain, calling Latin ‘our language’ and despising the fierce native chiefs as heartily as the early Americans despised the Red Indians. The earliest Saxon scholar, Aldhelm (abbot of Malmesbury in 675), was educated first by a Gael (Mældubh) and then by Hadrian the Roman.41 His poetry is good, and much of it is lightened and charmed by Vergilian influence. The prose of his letters and articles on religion, morality, and education suffers from imitating the church fathers: evidently he read mostly late and tortuous Latin, and quotes Cicero only three times.
在他之后出现了一位更伟大的人：尊者比德（= 贝茨：约672-735 年），他是第一位具有强烈常识和亲切直率的英国作家，而这正是英国人最优秀的品质。他是一个北方人，早年受教于爱尔兰和英国北部的教士，42并将他最伟大的作品献给了诺森布里亚国王切奥沃夫。他的所有作品都是拉丁文，很多都是汇编，而且大多数现在已经过时或无趣；但它们都不是愚蠢、晦涩或夸张的，而中世纪的作品往往如此。43大部分都是对圣经（旧约仍然占主导地位）和圣经主题（如耶路撒冷圣殿）的评论。古典与现代的结合在他的《从公元前 55 年凯撒入侵到公元 731 年的英国民族教会史》中最为突出。他本人认为这是他一生工作的巅峰，他在最后添加了自传和出版物清单。44这是一本必读的书，因为：
A much greater man followed him: the Venerable Bede (= Bates: c. 672–735), the first English author in whom we can trace the strong common sense and amiable directness which characterize the English at their best. He was a northerner, got his early schooling from Irish and north British churchmen,42 and dedicated his greatest work to Ceolwulf, king of Northumbria. All his works are in Latin, many are compilations, and most are now obsolete or uninteresting; but none of them is silly, or obscure, or extravagant in the way that medieval works so often are. 43 Most are commentaries on scripture (the Old Testament still predominant) and on biblical subjects such as the temple at Jerusalem. The synthesis of classical and modern is greatest in his Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation from Caesar’s invasion in 55 B.C. to A.D. 731. That he himself regarded this as the pinnacle of his life-work he showed by adding his autobiography and a list of his publications at the end.44 It is an essential book, because:
它是罗马帝国覆灭后，第一批描述文明重新征服野蛮的伟大文献之一；
it is one of the first of the great documents describing the reconquest of barbarism by civilization, after the fall of the Roman empire;
它是真实的历史，它更重视核心真理，而不是令人印象深刻的细节或宣传教训；
it is real history, giving more weight to central truth than to impressive details or propagandist lessons;
它结构精良：是迄今为止同类作品中规模最大的早期英国文学，它与零散且不连续的《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》形成了鲜明的对比；
it is well constructed: by far the largest work of its kind in all early English literature, it contrasts very favourably with the patchy and discontinuous Anglo-Saxon Chronicle;
它是通过真正的研究产生的：除了结合早期编年史家的作品外，比德还使用了无价的未发表文件和口头传统，从罗马等遥远的地方收集证据。正是他给了我们一些不朽的故事，比如卡德蒙的灵感、格里高利的“长着天使面孔的天使”，以及将人类的尘世生活比作燕子飞过灯火通明的大厅的老领主。
it was produced by genuine research: as well as incorporating the work of earlier annalists, Bede used invaluable unpublished documents and verbal tradition, collecting evidence from sources as far distant as Rome. It is to him that we owe immortal stories like Caedmon’s inspiration, Gregory’s ‘Angles with the face of angels’, and the old thane who compared man’s earthly life to the flight of a swallow through a lighted hall.
比德既是英国人，又是拉丁语学者。对他来说，拉丁语仍然是一种活的语言，书写起来费时费力，但清晰易记，为世人所理解。欧洲文化深受他的历史观的影响：例如，他主要负责在公元前或公元引入基督教纪元。他是第一个超越时代的英国人，正如但丁所见，45属于全人类。
Bede was both an Englishman and a latinist. For him, Latin was still a living language, which took time and trouble to write, but which was clear and memorable and universally intelligible. European culture was profoundly influenced by his historical vision: for example, he was chiefly responsible for introducing the Christian era in dating events B.C. or A.D. He was the first Englishman who transcended his age and who, as Dante saw,45 belonged to all humanity.
（如果贝奥武甫对应于荷马，塞德蒙对应于早期荷马赞美诗的作者，西内武甫对应于赫西奥德，那么比德如果不是对应于虔诚、爱国、收集传奇的历史学家希罗多德，又对应于谁？）
(If Beowulf corresponds to Homer, and Csedmon to the authors of the early Homeric hymns, and Cynewulf to Hesiod, then to whom does Bede correspond, if not to the pious, patriotic, legend-collecting historian Herodotus?)
另一个证明黑暗时代英国学识水平高的证据是两位学者，他们非常优秀，甚至被邀请去帮助欧洲进行再教育。他们是：
Another proof of the high standard of British learning in the Dark Ages is provided by two scholars who were so great that they were invited to help with the re-education of Europe. These were:
约克的阿尔昆 (生于 735 年)，为了反抗野蛮统治，他到查理曼大帝创建的古典学校任教，并留下了 300 多篇关于文学和教育的论文（书信形式），这些论文是他在担任学校校长以及后来担任图尔修道院院长期间写的；
Alcuin of York (born 735), who went to teach in the school of classical learning founded by Charlemagne as part of his resistance to barbarism, and who left over 300 essays (in the form of letters) on literature and education, written while he was head of the school and later of the abbey at Tours;
约翰，他自称司各特·埃里根纳或埃留根纳，意思是“来自爱尔兰的盖尔人”。他是黑暗时代最伟大的哲学家。46他是凯尔特教会的另一个产物，凯尔特教会在这段艰难时期一直存在，在它建立和支持欧洲大陆的传教活动以及爱尔兰人手写的许多精美拉丁文手稿中留下了其工作的丰碑。约翰对希腊语的了解是他是那个时代独一无二的人，他接替阿尔昆，领导查理曼大帝的继任者秃头查理创立的宫廷学校。他更像是一位哲学家，而不是牧师，他制定了一套强大的泛神论宇宙计划，这表明他具有形而上学的天赋，就像哥特式大教堂建造者的天赋一样，他那个时代周围的野蛮使他的天赋变得狭隘和强大。
John, who called himself emphatically Scotus Erigena or Eriugena, meaning ‘the Gael from Ireland’. He was the greatest philosopher of the Dark Ages.46 And he was another product of the Celtic church, which continued in existence all through this difficult time, leaving monuments of its work in the missions it founded and supported on the Continent as well as in many fine Latin manuscripts written in Irish hands. John, whose knowledge of Greek was unique in his age, succeeded Alcuin by heading the court school founded by Charlemagne’s successor Charles the Bald. More of a philosopher than a churchman, he worked out a mighty pantheistic scheme of the universe, which shows that he had a genius for metaphysics, narrowed and strengthened, like the genius of the Gothic cathedral-builders, by the surrounding barbarism of his era.
但现在，在早期的入侵停止之后，强悍的盎格鲁-撒克逊人也部分开化并皈依基督教，新一波异教入侵者正在袭击基督教世界。公元 787 年，即阿尔昆离开英国前往法国五年后，《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》写道：
But now, after the earlier invasions had ceased, and the tough Anglo-Saxons had been partly civilized and Christianized, new waves of pagan invaders were attacking Christendom. Only five years after Alcuin left England for France, in A.D. 787, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle says:
“这些天来，北方人的前三艘船从海盗的国家抵达了。”
‘In these days the first three ships of the Northmen arrived, from the pirates’ country.’
书中写道，警长尽职尽责地去逮捕海盗，结果被杀了；“这是第一批访问英国领土的丹麦船只”。从那时起，袭击变得越来越严重。《编年史》中反复出现的记录只是灾难的通告：
The sheriff, it goes on, dutifully went down to arrest the pirates, and was killed; and ‘these were the first Danish ships that visited the land of the English’. From then on, the attacks got worse and worse. Repeated entries in the Chronicle carry no more than communiqués of disaster:
今年，伦敦、坎特伯雷和罗切斯特发生了大屠杀。四十七
This year there was great slaughter in London, Canterbury, and Rochester.47
787 年后不久，爱尔兰、苏格兰和其他地方的凯尔特修道院和教堂遭到袭击，并被彻底摧毁，其居民流离失所，散布到整个西欧和中欧。48在圣城阿马建立了对托尔的崇拜。49丹麦人定居于英国，成为一支永久的占领武装力量：《编年史》简单地称他们为“军队”。阿尔弗雷德国王 (848-901) 领导了这场抵抗，尽管遭受了可怕的失败，他还是确保了英国文化得以延续，基督教没有从这个受灾岛屿上消亡。
The Celtic monasteries and churches in Ireland and Scotland and elsewhere were attacked soon after 787, and destroyed piecemeal, so that their inhabitants were scattered all through western and central Europe as displaced persons.48 The worship of Thor was set up in the holy city of Armagh.49 In England the Danes settled as a permanent armed force of occupation: the Chronicle simply calls them ‘the army’. It was King Alfred (848-901) who led the resistance and ensured that, in spite of frightening defeats, British culture was kept alive, and the Christian religion did not perish from the stricken island.
公元 878 年，阿尔弗雷德与丹麦人达成和平协议。这实际上是一个慕尼黑协议，旨在阻止入侵者喘息，但也让他有时间在仍受他影响的领土内恢复英国文明。凯尔特教会、罗马传教团和教师的几乎所有工作现在都已毁于一旦。阿尔弗雷德本人写道50英格兰南部没有人，中部地区（亨伯河以南）的人也很少，而在北方，很少有人“能听懂英文弥撒或翻译拉丁文字母”——也就是说，他们知道拉丁仪式和祈祷的真正含义，或者能一眼读懂普通的拉丁文，而拉丁文是受过教育的人的国际语言。英国几乎与宗教和文明隔绝。这只是入侵期间英国文化损失的一个方面。学校、教堂、普通人对英国历史、世界历史和地理的意识——所有这些都必须恢复。这是一项伟大而艰巨的工作，只有伟人才能完成。
Alfred negotiated peace with the Danes in 878. This was really a Munich settlement made to hold off the invaders for a breathing-space, but it gave him time to revive British civilization within the territory that remained under his influence. Almost all the work of the Celtic church and of the Roman missions and teachers had now been undone. Alfred himself wrote 50 that there was nobody in southern England, very few in the midlands (south of the Humber), and not many in the north, ‘who could understand the Mass in English or translate a Latin letter’—i.e. who knew what the Latin ritual and prayers really meant, or who could read at sight the ordinary current Latin which was the international language of educated people. Britain was almost cut off from religion and civilization. And that was only one aspect of her cultural losses during the invasions. Schools, churches, the ordinary man’s consciousness of British history and world history and geography—all had to be revived. It was a great and difficult work, which only a great man could have carried out.
阿尔弗雷德使用了许多方法来复兴英国的文明和文化；但对于我们来说，最重要的是翻译。他选择了四本重要的拉丁书籍，并在一些帮助下将它们翻译成盎格鲁-撒克逊语，以指导和提高他的人民。他们处理了四个最重要的主题。
Alfred used a number of methods to revive civilization and culture in Britain; but for our interests the most important is translation. He chose four important Latin books, and with some assistance turned them into Anglo-Saxon, for the instruction and improvement of his people. They dealt with the four most essential subjects.
1.基督教的实践在阿尔弗雷德的《牧羊人之书》中得到解释，该书是伟大的教皇格里高利为教区牧师编写的手册《牧羊人规则》的翻译。51格列高利是一位明确否认任何试图写古典拉丁文和对古典文化感兴趣的教皇；但他是一位伟大的战士和教师（正是他派遣奥古斯丁的使团前往坎特伯雷），他的精力、能力和实践智慧在当时是十分需要的。阿尔弗雷德的序言被称为英语中第一篇重要的散文52 —强调翻译在教育中发挥的重要作用，以及阿尔弗雷德通过翻译此类书籍重建英国人思想的决心。
1. The practice of the Christian religion was explained in Alfred’s Hierdeboc (=Shepherd’s Book), a translation of the great Pope Gregory’s manual for parish priests, the Regula pastoralis.51 Gregory was the pope who expressly disowned any attempt to write classical Latin and any interest in classical culture; but he was a great fighter and teacher (it was he who sent Augustine’s mission to Canterbury) and his energy and ability and practical wisdom were needed at this time. Alfred’s preface—which has been called the first important piece of prose in English52—emphasizes the essential role played in education by translations, and Alfred’s determination to rebuild the mind of England by translating such books.
2.阿尔弗雷德或为其翻译的可敬的比德所著的《英国民族教会史》强调了基督教历史和英国人民的持续民族存在，以及丹麦入侵之前英国人民所达到的文化阶段。
2. The Christian history and the continuous national existence of the English people, as well as the stage of culture it had attained before the Danish invasions, were stressed in a translation, done either by or for Alfred, of the Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation by the Venerable Bede.
3.西班牙作家奥罗修斯的《反异教徒史》的译本从基督教的角度对世界历史和地理进行了解释和阐释。这本书献给希波的圣奥古斯丁，与奥古斯丁自己的《上帝之城》一样，它用很长的篇幅证明了基督教的引入并不是异教哲学家们所断言的导致人类遭受可怕苦难的原因，这种苦难始于衰落的帝国瘟疫和野蛮人的袭击。书中的历史部分包含希腊和罗马神话以及历史和一些地理，形式方便，但有时有所扭曲。阿尔弗雷德明智地省略了奥罗修斯关于当时英国人视野之外的遥远世界的地理数据，并插入了一些关于西北欧地理的宝贵章节，包括水手奥特海和伍尔夫斯坦在白海和波罗的海进行的两次伟大探险航行的逐字叙述。
3. World history and geography were explained and interpreted from a Christian point of view by a translation of the fifth-century Spanish writer Orosius’s History against the Pagans. Dedicated to St. Augustine of Hippo, this book, like Augustine’s own City of God, gave a long proof that the introduction of Christianity was not, as the pagan philosophers asserted, responsible for the fearful sufferings of mankind which began when the declining empire was attacked by plagues and savages. The historical sections of the book contain Greek and Roman mythology as well as history and some geography, in a convenient if sometimes distorted form. Alfred wisely omitted Orosius’s geographical data about distant parts of the world which were then beyond the horizon of the English, and inserted some valuable chapters on the geography of north-western Europe, including verbatim narratives of two great exploratory voyages carried out by the sailors Ohthere, in the White Sea, and Wulfstan, in the Baltic.
4.波爱修斯的《哲学的慰藉》总结了道德哲学与神学的关系。由于这本书对欧洲思想的影响远远大于其他三本书，因此值得详细研究。
4. Moral philosophy in its relation to theology was summed up in The Consolation of Philosophy, by Boethius. Since the influence of this book on European thought was far greater than that of the other three, it deserves a detailed examination.
罗马晚期的哲学家阿尼修斯·曼利乌斯·塞维里努斯·波伊提乌斯出生于公元 480 年左右，由杰出的异教政治家西马库斯抚养长大（他娶了西马库斯的女儿），一千年来一直是欧洲最有影响力的作家之一。他家境富裕，受过高等教育，热衷于希腊语——正当西方世界对希腊语的了解逐渐消亡时，他翻译了许多重要的书籍，这些书籍成为中世纪科学和哲学的基础。53作为一名爱国的罗马人，他无疑不喜欢意大利的东哥特统治者（尽管他曾一度试图与他们合作），他被东哥特国王狄奥多里克逮捕，罪名是邀请东罗马皇帝查士丁尼驱逐野蛮人。在监狱里呆了几个月后，他于 524 年被处决。关于他死的记载说，一根绳索慢慢地勒紧了他的大脑，在忍受这种折磨的同时，他被棍棒打死。正是在被判处死刑期间，他写下了他最著名的作品《哲学的慰藉》。54
The philosopher of late Rome, Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, born about A.D. 480, and brought up by the distinguished pagan statesman Symmachus (whose daughter he married), was for a thousand years one of the most influential writers in Europe. Rich and noble, he was highly educated, and was devoted to Greek—from which, just as the knowledge of the language was perishing in the western world, he translated a number of the important books that became the foundations of medieval science and philosophy.53 As a patriotic Roman, who no doubt disliked the Ostrogothic rulers of Italy (although for some time he tried to collaborate with them), he was arrested by the Ostrogothic king Theodoric on the charge of inviting the eastern Roman emperor Justinian to drive out the barbarians. After some months in prison, he was executed in 524. The account of his death says that a cord was slowly tightened round his brain, and that, while enduring this torment, he was clubbed to death. It was while under sentence of death that he wrote his most famous work, The Consolation of Philosophy. 54
这是一篇分为五部分的论文，称为“书”。从形式上讲，它结合了柏拉图式对话和梅尼普讽刺，前者由柏拉图发明，旨在重现其导师苏格拉底的教学方法，后者是犬儒学派梅尼普斯用于哲学批评的散文和诗歌的混合体。55散文和诗歌交替出现在章节中；或者我们应该说，每个散文章节后面都有一个诗歌间奏。散文是晚期拉丁文，努力成为古典文体，但并非没有成功；诗歌是许多不同的韵律，主要是适合抒情诗的短行模式，许多都是从塞内加悲剧的反思合唱中抄袭而来的：令人惊讶的是，它很少出现人们所期望的长篇说教诗句。56整部作品风格各异，从快速但庄重的对话到庄严的修辞。总体思路是波伊提乌在牢房中与他的“护士和医生”哲学之间的对话。
This is a treatise in five sections, called ‘books’. In form it is a cross between the Platonic dialogue, invented by Plato to reproduce the teaching methods of his master Socrates, and the Menippean satire, a mixture of prose and verse used for philosophical criticism by the Cynic Menippus.55 Alternate chapters are in prose and verse; or perhaps we should say that each prose chapter is followed by a verse intermezzo. The prose is late Latin, struggling not without success to be classical; the verse is a collection of many different metres, predominantly short-line patterns appropriate for lyric poetry, and many copied from the reflective choruses of Seneca’s tragedies: there is surprisingly little of the long rolling didactic verse one would expect.56 The style of the whole varies from rapid, though dignified, conversation to stately rhetoric. The general scheme is that of a conversation between Boethius, in his cell, and his ‘nurse and doctor’ Philosophy.
听完他的抱怨，哲学告诉他，他病了。他的灵魂病了，无知又健忘。他忘记了他所失去的权力和财富的真正性质——它们纯粹是外在的、短暂的东西。他忘记了世界的真相——它是由上帝的天意统治的。他忘记了这一事实的必然结果——不仅幸福，痛苦也是为了我们好，作为惩罚、锻炼或训诫。57因此，哲学向他提问，就像医生询问病人一样，仔细而坚定地从他病态的灵魂中找出错误，并运用真理的药方。
After listening to his complaints, Philosophy tells him that he is ill. His soul is ill, with ignorance and forgetfulness. He has forgotten the real character of the power and wealth he has lost—they are purely external and transitory things. He has forgotten the truth about the world—that it is governed by God’s providence. He has forgotten the corollary of that fact—that not only happiness but pain too is sent us for our own good, as punishment, or exercise, or discipline.57 So Philosophy questions him, as a doctor questions a patient, carefully and firmly drawing out the errors from his sick soul, and applying the remedy of truth.
尽管波伊提乌斯的书结尾很庄重，但似乎并未完成。书中没有与医生和病人之间的初次对话相对应的最后对话；书中没有诊断、没有总结、没有汇总会诊结果、没有给病人开的处方，也没有诗意而神秘的结局（尽管波伊提乌斯对柏拉图的崇拜可能让我们预料到这一点）。至于为什么这本书未完成，我们可以猜测。
Although Boethius’s book ends nobly, it appears to be unfinished. It has no final dialogue to correspond to the initial conversation between doctor and patient; it has no diagnosis, no summing-up, no drawing-together of the results of the consultation, no prescription for the patient to take, and (although we might expect it from Boethius’s admiration for Plato) no poetic and mythical conclusion. Why it is unfinished, we can guess.
不管是否未完成，这都是一本伟大的书。许多人在浏览这本书时，原本以为这本书是拉丁语陈词滥调的散播者或编纂者的作品，却被书中深刻的情感所震惊和感动。这本书之所以如此有力量，有几个原因。
Unfinished or not, it is a great book. Many who have glanced into it, expecting to find a late-Latin cliché-monger or compilator, have been surprised and moved by the depth of its feeling. There are several reasons for its power.
它是独一无二的。尽管《哲学的慰藉》综合了许多其他哲学家的论点和许多其他诗人的形象，但它远不止是回声的集合。波爱修斯本人的高尚品格和聪明才智贯穿始终；它们使这本书成为一个整体。然后，反复出现的诗意插曲，总是由波爱修斯本人或他的哲学女士演唱，将这本书统一起来，使它不像一篇形而上学的论文：没有一篇博士论文被歌曲打断。这本书与波爱修斯自己的生死密切相关，这给本来可能是一篇抽象的论文赋予了真正的独特性。因此，它具有与柏拉图的伟大对话录《高尔吉亚篇》、《斐多篇》、《理想国》一样鲜明的特色。
It is individual. Although The Consolation of Philosophy is a synthesis of the arguments of many other philosophers and the images of many other poets, it is much more than a collection of echoes. The noble character and able mind of Boethius himself are manifest all through it; and they make it a unity. Then the recurring poetic interludes, always sung by Boethius himself or by his lady Philosophy, unify the book and keep it from resembling a metaphysical treatise: no Ph.D. thesis is punctuated with songs. And the book is closely connected with Boethius’s own life and death, which gives a real uniqueness to what might otherwise have been an abstract dissertation. It has, therefore, as distinctive a character as Plato’s great dialogues, Gorgias, Phaedo, The Republic.
这本书充满了情感，让这本书焕然一新。故事背景极具戏剧性：一间死牢，里面关着一位罗马贵族，他曾经富有、有名、博学，曾经事业有成，现在却坐在那里等待半文明的占领军的死亡。哲学论证虽然枯燥难懂，但波伊提乌和他的医生追求这些论证的紧迫性却让这些论证变得极其感人——比大多数早期古典哲学都要强烈得多。 （即使在柏拉图的《斐多篇》中，永生的证明虽然可以安慰这位敬爱的大师即将离世的命运，但也只是对事实的客观分析；只有在西塞罗的几篇哲学论文中，他自己在遭受痛苦的折磨时写的，才表现出与波爱修斯同样深刻的情感。）这种紧迫感又被诗歌所强调：超越监狱限制的抒情抱负，在绝望和安慰的歌曲中得到了美妙的表达，对早期基督徒来说，这些歌曲听起来一定像是受迫害教会的赞美诗。波爱修斯面临的问题是每个男人和女人都必须面对的，他的困难也是我们的困难。正如我们所有人都会患上身体疾病，尽管只是一瞬间，我们也会感到死亡的阴影笼罩着我们，同样，我们所有人都会经历怀疑和绝望的时期，当灵魂的整个生命似乎都在衰退和动摇时，就会出现严重的精神疾病。看到波爱修斯患有这种疾病，看着他被治愈，一定会激起我们的同情。毫无疑问，波爱修斯和他的老师的感情是真诚的。波爱修斯真的已经一无所有了，他活着的唯一目的就是找到让他完整的真理。哲学本身并不是一个抽象的概念。她是一位庄严的女士，聪明、慈爱、善良——这种类型深深地吸引了中世纪的男人。她预示了中世纪对圣母玛利亚的概念，以及但丁笔下的贝阿特丽丝等天使般的向导。她是众多优雅女性精神中的第一位，例如《农夫皮尔斯》中的圣女教堂，她们穿越中世纪的思想，软化了时代的残酷。
It is full of emotion, which transforms the book. Its setting is burningly dramatic: a condemned cell, in which a Roman nobleman, once rich, famous, and learned, once high in a great career, sits waiting for death at the hands of a half-civilized occupying army. The philosophical arguments, however dry and difficult, are made vitally moving by the urgency with which Boethius and his physician pursue them—much more so than in most earlier classical philosophy. (Even in Plato’s Phaedo the proof of immortality, although it does serve as a consolation for the beloved master’s imminent death, is presented as an impersonal analysis of the facts; and it is only in a few of Cicero’s philosophical treatises, written when he himself was suffering bitter sorrow, that the same depth of emotion as in Boethius becomes apparent.) This sense of urgency is again heightened by the poetry: lyrical aspiration transcending the limits of a prison, beautifully expressed in songs of despair and consolation, which, to early Christians, must have sounded like the hymns of the persecuted church. The problem Boethius faces is one which every man and woman must face, and his difficulties are ours. Just as we all have bodily illnesses in which, although only for a moment, we feel the shadow of death touching us, so we all have periods of doubt and despair, profound spiritual illnesses when the whole life of the soul appears to ebb and falter. To see Boethius suffering from this illness, and to watch him being cured, must stir our sympathy. And there can be no doubt that the emotions of Boethius and his teacher are sincere. Boethius has literally nothing left to live for but to find the truth that will make him whole. Philosophy herself is not an abstraction. She is a stately lady, wise, loving, and kind—a type which appealed deeply to the men of the Middle Ages. She prefigures the medieval conception of the Virgin Mary,, as well as such angelic guides as Dante’s Beatrice. She was one of the first of a long series of gracious womanly spirits, such as Lady Holy Church in Piers Plowman, who move through medieval thought and soften the brutality of the times.
波爱修斯的书内容非常丰富，因为它综合了几个伟大思想领域的许多优秀思想：
Boethius’s book is very rich in content, for it is a synthesis of much of the best in several great realms of thought:
（a）希腊罗马哲学，柏拉图主义尤为突出。波伊提乌非常钦佩柏拉图的《高尔吉亚篇》、《斐多篇》和《蒂迈欧篇》。很明显，苏格拉底的形象在波伊提乌的小说中，他平静地在牢房里准备死亡，并被自己的哲学所安慰。心灵；他多次提到回忆学说；他的整本书一步一步地描述了转变的过程，就像柏拉图认为的哲学生活的必要入口一样。波爱修斯还使用了《物理学》和亚里士多德的其他著作；以及西塞罗的哲学著作，特别是《图斯库兰讨论》（处理人类的巨大不幸）和《西庇阿之梦》（揭示了永生）。尽管他没有提到它们，但他非常依赖新柏拉图主义者的论文和评论。58本书最伟大的事情之一是波伊修斯不断将被视为理性系统的物理宇宙与道德法则进行比较。他说，星星遵循与人的生命和灵魂相同的法则。我们可以看到他，一个被判死刑的囚犯，从牢房里抬头望向宁静的天空，就像康德宣称宇宙中最伟大的两件事是“头顶的星空和内心的道德法则”一样，59他确信，无论邪恶多么强大，在“不可改变的法律大军”面前，它都注定会沉没并消失。60（这种思想也融入了中世纪对占星术的信仰，因为如果人类和星星都遵循上帝制定的规律，那么很容易假设他们是一个相互依存的系统的一部分。）
(a) Greco-Roman philosophy, Platonism above all. Boethius much admired Plato’s Gorgias, Phaedo, and Timaeus. It is clear that the figure of Socrates, calmly preparing for death in his prison-cell and consoled by his own philosophy, was in Boethius’s mind; he refers several times to the doctrine of reminiscence; and his entire book describes, step by step, a process of conversion like that which Plato held to be the necessary entrance to the philosophical life. Boethius also used the Physics and other works of Aristotle; and Cicero’s philosophical writings, particularly the Tusculan Discussions (which deal with man’s great unhappinesses) and The Dream of Scipio (which is a revelation of immortality). And, although he does not mention them, he depended very heavily on the treatises and commentaries of the Neoplatonists.58 One of the greatest things in the book is Boethius’s constant comparison of the physical universe, regarded as a rational system, to the moral law. The stars, he says, follow the same kind of law as the life and soul of man. We can see him, a condemned prisoner, looking up from his cell towards the serene heavens, and, like Kant, who declared that the two greatest things in the universe were ‘the starry sky above, the moral law within’,59 assuring himself that wickedness, however powerful, was bound to sink and disappear before ‘the army of unalterable law’.60 (This thought also flowed into the medieval belief in astrology, since if man and the stars both obey laws ordained by God, it is easy to assume that they are part of a single interdependent system.)
( b ) 在古典文学中，波爱修斯更注重罗马作品而非希腊作品：塞涅卡是他诗歌的主要典范，他的散文风格模仿西塞罗，而维吉尔和贺拉斯则为他提供了许多一般的格言，在那些艰难的日子里，他用这些格言来支撑自己的心灵。
(b) In classical literature, Boethius’s emphasis is more on Roman than on Greek works: Seneca is his principal model in verse, he modelled his prose style on Cicero, while Vergil and Horace supplied many of the general maxims which he used, in those bad days, to prop his mind.
（c）书中没有表达基督教理想，但与之相近的一些东西启发了整本书。虽然书中没有提到耶稣基督，虽然波爱修斯从未明确引用圣经，而且似乎只提到过一次，虽然安慰他的不是宗教而是哲学，但这本书仍然表达了一神论信仰，以永生为前提，强调道德生活的重要性，提到了其他基督教信仰，如炼狱，61体现了迫害下的道德勇气等基督教理想。
(c) Christian ideals are not expressed, but something close to them inspires the whole book. Although Jesus Christ is not mentioned, although Boethius never quotes the Bible explicitly and only once appears to allude to it, although it is not religion but philosophy that consoles him, still, the book is an expression of the belief in monotheism, begins by postulating immortality, emphasizes the importance of the moral life, mentions other Christian beliefs such as purgatory,61 and embodies such Christian ideals as moral courage under persecution.
这本书的第四大优点是它的教育力量。它是世界上最具教育意义的书籍之一。就像柏拉图的对话录一样，它通过引导读者经历它所描述的教育过程来教育读者。看到苏格拉底的对话者被迫或被说服看到光明，令人感动他们否认了这一点；因此，看到哲学治愈了波爱修斯（或每个人）的盲目性，这令人感动，但更加令人感动，因为波爱修斯因幸福之后的苦难而陷入了盲目性。令人感动的是，他的名字本身就来自希腊语βoηθ∊îv，这个词的意思（除其他外）是帮助病人、减轻他的病痛。正如苏格拉底经常把自己比作医生一样，哲学在这里把自己的工作比作医生与病人，而不是老师与学生：我们现在应该说，是接受心理分析的精神病患者。希腊人与我们之间的一个标志是，对他们来说，一切都是健康，甚至医生也主要告诉他们如何保持健康（就像教练建议年轻运动员一样），而波爱修斯就像现代人一样，觉得自己患有致命的灵魂疾病。62
The fourth great merit of the book is its educational power. It is one of the supreme educational books of the world. Like Plato’s dialogues, it educates the reader by carrying him through the process of education which it describes. It is moving to watch Socrates’ interlocutors being forced or persuaded to see the light which they had denied; and so it is moving, but even more moving, to watch Philosophy curing Boethius (or Everyman) of the blindness into which his sufferings coming after his happiness had thrown him. It is touching to remember that his very name comes from the Greek word βoηθ∊îv, which means (among other things) to assist a patient and relieve his illness. Just as Socrates often compared himself to a physician, so Philosophy here likens her work, not to that of a teacher with a pupil, but to that of a doctor with a patient: a mental patient undergoing psycho-analysis, we should now say. It is a mark of the difference between the Greeks and ourselves that for them all was health, and even the doctor told them chiefly how to keep fit (as a trainer advises a young athlete), while Boethius, like a modern man, feels himself to be suffering from a mortal disease of the soul.62
所有这些原因共同使得波爱修斯的影响在黑暗时代和中世纪广泛而持久。63他受到欢迎还有一个个人原因。他曾面临一千年来不断重演的同一个问题，他勇敢地面对它。他是一个被残暴的暴君杀害的好人。他是一个被野蛮人监禁和处决的文明人，但他的理想却永垂不朽。许多被野蛮人包围的基督教牧师或骑士从波伊提乌斯树立的榜样中得到了安慰。阿尔弗雷德国王本人被丹麦人包围在一个岛中岛上，他把自己与罗马英雄联系起来：他在译文的序言中说道：
All these causes combined to make the influence of Boethius widespread and long-lasting through the Dark and Middle Ages.63 And there was a personal reason for his popularity. He had faced the same problem which recurred for a thousand years, and he faced it nobly. He was a good man killed by vicious tyrants. He was a civilized man imprisoned and executed by the barbarians, but immortalized by his ideals. Many a Christian priest or knight hemmed in by savages took consolation from the pattern set up by Boethius. King Alfred himself, surrounded by Danes, on an island within an island, identified himself with the Roman hero: in his preface to the translation he says:
“阿尔弗雷德国王……有时按照字面意思来阐述这本书，有时则尽量保持原意，尽可能清晰而明智地阐述，以应对各种各样经常困扰他身心的世俗烦恼。在他统治期间，他所继承的王国所遭遇的麻烦几乎数不胜数。”
‘King Alfred … set forth this book sometimes literally and sometimes so as to preserve the sense of it, as clearly and intelligently as he could, in the various and multiple worldly cares that often troubled him in mind and body. During his reign, the troubles that came on the kingdom to which he succeeded were almost innumerable.’
在翻译波爱修斯时，阿尔弗雷德根据读者的需要对这本书进行了改编。他省略了许多读者觉得太难的内容，也许他自己也觉得太难的内容——包括第五卷几乎所有的难点论点。有时，他用更简单的释义来代替一般的意思，有时用他自己的一些道德说教来代替。就像现代译者会插入脚注一样，阿尔弗雷德添加了解释性短语和他用于翻译的注释版的摘录。他让整本书更像一部基督教著作。工作。他提到了基督的名字，而波爱修斯没有；他引入了天使、魔鬼、旧约历史和基督教教义；上帝的名字出现的频率比原文高得多。有一个感人的个人补充。在他的抱怨中，波爱修斯告诉哲学，虽然他不贪财或名声，但他想找到一些发挥才能的空间，而不是无用地变老。64对此，阿尔弗雷德补充了他自己的想法：
When translating Boethius, Alfred adapted the book to suit the audience for which he meant it. He omitted much which was too difficult for them, and perhaps for himself—including nearly all the difficult argument of book 5. Sometimes he substituted simpler paraphrases of the general drift of meaning, and sometimes little moral homilies of his own. Much as a modern translator might insert footnotes, Alfred adds explanatory phrases and extracts from the annotated editions which he used for his translation. He makes the whole thing much more of a Christian work. He mentions Christ by name, which Boethius does not; he brings in angels, the devil, Old Testament history, and Christian doctrine; and the name of God occurs much oftener than in the original. There is one touching personal addition. In his complaint Boethius tells Philosophy that, although he is not greedy for money or publicity, he had wanted to find some scope for his talents rather than to grow old uselessly.64 To this Alfred adds his own thoughts:
“现在，没有人能够充分发挥他的天赋，也没有人能够领导和管理政府，除非他拥有合适的工具和原材料。我所说的材料是指行使自然权力所必需的东西：因此，国王的原材料和统治工具是一个人口众多的国家，以及宗教人士、战士和工人……此外，他还必须拥有三个阶层的生存手段：土地、礼物（=金钱？）、武器、肉、啤酒、衣服以及这三个阶层需要的任何其他东西。没有这些手段，他就无法保持工具的整洁，没有工具，他就无法完成委托给他的任何任务。65
‘Now no man can get full play for his natural gifts, nor conduct and administer government, unless he has fit tools, and raw material to work on. By material I mean that which is necessary to the exercise of natural powers: thus, a king’s raw material and instruments of rule are a well-populated country, and men of religion, men of war, and men of work … Also he must have means of support for the three classes: land to live on, gifts (= money?), weapons, meat, ale, clothes, and anything else the three classes need. Without these means he cannot keep his tools in order, and without the tools he cannot perform any of the tasks entrusted to him.65
然而，他的许多解释却极其幼稚，表明自比德时代以来，英国学术界在战争压力下大大衰落。66
Still, many of his explanations are astonishingly naive, and show the great decline in British scholarship, under the pressure of war, since the days of Bede.66
阿尔弗雷德感激地承认，他的翻译得到了四位牧师的帮助，其中最著名的是一位名叫阿瑟的威尔士凯尔特人，他称阿瑟为“我的主教”，阿瑟和阿尔德赫尔姆一样，成为了舍伯恩的主教。67还应该记住，阿尔弗雷德与罗马和神圣罗马帝国有着重要的联系。他的父亲娶了朱迪思，皇帝秃头查理的女儿；阿尔弗雷德本人年轻时曾到过罗马，并一直与罗马保持联系。68
On his own grateful admission, Alfred was helped in his translations by four priests, notably a Celt from Wales named Asser, whom he calls ‘my bishop’, and who, like Aldhelm, became bishop of Sherborne.67 It should also be remembered that Alfred had vital connexions with Rome and with the Holy Roman empire. His father married Judith, daughter of the emperor Charles the Bald; Alfred himself had visited Rome in his youth, and kept in communication with it.68
英国最后一位伟大的前诺曼教育家是埃尔弗里克（约955-1020 年），他是一位南方学者，在温彻斯特长大。他几乎精通拉丁语和英语，这是他之前的活动的总结。他的许多布道充满了古英语头韵，有些甚至以与古代英雄诗歌相当的节奏为主。但他也写了一本拉丁语法书，序言用英语和拉丁语写成，还有拉丁语-英语词汇表。这是最早的现代拉丁语教科书之一。他还编写或编辑了英语版《圣经》前七卷书的释义，其中枯燥难懂的遗漏了部分内容。在他的时代，部分地通过他的作品，英语成为了一种文学语言——欧洲最早的一种文学语言。
The last great pre-Norman educator in England was Ælfric (c. 955–1020), a southern scholar, bred at Winchester. He summed up the activity which preceded him by being almost bilingual in Latin and English. Many of his sermons are filled with Old English alliteration, and some are even dominated by a rhythmical beat comparable to that of the antique heroic poems. But he also wrote a Latin grammar, with prefaces in English and Latin and a Latin-English vocabulary. This was one of the very first modern Latin schoolbooks. He also made, or edited, a paraphrase of the first seven books of the Bible in English, with the dull and difficult parts left out. In his time, and partly through his work, English became a literary language—the earliest in Europe.
在十世纪，出现了许多福音书的英文版本：北诺森伯兰的林迪斯法恩福音书、北麦西亚和南诺森伯兰的拉什沃思福音书以及西撒克逊福音书。林迪斯法恩福音书的手稿是保存下来的黑暗时代最精美的艺术作品之一。就像阿尔弗雷德的英格兰和英国文明一样，它受到了丹麦人的严重威胁：它被从家乡带走以求安全，但在暴风雨中被冲下船；但是，就像它所属的文化一样，潮水退去后，它几乎完好无损地被打捞上来。69
During the tenth century a number of English versions of the gospels were produced: the Lindisfarne Gospels in northern Northumbrian, the Rushworth Gospels in northern Mercian and southern Northumbrian, and the West Saxon Gospels. The manuscript of the Lindisfarne Gospels is one of the finest works of art preserved from the Dark Ages. Like Alfred’s England, like British civilization, it was gravely endangered by the Danes: it was being removed from its home for safety when it was washed over-board in a storm; but, like the culture to which it belonged, it was recovered almost undamaged when the tide ebbed.69
在中世纪和文艺复兴时期，英国作家翻译和抄袭欧洲大陆作家的作品成为一种时尚。但在丹麦人和诺曼人征服之前，白话文学的水平很高，古典学术的传播范围很广，因此英国在文化上是欧洲最先进的国家。后来，由于北方野蛮人的不断袭击，以及随后诺曼同胞的征服，英国失去了这一地位。70在那场长期的反抗和同化斗争中，英国逐渐兴起了亚瑟王和他的骑士们的辉煌传奇，他们英勇地抵抗异教徒和黑暗势力。虽然其水平低于希腊罗马神话，但很快就能与特洛伊和底比斯的传说相媲美。丹麦人的征服是一场灾难。诺曼人的征服是另一场灾难，唯一的缓解是它摧毁了丹麦人的统治，并建立了通往欧洲大陆拉丁地区的更宽阔的桥梁。这两场战争的影响首先是阻碍了英国的发展，而英国曾远远领先于欧洲其他国家，后来又使英国与欧洲大陆的文明联系得更紧密，英国曾分享过欧洲文明，并帮助振兴了欧洲文明。
During the Middle Ages and the Renaissance it became fashionable for British writers to translate and copy continental writers. But before the Danish and the Norman conquests, the standard of vernacular literature was so high, and the distribution of classical scholarship so wide, that culturally Britain was the most advanced state in Europe. That position she lost through the repeated attacks of the northern savages, and then through the conquest by their Norman kinsmen.70 During all that long struggle to resist and to assimilate, there was growing up in Britain—at a level lower than that of Greco-Roman mythology, but soon to compete with the tale of Troy and the tale of Thebes—the splendid British legend of Arthur and his knights, the gallant band who resisted the heathen and the forces of darkness. The Danish conquest was a disaster. The Norman conquest was another disaster, alleviated only by the fact that it destroyed the Danish dominion and built a broader bridge to the Latin area of the Continent. The effect of the two was, first, to retard Britain—which had been so far in advance of the rest of Europe—and then, later, to link her more closely to the civilization of the Continent, in which she had once shared and which she had helped to revitalize.
3
中世纪：法国文学
3
THE MIDDLE AGES: FRENCH LITERATURE
中世纪文学的焦点是法国——既包括法国北部，也包括南部欢乐的普罗旺斯地区，直到它在反对阿尔比派异端的十字军东征中被摧毁。诗歌从法国向外辐射，热情地传到意大利和英国，传到西班牙、德国和低地国家则没那么强烈。尽管语言和方言差别很大，尽管欧洲各国内部和之间也存在政治分歧，但在精神层面上，西欧比今天更加统一。学术界及其国际语言拉丁语是一个统一体。教会的世界是一个统一体——尽管它受到异端邪说（阿尔比派和胡斯派）、教义争端（圣伯纳德诉阿贝拉尔案）和分裂主义（最糟糕的是敌对教皇之间的大分裂）的困扰。宫廷和骑士精神的世界是一个统一体，尽管受到政治和个人纷争的干扰。而且，在民间诗歌之上，文学世界也是一个统一体。在意大利语出现之前，法语是意大利北部的文学语言：13 世纪末，布鲁内托·拉蒂尼用法语撰写了他的百科全书《宝藏》，因为法语听起来更甜美；马可·波罗的旅行回忆录也是用法语写的。普罗旺斯吟游诗人入侵意大利，他们的诗歌受到热烈欢迎，以至于博洛尼亚的行政长官不得不通过一项法律，禁止他们站在街上唱歌。1中世纪统一性的最好象征是但丁的《喜剧》，其中但丁所知的各个时代和国家的学者、诗人和伟人聚集在一个主要为中世纪的来世。
THE focus of literature in the Middle Ages was France—both northern France and, until its destruction in the crusade against the Albigensian heresy, the gay southern land of Provence. From France, poetry radiated outwards, warmly to Italy and Britain, less strongly to Spain, Germany, and the Low Countries. Although languages and dialects differed greatly, and although there were political divisions through and between the European countries, on the spiritual plane western Europe was more of a unity than it is to-day. The world of scholarship, with its international language of Latin, was a unity. The world of the church was a unity—although it was troubled by heresies (Albigensians and Hussites), doctrinal disputes (St. Bernard v. Abélard), and schisms (the worst being the great schism between the rival popes). The world of courts and chivalry was a unity, however distracted by political and personal feuds. And, on the level above folk-poetry, the world of literature was also a unity. Before Italian, French was the literary language of northern Italy: at the end of the thirteenth century Brunetto Latini wrote his encyclopaedia, the Treasure, in French ‘because the language sounds sweeter’; Marco Polo’s travel memoirs were set down in French too. There was such an invasion of Italy by Provencal minstrels, and their poems were so warmly welcomed, that the magistrates of Bologna had to pass a law forbidding them to stand and sing in the streets.1 The best symbol of the unity of the Middle Ages is the Comedy of Dante, in which scholars and poets and great men of all ages and countries known to him are brought together in a single, mainly medieval afterworld.
但是，中世纪思想和文学的辐射中心和强度却集中在法国，这个罗马帝国最近的西部省份：它主导并在很大程度上塑造了这种统一：所以我们首先讨论法国。
But it was in France, the nearest of the western provinces of the Roman empire, that the radiation of medieval thought and literature centred and grew strongest: it dominated and largely shaped that unity: so to France we turn first.
侠义冒险传奇
ROMANCES OF CHIVALROUS ADVENTURE
法国文学（除了一些小而不太重要的宗教作品，如十一世纪叙利亚圣人亚历克西斯的生平）这首诗以《罗兰之歌》开篇。像开启英国文学的《贝奥武甫》一样，这首诗比荷马史诗更为原始；而且它几乎和《贝奥武甫》一样，不知道古典文明和希腊罗马历史的存在。这是一部 4,000 行的史诗，以押韵的诗节排列，灵感来自查理曼大帝的撒拉逊战争。它讲述了查理曼大帝的布列塔尼守护者 Hruodland 于公元 778 年英勇牺牲的故事。（罗兰是他的现代名字，实际上他不是被撒拉逊人杀死的，而是被巴斯克人杀死的。）其中出现的少数古典回忆是微弱的、遥远的和扭曲的。例如，我们被告知异教徒撒拉逊人崇拜三位一体的偶像。一个是穆罕默德；一个是特尔瓦冈，她的名字在这个词中被用来表示一个脾气暴躁的女人；第三位是阿波罗，他是远射手有史以来最奇怪的同伴。2有一次，诗人讲述了一位萨拉森巫师如何被一位法兰克大主教杀死，并补充说，这位巫师早已下过地狱，“朱庇特用魔法将他引向了地狱”。3从很远的角度来看，这可能是对埃涅阿斯访问冥界的回忆。最后，在巴里冈特一集中（据信不是罗兰的原作诗人所写），据说巴比伦埃米尔非常老，以至于“比维吉尔和荷马活得更久”。4诗中没有其他古典影响的痕迹，我们也不应该期望在这首作者几乎不了解罗马神祇的诗中找到它。
French literature (apart from a few small and unimportant religious works such as an eleventh-century life of the Syrian saint Alexis) opens with The Song of Roland. Like Beowulf, which opens English literature, this poem is rather more primitive than Homer; and it is almost as unaware as Beowulf of the existence of classical civilization and Greco-Roman history. It is a 4,000line epic, arranged in strophes bound together by assonance, and inspired by the Saracenic wars of Charlemagne. It relates the heroic death of Charlemagne’s Lord Warden of Brittany, Hruodland, in A.D. 778. (Roland is his modern name, and he was actually killed not by the Saracens but by the Basques.) The few classical reminiscences that occur in it are feeble, and distant, and distorted. For instance, we are told that the pagan Saracens worship a trinity of idols. One is Mahomet; one is Tervagant, whose name survives in the word for a woman with a devilish temper; and the third is Apollo, in the strangest company that the Far-Darter ever kept.2 Then once the poet, telling how a Saracen enchanter was killed by a Frankish archbishop, adds that the sorcerer had already been in hell, ‘where Jupiter led him by magic’.3 At a great distance, this might be a reminiscence of the visit of Aeneas to the underworld. Lastly, in the Baligant episode (which is not thought to be by the original poet of Roland), the emir of Babylon is said to be so old that he ‘quite outlived Vergil and Homer’.4 There is no other trace of classical influence, nor should we expect to find it in a poem whose author barely knew the Roman deities.
《罗兰》是一系列描写西方世界冒险和战争的英雄史诗中最早的一部。这些史诗可以称为传奇故事。5罗曼史这个词的意思只是用一种罗曼语而不是拉丁语写成的诗歌或故事——因此，从言外之意来说，它不那么严肃和博学；但随着时间的推移，它获得了表明这些作品的本质特征的意义，即对奇妙事物的热爱。它们是极长的诗——不像荷马的诗那样长而丰富，而是散漫而漫无目的，以适应中世纪悠闲的节奏。荷马的六音步诗以战车冲锋的不可抗拒的冲锋向前奔跑；罗曼史和其他类似的中世纪诗歌的短行对句一里格一里格地慢跑，就像驮着骑士进行无休止的探险的小马一样耐心地奔跑。
Roland is the earliest of an enormous series of heroic poems dealing with adventure and war all over the western world. These can be called romances.5 The word romance simply means a poem or story written in one of the vernacular Romance languages instead of Latin—and so, by implication, less serious and learned; but in time it acquired the sense that indicates the essential quality of these works, their love of the marvellous. They were extremely long poems—not long and rich like Homer, but diffuse and rambling to suit the leisurely tempo of the Middle Ages. Homer’s hexameters gallop forward with the irresistible rush of a chariot in a charge; the short-line couplets of the romances and other such medieval poems jog along, league after league, as patiently as the little horses that carried the knights on their interminable quests.
最早的此类诗歌讲述了查理曼大帝及其宫廷，或有时更遥远的同时代人在黑暗时代的英勇事迹。随后出现了关于希腊、罗马和特洛伊英雄事迹的传奇故事，无论是历史还是神话；以及英国亚瑟王及其骑士的冒险故事。我们在此只关注第二类故事。
The earliest such poems dealt with the heroic exploits of Charlemagne and his court, or sometimes more distant contemporaries, during the Dark Ages. These were followed by romances on the exploits of Greek, Roman, and Trojan heroes, historical or mythical; and by tales of the adventures of the British King Arthur and his knights. Only the second of these groups concerns us here.
在我们开始讨论之前，必须指出，大量且不断增长的以古典时代为主题的诗歌和散文作品的出现只是文化扩展的一个方面，这一扩展在十一世纪显而易见，在十二世纪令人钦佩。6正是在那个时代，大学开始呈现出现代的面貌，新的质疑和批判精神侵入并改善了哲学，自中世纪开始以来，大量重要的希腊和罗马书籍首次被翻译和教授。这是伟大的逻辑学家和形而上学家阿伯拉尔、索尔兹伯里的约翰和许多其他进步思想家的世纪。这也是诗歌创作日益增多的时代，很明显，这也是对希腊和罗马事物的了解不断拓宽的时代，尽管仍然很肤浅。歌曲、讽刺作品和浪漫故事大量涌现。歌曲和讽刺作品停止了，但浪漫故事似乎永远持续下去。它们就像中世纪的战争一样永无止境。
Before we begin to discuss it, it must be said that the appearance of a large and growing number of poems and prose works on subjects drawn from classical antiquity is only one aspect of the expansion of culture which was noticeable in the eleventh and admirable in the twelfth century.6 This was the period when the universities began to assume something like their modern form, when a new spirit of questioning and criticism invaded and improved philosophy, and when a quantity of important Greek and Roman books were translated and taught for the first time since the onset of the Dark Ages. This was the century of the great logician and metaphysician Abelard, of John of Salisbury, and of many other progressive thinkers. It was also an age of increasing poetic production, and, very obviously, an age of broadening, though still shallow, knowledge of Greek and Roman things. Songs, satires, and romances poured out in overwhelming profusion. The songs and satires stop, but the romances seem to run on for ever. They are as endless as medieval wars.
古典题材的传奇故事中最伟大的是《特洛伊传奇》（Le Roman de Troie）。这部作品由法国东北部诗人 Benoît de Sainte-Maure 于公元 1160 年左右创作，全书约 30,000 行。故事以阿尔戈英雄向东航行寻找金羊毛并派遣一支小队占领并掠夺特洛伊开始。特洛伊由普里阿摩斯重建。普里阿摩斯的妹妹 Esiona (= Hesione) 被希腊人绑架。特洛伊人向希腊派出一支讨伐队，带走了海伦。特洛伊战争随即爆发。
The greatest of the romances on classical subjects is The Romance of Troy, Le Roman de Troie. It was written by Benoît de Sainte-Maure, a poet of north-eastern France, about A.D. 1160; and it runs to some 30,000 lines. The story begins with the Argonauts sailing eastwards to find the Golden Fleece and dropping off a detachment to capture and loot Troy. Troy is rebuilt by Priam. Priam’s sister Esiona (= Hesione) is kidnapped by the Greeks. The Trojans send a punitive expedition to Greece which carries off Helen. The Trojan war then begins.
显然，这改变了通常的故事，使特洛伊人变得无辜，而希腊人则成为野蛮的侵略者。这种视角的转变贯穿了整首诗。特洛伊人几乎每次都获胜；特洛伊只有在特洛伊王子安特诺尔作为第五纵队与希腊人密谋接纳一支突击队时才被击败。
Obviously this alters the usual story so as to make the Trojans innocent and the Greeks brutal aggressors. This shift of perspective is maintained throughout the poem. The Trojans win nearly all the time; and Troy is only defeated when the Trojan prince Antenor, as a fifth-columnist, plots with the Greeks to admit a storming-party.
这部传奇故事描述了特洛伊陷落后希腊军队的归来，并以尤利西斯被自己的儿子忒勒戈诺斯（喀耳刻的孩子）杀死而告终。
After the fall of Troy the romance describes the return of the Greek troops, and ends with the murder of Ulysses by his own son Telegonus: Circe’s child.
Benoît 说，他从一位目击者那里得知了整个故事，这位目击者比荷马了解得更多——因为荷马生活在战争之后一百多年——而且他没有犯下让众神和女神参加人类战争的愚蠢行为。这位目击者写的书（或其版本）至今仍然存在。这是一件非常奇怪的小事。
Benoît says he takes the whole story from an eyewitness, who knew much more about it than Homer—since Homer lived more than a hundred years after the war—and who did not commit the foolishness of making gods and goddesses fight in human battles. The book written by this eyewitness (or a version of it) still exists. It is a very curious little thing.
这本书名为《特洛伊毁灭史》（De excidio Troiae historia），作者是“达列斯·弗里吉乌斯”或弗里吉亚人达列斯。（弗里吉亚人是特洛伊人的邻居和盟友。）据我们所知，这是一部短篇作品，用蹩脚、平淡的拉丁文散文写成，极其简单，近乎愚蠢，显然是在拉丁文学衰落的晚期写成的。7本书的序言用拉丁文写成，略好一些，说这本书是由 Cornelius Nepos（尤利乌斯·凯撒的同时代人）在雅典发现的，由 Dares 亲笔书写，后来被翻译成拉丁文。序言和这本书都是伪造的。
It is called The History of the Destruction of Troy (De excidio Troiae historia), by ‘Dares Phrygius’, or Dares the Phrygian. (The Phrygians were neighbours and allies of the Trojans.) As we have it, it is a short work in bad, flat Latin prose of extreme simplicity, verging on stupidity, obviously written very late in the decline of Latin literature.7 It is prefaced by an introduction in somewhat better Latin, saying that it was found by Cornelius Nepos (a contemporary of Julius Caesar) in Athens, written in Dares’s own hand, and that it was then translated into Latin. Both the preface and the book are forgeries.
这本书实际上是希腊原文的拉丁文译本和缩写，希腊原文现已遗失，但可能也是散文，假装是特洛伊战争的一名战斗人员逐日记录。最后一章中用明显虚假的准确性总结伤亡情况的句子表明了这一点：
The book is really a late Latin translation and abbreviation of a Greek original, now lost but probably also in prose, which pretended to be a day-by-day description of the Trojan war written by one of the combatants. This is indicated by the sentence in the last chapter summing up the casualties with a transparently bogus pretence of accuracy:
“正如达雷斯每日的报告所显示，希腊方面阵亡了 886,000 人。”8
‘There fell on the Greek side, as the daily reports written by Dares indicate, 886,000 men.’8
我们可以重现原作的主要轮廓。这是一部纯虚构的作品，可能写于被称为第二诡辩时期（公元二、三世纪）：我们还有其他那个时期的冒险故事，尽管没有一个与特洛伊有关。9近代也出现了同类型的历史小说：例如，托尔斯泰的《战争与和平》试图证明拿破仑并没有真正控制俄罗斯的入侵，格雷夫斯的《耶稣王》则从一个感兴趣但缺乏同情心的当代人的角度，描述了耶稣作为犹太人王位觊觎者的一生。这本书的独特之处在于它的特殊目的：
We can reconstruct the original in its main outlines. It was a piece of pure fiction, probably written in the period known as the Second Sophistic (second and third centuries A.D.): we have other stories of adventure from that period, although none deals with Troy.9 Historical romances of the same type have been produced in modern times: for instance, Tolstoy’s War and Peace, which undertakes to prove that Napoleon did not really control the invasion of Russia, and Graves’s King Jesus, which describes the career of Jesus as a pretender to the kingship of the Jews, from the point of view of an interested but unsympathetic contemporary. The peculiarities of this book were its special purposes:
为特洛伊人反抗希腊人辩护；
to justify the Trojans against the Greeks;
通过诽谤他们的祖先埃涅阿斯来贬低罗马人：作者并没有说埃涅阿斯拯救了特洛伊的残余（就像他在维吉尔的诗中说的那样），而是让他加入安特诺尔的行列，向入侵者打开大门；书中并未提及罗马的建立——埃涅阿斯只是被阿伽门农愤怒地驱逐，并扬帆远航；10
to denigrate the Romans, by defaming their ancestor Aeneas: the author, instead of saying that Aeneas saved the remnants of Troy (as he does in Vergil), actually makes him join Antenor in opening the gates to the invaders; and the founding of Rome is not mentioned—Aeneas is merely dismissed in anger by Agamemnon, and sails away;10
带来爱情，这在《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》中并不突出。因此，无敌的英雄阿喀琉斯在与普里阿摩斯的女儿波吕克塞娜的秘密约会中被杀。他们的故事提供了主要的爱情情节。奇怪的是，在我们拥有的达雷斯版本中，没有任何与后来成为特洛伊战争最著名的爱情故事特洛伊罗斯和克瑞西达相对应的内容。但对美丽的布里塞伊斯有详细的描述，她是阿喀琉斯的俘虏，以布里塞达的名字出现；11并且特洛伊罗斯的功绩被大加强调（部分是为了让埃涅阿斯黯然失色）：所以伯努瓦可能使用了故事的更完整版本，将特洛伊罗斯和布里塞伊斯联系在一起，展开一段与阿喀琉斯和波吕克塞娜的爱情冒险平行但相反的爱情冒险。12
to bring in love, which is not prominent in the Iliad and Odyssey. Thus, the invulnerable hero Achilles is killed at a secret rendezvous with Polyxena, the daughter of Priam. Their story provides the main love-interest. It is peculiar that, in the version of Dares which we have, there is nothing corresponding to what later became the most famous love-story of the Trojan war: Troilus and Cressida. But there is a detailed description of the beautiful Briseis, Achilles’ captive, who appears under the name of Briseida;11 and Troilus’ exploits are much emphasized (partly in order to throw Aeneas into the shade): so it is possible that Benoît used a fuller version of the story, which connected Troilus and Briseis in a love-adventure parallel but opposite to that of Achilles and Polyxena.12
这位希腊作家就像一个出色的伪造者，尽可能使他所捏造的内容令人信服。他提供的细节似乎比我们在《伊利亚特》中看到的多得多：一场又一场的战斗，一次又一次的休战，涵盖了整整十年，而不是只有阿喀琉斯之怒的简短情节。他省略了对诸神以及他们对战争进程的不断干预的所有提及：这样看起来更加合理和现实。他对主要人物的外貌进行了精确的目击描述，而荷马从来没有直接这样做过。至于虚构作者的名字，荷马在《伊利亚特》第 5.9 章中提到过特洛伊战士达尔斯，但我们现在看到的这本书并没有称他为作者——显然是因为那样会诉诸荷马的真实性，而伪造者想要推翻这一点。这本书被藏起来，在特洛伊战争几个世纪后才被发现，这个故事是解释这本书如何得以流传下来的惯用伎俩，即使这本书是真实的，从荷马到希罗多德再到欧里庇得斯和柏拉图，却从未被一位古典希腊作家提及。基本上，这与爱伦·坡的《在瓶子里找到手稿》是一样的伎俩，我们稍后还会再遇到。十三
The Greek author, like a good forger, made his falsification as convincing as possible. He seems to have given far more detail than we find in the Iliad: battle after battle, truce after truce, covering the whole ten years instead of the brief episode of the Wrath of Achilles. He omits all mention of the gods and their constant interference in the course of the war: this looks more reasonable and realistic. He gives precise eyewitness descriptions of the appearance of the main characters, which Homer never does directly. As for the fictitious author’s name, there is a Trojan warrior Dares mentioned by Homer in Iliad, 5. 9, but the book as we have it does not call him the author—obviously because that would be an appeal to the veracity of Homer, which the forger wants to explode. And the story about the book’s being hidden, and discovered many centuries after the Trojan war, is the usual trick to explain how, if authentic, it could have survived without being mentioned by a single classical Greek writer from Homer through Herodotus to Euripides and Plato. Basically, it is the same trick as Poe’s MS. found in a Bottle, and we shall meet it again later.13
除了达雷斯，伯努瓦还使用了另一本同类型的书。这是《特洛伊战争日记》，作者是“克里特岛的狄克提斯”，他自称是希腊方面的战争官方历史学家。这本书的拉丁文译本很简单，但写得比达雷斯好得多；希腊原文的碎片现在已经在特布图尼斯纸莎草纸中被发现。14如果一个先于另一个，那么《狄克提斯》可能早于达雷斯，因为它更聪明，不那么极端。正如达雷斯的书被一个故事证明是藏在雅典，后来被发现一样，这本书也被一个说法证明是发现在克里特岛的一个坟墓中，用“腓尼基文字”书写。关于阿喀琉斯与波吕克塞娜的爱情阴谋而死的故事也发生在这里，第五纵队安特诺尔和赫勒诺斯背叛特洛伊的故事也发生在这里。埃涅阿斯并没有以叛徒的身份出现，但他建立罗马或阿尔巴的故事并没有被提及。15中世纪时，布里塞伊斯和克律塞伊斯这两位美丽的俘虏融合在一起，生下了克瑞西达，但书中没有提到他们的名字。这本书以英雄们的归来和奥德修斯的私生子忒勒戈诺斯的冒险故事结束。
As well as Dares, Benoît used another book of the same type. It is the Diary of the Trojan War by ‘Dictys of Crete’, who pretends to have been the official historian of the war on the Greek side. The Latin translation of this is simple, but much better written than Dares; and pieces of the Greek original have now turned up among the Tebtunis papyri.14 If one is prior to the other, then Dictys is probably prior to Dares, for it is more intelligent and less extreme. Just as Dares’s book was justified by a story about its being hidden and then discovered in Athens, so this is justified by the statement that it was found in a tomb in Crete, written in ‘Phoenician characters’. The story about the death of Achilles in a love-intrigue with Polyxena occurs here too, and so does the betrayal of Troy by the fifth-columnists Antenor and Helenus. Aeneas does not appear as a traitor, but his founding of Rome, or of Alba, is not mentioned.15 Neither Briseis nor Chryseis, the two beautiful captives who blended to make Cressida in the Middle Ages, is mentioned by name. The book ends with the return of the heroes and the adventures of Odysseus’ illegitimate son Telegonus.
那么，为什么伯努瓦要使用这两本通过他而获得巨大影响的晚期伪书呢？主要是因为它们易于阅读。他受过一点古典教育，而且无疑在修道院学校学过一些拉丁语：至少足以理解作者的故事情节；但也仅是一知半解。16他本可以使用维吉尔的作品，但维吉尔的作品比达雷斯和狄克提斯的作品要难得多；而且维吉尔的作品并没有讲述战争的整个故事。荷马的作品已经失传，《伊利亚特》现存的唯一拉丁文译本也鲜为人知，而且不完整。17达雷斯和狄克提斯的写作方法不仅简单，而且对中世纪诗人也很有吸引力：因为它们都包含了大量事件（这是所有传奇故事的脉络），它们强调浪漫爱情，并且省略了诸神之间的战斗，这些战斗会让十二世纪的基督教观众感到困惑或反感。伯努瓦并没有非常明智地使用它们。例如，他让帕拉米德斯和埃阿斯都以两种不同的方式死去两次：因为他翻译了达雷斯和狄克提斯给出的两个不同版本。18但他的书却变得极其受欢迎并且极其重要。
Now, why did Benoît use these two late and bogus books, which through him acquired such an enormous influence? Chiefly because they were easy to read. He had had a little classical education and had doubtless been taught some Latin at a monastery school: enough at least to follow the story-line of his authors; but it was not much more than a smattering.16 Vergil, whom he might have used, is much more difficult than Dares and Dictys; and he does not tell the whole story of the war. Homer was lost, and the only existing Latin translation of the Iliad was little known and incomplete.17 As well as being easy, the method of Dares and Dictys would be attractive to a medieval poet: for they both contain an enormous number of incidents (which is in the vein of all the romances), they emphasize romantic love, and they leave out the battles of the gods, which would have perplexed or repelled the twelfth-century Christian audiences. Benoît did not use them very intelligently. For instance, he made both Palamedes and Ajax die twice, in two different ways: because he was translating the two different versions given by Dares on the one hand and Dictys on the other.18 But his book became extremely popular and extremely important.
《特洛伊传奇》实际上将古典历史和传说重新引入了欧洲文化——或者更确切地说，将其传播到了学术界之外。其根本作用是将希腊罗马神话与当代联系起来。伯努瓦笔下人物的策略、情感和举止当然都是十二世纪的，但这意味着这个故事及其英雄和女主角对伯努瓦和他的读者来说都是非常真实的。这是一本开创性的书，宣扬并鼓励了一种全新的诗歌和想象流派。
The Romance of Troy virtually reintroduced classical history and legend into European culture—or rather spread it outside the scholarly world. Its essential act was to connect Greco-Roman myth with contemporary times. The tactics, sentiments, and manners of Benoît’s characters are, of course, all twelfth century, but that means that the story and its heroes and heroines were quite real for Benoît and his readers. It is a seminal book, which announced and encouraged a whole new school of poetry and imagination.
除其他外，它还刺激了一种奇怪的风尚：追溯现代家族或国家与古代人民之间的家谱联系。这在古罗马就是一种习惯。维吉尔和其他人花了很多心思和精力来证明特洛伊人虽然被击败了，但实际上是有德行的一方，而幸存者埃涅阿斯是罗马家族的创始人和奥古斯都的祖先。这让罗马人不会觉得自己是一个暴发户部落，完全靠蛮力征服了聪明的希腊人，并有助于使新的帝国王朝合法化。据说卡西奥多罗斯实际上为波伊提乌斯的刽子手东哥特人狄奥多里克提供了特洛伊家谱。19在黑暗时代，人们失去了历史观，这种习惯逐渐消亡，但现在它又复活了。中世纪甚至文艺复兴时期都支持特洛伊。蒙茅斯的杰弗里的《不列颠诸王史》（1135 年）与伯努瓦的作品有相似之处，这本书除了包含亚瑟王的第一个详细故事外，还将不列颠国王的祖先追溯到特洛伊。20世纪后，这种观念仍然存在。安东尼·伍德说，在文艺复兴初期，剑桥大学里反对引入希腊研究的一个党派称自己为特洛伊人，并给其领袖起了个绰号叫赫克托尔。21菲利普·西德尼爵士在撰写《为诗辩护》时仍然相信这个故事，因为他说，阅读“维吉尔笔下虚假的埃涅阿斯比阅读达雷斯·弗里吉乌斯笔下真实的埃涅阿斯”更“有道理”。22 —即维吉尔很美，但达雷斯是真实的。在法国，龙沙试图用这个神话作为他的史诗《法兰西亚德》的主题。很少有如此成功的伪造。显然，它成了普通的俚语，至少在英语中是如此，因为琼森称一位和蔼可亲的法官为“伦敦最诚实勇敢的老特洛伊人”，而德克尔说爱国的鞋匠“都是绅士，真正的特洛伊人”。23这一理念仍然存在于赞美语中：“像特洛伊人一样战斗”，而不是像胜利的希腊人一样。在英雄传奇中，光荣的失败比胜利更能被铭记。
Among other things, it stimulated one strange fashion: that of tracing genealogical connexions between modern families or nations and the peoples of antiquity. This had been a habit even in ancient Rome. Vergil and others spent much thought and care on proving that the Trojans, although defeated, were really the virtuous side, and that the survivor, Aeneas, had been the founder of the Roman stock and ancestor of Augustus. This kept the Romans from feeling themselves to be a parvenu tribe who had conquered the intelligent Greeks by sheer brute force, and it helped to legitimize the new imperial dynasty. We are told that Cassiodorus actually provided a Trojan family-tree for the executioner of Boethius, Theodoric the Ostrogoth.19 In the Dark Ages men lost their historical perspective and the habit died away, but now it was revived. The Middle Ages and even the Renaissance were pro-Trojan. There was a contemporary parallel to Benoît’s work in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of the Kings of Britain (1135), which, in addition to containing the first detailed story of King Arthur, traced the ancestry of the British kings back to Troy.20 Centuries later the idea still persisted. At the beginning of the Renaissance, Anthony a Wood says that a party in Cambridge University who opposed the introduction of Greek studies called themselves Trojans and nicknamed their leader Hector.21 Sir Philip Sidney still believed the story when he wrote the Apologie for Poetrie, for he said it was ‘more doctrinable’ to read about ‘the feigned Aeneas in Vergil than the right Aeneas in Dares Phrygius’22—i.e. Vergil was beautiful, but Dares was true. In France, Ronsard tried to use the myth as a theme for his epic, The Franciad. Seldom has there been such a successful forgery. Evidently it became ordinary slang, at least in English, for Jonson calls an amiable judge ‘the honestest old brave Trojan in London’, and Dekker says the patriotic cobblers are ‘all gentlemen of the gentle craft, true Trojans’.23 The idea still survives in the laudatory phrase ‘to fight like a Trojan’ rather than like a victorious Greek. In heroic legend, a glorious defeat is remembered longer than a victory.
《特洛伊传奇》被广泛翻译，甚至被广泛模仿。24对于这样一本书来说，它的模仿者应该比原著更有影响力——尤其是没有提到伯努瓦名字的那本。这是《特洛伊毁灭史》，由圭多·德·科隆尼斯于十三世纪末用拉丁文写成。25圭多从未提及伯努瓦，经常引用“Dares”和“Dictys”，但很明显伯努瓦是他的主要来源。这本书在整个欧洲取得了压倒性的成功——部分原因是它是用国际语言写成的——而且被翻译的次数比《特洛伊传奇》本身要多得多，被译成意大利语、法语、德语、丹麦语、冰岛语、捷克语、苏格兰语和英语。26伯努瓦讲述的特洛伊故事通过两条不同的途径传到了英国，但同样有趣。
The Romance of Troy was widely translated, and even more widely imitated.24 It is appropriate for such a book that its imitations should have been even more influential than the original—particularly one which does not mention Benoît by name. This is the History of the Destruction of Troy, written in Latin late in the thirteenth century by Guido de Columnis.25 Guido never mentions Benoît and often cites ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’, yet it is clear that Benoît was his chief source. This book had an overwhelming success all over Europe—partly because it was written in the international language—and was much oftener translated than The Romance of Troy itself, being turned into Italian, French, German, Danish, Icelandic, Czech, Scots, and English.26 The tale of Troy as told by Benoît came to Britain by two different routes, equally interesting.
1. 大约在1340年，薄伽丘写了一首名为《Filostrato》的诗，扩展了《特洛伊传奇》中的事件，其中布里塞达，卡尔卡斯（特洛伊祭司，叛逃到希腊人，并留在特洛伊）的女儿，与两个阵营的一位英雄——特洛伊人特洛伊罗斯和希腊人狄俄米德——调情。27可能是因为与荷马的美丽俘虏相混淆，薄伽丘给这个女孩取名为格里赛达 (Griseida)，并强调潘达洛斯 (Pandarus) 作为中间人的作用。28这是乔叟在《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》中改编的诗。
1. In about 1340 Boccaccio wrote a poem called Filostrato, expanding the incident in The Romance of Troy where Briseida, daughter of Calchas (a Trojan priest who deserted to the Greeks and left her behind in Troy), coquets with one hero for each camp, Troilus the Trojan and Diomede the Greek.27 Possibly by confusion with Homer’s beautiful captive, Boccaccio called the girl Griseida, and he emphasized the role of Pandarus as a go-between.28 This is the poem which Chaucer adapted in Troilus and Criseyde.
2. 圭多抄袭拉丁文的版本于 1464 年被拉乌尔·勒菲弗尔翻译成法语，名为Le Recueil des hystoires troyennes。（他没有给圭多起名字，圭多也没有给伯努瓦起名字！）威廉·卡克斯顿于 1474 年将其译成英文，他的版本——连同乔叟的诗歌和查普曼的荷马——可能是莎士比亚的《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》的来源。因此，莎士比亚的这出苦剧是一部拉丁文模仿法语译本的英文翻译的戏剧化版本，该模仿了古法语扩展的希腊传奇故事的拉丁文缩影。
2. Guido’s Latin plagiarism was put into French by Raoul Lefèvre in 1464, as Le Recueil des hystoires troyennes. (He did not name Guido, any more than Guido named Benoît!) William Caxton turned this into English in 1474, and his version—together with Chaucer’s poem and Chapman’s Homer—is probably the source of Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida. Shakespeare’s bitter play is therefore a dramatization of part of a translation into English of the French translation of a Latin imitation of an old French expansion of a Latin epitome of a Greek romance.
《特洛伊传奇》只是众多古典题材的传奇故事之一，但它们的性质和历史作用都是一样的，不幸的是，它们的大多数来源也是如此。对于中世纪的人来说，世界和历史的大部分都是未知的，因此他们愿意并乐于相信关于两者的奇妙故事。《埃涅阿斯传奇》本质上是维吉尔《埃涅阿斯纪》的重写，作为《特洛伊传奇》的续集，它用取自《埃涅阿斯纪》评论的神话细节、世界七大奇迹书中的奇迹、情色故事来装饰和伪装原著。奥维德的笔触；以及浪漫激情的事件（可能是原创的）。29因此，《埃涅阿斯纪》中的拉维尼娅是一个文静、孝顺、顺从的小女孩，她一见到埃涅阿斯就深深地爱上了他，并且她的第一封情书被弓箭手射到了他的脚边。
The Romance of Troy was only one of many romances on classical themes; but the quality and historical function of them all was the same, and so, unfortunately, were most of their sources. To the men of the Middle Ages, most of the world and most of history was unknown: therefore they were ready and glad to believe marvellous tales about both. The Romance of Aeneas, which in essence is a rewriting of Vergil’s Aeneid to serve as a sequel to The Romance of Troy, decorates and disguises its original with mythical details taken from commentaries on the Aeneid; marvels from books on the Seven Wonders of the World; erotic touches from Ovid; and incidents (possibly original) of romantic passion.29 Thus Lavinia, who in the Aeneid is a quiet dutiful passive little girl, falls hotly in love with Aeneas the moment she sees him, and has her first love-letter shot to his feet by an archer.
《底比斯传奇》是另一部与《特洛伊与埃涅阿斯》大致同时期的 10,000 行长诗，讲述了俄狄浦斯的故事以及他对孩子们的诅咒，最终在波吕尼刻斯和七勇士对底比斯的自相残杀中得到体现。斯塔提乌斯的《底比斯之战》（写于公元80 年左右）中已有这方面的资料，但浪漫诗篇的比例和重点有所不同。作者说他使用的是“一本名为斯塔提乌斯的拉丁书”，因为外行人看不懂拉丁文：他的一些作品是仔细抄写的，显然是斯塔提乌斯的缩影，其余则是浪漫的虚构。三十
The Romance of Thebes, another 10,000-line poem more or less contemporary with Troy and Aeneas, tells the story of Oedipus and the curse which he laid on his children, to work itself out in the fratricidal war of Polynices and the rest of the Seven against Thebes. There was a source for this at hand, in the Thebaid of Statius (written about A.D. 80), but the proportions and emphasis of the romantic poem are different. The author says he is using ‘a Latin book called Statius’, because laymen cannot read Latin: some of his work is careful transcription, apparently from an epitome of Statius, and the rest is romantic invention.30
有许多诗歌描写了这位英勇的人物——马其顿的亚历山大。兰伯特·勒托尔特和亚历山大·德·伯奈创作的《亚历山大传奇》是一首 20,000 多行的诗，采用十二音节韵律，它因此被称为亚历山大传奇。这是中世纪最荒诞的传奇故事，虽然实际大纲是对亚历山大大帝的父母、教育和战役的可识别描述。它的来源与《特洛伊传奇》一样令人好奇。哲学家亚里士多德是亚历山大的导师。亚里士多德有个侄子叫卡利斯提尼，他陪同国王出征，并留下了一部未完成的历史。它已经丢失了。但亚历山大死后不久就成为自由幻想的热门主题——尤其是他东方的奇怪冒险经历——人们伪造或扩充了卡利斯提尼的历史。31在希腊浪漫主义晚期，这种说法很常见，并产生了《达雷斯》和《狄克提斯》。我们有一本这种通俗的拉丁书，作者是尤利乌斯·瓦莱里乌斯，写于公元三世纪末，书中有一封“亚历山大写给亚里士多德的信”，讲述了印度的奇迹，里面充满了旅行者的故事，这些故事在中世纪复兴后，一直流传至今。来自那不勒斯的大祭司利奥，那个流言蜚语和民间故事的发源地，在十世纪创作了另一个版本；为了展示创作这些东西的环境，还有叙利亚和亚美尼亚版本。
There were many poems on that gallant figure Alexander of Macedon. The Romance of Alexander by Lambert le Tort and Alexandre de Bernay is a poem of over 20,000 lines, in the twelve-syllable metre to which it gave the name Alexandrine. This is medieval romance at its most absurd, although the actual outline is a recognizable account of the parentage, education, and campaigns of Alexander the Great. Its source is quite as curious as that of The Romance of Troy. The philosopher Aristotle was Alexander’s tutor. Aristotle had a nephew called Callisthenes, who accompanied the king on his campaigns and left an unfinished history of them. It is lost. But Alexander soon after his death became a favourite subject for free fantasy—particularly his strange adventures in the East—and a number of forgeries or forged amplifications of Callisthenes’ history were written.31 These became frequent in the late Greek romantic period which produced Dares and Dictys. We have a vulgar Latin book of this kind by Julius Valerius, written in the late third century A.D., containing a ‘letter from Alexander to Aristotle’ about the marvels of India, full of travellers’ tales which were, when revived in the Middle Ages, to be perpetuated form any centuries. The Arch-priest Leo, from Naples, that home of gossip and folk-tale, produced another version in the tenth century; and, to show the kind of milieu which produced this stuff, there are Syrian and Armenian versions.
因此，在现代改编中流传下来的不仅是希腊罗马世界最精彩的部分，还有最琐碎的部分。然而，它仍然激发着我们的想象力。中东故事编织而成希腊和拉丁传奇故事中的故事继续启发了那个爱撒谎的旅行家“约翰·曼德维尔爵士”，他的名字本身就是虚构的，他让拉伯雷在庞大固埃的航行中与他们竞争，最后帮助奥赛罗用关于
Thus it is not only the best of the Greco-Roman world that comes down to us in modern adaptations, but the most trivial. Yet still it stirs the imagination. The Middle Eastern tales spun into late Greek and late Latin romances lived on to inspire that mendacious traveller ‘Sir John Mandeville’, whose very name is fiction, to make Rabelais compete with them in the voyage of Pantagruel, and finally to help Othello in bewitching Desdemona with tales of
食人族，以及头
部长在肩膀以下的人。三十二
the Anthropophagi, and men whose heads
Do grow beneath their shoulders.32
《亚里士多德之歌》描绘了哲学家被一位美丽的印度姑娘套上鞍子，在花园里嬉闹的场景，以此作为亚历山大的示范。这首诗完全是虚构的，取材于典型的寓言故事中关于女性的权力和狡猾；如果不是以希腊哲学家为原型，而不是以大卫王或所罗门王为原型，这首歌就不值一提了。33但它在中世纪广受欢迎。在许多法国哥特式教堂中，你仍然可以看到雕刻的怪诞画作中，哲学家（留着胡子，穿着长袍，戴着博士帽）双手双膝跪地，印度女神骑着他，侧鞍上拿着鞭子。在大学将亚里士多德哲学研究发展到几个世纪以来的最高点的时候，这是中世纪学者与公众之间鸿沟的一个很好的例子。
The Lay of Aristotle, which shows the philosopher saddled and bridled by a pretty Indian girl, and cavorting about the garden as an object-lesson for Alexander, is pure invention on the typical fabliau theme of the power and tricksiness of women; and were it not that the Greek philosopher was the model, rather than King David or King Solomon, it would scarcely be worth mentioning.33 But it was widely popular in the Middle Ages. In a number of French Gothic churches you can still see, among the carved grotesques, the philosopher (bearded, gowned, and wearing his doctoral bonnet) down on his hands and knees, with the Indian houri riding him side-saddle and whip in hand. This, at the time when the universities were developing the study of Aristotelian philosophy to the highest point it had reached for many centuries, is a fine example of the gulf between the scholars and the public in the Middle Ages.
奥维德和浪漫的爱情
OVID AND ROMANTIC LOVE
浪漫爱情的概念主宰了现代欧洲和美国的文学、艺术、音乐，甚至某种程度上的道德观念很多世纪以来都是中世纪的产物，但其发展过程中也包含着重要的古典元素。浪漫爱情在 12 世纪初成型，融合了以下社会和精神力量（以及许多其他力量，但程度较小）：
The conception of romantic love which has dominated the literature, art, music, and to some extent the morality of modern Europe and America for many centuries is a medieval creation; but there were important classical elements in its development. It took shape in the early twelfth century, as a fusion of the following social and spiritual forces (and in smaller degrees of many others):
骑士礼仪准则，强制对弱者给予极大的尊重；
the code of chivalrous courtesy, which compelled extreme deference to the weak;
基督教的禁欲主义和对身体的蔑视；
Christian asceticism and scorn of the body;
圣母玛利亚的崇拜，颂扬了女性的纯洁和超凡的美德；
the cult of the Virgin Mary, which exalted the purity and transcendent virtue of woman;
封建制度：情人是情妇的附庸，她像拥有农奴一样拥有他；三十四
feudalism: the lover was his mistress’s vassal, and she owned him like a serf;34
中世纪军事战术：赢得女人芳心的过程爱情常常被比作强攻一座防御工事或经过长期封锁后占领它的两种可选行动：《玫瑰传奇》的整个情节就是两者的结合；
medieval military tactics: the process of winning a woman’s love was often compared to the alternative operations of storming a fortified place, or capturing it after a long blockade: the whole plot of The Romance of the Rose is a combination of the two;
奥维德的诗歌，他以愤世嫉俗的态度讨论了性爱作为一门科学，但他的其他作品包含许多关于激情奉献战胜死亡的不朽故事；
the poetry of Ovid, who wrote a cynical intellectual discussion of love-making as a science, but whose other works contain many immortal stories of passionate devotion conquering death;
在后来的文艺复兴初期，这种观念深受柏拉图哲学的影响；但那时，这种影响还只是通过新柏拉图神秘主义，甚至通过阿拉伯爱情诗，很微弱地显现出来。三十五
at a later period, in the dawning Renaissance, this conception was deeply influenced by Platonic philosophy; but at this time that influence was felt only faintly, through Neo-Platonic mysticism and even through Arab love-poetry.35
浪漫爱情的理想有着悠久而丰富的艺术历史，并在 19 世纪得到了显著的复兴。这里仅列举几个最伟大的作品就足够了：
The ideal of romantic love had a long and rich artistic history, with a remarkable revival in the nineteenth century. It will be enough to mention a few of its greatest products:
但丁的《新生活》以及贝阿特丽齐在《但丁喜剧》中的指导；
Dante’s New Life, and the guidance of Beatrice throughout his Comedy;
斯宾塞的《仙后》以及伊丽莎白女王性格的几个方面；
Spenser’s Faerie Queene, and several aspects of Queen Elizabeth’s personality;
莎士比亚的《罗密欧与朱丽叶》、他的十四行诗，还有什么其他作品？
Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet, his Sonnets, and how much else?
肖邦的音乐、瓦格纳的《特里斯坦与伊索尔德》以及大多数十九世纪的意大利歌剧；
Chopin’s music, and Wagner’s Tristan and Isolde, and most nineteenth-century Italian opera;
海涅的爱情诗以及舒伯特和沃尔夫为其谱写的情诗；
Heine’s love-poems and the Schubert and Wolf settings for them;
维克多·雨果的《海上劳工》和许多现代小说；
Victor Hugo’s The Toilers of the Sea and many modern novels;
阿尔韦尔的十四行诗和无数的现代抒情诗；
the Sonnet of Arvers and countless modern lyrics;
罗斯丹的《大鼻子情圣》和《远方的公主》；
Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac and The Distant Princess;
以及无数的戏仿和滑稽模仿，尤其是《堂吉诃德》和《汤姆琼斯》。
and an infinite number of parodies and burlesques, notably Don Quixote and Tom Jones.
有趣的是，这种观念在其诞生地法国首先消亡了。在现代法国文学中，甚至在现代法国社会中，几乎没有任何关于它的踪迹。它有许多颠倒的版本，例如蒙泰朗的恶心小说和萨特的《恶心》，有一本伟大的书象征着它的腐朽和衰落。这就是《包法利夫人》，女主人公为了追求爱情和浪漫而毁了自己的一生，而她的丈夫对待她的方式却很正常、理智、法国式，就像现代世界上大多数丈夫一样。
It is interesting that the conception should have died first in France, where it was born. In modern French literature, and for that matter in modern French society, there is scarcely any trace of it. There are many inversions of it, for instance the disgusting novels of Montherlant and Sartre’s Nausea, and one great book symbolizes its corruption and decline. This is Madame Bovary, whose heroine ruins her life seeking for love and romance, while her husband treats her in a normal, sensible, French way, like most husbands throughout the modern world.
尽管浪漫爱情的理想在十二世纪独立于古典文学而形成，但一位伟大的古典诗人却以他的古典性赋予了它权威，用他的故事来阐释它，用他的建议来阐述它。这就是奥维德，他早已为学者所知，但现在已进入了普通文学的世界。36奥维德生于公元前43 年，以他的爱情诗，尤其是《爱的艺术》迅速成名。他当时正在创作他的杰作，一部关于尤利乌斯·凯撒从创世到神化的神奇变化的史诗浪漫教诲诗，当时他 51 岁，卷入了奥古斯都孙女朱莉娅的耻辱，他的《爱的艺术》显然为此做出了贡献。他被流放到托米（今罗马尼亚康斯坦察），并在那里去世。他是五六位最伟大的罗马诗人之一，和维吉尔和贺拉斯一样，代表了希腊和罗马文化的丰富融合。他的耻辱丝毫没有损害他死后的名誉！但丁将他与荷马、贺拉斯、维吉尔和卢坎排在一起。三十七
Although the ideal of romantic love was forming independently of the classics in the twelfth century, it was a great classical poet who gave it authority by his antiquity, illustrated it by his stories, and elaborated it by his advice. This was Ovid, who had been already known to scholars, but now entered the world of general literature.36 Ovid was born in 43 B.C., and won quick fame with his love-poems, particularly The Art of Love. He was working on his masterpiece, an epic-romantic-didactic poem on miraculous transformations from the creation to the apotheosis of Julius Caesar, when, aged fifty-one, he was involved in the disgrace of Augustus’ granddaughter Julia, to which his Art of Love apparently contributed. He was exiled to Tomi (now Constanta in Rumania), where he died. He is one of the five or six greatest Roman poets, and, like Vergil and Horace, represents a fertile synthesis of Greek and Roman culture. His disgrace did nothing to injure his reputation after his death! Dante ranks him with Homer, Horace, Vergil, and Lucan.37
有趣的是，正如拉丁语在不同环境中催生了不同的现代罗曼语一样，不同的拉丁作家在西欧也产生了不同的文学传统。维吉尔的精神，以其庄严、忠于职守、超凡脱俗和深刻的神圣感，在罗马天主教堂及其最伟大的文学丰碑但丁喜剧中得到了重生。西塞罗创造了英国的修辞和哲学散文。西班牙人卢坎在西班牙史诗中也有模仿者。38但奥维德是拉丁作家中最法国化的一位；因此，他对新兴的法国文学产生了最强烈的古典影响。不仅是法国：奥维德还代表并帮助激发了意大利文学中轻松、柔和、多情的元素——薄伽丘和阿里奥斯托的精神。但法国文学最早受到他的影响，并且保留了最长时间。
It is amusing to imagine that, just as the Latin language in different environments gave birth to the different modern Romance languages, so the different Latin writers produced different literary traditions in western Europe. The spirit of Vergil, with its solemnity, its devotion to duty, its otherworldliness, and its profound sense of the divine, is reincarnated in the Roman Catholic church and its greatest literary monument, the Comedy of Dante. Cicero produced the rhetoric and philosophical prose of England. Lucan the Spaniard had his imitators in Spanish epic.38 But Ovid was the most French of Latin writers; and so he was the strongest classical influence on nascent French literature. Not only French: Ovid also typifies and helped to inspire the light, supple, amorous element in Italian literature—the spirit of Boccaccio and Ariosto. But the literature of France received his influence earliest and has retained it longest.
中世纪法国浪漫小说主要涉及三个主题：战争、爱情和奇迹。随着时间的流逝，中世纪世界变得越来越复杂，战争变得越来越不重要，爱情和奇迹变得越来越重要。现在，奥维德是爱情诗的大师，也是有史以来最伟大的奇迹诗人——奇迹般的转变和奇怪的冒险，主要由性驱动。因此，他是浪漫主义小说日益流行的主要原因，他的受欢迎程度是浪漫主义小说日益流行的一个表现。在十二世纪，爱的力量和奇迹是人们所无法想象的。一个例子可以说明这一点。一个早期而美丽的浪漫爱情故事是埃洛伊丝和阿伯拉尔的故事，他们是一对不幸的恋人。巴黎圣母院的院长彼得·阿伯拉尔（1079-1142）是十二世纪最伟大的哲学家之一，但他也是一位受欢迎且成功的爱情诗人。即使在他被阉割和噤声之后（真正的黑暗时代野蛮，存活到这些艰难的世纪），他仍然与他的爱人埃洛伊丝通信；在给她的信中，他引用了奥维德的爱情诗：
The medieval French romances dealt with three topics above all others: fighting, love, and marvels. As the years passed, as the medieval world became a little more sophisticated, fighting became less and less important, and love and marvels more and more. Now, Ovid was the master poet of love, and the greatest poet who had ever told of marvels—miraculous transformations and weird adventures, mostly motivated by sex. He was therefore a principal cause, and his popularity a symptom, of the increase in the power of love and the marvellous in the twelfth century. One example will illustrate this. An early and beautiful story of romantic love is that of Heloise and Abelard, a pair of star-crossed lovers. Peter Abélard (1079-1142), master of Notre Dame, was one of the greatest twelfth-century philosophers, but he was also a popular and successful poet of love. Even after (with true Dark Age savagery, surviving into these difficult centuries) he had been castrated and silenced, he corresponded with his love Heloise; and, writing to her, he quotes the Loves of Ovid:
我们渴望被禁，渴望被拒绝39 —
we yearn for the forbidden, desire the denied39—
而在给她的信中，她引用了奥维德《爱的艺术》中的六行诗句，这六行诗句动人心弦，描述了酒能使爱情的力量倍增。40即使在他们的爱情破裂之后，他们仍然回忆着那位表达并点燃了他们的爱情的微妙而感性的拉丁诗人。
while she, writing to him, quotes six lines from Ovid’s Art of Love, a moving passage on the multiplied power of love reinforced by wine.40 Even after their love was ruined, they still recalled the subtle and sensuous Latin poet who expressed it, and perhaps kindled it.
十二世纪初，我们听说一群不那么绝望、更容易安慰的修女举行了一次爱的会议，以决定爱一个唯美主义者还是一个士兵、一个职员还是一个骑士更好。辩论以阅读“那位令人钦佩的老师奥维德的指导”开始，就像教堂礼拜以阅读福音书开始一样；而朗读者是伊娃·德·达努布里奥，“正如其他女性所说，她是爱的艺术能手”。41
Early in the twelfth century we hear of a group of less desperate and more consolable nuns holding a Council of Love to decide whether it is better to love an aesthete or a soldier, a clerk or a knight. The debate began by the reading of ‘the instructions of Ovid, that admirable teacher’, just as a church service is begun by the reading of the Gospel; and the reader was Eva de Danubrio, ‘an able performer in the art of love, as other women say’.41
这说明人们对多情的奥维德有着浓厚的兴趣。不久之后，他讲述的故事开始进入欧洲文学。第一部可能是皮拉摩斯和提斯柏，这是一首大约 900 行的法语诗。它主要是浪漫主义的沉闷的八音节对句，但不时会穿插幻想，还有一些诗节和一些双音节诗行。这个故事是对两个不幸的恋人被父母禁止结婚的故事的自由演绎。皮拉摩斯认为提斯柏死于意外，于是自杀了：她发现了他的尸体并跟随他。42这个故事从巴比伦经罗马传到中世纪的法国，广为流传，历史悠久。从 12 世纪末开始，普罗旺斯的吟游诗人和法国和意大利的诗人经常引用奥维德的诗句。乔叟在他的《好女人的传说》中将其作为第二个故事；高尔将其放入他的《爱的忏悔》中；它在《爱的忏悔》中被重新讲述。薄伽丘的《菲亚梅塔》中也有重现，它再次出现在塔索中；它与奥卡辛的故事情节之间存在一些惊人的对应关系和尼科莱特；它本质上和罗密欧与朱丽叶的故事一样——这对情侣因父母的仇恨而分开，秘密会面，并因误以为对方已死而分别死去；它最近的一次出现是在《仲夏夜之梦》中，
This argues a good deal of close interest in the amorous Ovid. Not much later the stories he tells begin to enter European literature. Perhaps the first is Pyramus and Thisbe, a French poem of some 900 lines. It is mostly in the dreary octosyllabic couplets of the romances, but fantasy breaks in from time to time, and there are some stanzas, and some dissyllabic lines. The story is a free rendering of the tale of two unhappy lovers forbidden by their parents to marry. Believing Thisbe to have died by a mischance, Pyramus kills himself: she finds his body and follows him.42 Coming from Babylon through Rome to medieval France, this story became very popular and had a long history. It is often quoted from Ovid by Provencal troubadours and by French and Italian poets from the end of the twelfth century onwards. Chaucer makes it second in his Legend of Good Women; Gower puts it into his Confessio Amantis; it is retold in L’ Amorosa. Fiammetta by Boccaccio, and it reappears in Tasso; there are some remarkable correspondences between it and the plot of Aucassin and Nicolete; it is essentially the same story as that of Romeo and Juliet—the couple divided by the hatred of their parents, meeting secretly, and dying separately under a mistaken belief in each other’s death; and one of its latest appearances is in A Midsummer-Night’s Dream, as
皮拉摩斯和蒂斯比最悲惨的喜剧和最残酷的死亡
。
THE MOST LAMENTABLE COMEDY AND MOST CRUEL DEATH
OF
PYRAMUS AND THISBY.
奥维德的另一个故事，也是最感人的故事之一，讲述了菲洛梅拉如何被姐姐的丈夫特柔斯强奸和残害。他割掉了她的舌头，把她囚禁起来，但她把她的故事织成了一幅挂毯，寄给了她的妹妹普罗克涅。普罗克涅和菲洛梅拉一起杀死了她的儿子伊提斯，并让特柔斯吃掉了他，然后在极度痛苦中变成了一只鸟：她变成了一只沾满棕色血液的燕子，而菲洛梅拉变成了夜莺，夜莺在黑暗中无言地哀叹，却不知何故讲述了她的故事。43这是世界上最古老的传说之一。它早在荷马时代就出现了，并贯穿了整个希腊罗马文学，后来在中世纪法国文学中重生，改写自奥维德的版本，并以更柔和的名字《菲洛梅娜》命名；44随后，它进入了文艺复兴时期，在莎士比亚的《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》中被使用和残酷化。在那里，拉维尼亚和菲洛梅拉一样，被强奸，舌头被割掉，双手也被砍断，这样她就不能写作了。尽管如此，她还是指出了奥维德的故事来说明发生在她身上的事情：
Another of Ovid’s stories, one of the most poignant, tells how Philomela was ravished and mutilated by her sister’s husband Tereus. He cut her tongue out and kept her prisoner, but she wove her story into a tapestry and sent it to her sister Procne. With Philomela, Procne killed her son Itys and made Tereus eat him, and then at the extreme of suffering changed into a bird: she into a brown-blood-stained swallow, and Philomela into the nightingale, which laments wordlessly in the darkness and yet somehow tells her story.43 This is one of the oldest legends in our world. It appeared as early as Homer, and went all through Greco-Roman literature, to be reborn in medieval French literature, paraphrased from Ovid’s version, under the softer title Philomena;44 it then passed into the Renaissance, where it was used and brutalized in? Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus. There Lavinia, like Philomela, is ravished and has her tongue cut out, but her hands are cut off too, so that she may not write. Nevertheless, she points out the story in Ovid to show what happened to her:
她会发现什么？拉维尼娅，我该读吗？
这是菲洛梅尔的悲剧故事，
讲述了泰柔斯的叛国和强奸；
我担心，强奸是你烦恼的根源。
看，兄弟，看！注意她是如何引用树叶的！四十五
What would she find? Lavinia, shall I read?
This is the tragic tale of Philomel,
And treats of Tereus’ treason and his rape;
And rape, I fear, was root of thine annoy.
See, brother, see! Note how she quotes the leaves!45
此后许多年，“菲洛梅拉”一直是一种惯例；但在济慈的《夜莺颂》中却被忽略了；但在后来陷入更深困境的诗人的思想中又重新兴起——在阿诺德的《菲洛梅拉》和艾略特的《荒原》中。
Philomel was a convention for many years after that; was ignored by Keats in his ode To a Nightingale; but revived in the thought of later, more deeply troubled poets—in Arnold’s Philomela and in Eliot’s Waste Land.
如此粗鲁地强迫。Tereu
……。
So rudely forc’d.
Tereu… .
公元 1234 年创作的普罗旺斯诗歌《弗拉门卡》中列出了吟游诗人所要演唱的一些著名故事。46其中有些是基督教骑士精神的故事，但迄今为止大部分故事来自希腊罗马神话，其中大部分来自奥维德。其中有大量选自他的《希洛伊德》 ——著名女士写给情人的信，还有一些来自《变形记》。这个时期，许多受欢迎的故事，如皮格马利翁和纳西索斯进入了欧洲文学。
In Flamenca, a Provencal poem dated to A.D. 1234, there is a list of the well-known stories which minstrels would be expected to sing.46 Some of them are tales of Christian chivalry, but by far the greater number are tales from Greco-Roman myth, and most of these come from Ovid. There is a large selection from his Heroides, the letters of famous ladies to their lovers, and there are others from the Metamorphoses. This was the period when many of the favourite stories like Pygmalion and Narcissus entered European literature.
奥维德的《爱的艺术》由第一位伟大的法国诗人克雷蒂安·德·特鲁瓦 (1160 年) 翻译。他的译本已失传，但还有四本现存。其中一本是艾利先生的有趣现代译本。奥维德建议寻找漂亮女孩的年轻人经常光顾罗马的公共场所——门廊、寺庙，尤其是剧院。艾利先生通过插入一份当代巴黎的好狩猎场名单来更新它。
Ovid’s Art of Love was translated by the first great French poet, Chrétien de Troyes (fl. 1160). His translation is lost, but there are four others extant. One of them is an interesting modernization by Maître Elie. Ovid advises the young man in search of pretty girls to frequent public places in Rome—the porticoes, the temples, and above all the theatres. Maitre Elie brings it up to date by inserting a list of good hunting-grounds in contemporary Paris.
一段时间后，大概在 1316 年至 1328 年之间，奥维德的《变形记》不仅被翻译，还附上了超过 70,000 行八音节对句的知识和道德评论。作者不详，但似乎是勃艮第人，他首先翻译了奥维德提供的寓言，然后添加了一个富有启发性的解释。47例如，纳西索斯因爱上自己的倒影而憔悴，化作一朵花。译者解释说，这是虚荣的象征。纳西索斯变成了什么花？诗篇作者所说的那种花，早晨绽放，傍晚凋零：人类骄傲之花。48或许只有中世纪才能融合如此多样的元素，如奥维德的脆弱、愤世嫉俗、美丽的传说和虔诚的基督教道德说教。
Some time later, probably between 1316 and 1328, Ovid’s Metamorphoses were not only translated but supplied with an intellectual and moral commentary, to the extent of over 70,000 lines of octosyllabic couplets. The author, who is unknown but seems to have been a Burgundian, first translates the fables as Ovid gives them, and then adds an instructive explanation.47 For instance, Narcissus pined away for love of his own reflection and was transformed into a flower. This, explains the translator, is a symbol of vanity. What flower did Narcissus become? That flower spoken of by the Psalmist, which cometh up and flourisheth in the morning and dies by the evening: the flower of human pride.48 Perhaps only the Middle Ages could have blended elements so diverse as the brittle, cynical, beautiful legends of Ovid and this pious Christian moralizing.
玫瑰的浪漫
THE ROMANCE OF THE ROSE
要通过文学了解中世纪，必须阅读三本书：但丁的喜剧、坎特伯雷故事集和玫瑰传奇。玫瑰传奇是中世纪最重要的爱情传奇，是一首约有 22,700 行八音节诗的诗，以对句押韵，其中前 4,266 行由 Guillaume de Lorris 创作，写于 1225-30 年左右，其余由 Jean Chopinel 或 Clopinel（又名 Jean de Meun）创作，写于 1270 年左右。这是一个从男人的角度讲述的艰难、漫长但最终成功的爱情故事。男主角是情人，女主角是玫瑰。人物主要是抽象的、具体化的道德和情感品质，如玫瑰的守护者、诽谤、嫉妒、恐惧、羞耻和被冒犯的傲慢。还有匿名的人类人物，尤其是朋友，她给了情人一些奥维德式的建议，还有一位老妇人，她建议玫瑰的投影，欢迎美丽。丘比特也扮演了一个角色，最后维纳斯自己出现了，赢得了对贞洁的决定性胜利。整首诗发生在梦中，包含了大量象征，其中一些象征着强烈的性欲：因此，行动发生在一个花园里，高潮是占领一座塔，随后是情人与被囚禁的玫瑰的接触。这首诗中最永久有价值的元素是第一部分的浪漫热情和田园诗般的青春气息，以及第二部分中成熟、讽刺和受过良好教育的让·德·默恩的离题：即使在混乱中，它们也生动而精彩地描绘了中世纪的思想。
To understand the Middle Ages through literature it is necessary to read three books: Dante’s Comedy, The Canterbury Tales, and The Romance of the Rose. Le Roman de la Rose, incomparably the most important of the medieval love-romances, is a poem in some 22,700 octosyllabic verses, rhymed in couplets, of which the first 4,266 are by Guillaume de Lorris and were written about 1225–30, and the rest by Jean Chopinel or Clopinel, called Jean de Meun, who wrote them about 1270. It is the tale of a difficult, prolonged, but ultimately successful love-affair, told from the man’s point of view. The hero is the lover, the heroine the Rose. The characters are mainly abstractions, hypostatized moral and emotional qualities, such as the Rose’s guardians, Slander, Jealousy, Fear, Shame, and offended Pride. There are also anonymous human personages, notably Friend, who gives the lover some Ovidian advice, and an Old Woman, who advises the Rose’s projection, Fair Welcome. Cupid, too, plays a part, and finally Venus herself appears, to win the definitive victory over Chastity. The entire poem takes place in a dream, and contains a great number of symbols, some of them, emphatically sexual: thus, the action takes place in a garden, and the climax is the capture of a tower, followed by the lover’s contact with the imprisoned Rose. The most permanently valuable elements in the poem are the romantic fervour and idyllic youthfulness of the first part, and the digressions in the second part, by the mature, satiric, and well-educated Jean de Meun: even in their confusion, they give a vivid and brilliant picture of the thought of the Middle Ages.
浪漫诗的第二部分比第一部分更能体现古典主义的影响，但古典主义的影响贯穿了整首诗。我们首先从形式上分析，然后再从内容上分析。
Classical influence in the romance is much more noticeable in the second part than in the first: still, it runs through the whole poem. We shall analyse it first as formal and then as material.
这首诗的总体思路是一场梦境历险。洛里斯实际上是从引用古代最著名的幻象之一《西庇阿之梦》开始的，西塞罗在《论英联邦》一书中写了这篇梦。这本书的大部分内容现在已经丢失，但《西庇阿之梦》在整个中世纪都存在，并保存了 5 世纪作家马克罗比乌斯为其撰写的评论。实际上是柏拉图引入了在梦境或幻象中传达深刻哲学思想的习惯，西塞罗只是抄袭了他：当然，洛里斯对此一无所知，事实上，他也不清楚西塞罗和西庇阿的关系：他说马克罗比乌斯
The general scheme of the poem is an adventure within a dream. Lorris actually begins with a reference to one of the most famous visions of antiquity, the Dream of Scipio which Cicero wrote to end his book On the Commonwealth. Most of the book is lost now, but the Dream was extant throughout the Middle Ages, having been preserved with the commentary written for it by the fifth-century author Macrobius. It was really Plato who introduced the habit of conveying deep philosophical ideas in dreams or visions, and Cicero merely copied him: of course, Lorris knows nothing of that, nor, indeed, is he clear about Cicero and Scipio: he says Macrobius
写下了西庇阿王所见到的景象。49
wrote the vision
that came to king Scipion.49
但是，梦境出现在许多不受古典文化影响的中世纪作家的作品中，而且出现在并非从古典中借用的语境中：例如《十字架之梦》和《农夫皮尔斯》。我们可以得出结论，尽管洛里斯含糊地提到了一位古典作家，但《玫瑰传奇》中的梦境并不是一个古典手法。它应该与这首诗中坦率而有力的性象征联系起来。当然，玫瑰并不是唯一的性象征：在但丁（第30-1 段）中，受祝福者以一朵巨大的光之玫瑰出现，我们回想起玫瑰窗是哥特式大教堂建筑最美丽的特色之一。但它主要是性方面的，这里确实如此。这种象征是潜意识情感的伪装表达；梦是许多潜意识情感表达和寻求释放的渠道。因此，我们应该把梦的形式，连同玫瑰、花园、塔等性象征，看作是浪漫爱情新概念产生的强烈潜意识生活的表达。这两个不和谐的伴侣，肉体欲望和精神崇拜，在浪漫的爱情中结合在一起，形成了一种极其困难和紧张的关系。50这种张力及其通过象征主义的表达不是古典的而是现代的。
But the dream appears in many medieval authors who were not influenced by classical culture, and in contexts which are not borrowings from the classics: for instance, The Dream of the Rood and Piers Plowman. We may conclude that, in spite of Lorris’s garbled reference to a classical author, the dream in The Romance of the Rose is not a classical device. It should rather be connected with the frank and powerful sexual symbolism of the poem. The rose is not, of course, exclusively a sexual symbol: in Dante (Parad. 30–1) the blessed appear as a great rose of light, and we recall the rose-windows which are among the most beautiful features of Gothic cathedral-architecture. But it is primarily sexual, and here it certainly is. A symbol of this kind is a disguised expression of a subliminal emotion; and dreams are the channels through which many subliminal emotions express themselves and find relief. We should therefore take the dream-form, together with the sexual symbolism of rose, garden, tower, &c., as expressions of the intense subconscious life which was produced by the new conception of romantic love. The two inharmonious partners, physical desire and spiritual adoration, are united in romantic love, in an extremely difficult and tense relationship.50 That tension, and its expression by symbolism, are not classical but modern.
在梦中，浪漫故事的情节是一次探索，以围攻和战斗告终。显然，这是许多英雄浪漫故事的情节，无论是关于亚瑟王和他的骑士，还是希腊人和特洛伊人。情人对玫瑰的追求与亚瑟王的骑士对圣杯的追求以及许多其他类似的冒险并无太大区别。但当我们更仔细地研究实际的战斗时，我们会发现其中有古典的影响。因为整个冲突不是发生在人类之间，而是发生在两个拟人化派别之间（在少数神灵的帮助下）。这个想法有着悠久的历史和古典起源。中世纪的寓言故事将是无穷无尽的。但将精神冲突表现为肉体战斗的实际概念可能来自基督教拉丁诗人普鲁登修斯 (348-c.405) 的《心灵之战》或《灵魂之战》，该诗描述了恶行和美德为灵魂而战，它本身是对荷马和维吉尔描述的更古老、更简单的战斗的阐述和精神化。洛里斯并没有从普鲁登修斯那里得到这个想法，他和让·德·默恩似乎都不认识普鲁登修斯，但无论如何，这是它的起源。
Within the dream, the plot of the romance is a quest, ending in a siege and a battle. Obviously this is the plot of many of the heroic romances, whether they deal with Arthur and his knights or the Greeks and the Trojans. The quest of the lover for the Rose is not far different from the quest of Arthur’s knights for the Grail and many other such adventures. But when we examine the actual battle more closely, we find classical influence in it. For the entire conflict takes place, not between human beings, but between two parties of personifications (with the assistance of a few deities). This idea has a long history and a classical origin. The tale of allegorization in the Middle Ages would be endless. But the actual conception of representing a spiritual conflict as a physical battle probably entered modern literature from the Psychomachia or Soul-battle of the Christian Latin poet Prudentius (348-c.405), which describes the vices and virtues battling for the soul, and which was itself an elaboration and spiritualization of the older and simpler battles described by Homer and Vergil. Lorris did not take the idea from Prudentius, whom neither he nor Jean de Meun seems to have known, but that was its origin nevertheless.
但诗中谈话多于争斗。谈话的形式是对话——有时变成独白——而说话者通常是抽象的。最重要的说话者是理性，当情人在到达并亲吻玫瑰之后暂时与她分离时，理性会来安慰他。理性显然是对波爱修斯的《哲学女士》的模仿，而这个想法显然是《哲学的安慰》的想法。51理性实际上背诵了波爱修斯的一系列摘录；52她的布道的整个基调是，财富不是用来崇拜的，而是（正如向她的病人波爱修斯（Boethius）解释哲学）是被鄙视的。53她观察到，“翻译波爱修斯论安慰的人会给普通人带来很多好处”，54事实上，Jean de Meun 后来确实翻译了它。然而，应该指出的是，Jean 的许多想法并非直接来自 Boethius，而是来自他的中世纪拉丁模仿者 Alain de Lille 或 Alanus de Insulis (1128-1202)，他是 Boethius 与自然对话的作者，该对话是关于鸡奸的(De planctu Naturae ) 和一首关于人类本性和力量的伟大诗歌， Anticlaudianus。
But there is more talk than fight in the poem. The talk is in the form of dialogue—sometimes becoming monologue—and the talkers are usually abstractions. The most important talker is Reason, who comes to console the lover when, after having reached and kissed the Rose, he is temporarily separated from her. Reason is obviously an imitation of Boethius’s Lady Philosophy, and the idea is obviously that of the Consolation of Philosophy.51 Reason actually recites a series of extracts from Boethius;52 and the entire tone of her sermon is that Fortune is not to be admired but (as Philosophy explained to her patient Boethius) to be despised.53 She observes that ‘he who translates Boethius on Comfort well will do laymen a great deal of good’,54 and in fact, Jean de Meun did translate it later. It should, however, be noted that many of Jean’s ideas came not directly from Boethius, but through his medieval Latin imitator Alain de Lille, or Alanus de Insulis (1128-1202), author of a Boethian dialogue with Nature on sodomy (De planctu Naturae) and a great poem on the nature and powers of man, Anticlaudianus.
这段浪漫故事以对奥维德的明确提及开始：
The romance begins with an explicit reference to Ovid:
这玫瑰的浪漫蕴含了爱情的
全部艺术。55
This, the romance of the Rose,
does the whole art of love enclose.55
整首诗都引用并提及奥维德：洛里斯略带含糊，让·德·默恩则经常详细地引用。这首诗的两个部分都有关于爱情艺术的长篇大论。老妇人发表了近 2,000 行的演讲，讲述了女人可以用来改善外表、增加吸引力、挑逗情人以及从他们身上榨取钱财的方法。56其中约 600 行直接出自奥维德的《爱的艺术》第三卷。其中有一处有趣的个人典故。奥维德说给女孩带礼物是必不可少的：
And Ovid is quoted and referred to throughout: a little vaguely by Lorris, frequently and in detail by Jean de Meun. There are in both parts of the poem long passages on the art of love. The Old Woman makes a speech nearly 2,000 lines long about the methods a woman can use to improve her appearance, increase her attractions, tease her lovers, and extract money from them.56 About 600 lines of it come directly from the third book of Ovid’s Art of Love. There is one amusing personal allusion. Ovid says it is essential to bring girls presents:
荷马，虽然你带来了缪斯，
但没有带任何礼物，但你很快就会被扫地出门。57
Although you brought the Muses with you, Homer,
but took no gifts, you’d soon be shown the door.57
让修改了这段歌词，引入了奥维德本人：
Jean alters this to bring in Ovid himself:
她不会在意爱上一个穷人，
因为穷人一文不值：
如果他是奥维德或荷马本人，
她不会在意他。58
To love a poor man she won’t care,
since a poor man is nothing worth:
and were he Ovid or Homer’s self,
she wouldn’t care two pins for him.58
现在，奥维德的《爱的艺术》是许多古典哲学家和科学家所写的说教论文的轻浮版本；而《玫瑰传奇》中的说教元素与他如出一辙。然而，有一个重要的区别，这一点往往没有被指出。奥维德写了一本手册，其智慧在于将爱情视为一门科学（这是《爱的艺术》的真正含义）：他给出了开始和继续恋爱的最有效方法，他甚至写了一本《爱情疗法》一书，展示了如何从不令人满意的联络中恢复过来。整首诗几乎没有任何精神上的东西：是的，是身体上的，和社会性，审美性都很高，但没有任何精神性。这些女孩是理想或象征的反面：她们是罗马的淘金者或希腊的嫖客。但《玫瑰传奇》并没有给出爱情的科学。它首先给出了爱情的礼仪，更高层次的体验方式，然后给出了爱情的哲学。让·德·默恩对爱情的礼仪不太感兴趣，但他无休止地进行哲学思考。他写的部分是与十二世纪和十三世纪大学的形而上学辩论相同类型的智力练习。当然，它远没有浪漫史的第一部分那么骑士风度，讽刺意味更浓，受到尤维纳尔和奥维德的启发。他以一种冷酷的愤世嫉俗和抗议的语气进行哲学思考，这与对理想玫瑰的理想追求非常不相称。我们已经提出，这首诗的象征意义是由现代意识带来的性张力产生的。洛里斯的理想主义与让·德·默恩的现实主义之间的冲突是这种不和谐的另一种表现。然而，尽管让的浪漫部分充斥着厌女和玩世不恭，但它并不像奥维德的《爱的艺术》那样具有唯物主义、非道德的观点，它更多地涉及抽象，并且它无可比拟地更加强调道德理想，甚至讽刺那些达不到这些理想的人。
Now, Ovid’s Art of Love is a frivolous version of the didactic treatise as written by so many classical philosophers and scientists; and it is the didactic element in The Romance of the Rose that echoes him. There is, however, an important difference, which is not often pointed out. Ovid wrote a handbook whose wit consisted in treating love as a science (that is the real meaning of ars amatoria): he gave the most efficient methods of starting and continuing love-affairs, and he even wrote a book of Cures for Love showing how to recover from an unsatisfactory liaison. There is scarcely anything spiritual about the entire poem: physical, yes, and social, and aesthetic in a high degree, but nothing spiritual. The girls are the reverse of ideals or symbols: they are Roman gold-diggers or Greek kept women. But The Romance of the Rose does not give the science of love. It begins by giving the good manners of love, the higher approach to the experience, and goes on to give the philosophy of love. Jean de Meun is not much interested in the good manners of love, but he philosophizes endlessly. His part of the poem is an intellectual exercise of the same type as the metaphysical debates of the twelfth-century and thirteenth-century universities. It is, of course, far less chivalrous and more satiric than the first part of the romance, and is inspired as much by Juvenal as by Ovid. He philosophizes in a harsh tone of cynicism and protest which sorts very ill with the ideal quest for the ideal Rose. We have suggested that the symbolism of the poem was produced by the sexual tension which came into the world with the modern consciousness. The conflict between the idealism of Lorris and the realism of Jean de Meun is another expression of that disharmony. However, despite the misogyny and cynicism of Jean’s section of the romance, it has not the materialistic, non-moral outlook of Ovid’s Art of Love, it deals far more in abstracts, and it insists incomparably more on moral ideals, even by satirizing those who fall short of them.
《玫瑰传奇》包含了中世纪爱情的整个形而上学，正如《神曲》包含了中世纪基督教的形而上学一样。莱尼恩特观察到，这个主题在法国文学中占据主导地位，并一直持续存在。59法国人对爱情的理智方面的兴趣，一直远胜于欧洲其他任何国家。高乃依和拉辛的英雄们对激情的演说、巴洛克小说中关于温柔的地图、司汤达的论文《论我的爱》、普鲁斯特和许多现代作家对爱情的剖析，所有这些都源于《玫瑰传奇》的精神。因为这种精神，这种情感和理性的奇特融合，导致了对人类最高激情的理智讨论，不仅《玫瑰传奇》的作者们，而且他们的前辈和同时代人都尊重的主要权威是奥维德。他们讨论爱情的方法部分来自罗马讽刺，部分来自当代哲学，而当代哲学本身就是希腊哲学的直接继承者。而对于奥维德来说，这种心理渗透使他们能够深入到备受折磨的情人的内心，并在独白和痛苦的孤独辩论中对其进行活体解剖，所有中世纪诗人都受益于奥维德和维吉尔出色的心理分析诗歌。
The Romance of the Rose contains the entire metaphysics of medieval love, as the Divine Comedy contains the metaphysics of medieval Christianity. Lenient observes that the subject became a dominant and permanent one in French literature.59 The French have always been much more interested in the intellectual aspect of love than any other European nation. The disquisitions on the Passions, declaimed by the heroes of Corneille and Racine, the maps of Tenderness in baroque fiction, the treatise of Stendhal De I’amour, the surgical dissections of love in Proust and many modern authors, all these stem from the spirit that produced The Romance of the Rose. For that spirit, the odd blend of emotion and reasoning which issues in an intellectual discussion of the supreme human passion, the principal authority respected not only by the authors of The Romance of the Rose, but by their predecessors and contemporaries, was Ovid. The methods they used in discussing love came partly from Roman satire, and partly from contemporary philosophy, which itself was a direct heir of the philosophy of Greece. And for the psychological penetration that enabled them to enter deep into the heart of a tormented lover, and to vivisect it in soliloquies and anguished solitary debates, all medieval poets were indebted to the brilliant psycho-analytical poetry of both Ovid and Vergil.
我们已经研究了这首诗的形式的各个方面。但从整体上看，它几乎没有形式，也就是说，它的各个部分之间没有合理或和谐的比例。它最大的敌人、巴黎圣母院院长让·格尔森 (Jean Gerson) 将其描述为“一部混乱和巴比伦式混乱的作品”；60甚至连最忠实的崇拜者也无法称赞它的布局和结构规划。原则上，这种无形性是古典的反面。我们稍后会看到，随着现代人对希腊和罗马的伟大著作越来越熟悉，他们学会了通过学习简单的比例、浮雕、平衡和高潮规则来赋予自己的作品更好的形式。从这个意义上讲， 《玫瑰传奇》是中世纪的产物，堪比巨大的挂毯、无尽的编年史、无所不知的百科全书、动物寓言集和宝石收藏家，以及缓慢建造的巨大哥特式大教堂，它们在建造过程中改变了规划，有时，就像《玫瑰传奇》一样，在同一座建筑上以两种不同类型的尖顶结束。61尽管如此，在一部准哲学作品中，无形性还是有某种微弱的古典理由的。讽刺作品的传统是漫无目的、似乎是即兴的长篇大论，作者在这种长篇大论中随心所欲地发表言论。正是在这种传统中，波爱修斯结合了哲学对话的形式（也相当松散），写下了他的《哲学的慰藉》。但即使是这两种松散、冗长、夸夸其谈的模式也不能成为《玫瑰传奇》无形冗长的原因。
We have examined various aspects of the form of the poem. But as a whole it is almost formless, in the sense that its parts bear no reasonable or harmonious proportion to one another. Its bitterest enemy, Jean Gerson, chancellor of Notre Dame, described it as ‘a work of chaos and Babylonian confusion’;60 and not even its most convinced admirer could praise its arrangement and structural plan. In principle, this formlessness is the reverse of classical. We shall see later how, as the moderns became better acquainted with the great books of Greece and Rome, they learned to give better form to their own by learning the simple rules of proportion, relief, balance, and climax. The Romance of the Rose is in this respect a medieval product, comparable to the enormous tapestries, the endless chronicles, the omniscient encyclopaedias, bestiaries, and lapidaries, the vast Gothic cathedrals which grew slowly up, altering their plan as they grew, and sometimes, like The Romance of the Rose, ending with two different kinds of spire on the same building.61 Nevertheless, there was a faint classical justification for formlessness in a quasi-philosophical work. The tradition of satire was that of a rambling, apparently extempore diatribe in which the author spoke as his fancy and humour moved him. It was in that tradition, crossed with the form of the philosophical dialogue (also fairly loose), that Boethius wrote his Consolation of Philosophy. But not even these two loose, roomy, disquisitive patterns can be held responsible for the shapeless garrulity of The Romance of the Rose.
从实质上看，诗歌第二部分的古典影响比第一部分要强烈得多。它主要体现在故事、论证和描述中。
Materially, the classical influence is very much stronger in the second part of the poem than in the first. It is seen-chiefly in illustrative stories, in arguments, and in descriptions.
有许多故事可以说明这一点。琼让老妇人以一种不寻常的自我批评口吻说道：
There are many illustrative stories. Jean makes the Old Woman say, with an unusual touch of self-criticism:
例子？我可以举出数千个例子，
但是这样我就不得不讲太久了。62
Examples? Thousands I could give,
but I should have to talk too long.62
用历史和神话中的例子来说明道德教训的习惯在古典传统中非常古老。早在荷马时代就可以找到这种习惯，荷马在书中描述了更早时期的伟大英雄并将其作为榜样并在演讲中引用，以便他们的后继者能够效仿他们的美德，避免他们的错误。63它几乎以令人难以置信的程度传播到几乎所有古典文学中。例如，写爱情诗的普罗佩提乌斯认为，除非用神话中的相似物来客观化和举例说明，否则他自己的激情不足以成为诗歌的主题。尤维纳尔的讽刺作品中充斥着例子——一些取自当代或近乎当代的生活，但其他许多仅仅是历史陈词滥调：薛西斯 = 注定失败的骄傲；亚历山大 = 无限的野心。《玫瑰传奇》的两位作者都以这种说明性的方式使用了古典故事。纪尧姆·德·洛里斯重写了奥维德的纳西索斯的故事，尽管他对其进行了简化：他将仙女厄科仅仅称为“厄科，一位伟大的女士”，并省略了纳西索斯变成花朵的过程。64让·德·默恩从同一首诗中选取了皮格马利翁的故事，从维吉尔那里选取了狄多和埃涅阿斯的故事，从李维那里选取了维吉尼亚的故事，并从波爱修斯那里选取了许多其他插图。65
The habit of using examples from history and myth to illustrate a moral lesson is very old in classical tradition. It can be found as early as Homer, where the great heroes of the still-earlier past are used as models and quoted in speeches, so that their successors can imitate their virtues, avoid their errors.63 It spread through nearly all classical literature to an almost incredible degree. For instance, Propertius, who writes love-poetry, feels that his own passion is inadequate as a subject for a poem, unless it is objectified and exemplified by mythological parallels. The satires of Juvenal swarm with examples—some taken from contemporary or nearly contemporary life, but many others merely historical cliches: Xerxes = doomed pride; Alexander = boundless ambition. Both the authors of The Romance of the Rose use classical stories in this illustrative way. Guillaume de Lorris rewrites the tale of Narcissus from Ovid, although he simplifies it: he makes the nymph Echo merely ‘Echo, a great lady’ and omits the metamorphosis of Narcissus into a flower.64 Jean de Meun takes the tale of Pygmalion from the same poem, the tale of Dido and Aeneas from Vergil, the story of Verginia from Livy, and many other illustrations from Boethius.65
诗歌的第二部分主要引用了古典文学中的论据。例如，让·德·默恩的反女权主义态度通过引用尤维纳尔的第六首著名的厌女讽刺诗中的论据得到加强。66至于描述，一个很好的例子是奥维德的黄金时代画作，它被改编为第 9106 行。67
Arguments derived from the classics are mostly in the second part of the poem. For instance, Jean de Meun’s anti-feminist attitude is strengthened by arguments derived from Juvenal’s sixth, the famous misogynist satire.66 As for descriptions, a good example is Ovid’s picture of the Golden Age, which is adapted in lines 9106 f.67
毋庸置疑，实际翻译工作比《特洛伊传奇》和类似作品更加学术化。让·德·默恩比洛里斯更有学问。虽然洛里斯提到了马克罗比乌斯、奥维德、提布卢斯、卡图卢斯和科尔内利乌斯·加卢斯，但他似乎只熟悉奥维德。68 Jean de Meun 的主要来源是：
It goes without saying that the actual work of translation was done in a more scholarly way than in The Romance of Troy and works of that kind. Jean de Meun was more learned than Lorris. Although Lorris mentions Macrobius, Ovid, Tibullus, Catullus, and Cornelius Gallus, he really appears to have known only Ovid well.68 Jean de Meun’s chief sources were:
西塞罗的哲学对话《论老年》和《论友谊》；
Cicero’s philosophical dialogues On Old Age and On Friendship;
维吉尔的《田园诗》、《农事诗》和《埃涅阿斯纪》；
Vergil’s Bucolics, Georgics, and Aeneid;
贺拉斯的讽刺作品和书信，但不是他的颂歌；
Horace’s satires and epistles, though not his odes;
奥维德，为《玫瑰传奇》贡献了约 2,000 行诗句；
Ovid, who contributed about 2,000 lines to The Romance of the Rose;
尤维纳尔 (Juvenal)，主要讽刺作品 6，但也讽刺作品 1 和 7；
Juvenal, chiefly satire 6, but also satires 1 and 7;
波爱修斯；
Boethius;
但书中也略微提及了其他古典作家，这足以表明他是一位博览群书的人。69
but there are minor mentions of other classical authors, enough to show that he was a remarkably well-read man.69
《玫瑰传奇》立即获得了持久的成功。洛里斯未完成的诗歌如此受欢迎的一个显著证据是，让·德·默恩认为值得接手这首诗，并将其作为自己思想的载体。这首诗广受欢迎，不仅因为有数百份手稿，还因为被翻译成英文（由乔叟翻译）和德文。它问世两百年后，莫利内 (1483) 将其翻译成法语散文。四十年后，克莱门特·马罗特重新编辑了这首诗，并出版了精美的印刷版，其中的道德评论让我们想起了奥维德的《道德化》。例如，他说玫瑰象征着 (1) 智慧，(2) 恩典状态，(3) 圣母玛利亚（被 Male-Bouche = 异端诽谤）和 (4) 至善。尽管如此，这首诗并没有得到普遍认可。 1399 年，女诗人克里斯蒂娜·德·皮桑 (Christine de Pisan) 批评该书对女性缺乏骑士精神；而其最大反对者则是让·热尔松 (Jean Gerson)，他于 1402 年撰写了一篇《愿景》 (Vision)，称该书丑陋且不道德。70在随后的争论中，双方激烈地争论了这首诗的道德意义。这首诗在发表一个多世纪后仍然引起了如此多的轰动，是一部非常有生命力的艺术作品。
The Romance of the Rose had an immediate and long-lasting success. One remarkable proof of the popularity of Lorris’s unfinished poem is the fact that Jean de Meun thought it worth while to take it over and make it the vehicle for his own ideas. And its wide appeal is proved by the existence of hundreds of manuscript copies, as well as by the fact that it was translated into English (by Chaucer) and German. Two hundred years after its appearance it was turned into French prose by Molinet (1483). Forty years later Clement Marot re-edited it, in a beautiful printed edition, with moral comments which remind us of Ovid Moralized. He said, for instance, that the Rose signified (1) wisdom, (2) the state of grace, (3) the Virgin Mary (who is defamed by Male-Bouche = heresy), and (4) the supreme good. Nevertheless, the poem was not universally approved. The poetess Christine de Pisan in 1399 reproached it for its unchivalrous attitude to womanhood; and the greatest of all its opponents was Jean Gerson, who wrote a Vision in 1402 describing it as an ugly and immoral book.70 In the dispute which ensued, its morality was hotly debated on both sides. The poem which stirred up so much excitement more than a century after its publication was a very vital work of art.
4
但丁与异教古代
4
DANTE AND PAGAN ANTIQUITY
但丁·阿利吉耶里是中世纪最伟大的作家，而《神曲》则是他们最伟大的著作。如果不认识到但丁一生的目标就是建立希腊罗马世界和他自己的世界之间最紧密的联系，我们就无法理解但丁和他的诗。他认为这两个世界的价值并不相同：基督教的启示使整个基督教世界都高于古代异教徒。但他认为，如果没有古典世界，现代世界就无法实现自我，而古典世界是人类进步的必要先决阶段。他的作品是古罗马和现代意大利（或者更确切地说是现代欧洲）的综合体，如此生动自然，以至于几乎不可能在不破坏它们所构成的有机整体的情况下解开各种元素。同样，正是但丁创造了现代意大利语并开创了意大利文学。但他还是一位出色的拉丁文作家：他是中世纪为数不多的用古代和现代语言为世界文学做出重大贡献的作家之一。这本身就代表了这种综合，并表明了人们有时会忘记的一点：只要希腊语和拉丁语的文学作品是学者和诗人的活力、思想和刺激的活载体，它们就不是死语言。
DANTE ALIGHIERI was the greatest writer of the Middle Ages, and The Divine Comedy incomparably their greatest book. Now it is not possible to understand either Dante or his poem without recognizing that the aim of his life was to create, in fact, to be the closest possible connexion between the Greco-Roman world and his own. He did not think the two worlds equal in value: the Christian revelation had raised all Christendom above the antique pagans. But he held that the modern world could not realize itself without the world of classical antiquity, which was a necessary prior stage in the ascent of man. His work is a synthesis of ancient Rome and modern Italy (or rather modern Europe), so alive and natural that it is scarcely possible to disentangle the various elements without breaking the organic whole they make. Again, it was Dante who created the modern Italian language and inaugurated Italian literature. But he was also a competent writer in Latin: he was one of the few medieval authors who made considerable contributions to world-literature both in an ancient and in a modern tongue. That itself typifies the synthesis, and shows what is sometimes forgotten, that Greek and Latin are not dead languages so long as their literatures are living carriers of energy, and thought, and stimulus, to scholars and poets.
《神曲》之所以伟大，是因为它内容丰富。它富含中世纪最美的思想和思想；而希腊罗马传统在这种思想和美中不仅发挥了重要作用，而且发挥了至关重要的作用。正如中世纪常见的情况一样，即使是但丁，对这一传统的理解也不完全，在某些方面还被曲解了；但他是一位足够伟大的人，能够领悟它的伟大。
The Divine Comedy is great because it is rich. It is rich with much of the highest beauty and thought of the Middle Ages; and in that thought and beauty the Greco-Roman tradition played not only an important, but an essential, part. As usual in the Middle Ages, the tradition was, even by Dante, imperfectly understood, and in certain respects distorted; but he was a great enough man to apprehend its greatness.
这首诗的题目是《喜剧》。1但丁本人在给斯卡拉的一封重要信件中解释了他为什么选择这个标题。显然，他对其本质含义知之甚少——事实上，他也不了解戏剧作为一种形式、一种独特的文学模式的含义。他说喜剧是一种诗意的叙事，以粗犷的开头和美好的结局结束，用谦逊朴实的语言写成。他解释说进一步区分了喜剧和悲剧——后者以平静开始，以恐怖结束，并且以高尚的风格写成。显然，这是对亚里士多德对两种主要戏剧类型的定义的一种含糊的回忆。2当我们回忆起但丁让维吉尔本人将《埃涅阿斯纪》描述为“我的悲剧”时，3我们看到，但丁认为“喜剧”指的是我们现在所说的史诗，即一首英雄长度的诗，前提是它有一个幸福的结局。通过将自己的作品称为“喜剧”以与维吉尔的“悲剧”相对照，他显然是想将自己的诗作为维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》的补充，也许不是对手，但肯定是合作伙伴。（应该补充的是，这种对术语含义的误解在中世纪很普遍，也是对文学模式普遍无知的一部分。卢坎是一位著名的历史学家；甚至《罗兰的疯狂》也被称为悲剧。4）因此，和《奥德赛》和《复乐园》一样，但丁的诗是一部有着美好结局的史诗。
The title of the poem is The Comedy.1 Dante himself explains, in his important letter to Can Grande della Scala, why he chose this title. It is evident that he has little conception of its essential meaning—nor, indeed, of the meaning of drama as a form, a distinctive literary pattern. He says that comedy is a kind of poetic narrative which begins harshly and ends happily, and which is written in humble unpretentious language. He explains this further by distinguishing comedy from tragedy—which begins quietly and ends in horror, and is written in a lofty style. Apparently this is a garbled reminiscence of Aristotle’s definitions of the two main types of drama.2 When we recall that Dante makes Vergil himself describe the Aeneid as ‘my tragedy’,3 we see that Dante considers ‘comedy’ to connote what we should now call an epic, a poem of heroic length, provided it has a happy ending. By calling his own work ‘comedy’ in contrast to Vergil’s ‘tragedy’, he clearly means to set up his poem as a complement, not perhaps a rival but certainly a partner, to Vergil’s Aeneid. (It should be added that such misapprehensions of the meaning of technical terms were widespread in the Middle Ages and were part of the general ignorance of literary patterns. Lucan was known as a historian; even The Madness of Roland was called a tragedy.4) So, like the Odyssey and Paradise Regained, Dante’s poem is an epic with a happy ending.
但丁说，语言是卑微的。当然，古典喜剧的原始定义是风格低劣，包括这种戏剧通常充斥着俚语和淫秽，以及粗俗的语言幽默。但丁的意思不是那样。他的意思是，与“悲剧”的宏伟和复杂相比，他的喜剧是一种直截了当、朴实无华的风格。这一解释得到了他关于意大利白话文风格的一段文字的支持。在那里，他宣称，以悲剧形式写的诗应该保留宏伟的语言，而喜剧写作有时应该采用中等语调，有时应该采用低调。而且，正如我们将看到的，他的诗在风格上远不如维吉尔和其他古典英雄诗人的作品那么精致，词汇也更加朴实。
Dante says the language is humble. Of course the original classical definition of comedy as low in style included the fact that such plays were full of slang and obscenity and broad verbal humour generally. Dante does not mean that. He means that his Comedy is in a straightforward unpretentious style compared with the grandeur and complexity of ‘tragedy’. This explanation is supported by a passage in his essay on vernacular Italian style. There he declares that grand language should be kept for poetry written in the tragic manner, while comic writing should sometimes be intermediate in tone, and sometimes low. And, as we shall see, his poem is far less elaborate in style, and its vocabulary far plainer, than the work of Vergil and other classical heroic poets.
然而，它不能真正被称为低级和谦卑。它有时非常复杂。它经常是高尚和狂喜的。虽然它有一个极其幸福的结局，但它并不像泰伦斯的喜剧那样，处理普通的日常生活。但丁在他早期的文章中继续说，宏伟的风格只用于抒情诗，如救赎、爱情和美德。但这些是《神曲》本身的主要主题，很难相信但丁真的认为他的天堂的风格比他自己早期的抒情诗和他同时代人的抒情诗更卑鄙。因此，可以说，当他写信解释《神曲》时，他已经放弃了早期的理论和分支，现在的意思是语言是“低级的”，而不是因为它是一种意大利语的朴素风格，只是因为它是意大利语的白话文，与文学拉丁语形成鲜明对比。这并不是假装谦虚或古典势利，而是承认这样一个事实：与当时所有的现代语言一样，意大利语远不如拉丁文学语言灵活和洪亮，在会话用法中被贬低得多，其音调也远不如拉丁文学语言高贵。5
Yet it cannot really be called low and humble. It is sometimes very involved. It is often exalted and ecstatic. And although it has a supremely happy ending, it does not, like the comedies of Terence, deal with ordinary everyday life. In his earlier essay Dante went on to say that the grand style was reserved for lyric poetry on great subjects, such as salvation, love, and virtue. But these are the chief subjects of the Comedy itself, and it is difficult to believe that Dante really thought the style of his Paradise meaner than that of his own earlier lyric poems and those of his contemporaries. It is arguable, therefore, that by the time he wrote the letter explaining the Comedy he had dropped his earlier theories and subdivisions, and now meant that the language was ‘low’, not because it was a plain style of vernacular Italian, but simply because it was vernacular Italian as contrasted with literary Latin. This would not be mock modesty or classicist snobbery, but an acknowledgement of the fact that, like all modern languages of the time, Italian was far less flexible and sonorous, far more degraded by conversational usages, and far less noble in its overtones, than the language of Latin literature.5
这首诗的主题是去往来世，即死后的世界。这一主题在希腊罗马诗人和幻想家当中很常见，在中世纪基督教世界就更是如此。6但丁遵循的总体结构——分为地狱、炼狱和天堂——是基督教的；但丁在下地狱和上地狱期间学到的神学和道德观，虽然不是全部，也大部分是基督教的。然而，他并没有提到任何中世纪先知作为他的权威，也没有提到任何中世纪作品作为他的榜样。关键是，引导他进入来世、穿越地狱和炼狱的是罗马诗人维吉尔。在维吉尔离开他之前，两人遇到了另一位拉丁诗人斯塔提乌斯——维吉尔的学生，但被描述为皈依基督教的人7 — 他把但丁带到天堂，在那里，但丁遇到了他的初恋贝阿特丽丝，并由她引导和教导他，在她身上，浪漫爱情和基督教美德的理想融为一体。很明显，但丁想让我们推断，正如他的诗是对《埃涅阿斯纪》的补充一样，使他能够看到和描述永恒世界的想象力和艺术（在上帝和贝阿特丽丝之后）也归功于拉丁诗歌，尤其是维吉尔。如果不是这样，如果这部作品有一个基督教模型，但丁就会引入一个基督教神秘主义者作为他的向导。
The subject of the poem is a visit to the next world, the world after death. This theme was common to poets and visionaries in the Greco-Roman, and even more in the medieval Christian, world.6 The general structure Dante followed—a division into hell, purgatory, and heaven—was Christian; and so was much, though not all, of the theology and morality which Dante learnt during his descent and ascent. Nevertheless, he does not mention any medieval seer as his authority, or any medieval work as his model. The essential point is that his guide into the next world, through hell, and through purgatory is the Roman poet Vergil. Before Vergil leaves him, the two are met by another Latin poet, Statius—a pupil of Vergil, but described as a converted Christian7—who takes Dante to paradise, where he is met, conducted, and taught by his own first love Beatrice, in whom the ideals of romantic love and Christian virtue are united. It is quite clear that Dante means us to infer that, just as his poem is a complement to the Aeneid, so the imagination and art which made it possible for him to see and to describe the world of eternity were due (after God and Beatrice) to Latin poetry, and in particular to Vergil. Had it not been so, had there been a Christian model for the work, Dante would have introduced a Christian mystic as his guide.
但丁选择维吉尔作为他的向导，是受到许多传统（有些琐碎，有些重要）和许多深刻的精神因素的启发。
Dante’s selection of Vergil as his guide was prompted by many traditions (some trivial, some important) and by many profoundly revealing spiritual factors.
首先，维吉尔是异教徒中弥合异教与基督教之间鸿沟的桥梁。他在一首著名的诗歌（《牧歌》4）中做到了这一点。这首诗写于基督诞生前四十年左右，预言了一个神奇婴儿的诞生，这将标志着世界新时代的开启，一个与田园诗般的开端相对应的黄金时代，那时将不再有流血、劳作或痛苦。这个孩子长大后将成为神，在完美的和平中统治世界。
First, Vergil was above all others the pagan who bridged the gap between paganism and Christianity. He did this in a famous poem (Bucolics, 4) written about forty years before Christ’s birth, foretelling the birth of a miraculous baby, which would mark the opening of a new age of the world, a golden age corresponding to the idyllic first beginnings, when there would be no more blood-shed, toil, or suffering. The child when grown was to become a god and rule the world in perfect peace.
这一事实有两个方面。第一是外在的。维吉尔主要通过这首非凡的诗获得了在基督诞生前就是基督徒的声誉，并且通过神的启示预言了耶稣的诞生。8圣奥古斯丁持有这种信念9以及他之后的许多人。（许多现代学者认为，维吉尔实际上知道一些希伯来人的弥赛亚著作。）其他相互关联的事实也加强了这种信念：
This fact has two aspects. The first is external. Mainly through this remarkable poem Vergil acquired the reputation of having been a Christian before Christ and of having, through divine inspiration, foretold the birth of Jesus.8 St. Augustine held this belief9 and many others after him. (Many modern scholars believe that Vergil actually knew something of the Messianic writings of the Hebrews.) The belief was strengthened by other interconnected facts:
整部《埃涅阿斯纪》（与其他古典史诗不同）讲述了一个伟大而有利的预言的实现，而这个预言导致了罗马的建立；
that the whole of the Aeneid (unlike any other classical epic) relates the fulfilment of a great and favourable prophecy, and that the prophecy led to the establishment of Rome;
在《埃涅阿斯纪》的高潮部分，一位著名的女先知西比尔出现，为埃涅阿斯提供建议；
that at the climax of the Aeneid a famous prophetess, the SibyI, appears to advise Aeneas;
维吉尔在其早期诗歌（Buc.4.4）中曾提到女巫，该诗与圣婴的降临以及上帝之国的诞生有关；
that the Sibyl is mentioned in Vergil’s earlier poem (Buc. 4. 4) in connexion with the coming of the divine baby and the kingdom of God;
在公元前和公元后的两个世纪里，存在着大量的希腊、犹太和近东的预言和启示录，其中许多被称为西比尔书，以赋予它们权威性；
that numerous Greek, Jewish, and Near Eastern prophecies and apocalypses were in existence during the two centuries before and after the birth of Christ, many of which, to give them authority, were known as Sibylline books;
在中世纪意大利民间传说中，维吉尔被称为一位伟大的魔术师（尽管但丁本人并不关注这类故事）。
that in medieval Italian folk-lore Vergil was known as a great magician (although Dante himself does not pay any attention to that kind of story).
维吉尔的基督教使命的内在方面更为重要，但人们却很少考虑。那就是他的诗并非偶然。它表达了一个真实的精神事实：对和平的深切渴望，对一个由上帝的善良而不是人类相互冲突的欲望统治的世界的无声渴望，这种渴望在一个世纪的可怕战争之后在整个地中海世界盛行。10未来的皇帝屋大维本人，这个神婴无疑与他的家族有关，在中东的许多城镇，他被誉为上帝、救世主和和平之王：这些称号显然是相当真诚的，或者是出于相当真诚的动机。11正是这种渴望为基督教的扩张铺平了道路，维吉尔在年轻时就抓住了这种渴望，并用一首令人难忘的诗歌将其永垂不朽，这值得称赞。
The internal aspect of Vergil’s Christian mission is more important and has been less often considered. It is that his poem was not merely an accident. It was the expression of a real spiritual fact: of the profound longing for peace, the unvoiced yearning for a world governed by the goodness of God rather than the conflicting desires of men, which ran all through the Mediterranean world after a century of terrible wars.10 The future emperor Octavian himself, with whose family the divine baby was doubtless connected, was hailed in many towns of the Middle East as God, Saviour, and Prince of Peace: the designations were apparently quite sincere or prompted by quite sincere motives.11 It was this longing that prepared the way for the expansion of Christianity, and it is a tribute to Vergil’s greatness that even as a young man he should have grasped it and immortalized it in an unforgettable poem.
维吉尔自己的性格是这种幻想能力的线索，他对但丁的指导使他永垂不朽。任何像但丁一样用智慧和同情心阅读他诗歌的人，都会认识到，在本质上——几乎所有本质上，除了耶稣基督的启示——他都是一个基督徒。以至于在整部《埃涅阿斯纪》中，我们都觉得写一部关于战争和征服的史诗对他来说是令人厌恶的。12他痛恨流血。他深深地信奉无私的道德理想，而他的英雄身上也体现了这种信念：他笔下的虔诚的埃涅阿斯远比愤怒的阿喀琉斯、聪明的奥德修斯，甚至爱国的赫克托尔更像一个理想主义者。尽管他生性热情，但他在性问题上却有着独特的优雅——这从中世纪对他名字的错误拼写“处女维吉利厄斯”中可以看出来。13我们从他的朋友和古代传记作者那里了解到的关于他性格的一切，都表明他谦逊、温和、仁慈。但最重要的是，维吉尔与其他诗人的不同之处在于他对生命短暂和不真实的忧郁感，以及他对永恒的关注，即使是在充满激情和暴力行为的史诗中。14
Vergil’s own character is the clue to this visionary power, and to his immortality as Dante’s guide. Anyone who reads his poetry with intelligence and sympathy, as Dante did, recognizes that in essentials—in nearly all the essentials except the revelation of Jesus Christ—he was a Christian soul. So much so that throughout the Aeneid we feel the task of writing an epic about war and conquest to be repugnant to him.12 He hated bloodshed. He had, and embodied in his hero, a deep devotion to selfless moral ideals: his pius Aeneas is far more of an idealist than the angry Achilles, the clever Odysseus, or even the patriotic Hector. Although passionate by nature, he had a singular refinement in sexual matters—which was recognized in the medieval misspelling of his name, Virgilius the virginal.13 All we learn of his character from his friends and from his ancient biographers shows him as humble, and gentle, and loving-kind. But most of all, what marks out Vergil from other poets is his melancholy sense of the transitoriness and unreality of this life and his concentration, even in an epic of ardent passion and violent action, upon eternity.14
影响但丁选择的第三个重要因素是维吉尔是罗马帝国的使者。对但丁来说，这个世界上最重要的两个事实是基督教会和神圣罗马帝国。维吉尔只是用一种模糊的预言预示着教会及其启示。但他对帝国的歌颂比任何其他帝国都要好。从本质上讲，《埃涅阿斯纪》宣告了罗马帝国是由天意建立的，注定要永远存在。但丁认为，这就是当时统治中欧的帝国，他在他的两本伟大的拉丁文著作之一《君主论》中赞美的帝国——这证明帝国的存在是上帝的直接意志。15同样的信念最引人注目地出现在他对地狱最底层的描述中，那里是为那些背叛主人的人准备的。在其中，但丁和维吉尔看到了最大的叛徒撒旦，他永远被冰冻着，三张嘴里咀嚼着三个最坏的叛徒。一个是犹大·伊斯卡里奥特，另外两个是谋杀罗马帝国创始人布鲁图斯和卡西乌斯的人。16
A third great factor influencing Dante’s choice was that Vergil was a herald of the Roman empire. For Dante, the two most important facts in this world were the Christian church and the Holy Roman empire. The church and its revelation Vergil had only announced with a dim prophetic foreboding. But the empire he had sung better than any other. Essentially, the Aeneid is a proclamation of the Roman empire as established by the will of heaven, and destined to last for ever. This, Dante thought, was the same empire which governed central Europe in his day, and which he glorified in one of his two great Latin books, De monarchia—a proof that the existence of the empire was the direct will of God.15 The same belief appears most strikingly in his climactic description of the lowest circle of hell, which is kept for those who have been traitors to their masters. In it, Dante and Vergil see the supreme traitor Satan, eternally immobilized in ice, and chewing in his three mouths the three worst earthly traitors. One is Judas Iscariot, and the other two are those who murdered the founder of the Roman empire, Brutus and Cassius.16
但除了作为政治实体的罗马帝国之外，但丁爱维吉尔是因为维吉尔爱意大利。维吉尔的农耕诗对意大利有精彩的描述，这是有史以来意大利公民对一个国家表达的最优美、最持久的赞美。17更为悲观，但同样真诚的爱国主义是但丁炼狱中的战乱意大利，第 18 节以现代曼图亚人索尔德罗和古代曼图亚人维吉尔的深情拥抱作为开场。但丁一次又一次自豪地称维吉尔为同胞： “il nostro maggior poeta，我们最伟大的诗人”。
But apart from the Roman empire as a political entity, Dante loved Vergil because Vergil loved Italy. There is a superb description of Italy in Vergil’s farming poem, which is the finest sustained tribute ever paid to a country by one of its citizens.17 Far gloomier, but no less sincerely patriotic, is the apostrophe to strife-torn Italy in Dante’s Purgatory,18 which is introduced by the affectionate embrace of the modern Mantuan Sordello and the ancient Mantuan Vergil. Again and again Dante speaks proudly of Vergil as a fellow-citizen: il nostro maggior poeta, ‘our greatest poet’.
不要忘记，尽管但丁和维吉尔都不是罗马人，但他们都认为罗马的理想应该覆盖并振兴整个意大利。这是维吉尔《农事诗》的主要主题之一；它在《埃涅阿斯纪》中不断出现；但丁也经常重申这一点，他称意大利为“拉丁之地”19并将他所遇见的意大利人的灵魂称为“拉丁人”。20对于但丁来说，过去的罗马世界是他所属的神圣罗马帝国的一部分，就像地狱和边缘世界是最终到达天堂的永恒世界的一部分一样。
And it should not be forgotten that, although neither Dante nor Vergil was a Roman born, they both assumed and preached that the ideals of Rome should cover and vivify all Italy. That is one of the main themes of Vergil’s Georgics; it reappears constantly in the Aeneid; and it is often restated by Dante, who calls Italy simply ‘Latin land’19 and speaks of Italians whose souls he meets as ‘Latins’.20 For Dante the Roman world of the past was part of the Holy Roman empire to which he belonged, as limbo and hell were part of the eternal world that culminated in heaven.
另一个因素与其他因素同样重要，那就是对但丁来说，维吉尔是世界上最伟大的诗人；他自己的诗歌模仿的是维吉尔。虽然他参考了其他古典诗人，虽然他熟知当时的古典诗作，但他对维吉尔的了解却是最多的。人们常说，在但丁的两位来世向导中，维吉尔代表理性，贝阿特丽丝代表信仰。但有人问，如果理性是但丁的向导之一，为什么但丁不选择“知识之师”亚里士多德呢？21他在来世见到了亚里士多德，对他大加赞赏，但并没有和他说话。相反，是维吉尔带但丁穿越了地狱和炼狱，在维吉尔最热情的拉丁崇拜者和模仿者斯塔提乌斯（但丁相信斯塔提乌斯是通过维吉尔的弥赛亚预言皈依基督教的）的帮助下，直到天堂和贝特丽丝临近时才与他分手。如果我们读《神曲》，我们不会发现维吉尔的影响主要是理性的——尽管他被认为拥有百科全书式的、神圣的、永恒的知识。但丁首先称赞的是他的风格：
Another factor, quite as important as the others, was that for Dante Vergil was the greatest poet in the world; and that he himself modelled his poetry upon Vergil. Although he referred to other classical poets, although he well knew the classics available to him then, he knew Vergil far best. It has often been said that, of Dante’s two guides through the next world, Vergil represents Reason and Beatrice Faith. But it has been asked why, if Reason was to be one of Dante’s guides, Dante did not choose ‘the master of those who know’, Aristotle.21 He sees Aristotle in the next world, and pays him a high tribute, but does not speak with him. Instead, it is Vergil who takes Dante through hell and purgatory, helped by Vergil’s warmest Latin admirer and imitator, Statius (whom Dante believed to have been converted to Christianity through Vergil’s Messianic prophecy), and parting from him only when heaven and Beatrice are near. And if we read the Comedy we do not find that the influence of Vergil is predominantly that of Reason—although he is conceived as having encyclopaedic, or divine, eternal knowledge. What Dante first praises him for is his style:
我从您那里学到了
那种给我带来荣誉的美丽风格。22
You alone are he from whom I took
that beautiful style which has brought me honour.22
我们必须研究但丁这句话的意思：因为乍一看，这并不比说维吉尔——这位充满神秘想象、令人难以忘怀的美丽和遥远距离的诗人——代表理性更容易理解。
We must examine what Dante meant by this: for at first sight it is not more easily understandable than saying that Vergil, the poet of mystic imagination and haunting beauty and great distances, represents Reason.
首先，但丁并没有模仿维吉尔的语言风格。这是显而易见的。可以通过比较以下段落来检验：他使用了维吉尔式的素材，而维吉尔的原作也使用了维吉尔式的素材。例如，在《地狱篇》第 13 节中，两位诗人进入了一片树林，树林里的树木折断后会流血，因为这些树木里住着自杀者的灵魂。这是从《埃涅阿斯纪》中模仿而来的。但在那里，当埃涅阿斯折断树枝时，维吉尔生动而细致地描述了这种效果：
To begin with, Dante did not imitate the verbal style of Vergil. This is obvious. It can be tested by comparing the passages where he uses Vergilian material and their originals in Vergil. For instance, in Inferno, 13, the two poets enter a wood where the trees bleed when broken, because they contain the souls of suicides. This is imitated from the Aeneid. But there, when Aeneas breaks the branch, Vergil describes the effect picturesquely and elaborately:
冰冷的恐惧
让我的四肢发抖，寒冷的恐惧让我的血液凝固。23
Chill horror
shook my limbs and cold fear froze my blood.23
但当但丁折断树枝，“话语和鲜血一起流出”时，其效果被描述得非常清楚，不容置疑：
But when Dante breaks the branch, and ‘words and blood come out together’, the effect is described with absolute, irreducible plainness:
我让树枝
落下，像一个害怕的人一样站着。24
I let the twig
fall, and stood like the man who is afraid.24
维吉尔的诗作总是那么精致，但丁的诗作却总是那么简单。他的简单也是一种伟大的诗歌，但它不是维吉尔那种华丽华丽、高度浓缩的语言，充满了各种声音和意义。但丁的诗作风格清晰直接，当他把自己的诗称为喜剧时，他一定程度上就是考虑到了这种品质。
Again and again, where Vergil is elaborate, Dante is simple. His simplicity is none the less great poetry, but it is not the brilliantly ornate, highly compressed language of Vergil, loaded with various sounds and significances. It is a clear, direct style, and he was partly thinking of that quality when he called his poem a comedy.
但另一段文字中他谈到了自己的风格。在炼狱中，他遇到了一位老派诗人，这位诗人引用了但丁的一句歌词，称赞它是“甜蜜的新风格”。25但丁抒情诗的风格是普罗旺斯爱情诗的发展，并通过更真实的灵感而变得更加深化和丰富。26它不是维吉尔式的。它的起源根本不是古典的。
But there is another passage where he speaks of his style. In purgatory, he meets a poet of the old school, who quotes one of Dante’s own lyrics, praising it as ‘the sweet new style’.25 Now Dante’s manner in his lyrics was a development of Provençal lovepoetry, deepened and enriched by truer inspiration.26 It was not Vergilian. It was not classical in origin at all.
最后，整部《神曲》的韵律是什么？它是一种复杂的三重押韵十一音节系统：ABABCBCDC。……正如但丁最早的评论家之一所认识到的，这是对一种称为“仆人语”的普罗旺斯语模式的进一步阐述。27韵律结构，就像但丁诗歌的整体结构一样，当然主要不是受普罗旺斯的影响，而是受他想要尊崇三位一体的愿望所决定：这只是贯穿整部作品的数字象征主义的第一个例子。但他为此目的选择的韵律结构，以及诗歌的三重模式，都是普罗旺斯的，而不是古典拉丁语。
And finally, what is the metre in which the whole Comedy is written? It is an elaborate system of triply rhymed hendeca-syllables: ABABCBCDC . … This, as one of the earliest commentators on Dante recognized, is an elaboration of a Provencal pattern called the serventese.27 The metrical scheme, like the whole architecture of Dante’s poem, is of course dictated primarily not by Provencal influence but by his wish to do honour to the Trinity: it is only the first example of the number-symbolism which penetrates the entire work. But the rhyme-scheme which he chose for this purpose, and the triple pattern of the poem in general, were Proven9al, and not classical Latin.
语言是意大利语，不是古典拉丁语。风格简单直接，不华丽复杂。韵律和押韵是从普罗旺斯民间诗歌发展而来的现代意大利语。还剩下什么？但丁说他的美丽风格完全来自维吉尔，这还能有什么意义呢？
The language is vernacular Italian, not classical Latin. The style is simple and direct, not rich and complex. The metre and rhymes are modern Italian developed out of Provençal folk-poetry. What is there left? What else can Dante mean by saying that he took his beautiful style from Vergil alone?
在《地狱篇》后面的章节中，但丁的一位兄弟诗人圭多·卡瓦尔坎特（Guido Cavalcante）——他写过类似但丁的爱情抒情诗——被他描述为“也许鄙视维吉尔”。28但丁的意思是，大多数现代白话抒情诗人认为研究古典文学不会学到任何东西：就他们的目的而言，这确实没错。但他自己告诉维吉尔，他已经“经过长期研究和深爱”阅读了《埃涅阿斯纪》。29因此，将《神曲》与但丁早期的甜美抒情诗区分开来、将《神曲》与所有当代欧洲诗人的作品区分开来的本质品质，就是但丁从维吉尔那里学到的“优美的风格”——正如他所说，唯有维吉尔才有这种风格。这些品质是想象力的宏伟和思想的持久高尚。它们本质上是古典的、本质上是维吉尔式的品质；但丁是唯一一位试图用现代语言来包装它们的现代诗人。因此，根据但丁本人的说法，但丁最伟大的成就之一，使他远远高于他那个时代的骗子和好色之徒，是直接由古典文学创造的。三十
In a later passage of the Inferno a brother-poet, Guido Cavalcante, who wrote love-lyrics like Dante’s, is described by him as ‘perhaps despising Vergil’.28 Dante means that most of the modern vernacular lyric poets thought nothing was to be learned from studying the classics: which, for their purposes, was true enough. But he himself tells Vergil that he has read the Aeneid ‘with long study and much love’.29 Therefore the essential qualities which differentiate the Comedy from Dante’s early sweet lyrics, and which differentiate the Comedy from the work of all contemporary European poets, are the ‘beautiful style’ which Dante took from Vergil—as he says, alone. These qualities are grandeur of imagination and sustained nobility of thought. They are essentially classical and essentially Vergilian qualities; and Dante was the only modern poet who attempted to clothe them in modern language. Thus, by the testimony of Dante himself, one of the greatest of Dante’s greatnesses, which raised him high above the jongleurs and amorists of his own day, was directly created by classical literature.30
通过仔细研究《神曲》中出现的希腊罗马文学的实际模仿和受其启发的思想，可以证实这一点。摩尔的《但丁研究》对但丁从他的古典老师那里得到的帮助进行了令人钦佩的分析。但丁从其中两位老师那里得到的帮助远远超过其他所有人。一位是思想家亚里士多德。另一位是诗人维吉尔。31
This is borne out by a scrutiny of the actual imitations of Greco-Roman literature and of the ideas inspired by it which appear in the Comedy. There is an admirable analysis of Dante’s debts to his classical teachers in Moore’s Studies in Dante. To two of them Dante owes far more than to all the others. One is Aristotle, the thinker. The other is Vergil, the poet.31
第六个因素促使但丁选择维吉尔作为他的向导，显而易见的是，维吉尔在《埃涅阿斯纪》第六卷中写下了一段著名的关于穿越人间世界的旅程的描述——不仅记述了那里的奇迹，而且从哲学和道德的角度阐述了生与死的终极意义。维吉尔本人模仿和改编了如此多的前人作品，以至于我们往往会忘记最终的综合作品实际上有多么独创。他的主要原型是荷马（《奥德赛》，11），但荷马和其他诗歌对冥界的描述并没有像维吉尔在诗中投入的那样富有智慧内容，将俄耳甫斯教、柏拉图主义和许多其他现在未知的教义的神秘思想融合在一起。诚然，维吉尔对另一个世界的物理描述是模糊的。但丁希望他的道德地理学是现实的、准确的和详细的：因此，他以亚里士多德的罪恶排列为基础，并结合圣托马斯阿奎那的阐述和他自己的修改。32但几乎他地狱里的所有超自然居民都取自维吉尔，而不是中世纪的基督教信仰：摆渡人卡戎、法官米诺斯、恶魔犬刻耳柏洛斯、哈皮斯、半人马等等。33令人着迷的是，他如何巧妙地将这些古典神话转化为中世纪的人物：例如，米诺斯不再是宙斯的朋友、沉着的法官，而是一个咆哮的魔鬼，他通过一次又一次地扭动尾巴来宣判，以显示每个罪人必须堕入地狱多少圈。三十四
The sixth factor which determined Dante to make Vergil his guide is the obvious one that Vergil had written a famous description of a journey through the world beyond this world, in the sixth book of the Aeneid—and not only an account of its marvels, but a profound philosophical and moral exposition of the ultimate meanings of life and death. Vergil himself imitates and adapts so many of his forerunners that we tend to forget how original the final synthesis really is. His chief model is Homer (Odyssey, 11), but in Homer and in other poetic descriptions of the underworld there is no such intellectual content as Vergil has put into his poem, bringing together mystical ideas from Orphism, Platonism, and many other doctrines now unknown. True, Vergil’s physical description of the other world is vague. Dante wished his to be realistic and exact and detailed: therefore he based his moral geography on Aristotle’s arrangement of vices, with elaborations from St. Thomas Aquinas and alterations of his own.32 But almost all the supernatural inhabitants of his hell are taken from Vergil rather than from medieval Christian belief: the ferryman Charon, the judge Minos, the fiendish dog Cerberus, the Harpies, the Centaurs, and many others.33 It is fascinating to see how skilfully he converts these classical myths into medieval figures: for example, Minos is no longer the serene judge, the friend of Zeus, but a snarling devil who gives sentence by twisting his tail round his body again and again to show how many circles each sinner must descend into hell.34
最后，我有时会想，但丁选择维吉尔作为他的向导，是因为他和埃涅阿斯一样，自己也是一个伟大的流亡者。
Lastly, I have sometimes thought that Dante chose Vergil as his guide because, like Aeneas, he was himself a great exile.
但丁的《喜剧》受到两大基本的古典影响：亚里士多德的伦理与身体体系，以及维吉尔的想象力、爱国主义和性格。但这首诗深受多种古典影响，绝不能说是单纯的模仿。对但丁来说，希腊罗马世界和他自己的世界一样鲜活，与之平行，密不可分。他把许多古典神话和历史中的伟大人物描写成地狱的居民。他把最高尚的人放在地狱边缘，一个没有上帝的天堂，因为他们生活在基督教启示之前。在炼狱中，七宗罪虽然已被现代男女赎罪，但却被古典人物雕像与犹太教和基督教历史人物混合在一起来象征：例如，宁录和尼俄柏、扫罗和阿拉克涅，作为骄傲的象征；35.炼狱的看守者既不是古希伯来人，也不是近代基督徒，更不是天使，而是罗马人加图。36但丁不断将古代世界的人物和思想与现代的人物和思想交替使用，并将《圣经》中的引文与古典文学中的引文相平衡。这些交织在一起的两个最引人注目的配对是，首先，但丁对维吉尔召唤的回答：他说他不敢进入冥界，因为
The two essential classical influences on Dante’s Comedy are the ethical and physical system of Aristotle, and Vergil’s imagination, patriotism, and character. But the poem is penetrated with many kinds of classical influences so deeply that there can be no talk of mere imitation. The Greco-Roman world is as alive for Dante as his own, is parallel to it, and is inextricably interwoven with it. He describes very many great figures of classical myth and history as inhabitants of hell. He places the noblest in limbo, a heaven without God, because they lived before the Christian revelation. In purgatory the seven cardinal sins, although expiated by modern men and women, are emblematized by sculptures of classical personages mixed with figures from Jewish and Christian history: for instance, Nimrod and Niobe, Saul and Arachne, as symbols of pride;35 and the guardian of purgatory is neither an ancient Hebrew, nor a modern Christian, nor an angel, but the Roman Cato.36 Dante constantly alternates figures and ideas from the ancient world with others from modern times, and balances quotations from the Bible with quotations from the classics. The two most striking of these interwoven pairs are, first, Dante’s reply to Vergil’s summons: he says he dare not enter the underworld, for
我不是埃涅阿斯，也不是保罗——
I am not Aeneas, and not Paul—
圣保罗，中世纪传说中被描绘为堕入地狱的英雄。37其次，贝阿特丽丝终于出现时，那伟大的时刻。天使们高呼“Benedictus qui venis”，“奉主名而来者，有福了”——这是耶稣进入耶路撒冷时众人对他的问候；然后是“Manibus date lilia plenis”，“请用饱满的双手给我百合花”——《埃涅阿斯纪》中安喀塞斯对马塞勒斯精神的颂扬。38再者，但丁在整首诗中都从两个主要领域进行对比：从他自己对自然的观察，以及从古典诗歌和神话中进行对比。但有时，就像他描述保罗和弗朗西斯卡接近
St. Paul, whom a medieval legend made the hero of a descent into hell.37 And, second, the great moment when Beatrice at last appears. The crowd of angels cries Benedictus qui venis, ‘Blessed art thou who comest (in the name of the Lord)’—the greeting of the multitudes to Jesus at his entry into Jerusalem; and then Manibus date lilia plenis, ‘Give me, from full hands, lilies’—the tribute of Anchises to the spirit of Marcellus in the Aeneid.38 Again, throughout the poem Dante draws his comparisons from two chief fields: from his own observation of nature and from classical poetry and myth. But sometimes, as in his description of Paolo and Francesca approaching
像被欲望召唤的鸽子，三十九
like doves called by desire,39
他从古典诗人（这里指的是维吉尔）所观察到的自然中汲取灵感40），将回忆之美与憧憬之美融为一体。41
he draws them from nature as observed by classical poets (in this case from Vergil40), and thus combines the beauty of reminiscence with the beauty of vision.41
摩尔分析并列举了但丁作品中的古典回响，不仅在《神曲》中，而且在他所有的著作中，都如此出色，以至于我们只需要总结一下他的作品。但丁引用和抄录的主要作者如下：
Moore has analysed and listed the classical echoes in Dante, not only in the Comedy but in all his books, so admirably that it is merely necessary to summarize his work. The principal authors quoted and copied by Dante are these:
首先是亚里士多德，他通过圣托马斯·阿奎那使用的拉丁文译本认识了亚里士多德。参考文献有 300 余处，涵盖了当时亚里士多德的所有著作（《诗学》除外） 。
First, Aristotle, whom he knew through the Latin translation used by St. Thomas Aquinas. There are over 300 references, covering all the then available books of Aristotle, except the Poetics.
接下来是维吉尔，他引用了大约 200 处经文，表明他对《埃涅阿斯纪》有着深入的研究。但丁对《田园诗》和《农事诗》的了解较少。
Next, Vergil, with some 200 references which show a profound study of the Aeneid. The Bucolics and Georgics Dante knew less well.
书中约有 100 处提到奥维德，他的《变形记》是但丁创作希腊罗马神话的主要来源。但丁可能也知道奥维德的其他作品——例如， 《天堂记》第 9 章第 100-12 节中提到了两位女英雄——但了解得并不多。
There are about 100 references to Ovid, whose Metamorphoses were Dante’s main source for Greco-Roman mythology. He may also have known Ovid’s other books—for instance, there are allusions to two of the Heroides in Paradiso, 9. 100–2—but not well.
卢坎出现在约 50 处参考文献中：但丁几乎不欣赏他对凯撒主义的仇恨，但对他丰富的想象力印象深刻。四十二
Lucan appears in 50 references or so: Dante could scarcely admire his hatred of Caesarism, but was impressed by his powerful imagination.42
西塞罗也被引用了大约 50 次——不是他的演讲，而是他的道德论文。但丁本人43据说对他影响最大的是西塞罗的《莱利乌斯论友谊》和
Cicero is quoted about 50 times also—not his speeches, but his moral essays. Dante himself43 said the chief philosophical influences on him were Cicero’s Laelius, On Friendship, and
他引用了波爱修斯 30 或 40 次。
Boethius, whom he cites 30 or 40 times.
最后，他对斯塔提乌斯有所了解。他认为斯塔提乌斯是一位基督教诗人，显然是因为他推断斯塔提乌斯已经秘密皈依基督教，也因为斯塔提乌斯非常钦佩维吉尔。但丁从他的底比斯画中取了几幅精美的图画，其中一幅是包含狄俄米德和尤利西斯灵魂的叉形火焰。四十四
Lastly, he knew something of Statius. He makes him a Christian poet, apparently because he inferred Statius had been secretly converted, and also because of Statius’ vast admiration for Vergil. From his Thebaid Dante took several fine images, one being the forked flame which contains the souls of Diomede and Ulysses.44
这些是但丁图书馆的主要作者——当然，还有武加大译本、圣托马斯和教父们。他对其他诗人表示赞赏。例如，尤维纳尔在抵达地狱时告诉维吉尔斯塔提乌斯非常钦佩《埃涅阿斯纪》 ——这个想法是受尤维纳尔自己的话启发的。45但奇怪的是，但丁对尤维纳尔和贺拉斯的讽刺作品知之甚少；不幸的是，他本应钦佩塔西佗的历史，但塔西佗当时几乎失传了。另一方面，值得注意的是，他故意忽略了晚期古典作家和早期基督教诗人，如普鲁登修斯。有时有人说他预示了文艺复兴。就这一点而言，这是有道理的，因为他对希腊罗马世界的强烈钦佩和对真正古典的了解。他知道西塞罗比波爱修斯更伟大，维吉尔比普鲁登修斯更伟大，亚里士多德是古代最伟大的思想家。他在边缘地带遇到的圣人和诗人实际上大部分是后世一致认为是那个悠久而辉煌的文明的最高思想家。这证明了但丁的远见，即使透过中世纪的半黑暗，他仍然看到了古典世界的辉煌，并且知道在那个距离里谁是较小的光芒，谁是较大的光芒。
These are the main authors in Dante’s library—together, of course, with the Vulgate, St. Thomas, and the church fathers. He pays compliments to other poets. For example, Juvenal, when he arrived in limbo, told Vergil how much Statius admired the Aeneid—a thought inspired by Juvenal’s own words.45 But it is odd that the satires of Juvenal and Horace were so little known to Dante; and unfortunate that Tacitus, whose history he would have admired, was then virtually lost. On the other hand, it is notable that he deliberately ignores the late classical writers and the early Christian poets like Prudentius. It is sometimes said that he prefigured the Renaissance. So far as that is true, it is justified by the intensity of his admiration for the Greco-Roman world, and by his knowledge of the true classics. He understands that Cicero is greater than Boethius, that Vergil is greater than Prudentius, and that Aristotle is the greatest of ancient thinkers. The sages and poets whom he meets in limbo are in fact most of those whom subsequent ages have agreed to regard as the supreme minds of that long and splendid civilization. It is a proof of Dante’s vision that, even through the half-darkness of the Middle Ages, he saw the brilliance of the classical world, and knew at that distance who were the lesser lights in it, and who the greater.
5
走向文艺复兴
彼特拉克、薄伽丘、乔叟
5
TOWARDS THE RENAISSANCE
PETRARCH, BOCCACCIO, CHAUCER
黑暗时代是野蛮制度对古典文明的胜利。中世纪是野蛮人皈依基督教后，在教会和古典文化残存碎片的帮助下慢慢实现文明的时代。文艺复兴意味着日益发展的文明的扩大，以及许多物质和精神上的好处使其更加丰富，有些是第一次获得，有些则是在长期近乎死亡的沉睡之后重新发现的。当时最让我们致富的宝藏之一是古典艺术和文学——虽然这只占希腊和罗马原始财富的一小部分，但仍然是无价之宝：许多希腊罗马艺术、许多最伟大的希腊和罗马书籍，都从近一千年的黑暗中走出来。黑暗最后降临在意大利，因此它应该首先在那里被驱散。黑暗始于东西帝国的分离以及罗马文化与希腊文化的分离；当一个新的、同样可怕的黑暗时代正在东方入侵时——从某种意义上说，这个黑暗时代至今尚未消散——西方的黑暗时代再次消散，这是再合适不过的了。在西方，真正的黎明应该由希腊文化重返曾经如此熟悉它的土地来预示。希腊语首先回到了意大利，意大利是最早的重新发现，也是最令人振奋的发现。为重新掌握希腊语和恢复拉丁语其余部分做出最大贡献的是两位意大利人。然而，他们并不是纯粹的意大利人；而是在法国有第二个家的意大利人。因此，欧洲两个文明程度最高的国家都通过他们的儿子分享了古典文明的重生。他们两人分别是弗朗西斯科·彼特拉克，英语中习惯称彼特拉克（130-474），1和乔瓦尼·薄伽丘 (1313-75)。
THE Dark Ages were the victory of barbarism over classical civilization. The Middle Ages were the epoch during which, having been converted, the barbarians slowly civilized themselves with the help of the church and of the surviving fragments of classical culture. The Renaissance meant the enlargement of that growing civilization and its enrichment by many material and spiritual benefits, some acquired for the first time, others rediscovered after a long and almost death-like sleep. One of the treasures that most enriched us then was classical art and literature—only a small fraction of the original wealth possessed by the Greeks and Romans, but still inestimable riches: much of Greco-Roman art, many of the greatest Greek and Roman books, now emerged from the darkness of nearly a thousand years. The darkness had fallen last in Italy, and it was appropriate that it should there be lifted first. The darkness had begun with the separation of the western and eastern empires and the severance of Roman from Greek culture; it was fitting that it should lift again in the west, when a new and equally terrible Dark Age was invading the east—a Dark Age which in some ways has never yet lifted—and that in the west the real dawn should be heralded by the return of Greek culture to the lands which had once known it so well. It was to Italy that Greek returned first, and it was in Italy that the first of the rediscoveries were made, the first and most stimulating of all. The men who did most to recapture Greek and retrieve the rest of Latin were two Italians. They were, however, not purely Italians; but Italians who had a second home in France. Thus the two most highly civilized countries in Europe both shared, through their sons, in the rebirth of classical civilization. The two were Francesco Petrarca, customarily called Petrarch in English (130–474),1 and Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–75).
彼特拉克属于但丁之后的一代人。他的父亲和但丁一样，在同一时间，因同样的政治罪行，被永久流放出佛罗伦萨。2彼特拉克与但丁之间的关系十分重要。尽管他们都是同一时代的意大利诗人，但他们之间存在着许多差异，以至于他们之间的差距可以象征两个文化阶段之间的鸿沟。
Petrarch belonged to the generation after Dante. His father was perpetually exiled from Florence by the same decree, at the same time, and for the same political offence as Dante himself.2 The relation between Petrarch and Dante is highly significant. Although both are Italian poets of the same epoch, they differ in so many ways that the gap between them may be taken to symbolize the gulf between two stages of culture.
彼特拉克本人是一位杰出的作家，但他并不欣赏但丁的诗歌：部分原因可能是嫉妒但丁诗歌那种高不可攀的崇高，部分原因是他声称鄙视用意大利语（甚至是他自己的语言）写的书，部分原因是他觉得但丁的严谨令人不寒而栗，毫无同情心。在他所有的信件中，他从来没有提到过但丁的名字。当他在信中提到但丁时，他称他为“我们的一个同胞，他的风格非常受欢迎，而且他选择了一个高尚的主题”；3在其他地方，他提到了但丁直率的言语和令人生畏的举止。4他对但丁的反感的最大证据是——尽管彼特拉克本人是第一个热心的藏书家——但他并没有一本《神曲》 ，直到 1359 年薄伽丘为他写了一本并寄给了他。5（然而在此之前，他已经写了一系列雄心勃勃的诗歌，主题部分由但丁提出，其范围可与《神曲》本身相媲美。）他八岁时见过但丁一次。两人的关系颇像维吉尔和他的小奥维德之间的关系，奥维德说：“我只看见维吉尔”6他一生都在超越他的前辈大师，风格上更加优雅，深度更少。
Himself a distinguished writer, Petrarch did not care for Dante’s poetry: partly, perhaps, from jealousy of its unapproachable loftiness, partly because he claimed to despise books written in vernacular Italian (even his own), and partly because he found the Dantean austerity chilling and unsympathetic. In all his letters, he never mentions Dante by name. When he refers to him in a letter he calls him ‘a fellow-citizen of ours who in point of style is very popular, and who has certainly chosen a noble theme’; 3 and elsewhere he alludes to Dante’s blunt speech and forbidding manner. 4 The greatest proof of his antipathy for Dante is that—although Petrarch himself was the first keen bibliophile—he did not possess a copy of the Comedy until Boccaccio wrote one for him and sent it to him in 1359. 5 (And yet before this he had written an ambitious series of poems on a theme partly suggested by Dante, and on a scope designed to rival the Comedy itself.) He saw Dante once, when he was eight. The relation between the two rather resembles that between Vergil and his junior Ovid, who says ‘Vergil I only saw’6 and who spent his life outdoing the elder master, in a style of greater grace and less depth.
但丁在中年时被流放，从此再也没有恢复过来。他一直渴望回到佛罗伦萨这个小城邦。彼特拉克生于流放之中，他很容易就成为了但丁所希望成为的人：一个世界公民——自由自在地游历意大利、法国和莱茵兰，在法国和意大利各地拥有住所，作为客人住在众多贵族和教会要员家中，但没有特定的地点。但丁也游历过很远的地方——去过巴黎，有些人认为还去过牛津；但那是一个流离失所者的阴郁流浪，彼特拉克喜欢向外看变化的世界，但丁总是向内看。同样，在朋友的数量和种类方面，彼特拉克远远超过了但丁。他的信件最终被收集成三组，共计 400 多封信函，这是伊拉斯谟等学者收集的众多国际信函中的第一个，预示了我们成长过程中的思想和文学自由交流的世界。
Dante was exiled in middle life and never recovered. He always yearned to return to the little city-state of Florence. Petrarch was born in exile, and easily became what Dante hoped to be: a citizen of the world—travelling freely and with much enjoyment through Italy, France, and the Rhineland, having homes in various parts of France and Italy, staying as guest with numerous nobles and church dignitaries, but preferring no particular spot. Dante also was far-travelled—to Paris, and, some think, to Oxford; but it was the gloomy wandering of a displaced person, and, where Petrarch looked outwards with pleasure at the changing world, Dante always looked inward. Similarly, in the number and variety of his friends Petrarch far surpassed Dante. His correspondence, which was eventually collected into three sets of over 400 letters in all, is the first of the many international letter-bags assembled by scholars like Erasmus, and thus prefigures the world of free exchange of ideas and literatures in which we were brought up.
但丁有一个书架，很大。但彼特拉克有第一个现代意义上的活生生、不断增长的个人图书馆。这种理想在文艺复兴时期兴起，至今仍未消亡，即多才多艺的人文思想家，头脑丰富，图书馆藏书丰富，这种理想在蒙田、龙沙、约翰逊、格雷、歌德、伏尔泰、弥尔顿、丁尼生等人身上得到了体现——在现代，这种理想首先在彼特拉克身上得到了最有力的体现。但丁所了解的书，他了解得很深；但数量不多。彼特拉克对《圣经》和亚里士多德都不太了解，但他对古典文学的了解比但丁要多得多，而且他了解得更多。因为他发现了很多，并激励其他人去发现更多。他发现的并不是哥伦布发现美洲或施里曼发现特洛伊那样。这些书就在那里，在图书馆里，仍然可以阅读。但它们如今的地位就如同绝版作品一样，只有一两本存世，藏在地下室或被人遗忘的垃圾堆里。几乎没有人知道它们在那里；没有人读过它们；它们不属于文化潮流的一部分。7彼特拉克所做的就是亲自寻找这些书，通过复制和鼓励他人复制来出版，并通过与朋友讨论来推广它们。例如，当他 29 岁时，他访问了列日，听说那里有“许多古书”，于是寻找它们，并找到了西塞罗的两篇迄今不为人知的演讲。他自己复制了其中一篇，并让他的旅伴复制了另一篇，尽管他们几乎在整个城市都找不到任何像样的墨水。8 1345 年，他再次造访了维罗纳大教堂图书馆，在那里发现了一份手稿，其中包含大量西塞罗的私人信件。这些信件当时鲜为人知，而且非常有趣，促使人们发现了剩余的一半资料，科鲁奇奥·萨卢塔蒂于 1392 年发现了这些资料。9彼特拉克发现手稿时，它已经破烂不堪。他亲手抄了下来。借助这些信件，他深入研究了西塞罗的多面性格，他是一位令人钦佩的艺术家，一位鼓舞人心的思想家，一位令人喜爱的男人：通过彼特拉克，他的性格成为形成文艺复兴人文主义理想的力量之一。10他在自己与西方世界学者和作家的大量有趣的拉丁文通信中也模仿了他们。（他最迷人的想法之一是写信给他所敬仰的已故伟人：荷马，西塞罗等人。他在维罗纳找到西塞罗的信件后，就写信告诉西塞罗。11）
Dante had a bookshelf, a large one. But Petrarch had the first living and growing personal library, in the modern sense. The ideal which grew up in the Renaissance and has not yet died away, that of the many-sided humane thinker with a well-stocked head and a better-stocked library, the ideal personified in Montaigne, Ronsard, Johnson, Gray, Goethe, Voltaire, Milton, Tennyson, and many more—that ideal was, in modern times, first and most stimulatingly embodied in Petrarch. The books which Dante knew, he knew deeply; but they were not many. Petrarch knew neither the Bible nor Aristotle so well, but he knew classical literature much better than Dante, and he knew more of it. For he discovered much of it, and stimulated others to discover more. He did not discover it in the sense in which Columbus discovered America, or Schliemann Troy. The books were there, in libraries, and still readable. But they were in the same position as out-of-print works nowadays, of which only one or two copies exist, in basements or forgotten dumps. Hardly anyone knew they were there; no one read them; and they were not part of the stream of culture.7 What Petrarch did was to find them by personal search, to publish them by copying them and encouraging others to make copies, and to popularize them by discussing them with his friends. For instance, when he was twenty-nine he visited Liege, heard there were ‘many old books’, sought them out, and found two hitherto unknown speeches by Cicero. He copied one himself and made his travelling companion copy the other, although they could hardly find any decent ink in the whole city.8 Again, in 1345 he visited the cathedral library of Verona, and there found a manuscript containing a vast number of Cicero’s personal letters. This correspondence was quite unknown at the time, and proved to be so interesting that it encouraged (among other things) the discovery of the remaining half of the corpus, which Coluccio Salutati turned up in 1392.9 When Petrarch found the manuscript it was falling to pieces. He copied it out in his own hand. With the help of these letters he plunged into an exhaustive study of the many-sided character of Cicero, admirable as an artist, stimulating as a thinker, lovable as a man: the character which through Petrarch became one of the forces that formed the Renaissance ideal of humanism.10 And he imitated them in his own voluminous and amusing Latin correspondence with scholars and writers throughout the western world. (One of his most charming ideas was to address letters to the great dead whom he admired: Homer, Cicero, and others. After he found Cicero’s correspondence in Verona, he wrote Cicero to tell him.11)
彼特拉克的图书馆已被详尽描述，因为它不仅仅是一个收藏品，而是一项真正的文化成就。12他的书与但丁的书形成了鲜明的对比。两人都认识西塞罗；但但丁只把他当作哲学散文家和修辞作家，而彼特拉克则通过他的演讲了解他是一位演说家，通过他的信件了解他是一位私人朋友。两人都很了解维吉尔：彼特拉克实际上比但丁更接近地模仿他，但不太成功，他在一部关于西庇阿的拉丁史诗《阿非利加》中模仿了他。13但丁和其他中世纪人都知道贺拉斯是“萨蒂尔”或讽刺作家；但彼特拉克本人是一位抒情诗人，却自由地引用贺拉斯的颂歌。14但丁对拉丁戏剧知之甚少，认为喜剧和悲剧是叙事形式。彼特拉克熟悉塞涅卡的悲剧以及泰伦斯和普劳图斯的喜剧（至少熟悉当时已知的八部普劳图斯戏剧中的四部）：他对戏剧的含义有所了解，并在年轻时尝试创作一部真正的喜剧。但丁知道尤维纳尔是谁，但对他的关注却远远不够。彼特拉克知道尤维纳尔的讽刺作品，也知道他的前辈珀耳修斯的讽刺作品。但丁可能只知道李维的前四本书。彼特拉克知道二十九部，从未放弃寻找已丢失的一百多部：他写信给李维，告诉他自己渴望找到它们。15但丁几乎不懂希腊语。彼特拉克在中年时曾尝试学习希腊语，但因他的导师巴拉姆离开了阿维尼翁而失败。16然而，从他对拉丁作家的研究中，他意识到了他们的希腊老师和前辈的重要性。希腊思想家和诗人的等级对他来说比但丁更清晰、更精确：《神曲》中提到的少数希腊作家与彼特拉克的《胜利》中出现的那些作家相比相形见绌。17令他悲痛的是，彼特拉克从未读过一本希腊书；但他确实寻找过希腊手稿（他获得了一本荷马史诗和柏拉图的十六篇对话录），最后通过薄伽丘，他得到了两部荷马史诗的拉丁文译本。像一个真正的爱书人一样，他被发现死在图书馆里，弯腰读书；他开始的最后一项大规模工作是注释拉丁文版的《奥德赛》。18最后，但丁认为亚里士多德是理性的大师；而彼特拉克则认为他是一个糟糕的文体家和一个在重大问题上犯错误的思想家。19在彼特拉克的著作中，我们找到了第一个现代人对亚里士多德的老师柏拉图的崇拜，他拥有柏拉图的作品并渴望阅读。
Petrarch’s library has been exhaustively described, for it was not merely a collection but a real cultural achievement.12 His books make a striking contrast with Dante’s. Both knew Cicero; but Dante only as a philosophical essayist and rhetorical writer, while Petrarch knew him as an orator through his speeches, and, through his letters, as a personal friend. Both knew Vergil well: Petrarch actually imitated him more closely and less successfully than Dante, in a Latin epic on Scipio, called Africa.13 Dante and other men of the Middle Ages knew Horace ‘the satyr’ or satirist; but Petrarch, himself a lyric poet, quoted the odes of Horace freely.14 Dante knew little about Latin drama, and thought comedy and tragedy were forms of narrative. Petrarch was familiar with the tragedies of Seneca and the comedies of both Terence and Plautus (at least with four of the eight Plautine plays then known): he had some idea of the meaning of drama, and in his youth attempted a genuine comedy. Dante was aware who Juvenal was, but paid him less attention than he deserved. Petrarch knew Juvenal’s satires, and also those of his predecessor Persius. Dante knew probably no more than the first four books of Livy. Petrarch knew twenty-nine, and never gave up searching for the hundred or so that are lost: he wrote Livy to tell him of his eagerness to find them.15 Dante had virtually no Greek. Petrarch tried to learn Greek in middle age, but failed, because his tutor Barlaam left Avignon.16 Yet, from his study of Latin authors, he had realized something of the importance of their Hellenic teachers and predecessors. The hierarchy of Greek thinkers and poets was far more clear and precise for him than it was for Dante: and the few Greek writers mentioned in the Comedy compare poorly with those who appear in Petrarch’s Triumphs.17 Much to his grief, Petrarch never managed to read a book in Greek; but he did search for Greek manuscripts (he acquired a Homer and some sixteen dialogues of Plato) and finally, through Boccaccio, got hold of a Latin rendering of both the Homeric epics. Like a true book-lover, he was found dead in his library, stooping over a book; and the last large-scale work he began was to annotate the Latin version of the Odyssey.18 Finally, Dante thought Aristotle the master of Reason; while Petrarch thought him a bad stylist and a thinker who was wrong in matters of great importance.19 It is in Petrarch that we find the first modern admiration of Aristotle’s master Plato, whose works he possessed and yearned to read.
但丁是虔诚的基督徒。他认为古典学问几乎与神圣学问处于同等地位，但因为缺乏神启，所以地位较低。彼特拉克也是基督徒，但他对死后生活的看法不那么热衷，对道德和神学问题也不那么感兴趣。尽管如此，如果认为他预示了许多文艺复兴时期人文主义者的积极异教信仰（除非以最温和的暗示）。因此，虽然他爱西塞罗胜过爱所有过去的人，但除了西塞罗之外，他还钦佩圣奥古斯丁，他引用了圣奥古斯丁数百次，并在《秘密》中将圣奥古斯丁介绍为他的老师和忏悔神父。然而，我们可以将他对基督教文学的真正兴趣追溯到他生命的后期，那时他大约五十岁；20我们无法想象但丁会将自己对宗教的态度（如彼特拉克所做的那样）比作一个儿子对母亲的爱，这个儿子把他的母亲视为理所当然，直到他听到她受到攻击。21
Dante was a devout Christian. He placed classical learning almost on the same level as sacred learning, but, because it lacked divine revelation, lower. Petrarch also was a Christian, but less ardently absorbed in visions of life after death, less passionately interested in problems of morality and theology. Nevertheless it would be wrong to see him as foreshadowing, except in the gentlest hints, the positive paganism of many Renaissance humanists. Thus, while he loved Cicero more than all other men of the past, next to him he admired St. Augustine, whom he quotes many hundreds of times, and whom he introduced as his teacher and confessor in his Secret. We can, however, date his real interest in Christian literature to the latter part of his life, when he was about fifty;20 and we cannot imagine Dante ever comparing his own attitude to religion (as Petrarch did) to the love of a son who takes his mother for granted until he hears her attacked.21
和但丁一样，彼特拉克也用拉丁文和意大利语写作。他的两种语言著作都很重要。但他本人认为拉丁文著作更有价值。他错了。
Like Dante, Petrarch wrote both in Latin and in Italian. His books in both languages are important. But he himself considered his work in Latin to be more valuable. He was wrong.
他的主要精力花在拉丁语史诗《阿非利加》上，主人公是西庇阿·阿非利加努斯，原型是维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》。但他犯了但丁没有犯的错误，许多文艺复兴时期的作家都犯过这个错误，弥尔顿也不例外。他认为，他越是严格遵循他所钦佩的古典诗人的形式轮廓，每个事件、形象或演讲与拉丁语原型中的类似元素越是准确对应，他的诗就越好。这是一个很容易犯的错误，但却是灾难性的。因为这意味着创造性思维不能自由发挥，只能参考它所构建的主题和形式的和谐。根据这个理论，一切都必须参考一个外部标准；作者检验自己的想法时，不是问它们是否原创、优美或恰当，而是问它们是否是精确的复制品。他创作的不是原创艺术作品，而是石膏模型。
His main effort was spent on his Latin epic, Africa, its hero being Scipio Africanus and its model Vergil’s Aeneid. But he made the mistake which Dante did not, the mistake of so many Renaissance authors, not excluding Milton. He believed that the more closely he followed the formal outlines of the classical poet he admired, and the more exactly each incident or image or speech corresponded with similar elements in his Latin model, the better his poem must be. This is an easy mistake to make, but it is disastrous. For it means that the creative mind cannot work freely, with reference only to the harmony of subject and form which it is building up. Everything must be referred, on this theory, to an external standard; and the author tests his own ideas by asking, not if they are original, beautiful, or appropriate, but if they are exact copies. He is producing, not original works of art, but plaster casts.
然而，许多伟大的现代作家——本书中涉及的所有作家——都抄袭了经典作品的主题，改编了经典思想，翻译了经典短语，借用了经典模式。为什么他们成功了，而彼特拉克在看似更谨慎的尝试中却失败了？（这并不是说他用拉丁语写非洲，因为拉丁语对他和他的朋友来说是一种活的语言。成功者的主要目标是创作原创作品。他们从经典作品中汲取的素材都只是用作素材，就像他们从其他来源获得素材一样，从他们对生活的观察、他们自己的幻想、八卦或当代新闻中的故事、他们同时代人提出但只发展了一半的短语或想法。或者，如果他们采用一种古典形式，他们会觉得可以自由地以任何适合他们素材的方式对其进行修改，通常还会对其进行扩展。那些失败的人被素材的重量压得麻木，被形式的僵硬所麻痹。那些成功的人——比如但丁、莎士比亚——要么主宰古典形式，要么主宰古典素材，要么两者兼而有之，通过他们自己的创造性想象力塑造、融合和改变它们，创造出一种综合体，就像已知元素的化合物一样，在质量上有所不同，而且是真正新颖的。创意写作虽然很难，但总是令人满意的。由于想象力与外部限制之间的冲突，模仿写作对于具有独创精神的人来说始终是一项令人厌恶的任务。彼特拉克从未出版过他的《非洲》 ，他写得很慢，显然没有完成：就像龙沙后来开始用法语写《埃涅阿斯纪》的石膏模型，在写了四本之后，显然松了一口气，放弃了。22模仿是庸才的本领，好作家是无能为力的。
And yet many great modern writers—all those dealt with in this book—have copied subjects from the classics or adapted classical ideas, translated classical phrases or borrowed classical patterns. Why did they succeed, if Petrarch failed in what looks like a more careful attempt to do the same thing? (It was not that he wrote Africa in Latin, for Latin was a living language for him and his audience.) It was that the chief aim of those who succeeded was to produce something original. Whatever they took from the classics they used simply as material—like the material they acquired from other sources, from their observation of life, their own fancies, stories from gossip or contemporary journalism, phrases or ideas struck out by their contemporaries but only half-developed. Or, if they took over a classical form, they felt quite free to alter, and usually to expand, it in any way that suited their material. Those who failed allowed themselves to be benumbed by the weight of the material, paralysed by the rigidity of the form. Those who succeeded—like Dante, like Shakespeare—dominated either classical form or classical material or both, moulded and blended and changed them, through their own creative imagination, and made a synthesis which, like a chemical compound of known elements, was nevertheless qualitatively different and genuinely new. Creative writing, though difficult, is always satisfying. Imitative writing, because of this conflict between imagination and external restrictions, is always a repugnant task for an original mind. Petrarch never published his Africa, worked on it very slowly, and apparently did not complete it: just as Ronsard later began a plaster cast of the Aeneid in French and gave it up after four books, with obvious relief.22 Imitation is for hacks, not for good authors.
彼特拉克的十二首拉丁语牧歌模仿维吉尔的《田园诗》，但比起他的史诗，它们更具原创性。虽然远不如维吉尔的诗那么细腻和敏感，但它们也包含着多层含义：人物不仅是仙女和牧羊人，还有彼特拉克自己的朋友、当代政要和寓言人物。尽管这与现代人的品味格格不入，但它有助于解释这些诗歌在文艺复兴时期的巨大影响。
Petrarch’s twelve Latin Eclogues are modelled on Vergil’s Bucolics, but they are more of an original work than his epic. Although far less delicate and sensitive than Vergil’s poems, they also are packed with many layers of meaning: the characters are not only nymphs and shepherds, but Petrarch’s own friends, and contemporary dignitaries, and allegorical personages. Repugnant as this is to modern taste, it helps to account for the great influence these poems had in the Renaissance.
对我们来说，他最有趣的拉丁作品是他称之为《秘密》的对话集，在这本书中，他与圣奥古斯丁谈论了自己的性格。三个世界在这本书中相遇。它的构思和对话形式来自柏拉图、西塞罗——以及波爱修斯，他的哲学女士在这里再次出现，与真理女士一样，肩负着同样的治愈使命。23选择圣奥古斯丁作为对话者，集中讨论死亡和地狱，以及彼特拉克对今世生活的憎恨，都表明他是一位中世纪人：同样，在冲突中，他对劳拉的浪漫爱慕也体现出来了，圣奥古斯丁因此责备了他。他敏锐的自我反省、他精神上的敏感、他的自我不信任和忧虑都是现代的，因为它们不是人类生活的永久组成部分。
For us, his most interesting Latin work is the group of dialogues he called his Secret, in which he talks to St. Augustine about his own character. Three worlds meet in this book. Its conception and its dialogue-form come from Plato, through Cicero—and through Boethius, whose Lady Philosophy here reappears, on the same healing mission, as Lady Truth.23 The choice of St. Augustine as interlocutor, and the concentration on thoughts of death and hell, and the hatred Petrarch expresses for the life of this world, show him as a medieval man: so too, on the other side of the conflict, does his romantic admiration for Laura, for which St. Augustine rebukes him. His acute self-examination, his psychical sensitivity, his self-distrust and worry are modern in so far as they are not a permanent part of human life.
他的其他拉丁文、哲学、诗歌和历史作品就没那么吸引人了。他用自己最喜爱的语言所写的所有作品中，最具有永久价值的还是他的书信，这些书信几乎没有固定的模式可循，所有材料都是他自己用自己丰富而灵活的头脑提供的。
His other works in Latin, philosophical, poetical, and historical, are less attractive. The most permanently valuable of all he wrote in the language he loved best continues to be his correspondence, where there were few fixed patterns to follow and he himself supplied all the material out of his rich and flexible mind.
在意大利语中，他最出色的作品无疑是写给劳拉的情歌《Canzoniere》，这首歌激发了文艺复兴时期法国、意大利、英国、西班牙等地众多诗人的灵感，并在后来李斯特的音乐中得到了热烈的体现。24尽管他们的思想中流淌着几种古典思潮，但总的来说还是纯粹现代的，因为他们处理的是浪漫的爱情，而且他们的模式是从民歌发展而来的。
In Italian his finest work is undoubtedly his love-lyrics to Laura, the Canzoniere, which inspired so many poets of the Renaissance, in France, in Italy, in England, in Spain and elsewhere, and much later were hotly reflected in the music of Liszt.24 Although several classical currents flow through their thought, they are in the main purely modern, for they deal with romantic love, and their patterns are developed from folk-song.
在一系列的胜利诗中，他试图与但丁一较高下，他复活了一系列不朽的死者，并在他心爱的劳拉死后赞美她，就像但丁赞美贝阿特丽丝一样。这些诗描述了一系列模仿罗马征服者的凯旋游行：爱、贞洁、死亡、名誉、时间、永恒，它们在漫长的征服高潮中相互追随和超越，最后以彼特拉克对天堂和劳拉的渴望结束。最初的想法，即罗马胜利，是古典的。彼特拉克无疑在但丁的《教会的胜利》中看到了它的变貌；25他用但丁的韵律写作。然而，这首意大利诗失败了，就像他的拉丁文《非洲》失败了一样，原因也类似。《胜利》太明显地以但丁为原型，让彼特拉克的创作几乎没有发展和生存的空间。而且，这个想法，就像许多虔诚的古典主义者的想法一样，是静态的，因此很乏味。在但丁的作品中，我们不断地移动。我们被带下来，穿过地球内部；我们沿着撒旦的身体爬上去，抓住他的头发；我们在炼狱的山上气喘吁吁地向上爬，最后升入真正的天堂，随着我们看到的景象的变化而不断变化。在《胜利》中，我们静止不动，游行队伍经过，如此遥远，如此庄严，以至于我们几乎看不到每个雕像身上的标签，几乎和麦克白一起哭了起来：
In a set of Triumphs he endeavoured to rival Dante by revivifying a long series of the immortal dead, and by glorifying his beloved Laura after her death as Dante had exalted Beatrice. The poems describe a succession of triumphal processions modelled on those of the Roman conquerors: Love, Chastity, Death, Fame, Time, Eternity, they follow and surpass one another in a long crescendo of conquest which ends with Petrarch’s aspiration towards heaven and Laura. The original idea, the Roman triumph, was classical. Petrarch had no doubt seen it transfigured in Dante’s Triumph of the Church;25 and he wrote in Dante’s metre. However, this Italian poem fails as his Africa in Latin fails, and for a similar reason. The Triumphs are too obviously moulded on Dante, and have left Petrarch’s invention little room to expand and live. Also, the idea, like so many of the ideas of devoted classicists, is static and therefore tedious. In Dante we are constantly moving. We are taken down, down through the earth’s interior; we climb along the body of Satan, grappling to his hair; we pant upwards on the mountain of purgatory, and at last ascend into the true heaven, changing continually with the changing sights we see. In the Triumphs we stand still, and the procession passes, so far away and so dignified that we can hardly see more than the labels carried by each statuesque figure, and almost cry, with Macbeth:
你为什么要给我看这个？……快看，眼睛！
什么，这条线会延伸到末日的裂缝吗？
Why do you show me this? … Start, eyes!
What, will the line stretch out to the crack of doom?
和但丁一样，彼特拉克是希腊、罗马和现代欧洲的综合体。但是，尽管他实力较弱，但他却具有更进步的精神。他更现代，更古典。他用来自古代的新觉醒力量充实了他那个时代和后继者的生活。这一事实在他获得桂冠（1341 年）时得到了认可。他是第一位渴望获得授予杰出诗人的桂冠的现代人。桂冠加冕是古希腊的理念，罗马人接管并正式化了。中世纪后期，它又复兴了（流亡中的但丁拒绝了这一荣誉），而彼特拉克在一段时间内使它变得真实而重要。在那不勒斯国王罗伯特的正式审查之后，他被判定有资格获得不朽名声的象征，并在罗马市中心被授予桂冠。
Like Dante, Petrarch was a synthesis of Greece and Rome with modern Europe. But, although a weaker, he was a more progressive spirit. He was more modern, by being more classical. He enriched the life of his time and of his successors by filling it with newly awakened powers from antiquity. This fact was recognized in his laureateship (1341). He was the first modern aspirant to the crown of laurel conferred on distinguished poets. The laurel coronation was a Greek idea which the Romans had taken over and formalized. Late in the Middle Ages it was revived (Dante in exile refused the honour), and Petrarch made it, for a time, real and important. After a formal examination by King Robert of Naples, he was adjudged worthy of the symbol of immortal fame, and was crowned with laurel in the heart of Rome.
他的花环不仅仅意味着诗意的荣誉。作为罗马仪式的复兴，加冕仪式象征着古罗马崇高抱负和不朽荣耀的复兴，以及知识和审美文化新帝国的建立。这个帝国在文艺复兴鼎盛时期遍布半个世界，历经沧桑，时而萎缩，时而扩张，几个世纪以来一直保持着权力，至今仍然生机勃勃、强大无比。在政治方面，彼特拉克的朋友、罗马革命家科拉·迪·里恩佐也抱有同样的理想。几年后，他也被加冕为桂冠，并被封为护民官和奥古斯都。他敢于（根据教皇的指控）放弃基督教，恢复古老的异教仪式。他抨击罗马贵族的中世纪特权，宣布恢复罗马共和国。他的目标与彼特拉克的目标一样，是要重振罗马和以罗马为中心的文明，或者，正如他的崇拜者所见，要唤醒沉睡的公主，让她恢复青春，成为她的新郎。在这些愿望中，许多都比他早，是令人惊叹的皇帝腓特烈二世。26这两位受古典主义启发的革命者的政治计划都遭遇了难以推翻的顽强反对。但他们帮助发起的精神复兴是比任何宪法或国家改革更深层次的需求。这不是一个国家的复兴，而是欧洲的再教育。而且，正如但丁的诗歌对世界的意义远大于他的政治才能一样，诗人和教师彼特拉克的桂冠仍然新鲜，而皇帝的王冠和保民官的花环已化为尘土。二十七
His wreath meant more than poetic distinction. As a renewal of a Roman ceremony, the coronation symbolized the revival of the lofty aspirations and immortal glories of ancient Rome, and the creation of a new empire of intellectual and aesthetic culture. This was the empire which spread over half the world in the high Renaissance, which through many vicissitudes, shrinking here and advancing there, maintained its power for centuries, and which is still alive and strong. On the political side, the same ideals were held by Petrarch’s friend, the Roman revolutionary Cola di Rienzo. A few years later he too was crowned with laurel, and named Tribune and Augustus. He dared (according to the pope’s accusations) to abandon Christianity and restore the ancient rites of paganism. He attacked the medieval privileges of the Roman barons and proclaimed a restored Roman republic. His aim, like Petrarch’s, was to renew the strength of Rome and of the civilization which had centred upon it, or, as his admirers saw it, to awake the sleeping princess, to restore her youth, and to become her bridegroom. In many of these aspirations he had been preceded by the astonishing emperor Frederick II.26 The political plans of both these classically-inspired revolutionaries met an opposition too durable to overthrow. But the spiritual regeneration which they helped to initiate was a deeper need than any constitutional or national reform. It was not the revival of one nation, but the reeducation of Europe. And, just as Dante’s poetry means far more to the world than his statesmanship, so the laurels of Petrarch, poet and teacher, are still fresh, while the emperor’s crown and the tribune’s wreath have crumbled into dust.27
薄伽丘
BOCCACCIO
乔凡尼·薄伽丘出生于 1313 年，可能出生在巴黎，是一位法国女孩和一位意大利银行家的私生子。正如但丁对贝阿特丽丝有着悲伤、无望、浪漫的爱情，彼特拉克对劳拉有着无望的爱，并在 1348 年的流行病中失去了她，薄伽丘与那不勒斯国王罗伯特的私生女玛丽亚·阿基诺有着一段热烈而不幸的恋情：据说他以此为基础创作了第一部现代欧洲心理小说《菲亚梅塔》。
Giovanni Boccaccio was born in 1313, perhaps in Paris, as the illegitimate son of a French girl and an Italian banker. As Dante had a sad, hopeless, romantic love for Beatrice, as Petrarch hopelessly loved Laura and lost her in the 1348 epidemic, so Boccaccio had a passionate and unhappy love-affair with Maria d’Aquino, the illegitimate daughter of King Robert of Naples: he is said to have made it the basis of the first modern European psychological novel, Fiammetta.
他是彼特拉克的朋友和学生；和彼特拉克一样，他也活跃于拉丁语和意大利语。他生活的这两个方面并不冲突，而是互补的——他既是古典主义者，又是现代主义者。尽管他非常钦佩但丁，但他与但丁生活的对比甚至比但丁与彼特拉克之间的对比更为明显。例如，当但丁在三十五岁时迷失在黑暗的森林中，并通过永恒的幻象出现时，薄伽丘经历了被称为黑死病的可怕灾难；但他对此的反应是创作了仍然受欢迎、仍然顽皮且永远亵渎的《十日谈》。
He was Petrarch’s friend and pupil; and like him, he was active both in Latin and in Italian. The two sides of his life were not conflicting, but complementary—he was classicist and modern together. Although he greatly admired Dante, the contrast between his life and Dante’s is even more marked than that between Dante and Petrarch. For instance, at the age of thirty-five, when Dante was lost in the dark wood and emerged through a vision of eternity, Boccaccio experienced the terrible disaster known as the Black Death; but his reaction to it was to produce the still popular, and still naughty, and perpetually profane Decameron.
这是一组用意大利散文写成的故事，主要讲述了冒险、爱情和诡计，讲述的是七位女士和三位男士在十天假期中的故事（十日谈在希腊语中意为十天），他们从瘟疫肆虐的城市逃到一间无忧无虑的乡间别墅。《十日谈》虽然现实主义，但却是逃避现实的。它的模式没有经典的原型，即一群朋友或偶然认识的人讲述的一组典型故事（在柏拉图的《会饮篇》中，他们不讲故事，而是发表对手演讲，在《彼得罗尼乌斯》中，他们随意聊天）；它可能源于近东地区的无数轶事、无限的闲暇、长长的商队和众多的商队旅馆。故事本身，有些是从东方的集市和首都向西流传的，有些是从中世纪的地下世界浮现出来的，就像童话故事一样，还有一些是从当代西欧生活的真实事件中结晶出来的。然而，散文风格并不都是平凡而现实的，而是常常是高雅、悠闲、和谐和复杂的，其节奏显然是基于意大利最优秀的散文家西塞罗的节奏。
This is a group of stories in Italian prose, mainly about adventure, love, and trickery, told during ten days of holiday (decameron is meant to be Greek for a ten-day period) by a group of seven ladies and three gentlemen who have fled from the plague-ridden city to a delightful carefree country-house. Although realistic, the Decameron is therefore escapist. There is no classical prototype for its pattern, the sets of characteristic stories told by a group of friends or accidental acquaintances (in Plato’s Symposium they do not tell stories, but make rival speeches, and in Petronius they chat at random); and it probably stems from the million and one anecdotes and the infinite leisure and the long caravans and the multitudinous caravanserais of the Near East. Of the stories themselves, some have drifted westward from the bazaars and capitals of the Orient, some have scummed up from the same medieval underworld as the fabliaux, and others have crystallized from real incidents of contemporary western European life. The prose style, however, is not all ordinary and realistic, but is often elevated, leisurely, harmonious, and complex, with rhythms evidently based on those of the finest Italian prosateur, Cicero.
《十日谈》中的人物经常对基督教神职人员。一开始就讲了一个关于一个犹太人的故事，他正在决定自己是否应该成为基督徒。为了下定决心，他去了罗马。回来后，他立即受洗。为什么？他说，因为他在基督教的中心罗马看到了太多的罪恶和腐败，如果基督教能够生存下来并像现在这样发展，那么上帝显然在支持基督教。这个故事的极端愤世嫉俗得到了许多其他关于僧侣和修女性腐败的报道的证实。
The characters of the Decameron frequently imply contempt for the Christian clergy. At the very beginning there is a story about a Jew who was trying to decide whether he should become a Christian or not. In order to make up his mind, he visited Rome. When he came back, he was baptized at once. Why? Because, he said, he had seen so much vice and corruption in Rome, the centre of Christianity, that if the Christian religion could possibly survive and progress as it did, God was obviously supporting the Christian religion. The extreme cynicism of this story is corroborated by a number of others about the sexual corruption of monks and nuns.
在薄伽丘的其他作品中，古典元素与非古典元素的区分甚至比彼特拉克的作品更困难。两者的融合几乎是完全的。
In Boccaccio’s other works it is even less easy than in Petrarch’s to separate the classical elements from the non-classical. The fusion is almost complete.
他最著名的诗篇是第一部意大利史诗——或者更确切地说是但丁之后的第一部史诗： 《忒修斯的故事》 。它采用了精确的古典形式，共有十二卷——不，更确切地说，它的行数与《埃涅阿斯纪》完全相同，有一篇文学传闻说，他实际上是坐在维吉尔墓的阴影下开始创作这部作品的。28该诗的主题是古典时期的忒修斯战争，但由于现存的古典诗人均未对忒修斯战争进行长篇歌颂，因此他可以自由地改编法国浪漫派作家创作的大部分故事内容，并自行创作其余内容。29诗节本身是八行诗节（ABABABCC），起源于普罗旺斯。恰如其分的是，这首诗吸引了乔叟的中世纪骑士，他从中汲取灵感，向其他坎特伯雷朝圣者讲述了这个故事。薄伽丘用同样的诗节写了另一首浪漫英雄诗《费洛斯特拉托》，重述了特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达的故事。这个凄美的故事源于特洛伊战争，但正如我们所见，它不能追溯到伯努瓦·德·圣莫尔的中世纪浪漫史。30（这个故事也是乔叟从薄伽丘那儿继承来的。）
His most considerable poem is the first Italian epic—or rather the first after Dante: the Theseid or Tale of Theseus (Teseida). It is in the precise classical form, twelve books—no, to be more exact, it is in precisely the same number of lines as the Aeneid, and a piece of literary gossip says he actually started it sitting in the shadow of Vergil’s tomb.28 It is on a classical subject, the wars of Theseus; but since they were not sung at length by any extant classical poet, he was free to adapt most of his story from the French romancers and to invent the rest.29 The metre itself, an eight-line stanza (ABABABCC), is Provencal in origin. Appropriately, this poem appealed to Chaucer’s medieval Knight, who drew upon it for the tale he told the other Canterbury pilgrims. In the same metre, Boccaccio wrote another romantic-heroic poem, the Filostrato, which retells the Troilus and Cressida story. This poignant tale springs from the Trojan war, but, as we have seen, cannot be traced back beyond the medieval romance of Benoît de SainteMaure.30 (This story too Chaucer took over from Boccaccio.)
薄伽丘是现代小说的开创者，他是第一位用现代散文体写出关于当代人物的长篇小说的作家。这就是《菲亚梅塔》。由于它是用普通的意大利语写的，讲述的是浪漫的爱情，所以从表面上看，它是一部中世纪和非古典的作品。然而，如果仔细研究，就会发现它是现代和古典艺术手法的融合，具有非常重要的古典思想风格。
Boccaccio was the begetter of the modern novel, by being the first author who ever wrote a long story in a modern prose vernacular about contemporary characters. This is Fiammetta. Because it is in ordinary Italian, and about romantic love, it is a medieval and non-classical production on the surface. Yet, if it is examined more carefully, it will be seen to be a blend of modern and classical artistic devices, and to have a deeply important strain of classical thought.
例如，整个概念背景都是希腊罗马的。在第一页我们就读到了拉克西斯、命运女神和卡德摩斯播下的牙齿。在第三本书中，女主角想知道如果她的爱人被淹死（“像利安德”）或被遗弃（“像阿基米尼德斯”=维吉尔和奥维德的阿契美尼德斯31）；最后，她孤苦伶仃，孤苦伶仃，用这些例子来安慰自己32位“他的女儿伊那科斯”（伊娥）、比布利斯、卡纳切斯、密尔拉、皮拉摩斯和提斯柏、狄多，以及数十对其他古典恋人，其中大部分出自奥维德——其中特里斯特拉姆爵士和伊索塔夫人显得有些孤独。
For instance, the entire conceptual background is Greco-Roman. On the very first page we read of Lachesis, the Fate, and of the teeth that Cadmus sowed. In book 3, the heroine wonders if her lover has been drowned (‘like Leander’) or marooned (‘like Achimenedes’ = the Achaemenides of Vergil and Ovid31); and at the end, desolate and deserted, she consoles herself with the examples 32 of ‘Inachus his daughter’ (Io), Byblis, Canace, Myrrha, Pyramus and Thisbe, Dido, and dozens of other classical lovers, mostly out of Ovid—among whom Sir Tristram and Lady Isotta appear rather lonely.
然后，这本书的大部分文体手法都是从古典诗歌中吸收的：精心而正式构建的句子，几乎是戏剧独白的长篇演讲，誓言、咒语、复杂的比较等修辞手法。
Then, most of the stylistic devices of the book have been absorbed from classical poetry: carefully and formally built sentences, long speeches which are almost dramatic monologues, rhetorical devices such as oaths, conjurations, elaborate comparisons, &c.
上帝、基督教道德和基督教世界没有被提及。虽然环境是当代的，但宗教是异教的：我们听到的不是教堂，而是“圣殿”，33人们说‘神知道’，又说‘让不朽的神灵作证’。34当菲亚梅塔犹豫是否要向她的爱人屈服时，她脑子里从未出现过上帝、基督或玛丽的想法。相反，维纳斯出现在她面前，赤身裸体，穿着一件单薄的裙子，对她说了一段长长的诱惑话，说服了她。35这部小说的寓意和策略都受到奥维德的启发。在《菲亚梅塔》中，就像在许多早期的法国浪漫爱情故事中一样，奥维德成为了一位现代人。
God, Christian morality, and the Christian world are not mentioned. Although the milieu is contemporary, the religion is pagan: we hear not of church but of ‘the holy temples’,33 and people say ‘the gods know’ and ‘let the immortal gods bear witness’.34 When Fiammetta is dubious about yielding to her lover, the thought of God, or Christ, or Mary never passes through her mind. Instead, Venus appears to her, naked under a thin dress, makes a long seductive speech to her, and persuades her.35 Both the morality and the strategy of this are inspired by Ovid. In Fiammetta, as in many earlier romantic French love-stories, Ovid became a modern.
薄伽丘是当时仅次于彼特拉克的学者，他对彼特拉克的作品大加赞赏。彼特拉克没有学会希腊语，但在卡拉布里亚人莱昂提乌斯·皮拉图的帮助下，薄伽丘掌握了希腊语。他是近代西欧第一个学会希腊语的人，他鼓励他的导师翻译荷马史诗的第一部现代译本。（这是一本直译的拉丁文，但可以使用。）彼特拉克发现了许多失传的古典书籍。薄伽丘继续寻找，发现了同样有价值的宝藏——其中包括失传的历史学家塔西佗。薄伽丘给学生们讲了一个故事，无论真假，都表明了他对被埋葬的古代的深厚感情，并体现了中世纪和文艺复兴之间的差异：
As a scholar in his time, Boccaccio was second only to Petrarch, and complemented his work. Petrarch had failed to learn Greek; but, with the help of the Calabrian Leontius Pilatus, Boccaccio mastered it. He was the first western European of modern times to do so; and he encouraged his tutor to produce the first modern translation of Homer. (It was a flat literal version in Latin, but it was usable.) Petrarch had discovered many lost classical books. Boccaccio continued the search, and found treasures no less valuable—among them, the lost historian Tacitus. It was Boccaccio who told his pupils a story which, whether true or not, shows his deep feeling for buried antiquity, and epitomizes the difference between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance:
“他急切地想看看[蒙特卡西诺]图书馆……他……恳求一位僧侣帮他打开图书馆。僧侣指着高高的楼梯，生硬地回答说：“上去吧；它已经打开了。”薄伽丘欣喜地走上楼梯，却发现知识的宝库没有门或任何形式的紧固件，窗台上长满了野草，书上积满了灰尘，书架上。翻阅手稿时，他发现许多稀有和古老的作品，整页都被撕掉，或页边被无情地剪掉。离开房间时，他泪流满面，当他向一位僧侣询问疏忽的原因时，他被告知，修道院的一些居民……撕下整把的纸张，把它们做成圣歌，卖给男孩，并剪下羊皮纸条，做成护身符卖给女人。’三十六
‘Being eager to see the library [of Monte Cassino] … he … besought one of the monks to do him the favour of opening it. Pointing to a lofty staircase, the monk answered stiffly “Go up; it is already open.” Boccaccio stepped up the staircase with delight, only to find the treasure-house of learning destitute of door or any kind of fastening, while the grass was growing on the window-sills and the dust reposing on the books and bookshelves. Turning over the manuscripts, he found many rare and ancient works with whole sheets torn out, or with the margins ruthlessly clipped. As he left the room, he burst into tears, and, on asking a monk… to explain the neglect, was told that some of the inmates of the monastery … had torn out whole handfuls of pages and made them into psalters, which they sold to boys, and had cut off strips of parchment which they turned into amulets to sell to women.’36
和彼特拉克一样，薄伽丘也一直在向前推进，向着文艺复兴迈进。但在 1361 年皈依后，他又变成了一个中世纪人。他仍然是一个古典主义者：他现在只写拉丁文，他的书都是学术性的。但他看的是过去而不是未来。1373 年，他成为但丁诗歌的第一位教授。不知何故，他变得越来越像彼特拉克。看到这两位老学者在生命的尽头安定下来，编纂、翻译和重读，既令人悲伤又令人着迷。彼特拉克的最后一本书是薄伽丘著名的《耐心的格丽泽尔达》的拉丁文译本。
Like Petrarch, Boccaccio had been pushing forwards, toward the Renaissance. But after his conversion in 1361, he became once more a medieval man. He was still a classicist: he wrote nothing now except Latin, and his books were on scholarly subjects. But he looked backwards instead of forwards. In 1373 he became the first professor of the poetry of Dante. And somehow he became more and more like Petrarch. It is pathetic but charming to see the two old scholars settling down, towards the end of their lives, into compiling, translating, and re-reading. Petrarch’s last book was a Latin translation of Boccaccio’s famous Patient Griselda.
然而，薄伽丘是一位现代人。他从来不是一个学究，他先接受古典模式，然后冒着扭曲古典模式的风险，试图将自己的想象材料塞进去。他充满激情，他写的书仍然充满激情和淫荡的慵懒。虽然他热爱拉丁语和希腊语，虽然他比许多二十世纪的古典学家多产得多，但他在研究古典对现代欧洲文学的影响方面的真正重要性却截然不同，而且要大得多。
Yet Boccaccio had been a modern man. He was never a pedant who first accepted the classical patterns and then tried to squeeze his own imaginative material into them at the risk of distorting it. He was passionately alive, and wrote books whose amorous energy and lascivious languor can still be felt. Although he loved Latin and Greek, although he was far more of a productive scholar than many twentieth-century classicists, his real importance in a study of classical influence upon modern European literature is quite different, and much greater.
他是第一位拒绝基督教、转而信奉异教的伟大现代作家。诚然，他是晚年才皈依基督教的。但在他最著名的作品中，他抛弃了基督教教义和基督教道德，转而信奉希腊罗马异教，认为这是一个更好的世界。《十日谈》中的人物承认教会的存在，但却鄙视它。菲亚梅塔背弃了教会，将自己献给了奥林匹亚众神的权力。
He was the first great modern author who rejected Christianity for paganism. True, he was converted late in life. But in the works for which he is best known, he had thrown aside Christian doctrine and Christian morality and turned towards Greco-Roman paganism as to a better world. The characters of the Decameron recognize the existence of the church, but despise it. Fiammetta turns her back on it, and gives herself up to the power of the Olympians.
这不是第一次，但却是一个非常显著的例子，表明现代人对异教的强烈反应，远离基督教道德和神学。早在 12 世纪法国的爱情诗人中就有很多这样的例子。这种反应不仅仅是拒绝，而且是一种积极的主张，即希腊和罗马的上帝和道德观念更好、更自由、更真实，因为它们更贴近这个世界的生活事实；更积极向上，不那么瘦弱，不那么严肃和厌世，而且超凡脱俗；更快乐；更人性化。
This is not the first, but a very notable example of a vast and potent modern reaction towards paganism, away from Christian morality and theology. There were many earlier instances of it in the love-poets of twelfth-century France. The reaction is not merely rejection, but a positive assertion that Greek and Roman ideas of God and morality are better, freer, more real, because more closely corresponding to the facts of life in this world; more positive, less thin, less austere and misanthropic and otherworldly; happier; more human.
这一运动与引发宗教改革的运动不同，在某些方面完全不同。然而，它的力量却推动了宗教改革，在某些方面，两者并行不悖。我们将在文艺复兴时期再次见到它，异教与基督教理想竞争，并常常获胜。它在十七、十八世纪再次出现，在书籍之战中被伪装和扭曲。在革命时代，它比以往任何时候都更加强大：雪莱对基督教的理念本身深恶痛绝，就像他崇拜希腊异教的美好一面一样。在十九世纪，欧洲的伟大作家可以分为托尔斯泰这样的基督徒、尼采这样的异教徒和阿诺德这样不情愿的、支持异教的基督徒。尽管天主教徒建造了新拜占庭式教堂，长老会建造了新哥特式教堂，而十九世纪的异教徒却没有为他们的教派修建任何建筑物和祭坛，但他们却在现代异教圣地中添加了一个巨大的新圣殿或庇护所，其中最早的一座是由薄伽丘在至今仍未被摧毁的旧遗址上建造的。
This movement is not the same as that which produced the Reformation, and in some ways is totally different. Yet its strength encouraged the Reformation, and in some channels the two ran parallel. We shall meet it again in the full Renaissance, where paganism competed with the ideals of Christianity and was often victorious. It recurred in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, disguised and distorted in the Battle of the Books. In the Age of Revolution, it was stronger than ever: Shelley hated the very idea of Christianity as fervidly as he adored the better aspects of Greek paganism. In the nineteenth century, the great writers of Europe can be divided into Christians like Tolstoy, pagans like Nietzsche, and unwilling, pro-pagan Christians like Arnold. And although, while the Catholics built neo-Byzantine churches and the Presbyterians neo-Gothic churches, the nineteenth-century pagans put up no buildings and no altars for their cult, yet they added a vast new sanctuary, or asylum, to the modern pagan shrines, one of the earliest of which was built by Boccaccio, on the still unobliterated ruins of the old.
乔叟
CHAUCER
在整个黑暗时代、中世纪和早期文艺复兴时期，我们可以在民族文学的兴衰中追溯到战争与和平的连续，正是这些战争与和平使得欧洲的发展如此艰难和不平衡。除了战争和十字军东征之外，还有其他同样严重的动乱：例如，黑死病于 1348 年夺走了彼特拉克和薄伽丘的许多朋友的生命，包括他们心爱的女人劳拉和菲亚梅塔。首先是丹麦的征服，然后是诺曼的征服，几乎使英国脱离了欧洲文学的潮流——就白话文而言，尽管它在拉丁语中仍然能够发挥作用——而法国、普罗旺斯和意大利文学正在兴起。现在，在十四世纪，在辉煌的开端之后，法国文学几乎消亡了，因为法国陷入了百年战争：除了爱国历史学家弗鲁瓦萨尔之外，它变得平庸。意大利文学开始蓬勃发展，并在彼特拉克和薄伽丘的推动下继续发展。普罗旺斯文化在反对罗马天主教会将阿尔比派异端者驱逐出英国。但经过长期的动荡和冲突，现代英国终于出现了。尽管英国在十四世纪也经历了瘟疫和麻烦，但它发展出了一种平静而深沉的性格，这种性格至今仍未消失，而杰弗里·乔叟是当时最好的例子。
Throughout the Dark Ages, the Middle Ages, and the early Renaissance, we can trace, in the rise and fall of national literatures, the successions of war and peace which made the development of Europe so difficult and so uneven. Besides wars and crusades, there were other convulsions quite as grievous: for instance, the Black Death, which in 1348 killed so many of the friends of both Petrarch and Boccaccio, including their beloved women, Laura and Fiammetta. The Danish conquest, first, and then the Norman conquest had virtually taken Britain out of the current of European literature—as far as vernacular writing was concerned, although in Latin she was still able to play a part—while French, and Provencal, and Italian literature were building up. Now, in the fourteenth century, after a brilliant beginning, French literature almost died away, because France was caught in the Hundred Years war: with the exception of the patriotic historian Froissart, it became mediocre. Italian literature had begun its mighty ascent, and continued it with Petrarch and Boccaccio. Provençal culture was almost totally destroyed in the crusade preached against the Albigensian heretics by the Roman Catholic church. But after long uncertainty and strife, modern England was at last coming into being. Although England too had its plagues and troubles in the fourteenth century, it developed a quiet serene depth of character which it has never yet lost, and which was best exemplified, for his time, in Geoffrey Chaucer.
杰弗里·乔叟是一位人脉广泛的朝臣和公务员，他是英国众多为文学做出巨大贡献的公务员中的第一个。他出生于 1340 年左右，曾在法国任职，曾三次出使意大利，还曾担任肯特郡的议员。他似乎不是大学毕业生，他的学识确实有些业余，但这对他的诗歌创作大有裨益。
Geoffrey Chaucer was a well-connected courtier and civil servant, the first of a long line of English civil servants who have done much for literature. Born about 1340, he served in France, visited Italy three times on diplomatic missions, and was M.P. for Kent. He does not seem to have been a university man, and indeed there was something amateurish about his learning; but it was good for his poetry.
乔叟是第一位了解欧洲的伟大英国诗人。他的影响力部分在于，他吸收了欧洲本土语言的影响，并利用这些影响来改进英语语言和英国文学。他所掌握的现代语言是法语和意大利语。然而，法语对他的影响不如意大利语重要，意大利语深深地影响了他的许多继任者——弥尔顿、拜伦、勃朗宁。
Chaucer was the first great English poet who knew Europe. Part of his power lay in the fact that, taking up European vernacular influences, he used them to improve the English language and English literature. The modern tongues he knew were French and Italian. However, the French influence on him was less important than the Italian, which so deeply affected many of his successors—Milton, Byron, Browning.
乔叟的以下诗歌归功于他对法语和意大利语的了解；但其中大多数诗歌通过法语和意大利语源自希腊罗马文学：
The following poems of Chaucer were due to his knowledge of French and Italian; but most of them, through French and Italian, were derived from Greco-Roman literature:
《玫瑰传奇》的部分译文；三十七
part of a translation of The Romance of the Rose;37
一部关于特洛伊战争的长篇骑士传奇故事，《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》，原型是薄伽丘的《费洛斯特拉托》（而《费洛斯特拉托》本身则是原型是一位意大利剽窃者改写了一位法国诗人改编的晚期希腊传奇故事），但比薄伽丘的诗要长得多。38这是乔叟为数不多的几部使他跻身英国诗人前列的作品之一；
a long chivalrous romance about the Trojan war, Troilus and Criseyde, modelled on Boccaccio’s Filostrato (which was itself modelled on an Italian plagiarist’s rewriting of a French poet’s adaptation of a late Greek romance), but much longer than Boccaccio’s poem. 38 This is one of the few works which guarantee Chaucer a place in the front rank of English poets;
一幅关于历史、文学、名誉和不幸的爱情的画作，名为《名人堂》：未完成，它的灵感来自但丁的《喜剧》，可能也受到了薄伽丘的《爱情幻想》的启发，当然还有古代和中世纪的拉丁诗歌；
a vision of history, literature, fame, and unhappy love, called The House of Fame: unfinished, it was inspired by Dante’s Comedy, probably also by Boccaccio’s Vision of Love, and certainly by Latin poetry ancient and medieval;
《骑士的故事》是坎特伯雷故事中最伟大的一部：出自薄伽丘的《忒西德》，乔叟通过省略大量神话和史诗机制使其自然化，并通过添加大量自己的素材进行扩充，使故事更能表现现实生活。三十九
the Knight’s Tale, greatest of the Canterbury stories: from Boccaccio’s Theseid, which Chaucer naturalized by omitting much of the mythology and epic machinery and expanded by adding much material of his own, to make the story more expressive of real life.39
奇怪的是，乔叟似乎并不知道意大利当代最伟大的成功之作，薄伽丘的《十日谈》，尽管他的《坎特伯雷故事集》也采用了类似的思路。即使他引用了其中的一个故事，即《教士的故事》中的耐心格里塞尔达，他也使用了彼特拉克的拉丁文译本，并这样写道：
It is odd that Chaucer does not appear to have known the great contemporary Italian success, Boccaccio’s Decameron, although his Canterbury Tales follow a similar plan. Even when he uses a story from it, the Patient Griselda of the Clerk’s Tale, he uses Petrarch’s Latin translation of it, and says so:
我想告诉你一个故事，这是我
在帕多瓦学到的关于一位值得尊敬的牧师的故事，
他的言行举止都证明了这一点。
他现在已死，胸膛被钉上钉子，
我向上帝祈祷，愿他的灵魂安息！
桂冠诗人弗朗西斯·彼特拉克
，这位牧师的理论甜美，
照亮了诗歌的意大利……40
I wol yow telle a tale which that I
Lerned at Padowe of a worthy clerk,
As preved by his wordes and his werk.
He is now deed and nayled in his cheste,
I prey to god so yeve his soule reste!
Fraunceys Petrark, the laureat poete
, Highte this clerk, whos rethoryke sweete
Enlumined al Itaille of poetrye… .40
但除了这些直接借鉴外，乔叟还从法国和意大利获得了许多更广泛的智力和情感建议。中世纪的爱情故事是他诗歌中形成性影响最强的因素之一。通过意大利，文艺复兴初期的微笑怀疑主义和人文主义宽容传到了他那里。但他也非常了解但丁，并钦佩他的伟大。他实际上让巴斯妻子引用了他的名字：
But besides these direct borrowings Chaucer received many broader intellectual and emotional suggestions from France and Italy. The medieval love-romance was one of the strongest formative influences in his poetry. Through Italy the smiling scepticism and humanist tolerance of the dawning Renaissance reached him. But he also knew Dante well, and admired his grandeur. He actually makes the Wife of Bath quote him by name:
佛罗伦萨的睿智诗人，
高贵的但丁，曾说过这样一句话：
瞧，但丁的故事就是以同样的方式
写成的：‘他的枝条充分展现了
人类的英勇；因为上帝，因为他的善良，
我们才能从他身上获得我们的优雅。’41
Wel can the wyse poete of Florence,
That highte Dant, speken in this sentence;
Lo in swich maner rym is Dantes tale:
‘Ful selde up ryseth by his branches smale
Prowesse of man; for god, of his goodnesse,
Wol that of him we clayme our gentillesse.’41
当代学者指出乔叟在许多段落中模仿但丁，其中一些特别令人感兴趣的是，他将但丁的影响与拉丁诗人的影响融合在一起。42《名人堂》的整体设计融合了对维吉尔的敬意和对但丁的敬意。
Contemporary scholars have pointed out many passages in which Chaucer imitates Dante, and some of particular interest, in which he blends effects taken from Dante with effects taken from a Latin poet.42 The whole plan of The House of Fame is a mingling of homage to Vergil with homage to Dante.
乔叟对古典文学的研究既不深刻也不聪明。他从古典文学中汲取的知识总是被简化到几乎毫无意义的地步。他的学识也有限：比但丁的小书架还要狭小，书也不如这位伟大的流亡者随身携带的书那么好读。另一方面，其中也有一些但丁不认识的书，还有一些在整个中世纪都不为人知的书。
Chaucer was not a very deep or intelligent student of the classics. What he takes from them is always simplified to the point of bareness. His learning, too, is limited in scope: it is more confined than Dante’s small bookshelf, and its books are not so well thumbed as those the great exile carried with him. On the other hand, there are a few books in it which Dante did not know, and a few glimpses of others which had been unknown throughout the Middle Ages.
乔叟犯了许多令人震惊的错误，比任何但丁作品中出现的细微偏差。更令人不安的是，他似乎时不时地假装拥有他并不具备的知识。像所有中世纪作家一样，他大肆引用古代权威：但有时乔叟的权威并不存在，而是基于他自己的误解而虚构出来的。例如，法律人提到缪斯，然后说
Chaucer makes many shocking mistakes, far worse than any of the small aberrations that appear in Dante. And, what is more disconcerting, he appears now and then to pretend to knowledge which he does not possess. Like all medieval writers, he makes a great show of quoting his ancient authorities: but sometimes Chaucer’s authorities do not exist and are inventions based on his own misunderstandings. For instance, the Man of Law mentions the Muses, and then says
变形虫知道我的意思。43
Metamorphoseos wot what I mene.43
这看起来像是对奥维德的《变形记》的无知暗示，把这首诗当成一个男人，只是曲解了它的名字。也许这是对学究们，尤其是律师们的玩笑。既然如此，乔叟怎么能认真地引用奥维德的情妇之一呢？——
This looks like an ignorant allusion to Ovid’s Metamorphoses, treated as if the poem were a man, with its name distorted. Perhaps that is a joke against pedants, lawyers in particular. In that case, how can Chaucer seriously quote one of Ovid’s mistresses?—
第一个跟在我后面的是斯塔斯，后面跟着科琳——四十四
First folow I Stace, and after him Corinne—44
或者他是否依稀记得奥维德在《爱》中写过科琳娜？在《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》中，他一再说自己在复述“我的作家罗利乌斯”讲述的故事，罗利乌斯用拉丁语写了一本关于特洛伊的古书；在《名人堂》中，他介绍罗利乌斯是一位真正的历史学家。古今中外，没有一位历史学家叫这个名字。一个非常聪明的解释是，它是薄伽丘（=“大嘴巴”）的拉丁化，loll意思是“厚舌头”。但是，由于乔叟从未提及薄伽丘（尽管他经常抄袭他），而且他在翻译中并没有表现出这种解释所认为的那么多的语言灵活性，所以应该提出一些更简单的解释。
or has he remembered, very faintly, that Ovid wrote about Corinna in the Loves? Again and again in Troilus and Criseyde he says he is retelling the story told by ‘myn auctor Lollius’, who wrote an old book about Troy in Latin; and in The House of Fame he introduces Lollius as a real historian. There is no such historian, ancient or modern, known to the world under that name. A very clever explanation is that it is a latinization of Boccaccio (= ‘big-mouth’), loll meaning ‘thick-tongued’. But since Chaucer never mentions Boccaccio, although he often copies him, and since he does not show so much verbal dexterity in translation as this explanation would assume, something much simpler should be suggested.
罗马诗人贺拉斯写信给一位正在学习修辞学的年轻朋友，建议他读荷马史诗，了解其中的道德和哲学内涵。他这样开头：
The Roman poet Horace wrote to a young friend who was studying rhetoric, to advise him to read Homer for the moral and philosophical content of the epics. He began:
特洛伊战争的作者马克西姆斯·罗利乌斯，
当你在罗马练习演讲时，我在普雷内斯特重读了你的作品。四十五
The writer of the Trojan war, Maximus Lollius,
while you practised speaking in Rome, I reread at Praeneste.45
这个男孩的名字叫洛利乌斯·马克西姆斯——马克西姆斯是对他家族的赞美，意思是“最伟大的”，贺拉斯开玩笑地强调了这一点，颠倒了它通常的顺序，使它看起来像强大的洛利乌斯。在拉丁语中，尽管顺序不同，但很明显，特洛伊战争的作者是荷马，贺拉斯一直在普雷内斯特小镇学习荷马。但任何对拉丁语法和希腊文学知之甚少的人，以及没有意识到贺拉斯的书信是写给他朋友的信，在第一行左右就标明了收信人的名字，很容易相信特洛伊战争中最伟大的作家是名叫罗利乌斯的人。
The boy’s name was Lollius Maximus—Maximus being a complimentary nickname attached to his family, which meant ‘greatest’, and which Horace playfully emphasized by inverting its usual order, so that it looked like Mighty Lollius. In Latin it is perfectly obvious, despite the order, that the writer of the Trojan war was Homer, whom Horace had been studying in the little country town of Praeneste. But anyone who knew little of Latin syntax and less of Greek literature, and who did not realize that Horace’s epistles are letters to his friends with their addressees named in the first line or so, would easily believe that someone named Lollius was the greatest writer of the Trojan war.
我们现在无法判断乔叟是否第一个犯了这个错误。46当然，当他把罗利乌斯放在名人堂的一根铁柱上，与达雷斯和荷马并排时，他接受了它并且相信了它。47或许在他写《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》时，他可能已经懂得更多了；因为那时他显然知道他不是在翻译罗利乌斯，而是在根据薄伽丘和其他更接近、更真实的资料写作。他对这个名字的使用一半是玩笑，一半是虚构：正是这种虚构让圭多·德·科卢尼斯假装他从达雷斯那里借用了一切，而实际上他抄袭的是伯努瓦，让薄伽丘声称他的《忒西德》来自一位早已被遗忘的拉丁作家，而不是以圭多、伯努瓦和斯塔提乌斯为原型。归根结底，这是浪漫小说作家的常用手法——金银岛的地图、在“南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿附近”的沙利文岛上发现的基德船长的密码，48不为人知的神秘老作家，手稿被发现于瓶中。
Whether it was Chaucer who first made this mistake or not we cannot now tell.46 Certainly he accepted it and believed it when he put Lollius on an iron pillar in the House of Fame beside Dares and Homer.47 Perhaps by the time he wrote Troilus and Criseyde he may have known better; for then he obviously knew that he was not translating Lollius, but working from Boccaccio and other sources nearer and more real. His use of the name was half a joke and half a fiction: the same kind of fiction that led Guido de Columnis to pretend he was taking everything from Dares when he was really copying Benoît, and Boccaccio to claim that his Theseid was from a long-forgotten Latin author, instead of being modelled on Guido, Benoît, and Statius. Ultimately it is the stock device of the romance-writer—the map of Treasure Island, Captain Kidd’s cryptogram found on Sullivan’s Island ‘near Charleston, South Carolina’,48 the mysterious old author unknown to others, the manuscript found in a bottle.
乔叟犯过很多类似的错误和猜测。他和但丁一样，但与彼特拉克不同，他认为“悲剧”意味着一种叙事。坎特伯雷朝圣之旅中的僧侣说：
Chaucer made many other mistakes and wrong guesses of this kind. Like Dante but unlike Petrarch, he believed that ‘tragedy’ meant a kind of narrative. The monk on the Canterbury pilgrimage says:
…我首先要讲的是悲剧
，我的牢房里有上百个这样的悲剧。
悲剧就是要讲述一个故事，
就像那些老书让我们回忆起的，
一个站在繁荣富足中的人
在高处跌落，
陷入悲惨境地，悲惨地结束生命。
… first Tragedies wol I telle
Of whiche I have an hundred in my celle.
Tragedie is to seyn a certeyn storie,
As old bokes maken us memorie,
Of him that stood in greet prosperitee
And is y-fallen out of heigh degree
Into miserie, and endeth wrecchedly.
然后他又补充了一条毫无根据的错误信息：
He then adds a gratuitous piece of wrong information:
他们共同吟诵了
六英尺高的诗句，人们称之为“考试”。
And they ben versifyed comunly
Of six feet, which men clepe exametron.
也就是说，它们不是悲剧，而是史诗。49
That is, they are not tragedies but epic poems.49
乔叟并没有读过他引用的所有作家，将他们的名字列为对他的作品产生“古典影响”的人是完全错误的。他相当了解一些拉丁作家，并以一定的理解和真诚的爱翻译和改编他们的书。他与一些拉丁作家有表面上的交情。其他人。但他对他们作品的任何了解要么是二手的（因为他们的作品被他认识的其他人使用过），要么是通过中世纪众多百科全书式学习书籍中的摘录或简短摘要获得的。对他来说，希腊和罗马的世界并不像但丁那样，充斥着许多即使从远处也清晰可见的巨幅人物。它有四五个伟大的“文员”，他们是他的主人；在他们身后，透过过去的迷雾隐约可见和听到许多幽灵；在他们周围飞来飞去，还有一些纯粹虚构的嵌合体，比如科琳和“我的经纪人罗利乌斯”。50
Chaucer had not read all the authors whom he quotes, and it would be quite mistaken to list their names as ‘classical influences’ on his work. He knew a few Latin writers fairly well, translating and adapting their books with some understanding and with genuine love. He had a surface acquaintance with a number of others. But any knowledge he had of their work was either at second hand (because their writings were used by someone else whom he knew), or through excerpts or short summaries in one of the numerous medieval books of encyclopaedic learning. For him the world of Greece and Rome was not peopled with many massive figures, clearly distinct even in the distance, as it was for Dante. It held four or five great ‘clerks’ who were his masters; behind them a multitude of ghosts faintly seen and heard through the mists of the past; and, flitting around them, a number of purely imaginary chimeras like Corinne and ‘myn auctor Lollius’.50
乔叟真正认识的作者已被多位学者研究过。大部分研究得出的结论都是一致的。51
The authors whom Chaucer really knew have been reviewed by various scholars. For the most part, the conclusions reached in separate studies agree.51
他最了解奥维德，无需比较。德莱顿实际上看到了两位诗人之间的相似之处：
He knew Ovid best, without any comparison. Dryden actually saw a resemblance between the two poets:
“他们两人都受过良好的教育，性情温和，多情而放荡，至少在他们的作品中是如此，在生活中也可能如此……他们两人都精通天文学……两人的文笔都非常流畅，清晰度很高……两人都以其他人的发明为基础……两人都了解风俗习惯，我把风俗习惯理解为激情，从更广泛的意义上讲，他们也了解人的描述和他们的习惯。”52
‘both of them were well bred, well natur’d, amorous, and libertine, at least in their writings, it may be also in their lives… . Both of them were knowing in astronomy… . Both writ with wonderful facility and clearness… . Both of them built on the inventions of other men… . Both of them understood the manners, under which name I comprehend the passions, and, in a larger sense, the descriptions of persons, and their very habits.’52
尽管奥维德更为老练（不仅仅是乔叟更擅长装腔作势），他们之间确实存在着某种同情，甚至在他们生命即将结束时，他们两人都陷入了忧郁之中。乔叟一开始写诗，就开始引用奥维德的《变形记》 。他的第一首诗《公爵夫人之书》以《大公报》第 11 章 410–748 节中塞克斯与阿尔库俄涅的故事开头和结尾：尽管像《玫瑰传奇》的作者以及其他引用奥维德作品的中世纪作家一样，乔叟删去了恋人变成鸟的情节，只写了爱情至死的情节。他的下一部作品《名人堂》部分受到奥维德在《大公报》第 12章 39 f 节中对名人堂的描述的启发。甚至在《坎特伯雷故事集》中也有一段有趣的文字，其中法律人夸口说乔叟讲述的情人故事比奥维德本人还多，然后列出一份清单，揭示奥维德是他的主要资料来源。53
And although Ovid was far more sophisticated (it was not only that Chaucer affected naïvete more skilfully) there was indeed a certain sympathy between them, even to the gloom which enwrapped them both at the close of their lives. Chaucer began to use Ovid’s Metamorphoses as soon as he started writing poetry. His first poem, The Book of the Duchess, opens and closes with the story of Ceyx and Alcyone from Met. 11 . 410–748: although, like the authors of The Romance of the Rose and other medieval writers using Ovid, Chaucer cuts out the metamorphosis of the lovers into birds and makes it only a love-death. His next work, The House of Fame, was partly suggested by Ovid’s description of the house of Fame in Met. 12. 39 f. Even in The Canterbury Tales there is an amusing passage where the Man of Law boasts that Chaucer has told more stories of lovers than Ovid himself, and then gives a list revealing that Ovid was his chief source.53
乔叟是第一批大量使用奥维德的想象情书的现代诗人之一，这些情书通常被称为希洛伊德斯。他在 1465 年的《好女人的传说》中将它们称为书信，并在《名人堂》中一个有趣的段落中对其中的大部分进行了总结。54奥维德写给帕里斯和海伦的信中也有很多暗示，乔叟利用这些暗示塑造了美丽的风骚女子克瑞西达。55他还知道《斋戒》，这是奥维德对罗马历法的历史扩展，但丁却不知道。他在《好女人的传说》中讲述的卢克丽霞的故事取自奥维德的叙述，开头是奥维德自己的话的翻译：56他时不时地用奥维德来纠正或扩充薄伽丘。虽然他提到了奥维德的《爱的艺术》和《爱的解药》，57没有办法表明他是否读过其中任何一本。
Then Chaucer was one of the first modern poets who made much use of Ovid’s imaginary love-letters, which are usually called the Heroides. He mentioned them as the Epistles, in The Legend of Good Women, 1465, and summarized most of them in an interesting passage of The House of Fame.54 There are many hints, too, in the letters Ovid wrote for Paris and Helen, which Chaucer used in his development of the pretty coquette Criseyde.55 He also knew the Fasti, Ovid’s historical expansion of the Roman calendar: which Dante did not. His tale of Lucretia in The Legend of Good Women is taken from Ovid’s account, and opens with a translation of Ovid’s own words:56 from time to time he used Ovid to correct or amplify Boccaccio. Although he mentions Ovid’s Art of Love and Cures for Love,57 there is no way of showing whether he had read either of them.
其次，乔叟知道维吉尔，但显然只知道《埃涅阿斯纪》。58他在《名人堂》和《狄多的传说》的总结了这个故事《名人堂》是一部雄心勃勃的作品。在某种程度上，这是他对自己作为诗人的崇高使命的宣称。正如但丁描述了他如何在边缘地带受到伟大的古典作家们的平等对待，乔叟在这里也开始与维吉尔进行比较。在讲述故事的梦中，他看到了维纳斯神庙，《埃涅阿斯纪》。同样，埃涅阿斯在他流浪的关键时刻，即第一次登陆意大利时，发现了米诺斯、代达罗斯和伊卡洛斯的故事——早先逃离外星统治，流亡国外，并早先登陆意大利——画在库迈的阿波罗预言神庙的门上。名声本身是以《埃涅阿斯纪第 4 章中对谣言的描述为原型的；在《狄多的传说》这个著名的爱情故事被重述。但在那里，乔叟，作为一个多情的诗人，把埃涅阿斯描绘成一个反复无常的人，而不是一个恪尽职守的烈士：他暗示埃涅阿斯的幻想是虚构的；他称他为“叛徒”，并让可怜的狄多说她可能怀孕了——这是对维吉尔故事的一种更肤浅、更现代的解读。59
Next best Chaucer knew Vergil, but apparently only the Aeneid.58 He summarizes the story in The House of Fame and partly in The Legend of Dido. It was an ambitious work, The House of Fame. In some ways it was his assertion of his own high mission as a poet. Just as Dante describes how in limbo he was greeted as an equal by the great classical writers, so Chaucer here set out to parallel Vergil. In the dream whose story he told, he saw the temple of Venus with the incidents of the Aeneid graved on its walls. Just so had Aeneas, at the crucial point of his wanderings, his first landing in Italy, found the tale of Minos and Daedalus and Icarus—an earlier flight from alien domination into exile with an earlier landing in Italy—pictured on the doors of Apollo’s prophetic temple at Cumae. Fame herself was modelled on the description of Rumour in Aeneid, 4; and in The Legend of Dido the famous love-story is retold. But there Chaucer, as an amorous poet, made Aeneas fickle instead of a martyr to duty: he implies that Aeneas’ visions were invented; he calls him ‘traitour’ and makes poor Dido say that she may be with child—a shallower and more modern interpretation of Vergil’s story.59
波爱修斯对他的语言不那么重要，但对他的思想却重要得多。乔叟在法语版和解释版的帮助下，从拉丁语原文翻译了《哲学的慰藉》。虽然他的翻译并不好，但其中包含了许多有价值的新英语单词，这些单词是直接从拉丁语中借用的，或者通过法语从拉丁语借用的。波爱修斯的书提供了乔叟哲学思想最重要的部分。60（由于它的许多思想都出现在《玫瑰传奇》中，因此它的影响力更加增强。）特别是，有两段关于命运的段落，或者说人的自由意志力和上帝的天意之间的关系，直接来自波爱修斯。61还有其他一些不那么重要的借鉴。然而，波爱修斯对乔叟的影响最好的例子不是抄袭，而是对罗马思想的真正重新思考。这是一首高尚而非常个人化的诗歌《真理，或善意劝告的歌谣》：
Less important for his language, but much more important for his thought, was Boethius. Chaucer translated The Consolation of Philosophy from the Latin original, with the help of a French version and an explanatory edition. Although his translation is not good, it contains many valuable new English words taken straight over from Latin or through French from Latin. And Boethius’s book provided the most important part of Chaucer’s philosophical thought.60 (Its influence was strengthened by the fact that so many of its ideas appear in The Romance of the Rose.)In particular, there are two passages concerning fate, or the relation between man’s free will-power and God’s providence, which come straight from Boethius.61 There are other such borrowings of less importance. The finest example of Boethian influence on Chaucer, however, is not a copy but a real re-thinking of the Roman’s thought. This is the noble and very personal poem Truth, or The Ballad of Good Counsel:
逃离危险，坚忍不拔地居住。
Flee fro the prees, and dwelle with sothfastnesse.
这首诗中最精彩的几句诗句是不朽古典思想的重生：
Several of the finest lines in this poem are rebirths of immortal classical thought:
她不是人，她只是荒野：
前进吧，朝圣者，前进吧！前进吧，走出你的小路！
了解你的家园，抬头仰望，感谢上帝……
Her nis non hoom, her nis but wildernesse:
Forth, pilgrim, forth! Forth, beste, out of thy stal!
Know thy contree, look up, thank God of al… .
是柏拉图关于在这个糟糕的世界中过上好生活的困难的思想的复兴62 —八个多世纪后，波爱修斯在死牢中详细阐述了这一思想，而现在，八百多年后，又在乔叟的作品中复活了这一思想。63
is a renaissance of the thought of Plato on the difficulty of living a good life in this bad world62—the thought elaborated in his condemned cell over eight centuries later by Boethius, and now, over eight hundred years farther on, revived in Chaucer.63
接下来，但远远落后于其他人的是底比斯战争的诗人斯塔提乌斯，乔叟对他很了解，并直接利用了他。潘达洛斯发现他的侄女正在读《底比斯传奇》，直到第十二本书的结尾，主教安菲奥拉克斯从地上掉进了地狱。64《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》结尾处有另一段关于底比斯的概要，更长，并且添加了拉丁文以便更好地理解。65尽管斯塔提乌斯是一位白银时代诗人，强烈感到自己比不上维吉尔等人，但他想象力丰富，他的诗歌中有许多引人注目的事件和装饰性的绰号，都与乔叟相似。
Next, but far behind the others, comes Statius, the poet of the Theban war, whom Chaucer knew well and used directly. Pandarus finds his niece reading the ‘romaunce of Thebes’ right up to the end of the twelfth book, where the bishop Amphiorax falls through the ground to hell.64 Towards the end of Troilus and Criseyde there is another summary of the Thebaid, longer, with the Latin added for good measure.65 Although Statius was a Silver Age poet with a strong sense of his own inferiority to such as Vergil, he had a vivid imagination, and his poems suggested a number of striking incidents and decorative epithets to Chaucer.
乔叟显然是从一本中世纪学校的选集中了解到已故拉丁诗人克劳迪安的《普罗塞庇娜的劫掠》和他的两部小作品的。66
Apparently from a medieval school anthology, Chaucer knew the late Latin poet Claudian’s Rape of Proserpine and two of his minor works.66
他提到了西塞罗。他确实知道著名的《西庇阿之梦》，并根据这篇梦（在但丁的建议下）创作了《飞禽议会》；67但他似乎再也没有读过西塞罗的卷帙浩繁的著作。
Cicero he mentions. He did know the famous Dream of Scipio, on which (with suggestions from Dante) he based The Parliament of Fowls;67 but he seems never to have read any more of Cicero’s voluminous works.
那位游历广泛、阅历丰富的女士，巴斯之妻，引用了许多著名的哲学权威，
That far-travelled and much experienced lady, the Wife of Bath, cites a distinguished array of philosophical authorities, as
塞内克和其他职员。68
Senek and othere clerkes.68
由于塞涅卡的基本哲学理论对乔叟没有任何意义，他可能只知道通过中间人引用的孤立段落。他引用塞涅卡的次数最多的是《梅利比乌斯的故事》，但它们都来自布雷西亚的阿尔伯塔诺的《安慰和劝告之书》（1246 年）。不过，塞涅卡的道德书信中有一些引文，似乎确实表明乔叟曾亲自阅读过它们。69
Since there is little trace that Seneca’s fundamental philosophical theories meant anything to Chaucer, he probably knew only isolated passages through intermediaries. The largest number of his quotations from Seneca is in The Tale of Melibeus, but they are all taken from The Book of Consolation and Counsel by Albertano of Brescia (1246). Still, there are some quotations from Seneca’s moral epistles which do seem to argue that Chaucer had read them first-hand.69
显然，这些都是乔叟仔细阅读过的古典作家。其他人他只是浏览过，或者在摘录和评论中瞥见过。其中最引人注目的是瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯，他是一部关于阿尔戈英雄的史诗的作者。70乔叟是第一位提到它的现代作家。他在《好女人的传说》（1.1457 ）中提到了它的名字；他知道里面有什么——至少在第一本书中，因为他将阿尔戈号船员名单称为“一个至今仍是传说的故事”。在同一个传说中，乔叟对阿尔戈英雄在利姆诺斯岛登陆的描述包含一两个细节，这些细节似乎来自瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯，而不是其他人。然而，困难在于猜测他在哪里见过《阿尔戈英雄纪》，因为这首诗的手稿直到 1416 年才被发现，也就是他死后 16 年。71香农大胆尝试证明，由于部分阿尔戈英雄纪手稿是用岛屿文字写成的，因此在乔叟的一生中，英国可能已经知道其中一部手稿；但很难想象乔叟是一位比彼特拉克更成功的研究学者。
Apparently these are all the classical authors whom Chaucer had read at any length. Others he had glanced at, or glimpsed in excerpts and commentaries. The most remarkable of these is Valerius Flaccus, author of an epic on the Argonauts.70 Chaucer is the first modern writer to mention it. He speaks of it by name in The Legend of Good Women, 1. 1457; and he knew what was in it—at least in its first book, for he refers to the list of the Argo’s crew as ‘a tale long y-now’. And in the same legend Chaucer’s description of the landing of the Argonauts in Lemnos contains one or two details which seem to come from Valerius Flaccus and no one else. The difficulty, however, is to conjecture where he had seen the Argonautica, for the manuscript of the poem was not discovered until 1416, sixteen years after his death.71 Shannon makes a bold attempt to prove that, because some of the Argonautica manuscripts are written in insular script, one may have been known in England in Chaucer’s lifetime; but it is hard to think of Chaucer as being a more successful research scholar than Petrarch.
他两次提到讽刺作家尤维纳尔的名字：两次都与悲剧讽刺作品 10（“人类愿望的虚荣”）。72其中一个引文是他从对波爱修斯的解释性注释中引用的；另一个引文可能来自类似的中间人。
Juvenal the satirist he names twice: both times with reference to the tragic satire 10 (‘The vanity of human wishes’).72 One of these references he took from an explanatory note to Boethius; the other probably from a similar intermediary.
其他作家——李维、卢坎、瓦莱里乌斯·马克西穆斯等——他都提到过，但并不知情，只是含糊其辞。他还阅读了大量当代拉丁诗人、历史学家和百科全书编纂者的作品。他最喜欢的是薄伽丘的《众神谱系》（他甚至犯了与薄伽丘相同的错误）和文森特·博韦的《历史之镜》，这是一本概述 1244 年以前世界历史的书，其中有“花絮”或过去伟大作家的令人难忘的引语。73这些书是中世纪学者知识的总结，也是为文艺复兴做准备。乔叟不仅了解这些书，还了解他自己的原创经典，因此为文艺复兴的准备工作提供了帮助。
Other authors—Livy, Lucan, Valerius Maximus, &c.—he mentions without knowing except in the vaguest way. He also read a good deal of the current Latin poets, historians, and encyclopaedists. His favourites were Boccaccio’s Genealogy of the Gods (he even makes the same mistakes as Boccaccio) and Vincent of Beauvais’s Mirror of History, an outline of world history down to 1244, with ‘flowers’ or memorable quotations from the great writers of the past.73 These books were summaries of the knowledge of the medieval scholars and preparations for the Renaissance. Chaucer, by knowing not only them but his own original classics, helped in that preparation.
乔叟一生有三大兴趣。按重要性排序，分别是当代英国生活、法国和意大利浪漫爱情诗、古典学术——主要是诗歌和神话，其次是哲学。晚年，他开始研究基督教，这算是他第四大兴趣。没有人会说他的学识帮助他对当代生活有了清晰的认识，也没有人会说这大大提高了他对浪漫诗歌的欣赏能力，尽管这给了他更多激情故事可讲。但它提高了他表达观察的能力。它丰富了他的历史和传奇知识。它提出了富有想象力的相似之处。它激发了他的想象力，使他的想象力超越了他的时代和国家—— 《名人堂》虽然并不完全成功，但却是第一部接近但丁的英国作品。它提升了他对自己艺术的理解。它给了他比混乱而肤浅的民间信仰更多的智慧，而对于一个没有强烈宗教信仰的廷臣来说，民间信仰是唯一可以获得的东西；它允许他把更明智的思想放在人物的头脑和嘴里。
In Chaucer’s life there were three great interests. These were, in order of importance, contemporary English life; French and Italian romantic love-poetry; and classical scholarship—chiefly poetry and myth, and next to them philosophy. Late in his life, a poor fourth, appeared Christianity. No one would say that his scholarship helped his bright, clear vision of contemporary life, nor that it greatly enhanced his appreciation of romantic poetry, although it gave him more tales of passion to tell. But it improved his power to express what he observed. It enriched his historical and legendary knowledge. It suggested imaginative parallels. It stimulated his imagination to outsoar his own age and country— The House of Fame, although not wholly successful, is the first English work to approach Dante. It heightened his own conception of his art. It gave him a good deal more wisdom than the confused and shallow folk-beliefs which were otherwise the only thing available to a courtier who was not a strongly religious man; and it permitted him to put wiser thoughts in the minds and mouths of his characters.
古典诗歌的文体优美对乔叟产生了巨大的教育作用。文学是一门手艺，尽管只有那些认为文学是释放精神和智力能量的能手才能将其发挥到极致。因此，最好的学习方法是向其他能手学习，模仿他们的成就，有意识或无意识地将他们的方法适应自己的材料和时代。乔叟认识的所有古代诗人都受过良好的训练。他们拥有几代人的经验，能够发展长篇、复杂、艰深的思想；能够安排演讲；能够用比喻使生动的描述更加生动；能够改变句子和构建段落；能够处理大量材料，将它们塑造成长篇大论的诗歌。即使是希洛伊德写给他们的情人的信也是经过修辞处理的，《变形记》中的独白则是耀眼的宣告烟花。乔叟能够写出长篇描述、精妙对比和长篇演讲，这都源自他受过古典学训练。从形式上讲，这与但丁受维吉尔的影响是一样的。但乔叟比但丁小巧、温和：尽管他受但丁的榜样启发，试图创作大型作品，但他很少完成它们。他的古典学研究然而，与一位当代英国诗人相比，这位诗人有着同样清晰的视野和更深沉的严肃性，但从未受到过希腊拉丁诗歌的指导、鼓励和澄清的影响：《农夫皮尔斯》的作者。从乔叟开始，古典学习就成为最伟大的英国文学的自然组成部分。《坎特伯雷故事集》序言一打开，西风就带着他甜美的气息与我们相遇，就像他的气息吹过英国的树林和荒地一样自然和愉快。
The stylistic excellence of classical poetry had a great educational effect on Chaucer. Literature is a craft, although it can only be practised to its highest effect by craftsmen who also feel it to be a spiritual and intellectual release for their energies. Therefore it can best be learnt through the study of other craftsmen, through emulation of their achievements, and through conscious or unconscious adaptation of their methods to one’s own material and age. All the ancient poets whom Chaucer knew were highly trained. They had behind them generations of experience in the crafts of developing long, complex, and difficult thoughts; of arranging speeches; of making vivid descriptions more vivid by similes; of varying sentences and building up paragraphs; and of handling large masses of material so as to mould them into poems of majestic length. Even the letters of the Heroides to their lovers were rhetorically worked out, and the monologues in the Metamorphoses were glittering displays of declamatory fireworks. Chaucer’s ability to write long passages of description, elaborate comparisons, and big speeches was derived from his training in the classics. It is the same debt, on the formal level, as that owed by Dante to Vergil. But Chaucer was a smaller, softer man than Dante: although he was inspired by his models to attempt large works, he seldom finished them. How much his classical studies helped his poetry, nevertheless, can be seen by comparison with a contemporary English poet who had the same clear vision and a deeper seriousness, but who had never been exposed to the guiding and encouraging and clarifying influence of Greco-Latin poetry: the author of Piers Plowman. It was with Chaucer that classical learning became a natural part of the greatest English literature. As soon as the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales opens, Zephyrus with his sweet breath meets us, as naturally and as pleasantly as his air visits the English holt and heath.
6
文艺复兴时期的
翻译
6
THE RENAISSANCE
TRANSLATION
古典文学的影响通过三个主要渠道流入现代国家的文学。它们是：
CILASSICAL influence flows into the literature of modern nations through three main channels. These are:
翻译；
模仿；
效仿。
translation;
imitation;
emulation.
最明显的渠道就是翻译，尽管翻译产生的影响比人们想象的要多样得多。模仿有两种类型。要么现代作家决定用拉丁文写出与维吉尔和其他榜样一样好的诗歌；要么，他试图用自己的语言写出与他所欣赏的拉丁文或希腊文作品完全相同的书，但这种情况很少见。第三阶段是模仿，它迫使现代作家使用古典形式和材料中的一些（但不是全部）内容，并加入大量自己的风格和主题——努力创作出不仅与古典杰作一样好，而且与众不同、新颖的作品。真正的杰作就是这样诞生的：莎士比亚和拉辛的悲剧、蒲柏的讽刺作品、但丁的喜剧、失乐园……
The most obvious channel is translation, although the effects of the power entering by it are much more various than one might suppose. Imitation is of two types. Either the modern author decides that he can write poems in Latin which are as good as those of Vergil and his other models; or else, much more rarely, he attempts to write books in his own language on the exact pattern of the Latin or Greek works he admires. The third stage is emulation, which impels modern writers to use something, but not everything, of classical form and material, and to add much of their own style and subject-matter—in the endeavour to produce something not only as good as the classical masterpieces but different and new. In this way the real masterpieces are produced: the tragedies of Shakespeare and Racine; the satires of Pope; Dante’s Comedy; Paradise Lost.
翻译，这一被忽视的艺术，是文学中比我们大多数人认为的更重要的元素。它通常不会创造伟大的作品；但它常常有助于创造伟大的作品。在文艺复兴时期，在杰作横行的时代，它尤为重要。
Translation, that neglected art, is a far more important element in literature than most of us believe. It does not usually create great works; but it often helps great works to be created. In the Renaissance, the age of masterpieces, it was particularly important.
第一次将一种语言的文学作品翻译成另一种语言是在公元前 250 年左右，当时希腊和罗马混血诗人 Livius Andronicus 将荷马的《奥德赛》翻译成拉丁文，作为希腊诗歌和传说的教科书。（传统上，大约在同一时间，一个由 72 名拉比组成的委员会将希伯来圣经的某些书籍翻译成希腊文，供散居在巴勒斯坦以外的犹太人使用，他们已经忘记了希伯来语和阿拉姆语；但那个版本不是为艺术目的而制作的，在教育史上也算不上什么伟大的里程碑。1李维·安德洛尼克斯的翻译是一次认真的、并且部分成功的尝试，试图在不同的语言和文化框架内重新创作一部艺术作品。2这是数十万个中的第一个。
The first literary translation from one language into another was made about 250 B.C., when the half-Greek half-Roman poet Livius Andronicus turned Homer’s Odyssey into Latin for use as a textbook of Greek poetry and legend. (Traditionally, it was about the same time that a committee of seventy-two rabbis was translating certain books of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek for the use of the Jews scattered beyond Palestine, who were forgetting Hebrew and Aramaic; but that version was not made for artistic purposes, and was not such a great milestone in the history of education.)1 The translation made by Livius Andronicus was a serious and partly successful attempt to re-create a work of art in the framework of a different language and culture.2 It was the first of many hundreds of thousands.
我们现代教育体系的很大一部分要归功于李维乌斯的先例。希腊人只学习他们自己的文学：他们的文学如此多样、原创和优美，也许他们不需要更多了。但罗马本土文学和罗马文化却粗犷而简单：因此，从公元前三世纪开始，罗马就和希腊人一起上学。从那时起，每个欧洲国家的智力水平都与教育中学习和翻译某种外国文化语言的重要性密切相关。当所有受过教育的罗马人都会说和写希腊语和拉丁语时，罗马文学和罗马思想就达到了最高尚的境界。3维吉尔的诗歌、普劳图斯和塞涅卡的戏剧、西塞罗的演说和哲学，都不是罗马的，而是我们经常称之为希腊罗马的完美结合。当西罗马帝国不再了解希腊语时，其文化便衰落了。但此后的整个黑暗时代，文化却靠少数既懂自己的语言又懂其他语言的人得以生存：僧侣、牧师和学者不仅懂盎格鲁撒克逊语、爱尔兰盖尔语或原始法语，还懂拉丁语。随着双语在中世纪和文艺复兴时期的传播，欧洲文化得到了深化和拓展。文艺复兴主要是由许多互动的群体创造的，他们不仅说自己的语言，还说拉丁语，有时还说希腊语。如果哥白尼、拉伯雷、莎士比亚、伊丽莎白女王和洛伦佐·德·美第奇不懂拉丁语，如果他们没有像其他许多人一样喜欢使用拉丁语并受到拉丁语的启发，我们可能会认为文艺复兴时期的拉丁语是一种迂腐的矫揉造作。但证据太过有力和单向性。文艺复兴时期希腊罗马文化与现代欧洲文化的融合产生了一个思想和成就时代，其辉煌程度堪比早期希腊精神与罗马活力的融合。
To the precedent set by Livius we owe much of our modern system of education. The Greeks studied no literature but their own: it was so various, original, and graceful that perhaps they needed nothing more. But the native Roman literature and Roman culture were rude and simple: so, from the third century B.C., Rome went to school with the Greeks. Ever since then the intellectual standards of each European nation have closely corresponded to the importance assumed in its education by the learning and translation of some foreign cultural language. Roman literature and Roman thought rose to their noblest when all educated Romans spoke and wrote Greek as well as Latin.3 The poetry of Vergil, the drama of Plautus and Seneca, the oratory and philosophy of Cicero, were not Roman, but, as we have often called them, a perfect synthesis which was Greco-Roman. When the western Roman empire ceased to know Greek, its culture declined and withered away. But after that, throughout the Dark Ages, culture was kept alive by the few persons who knew another language as well as their own: by the monks, priests, and scholars who understood not only Anglo-Saxon or Irish Gaelic or primitive French, but Latin too. With the spread of bilingualism through the Middle Ages and into the Renaissance, European culture deepened and broadened. The Renaissance was largely created by many interacting groups of men who spoke not only their own tongue but Latin too, and sometimes Greek. If Copernicus, Rabelais, Shakespeare, if Queen Elizabeth and Lorenzo de’ Medici had not known Latin, if they had not all, with so many others, enjoyed their use of it and been stimulated by it, we might dismiss Renaissance latinity as a pedantic affectation. But the evidence is too strong and unidirectional. The synthesis of Greco-Roman with modern European culture in the Renaissance produced an age of thought and achievement comparable in magnificence to the earlier synthesis between the spirit of Greece and the energy of Rome.
自那时起，每个欧洲文明国家的文化在很大程度上都基于教授本国的其他语言。学校和文学作品中不断涌现的翻译、模仿和效仿。另一种语言不一定是拉丁语或希腊语。俄罗斯人从学习德语中受益匪浅。德国人从学习法语中受益匪浅。最重要的是，额外的语言应该是丰富文化的载体，这样它才能拓展家庭观念，防止人们无意识地认为地方主义是一种美德。学习拉丁语和希腊语的主要理由是，它们向那些了解它们的人开放的文化比我们世界上任何其他文化都更高贵、更丰富。
Since then the culture of each civilized European nation has been largely based on the teaching of some other language in its schools and the constant flow of translations, imitations, and emulations into its literature. The other language need not be Latin or Greek. The Russians profited from learning German. The Germans profited from learning French. The essential thing is that the additional language should be the vehicle of a rich culture, so that it will expand home-keeping minds and prevent the unconscious assumption that parochialism is a virtue. The main justification for learning Latin and Greek is that the culture they open to those who know them is nobler and richer than any other in our world.
翻译在知识方面的重要性是如此明显，以致于常常被人们忽视。没有一种语言、没有一个民族能够自给自足。它的心智必须通过其他民族的思想来拓展，否则它就会扭曲和萎缩。英语和其他语言一样，我们使用的许多最伟大的思想都是通过翻译引入的。英语民族的核心书籍就是译本——尽管很多人惊讶地发现《圣经》是用希伯来语和希腊语写成的，并由一个学者委员会翻译。许多伟大的书籍只有专家才需要阅读原文，但通过翻译，它们将一些基本思想引入我们的心中：欧几里得的《几何原本》 、笛卡尔的《方法论》、马克思的《资本论》、托尔斯泰的《战争与和平》。
The intellectual importance of translation is so obvious that it is often overlooked. No language, no nation is sufficient unto itself. Its mind must be enlarged by the thoughts of other nations, or else it will warp and shrivel. In English, as in other languages, many of the greatest ideas we use have been brought in through translation. The central book of the English-speaking peoples is a translation—although it comes as a shock to many to realize that the Bible was written in Hebrew and Greek, and translated by a committee of scholars. There are many great books which none but specialists need read in the original, but which through translation have added essential ideas to our minds: Euclid’s Elements, Descartes’s Discourse on Method, Marx’s Capital, Tolstoy’s War and Peace.
翻译在艺术和语言方面的重要性几乎与它在思想领域的重要性一样重要。首先，翻译实践通常会用新词丰富译者的语言。这是因为大多数翻译都是从词汇丰富的语言翻译成词汇量较少的语言，而词汇量较少的语言必须依靠译者的勇气和创造力来扩充。现代白话语言——英语、法语、西班牙语等——是从口语方言发展而来的，这些方言几乎没有书面文学，地域有限，主要用于实用目的，很少用于智力目的。因此，与拉丁语和希腊语相比，它们简单、缺乏想象力、贫乏。人们开始用这些语言写作后不久，就开始丰富这些语言，使它们更具表现力。最安全、最明显的方法是借用他们身边的文学语言，引入拉丁语词汇。西欧语言的扩张是通过从拉丁语和希腊语中引入而实现的是为文艺复兴做准备的最重要的活动之一；它主要由翻译者进行。
The artistic and linguistic importance of translation is almost as great as its importance in the field of ideas. To begin with, the practice of translation usually enriches the translator’s language with new words. This is because most translations are made from a language with a copious vocabulary into a poorer language which must be expanded by the translator’s courage and inventiveness. The modern vernacular languages—English, French, Spanish, &c.—grew out of spoken dialects which had little or no written literatures, were geographically limited, and were used largely for practical and seldom for intellectual purposes. They were therefore simple, unimaginative, and poor in comparison with Latin and Greek. Soon after people began to write in them they set out to enrich them and make them more expressive. The safest and most obvious way to do so was to borrow from the literary language at their side and bring in Latin words. This enlargement of the western European languages by importations from Latin and Greek was one of the most important activities which prepared for the Renaissance; and it was largely carried on by translators.
法语的母语是口语拉丁语的一种变体。但早在十二世纪，法语中就出现了来自文学拉丁语的新元素，并在十三世纪进一步增加。到了十四世纪，法语中出现了一种借用拉丁语词汇以扩大其范围的刻意政策。当代作家有时会向我们解释他们推行这一政策的原因。显然，这是他们被迫采取的解决从丰富语言翻译成贫乏语言问题的办法。因此，一位洛林《列王记》的译者写道：
The parent of the French language was a variant of colloquial Latin. But new transfusions, from literary Latin, appeared in French as early as the twelfth century, and increased in the thirteenth. By the fourteenth century there was a deliberate policy of borrowing Latin words to increase the scope of French. Contemporary writers sometimes give us their reasons for pursuing this policy. Clearly it was forced upon them as a solution to the problem of translating from a rich language into a poor one. Thus a Lorrainian translator of the Books of Kings writes:
“由于罗曼语，尤其是洛林罗曼语，并不完善……无论他是多么优秀的办事员和优秀的罗曼语使用者，都无法将拉丁语翻译成罗曼语……而无需学习一些拉丁语单词，例如iniquitas = iniquiteit、redemptio = redemption、misericordia = misericorde ……。拉丁语中有许多单词我们无法用罗曼语正确表达，因为我们的语言太差了：例如，人们用拉丁语说erue、eripe、libera me，而这三个单词在拉丁语中我们在罗曼语中只有一个词：‘拯救我’。”4
‘Since the Romance language, and particularly that of Lorraine, is imperfect, … there is nobody, however good a clerk he may be and a good speaker of Romance, who can translate Latin into Romance … without taking a number of Latin words, such as iniquitas = iniquiteit, redemptio = redemption, misericordia = misericorde … . Latin has a number of words that we cannot express properly in Romance, our tongue is so poor: for instance, one says in Latin erue, eripe, libera me, for which three words in Latin we have only one word in Romance: ‘deliver me.”’4
这项政策是查理五世文化成就的一部分，查理五世是文艺复兴的先驱。他培养学者，为他们提供优厚的福利，并鼓励他们为他的图书馆翻译经典。他最重要的门徒是尼科尔·奥雷斯姆(约1330-81 年)，查理五世任命她为利雪主教。5他是一位细心而熟练的拉丁语法语翻译家，他也抱怨过自己语言的贫乏，并从他翻译的亚里士多德的著作中举了一个有趣的例子：
The policy was part of the cultural achievement of Charles V, in whom we recognize a precursor of the Renaissance. He cultivated scholars, got them good benefices, and encouraged them to translate the classics for his library. The most important of his protégés was Nicole Oresme (c. 1330–81), whom he made bishop of Lisieux.5 A careful and skilful translator from Latin into French, he too complains of the poverty of his own language, and gives an interesting example suggested by his translations of Aristotle:
“在无数的例子中，我们可以使用这个常见的命题：homo est animal。Homo的意思是“男人和女人”，在法语中没有对应的词，animal的意思是任何有灵魂、有感知能力的东西，法语中没有一个词能准确地表达这一点。”6
‘Among innumerable instances we may use this common proposition: homo est animal. Homo means “man and woman”, which has no equivalent in French, and animal means anything which has a soul capable of perception, and there is no word in French which precisely signifies that.’6
为了改变这种状况，奥雷斯姆等人开始拉丁化，甚至希腊化法语。如果没有以下两个因素，结果可能是灾难性的：法语和拉丁语之间天然的密切关系，以及拉丁语的良好品味。法国人，无论是当时还是后来。庞大固埃在职业生涯的早期遇到了一位品味不那么可靠的学生，他解释说，他也在努力丰富语言：
To remedy this condition Oresme and others set about latinizing, and even hellenizing, French. The result might have been disastrous had it not been for two factors: the close natural relationship between French and Latin, and the good taste of the French people, both then and afterwards. Very early in his career Pantagruel met a student with less reliable taste, who explained that he too was making efforts to enrich the language:
“尊敬的陛下，我的神灵不擅长...... 去剥去我们本土高卢语的外皮，但相反，我会用拉丁语冗余来啃咬、操作，并通过 vele 和 rames enite 来将它分隔开来。”7
‘My worshipful lord, my genie is not apt … to excoriate the cuticle of our vernacular Gallic, but viceversally I gnave, opere, and by vele and rames enite to locupletate it with the Latinicome redundance.’7
然后庞大固埃掐住了他的喉咙，他的结局很悲惨。许多这样的拉丁语借用在借用后不久就被允许失效，因为这些借用很不方便或没有必要；但更多的借用却成为了拉丁语的一部分，并真正使拉丁语成为方言。
Then Pantagruel took him by the throat, and his end was terrible. Many such Latin loans were allowed to lapse, as awkward or unnecessary, soon after they were made; but very many more became part of the language and did really locupletate it.
我们可以区分出拉丁语（和希腊语）在中世纪晚期进入法语的几种不同渠道。这些渠道很典型。西欧其他语言也通过部分或全部相同的渠道进行了类似的借用。
We can distinguish several different channels by which Latin (and Greek) entered French in the later Middle Ages. These are typical. Other languages of western Europe made similar borrowings through some, or all, of the same channels.
这些词语从拉丁语和希腊语中借用而来，并被自然化。这些词语主要分为两类：抽象名词以及与之相关的形容词；以及与文明的高级技术和艺术相关的词语。前一类词语现在看来已经非常自然和不可或缺，例如以-tion 结尾的词语：circulation、decision、decoration、hesitation、position；以-ité 结尾的词语：calamité、spécialité；以-ant、-ance、-ent、-ence 结尾的词语，例如Absent、arrogant、évidence；还有许多不太容易归类的词语，例如excés、commode、agile、illégal，以及抽象动词，例如anticiper、assister、excéder、exclure、répliquer、séparer。后一类词语现在同样被广泛接受：acte、artiste、démocratie、facteur、médecin。 （语言史上有一个奇怪的事实：其中一些词在引入后就消失了，并在 16 世纪初重新引入法语；或者像compact一样，在 18 世纪重新引入；还有少数词，像raréfaction一样，在 19 世纪重新引入。）
Words were taken over from Latin and Greek and naturalized. These fell into two main classes: abstract nouns, with the adjectives related to them; and words connected with the higher techniques and arts of civilization. In the former class come words which now seem quite natural and indispensable, such as those in -tion: circulation, decision, decoration, hesitation, position; those in -ité: calamité, spécialité; those in -ant, -ance, -ent, -ence, such as absent, arrogant, évidence; with many others less easy to group, such as excés, commode, agile, illégal, and abstract verbs like anticiper, assister, excéder, exclure, répliquer, séparer. In the latter class are words now equally well accepted: acte, artiste, démocratie, facteur, médecin. (One odd fact about the history of language is that some of these words disappeared after their introduction and were reintroduced into French at the beginning of the sixteenth century; or, like compact, in the eighteenth; and a few, like raréfaction, in the nineteenth.)
动词元素从归化的拉丁语单词中提取出来，并适应于法语中更广泛的用途：特别是前缀in-（如incivil、inouï等词），以及抽象名词的词尾-ité和-ment 。
Verbal elements were extracted from naturalized Latin words and adapted to broader uses throughout French: notably the prefix in- (as in words like incivil, inouï), and the terminations -ité and -ment for abstract nouns.
相当多的法语单词已经存在，它们最初源自拉丁语，但已经脱离了原有的来源，因此被更正，以更准确地符合其派生词。例如，oscur被改回obscur；soutil变成了subtil，因为它来自subtilis；esmer变成了estimer。有时两种形式并存：conter和compter。
Quite a number of French words already existing, which had originally been derived from Latin but had grown away from their parentage, were corrected so as to conform more exactly with their derivation. For instance oscur was changed back to obscur; soutil became subtil, because it came from subtilis; esmer became estimer. Sometimes both forms survived side by side: conter and compter.
希腊语词汇也被引入，尽管所占比例要小得多。通常它们似乎是已经通过教父或希腊哲学家的翻译拉丁化的词汇：例如，agonie、climat、fantaisie、poéme、police、théorie、zone。奥雷斯姆本人负责引入大量与政治和美学有关的重要词汇：aristocratie、métaphore、sophiste。
Greek words were also introduced, although in a much smaller proportion. Usually they seem to be words which were already latinized through translations of the church fathers or of the Greek philosophers: for instance, agonie, climat, fantaisie, poéme, police, théorie, zone. Oresme himself was responsible for bringing in a large number of important words dealing with politics and aesthetics: aristocratie, métaphore, sophiste.
最后，低等拉丁语词汇渗透到了法语中——不是来自古典作家，而是来自法庭和教堂的现行拉丁语：decapiter，graduel，individu。
Finally, low Latin words infiltrated French—not from the classical authors but from the current Latin of the law courts and the church: decapiter, graduel, individu.
英语在诞生之初并不是完全没有受到希腊和罗马的影响。早在中世纪的中世纪，英语就吸收了拉丁语和希腊语词汇来描述一些不属于英语民族的活动 — — 宗教、社会、政治 — — 甚至外国食品和饮料的名称。Church和kirk源自希腊语；bishop、monk、priest 和 wine（除非是拉丁语）也是这样。许多拉丁语词汇是在诺曼征服时期通过诺曼法语间接进入英语的。然后，随着中世纪向文艺复兴的推进，英语开始以与法语相同的方式和出于相同的原因发展：很大程度上受到法语的影响。乔叟是这一过程中的主要人物。
The English language had not begun its life entirely devoid of Greek and Roman influence. Far back in the Dark Ages it drew in Latin and Greek words to cover activities which were not native to its people—religious, social, political—and even the names of foreign foods and drinks. Church and kirk come from the Greek; so do bishop, monk, priest, and (unless it be Latin) wine. Many Latin words entered indirectly at the Conquest, through Norman-French. Then, as the Middle Ages flowed towards the Renaissance, English began to grow in the same way, and for the same reasons, as French: very largely under the influence of French. Chaucer was the chief figure in this process.
他懂一些拉丁语，对法语的了解也几乎和对英语一样好。我们现在无法判断这一时期融入英语的拉丁词是直接来自拉丁语，还是通过法语传入的。但从词形来看，大多数拉丁词似乎是通过法国传入的：比如-ance和-ence中的抽象名词，像ignorance和missing这样的拉丁语词尾，-antia 和 -entia被法语软化了。有些词是通过这两种途径传入的。Jespersen 引用了希腊-拉丁语的machine，正如其发音所示，它来自法语；而其相关词 machia直接来自拉丁语（另一个相关词mechanical，从同一个希腊语词根通过低等拉丁语直接进入英语）。类似的还有example和representative。
He had some Latin, and knew French almost as well as English. We cannot tell now whether the Latin words naturalized in English during this period came directly from Latin or at one remove through French. But the majority seem, from their shape, to have been imported via France: for instance, the abstract nouns in -ance and -ence, like ignorance and absence, where the hard Latin terminations -antia, -entia have been softened down by French. Some words came by both routes. Jespersen quotes the Greco-Latin machine, which, as its pronunciation shows, came through French; while its relative machination entered directly from Latin (Another relative, mechanical, came from the same Greek root directly into English via low Latin.) A similar pair is example and exemplary.
乔叟及其同时代人和追随者带入英语的拉丁语和希腊语词汇（与带入法语的类似词汇一样）主要是抽象名词和形容词或文化和技术词汇。其中包括抽象或半抽象的词汇，如absolute、convenient、manifest、mortal、position、sensible——据说这些词汇都是首次出现在乔叟翻译的波爱修斯一书中。8这本书被称为‘英语哲学散文的基础’。9乔叟引入了一些学术词汇，如占星家、蒸馏、不稳定、经度、本地人、西方人、演说家。我们每天使用的数百个词汇也是在这个时候引入的：简单如固体、有用如诗歌、必要如存在。很难高估英语在中世纪晚期经历的增长的重要性：它开始成为世界上最伟大的文化语言之一。
The Latin and Greek words brought into English by Chaucer, and by his contemporaries and followers, were (like similar importations into French) chiefly abstract nouns and adjectives or cultural and technical words. They included such abstract or semi-abstract words as absolute, convenient, manifest, mortal, position, sensible—all of which are said to be found for the first time in Chaucer’s translation of Boethius,8 a book that has been called ‘the foundation of English philosophical prose’.9 And Chaucer introduced such scholarly words as astrologer, distil, erratic, longitude, native, occidental, orator. Hundreds more words that we use every day were brought in at this time: words as simple as solid, as useful as poetry, as necessary as existence. It is difficult to overestimate the importance of the growth English experienced in the late Middle Ages: it started to become one of the great culture-languages of the world.
同样，拉丁语动词元素如-tion和in-也被引入并扩大了使用。并且，像法语一样，英语中罗曼语单词的拼写也得到了纠正。例如，dette被改为credit ；但原始拉丁语debitum中的b不能插入发音中，而且我们仍然以源自诺曼法语的中世纪英语方式发音credit 。在英语中， doute中也加入了同样的b，变成了像拉丁语dubitatio一样的doubt：但发音在英语中仍为dout ，在苏格兰语中仍为doot。法国人仍将第四个月称为avril ；在征服后的早期，它被称为Avril或Averil ，但到了乔叟时代，它变成了Aprille，意为“和他的 shoures sote”。
Similarly, Latin verbal elements like -tion and in- were imported and their use extended. And, as in French, the spelling of Romance words in English was corrected. For instance, dette was altered to debt; but the b of the original Latin debitum could not be inserted into the pronunciation, and we still pronounce debt in the Middle English manner derived from Norman-French. The same b was put into doute in English, to become doubt like the Latin dubitatio: but the pronunciation remained dout in English and doot in Scots. The French still call the fourth month avril; it was Avril or Averil in the early years after the Conquest, but by Chaucer’s time became Aprille, ‘with his shoures sote’.
斯宾塞称乔叟为“纯洁的英语之泉”。这几乎和弥尔顿对莎士比亚的描述一样虚假：“狂野地吟唱着当地森林的音符”。中世纪有许多英国作家，他们用纯正的英语思考和说话，就像当时一样。他们中的一些人写得很好。他们中没有一个人对英语或文学做出了很大贡献。乔叟的重要性在于，他不仅成为纯正英语之泉，而且成为拉丁语和希腊语姊妹流流入英国的渠道。
Spenser called Chaucer a ‘well of English undefiled’. This is nearly as false as Milton’s description of Shakespeare: ‘warbling native wood-notes wild’. There were many medieval English writers who thought and spoke pure English, as it then was. Some of them wrote well. None of them did much for the language or for its literature. The importance of Chaucer was that he became not only a well of pure English but a channel through which the rich current of Latin and a sister stream of Greek flowed into England.
15 世纪初，西班牙语开始经历类似的扩张，部分是通过直接模仿拉丁语，部分是受到意大利文化的影响。西班牙语中引入的词汇与上述法语和英语中的词汇属于同一类别。有来自拉丁语的抽象词：ambición、comendación、comodidad、servitud、temeridad。有希腊语词：idiot a、paradoja、pedante。现有的西班牙语词汇被修正，使它们更像古典拉丁语：amos变成了ambos，veluntad变成了voluntad，criador变成了creator。有时，就像在法语和英语中一样，两种形式都保留了下来：
Spanish early in the fifteenth century began to undergo a similar expansion, partly through direct imitation of Latin, partly under the influence of Italian culture. The importations into Spanish fall into the same classes as those mentioned above for French and English. There were abstract words from Latin: ambición, comendación, comodidad, servitud, temeridad. There were Greek words: idiot a, paradoja, pedante. Existing Spanish words were corrected to make them more like classical Latin: amos became ambos, veluntad became voluntad, criador became creador. And sometimes, as in French and English, both forms survived:
（Creador、criador和criatura都同时存在。）西班牙人喜欢极端，他们比英国人和法国人走得更远，不仅采用了希腊语和拉丁语词汇，还采用了无法真正归化的希腊语和拉丁语句法模式，并在 Góngora 等作者的著作中扭曲了语言和思想。
(Creador, criador, and criatura all survive together.) The Spaniards, who love extremes, went farther than either English or French in adopting not only Greek and Latin words but Greek and Latin syntactical patterns which could not really be naturalized, and in authors like Góngora distorted both language and thought.
法语、英语和西班牙语是通过在中世纪晚期和文艺复兴早期吸收拉丁语和希腊语词汇而力量和灵活性增长最为显著的语言。然而，德语、波兰语、马扎尔语和北欧及东欧的其他语言几乎没有受到西方如此强大的运动的影响。当然，他们也有用白话文写作的诗人和散文家；他们也有许多主要或专门使用拉丁语（一种国际文化语言）写作的作家。他们与西方国家的主要区别在于：他们几乎没有才华横溢的作家能够弥合其本土文化与希腊和罗马文化之间的鸿沟；他们也很少有翻译。他们的作者要么完全是德国人（或波兰人或马扎尔人），要么完全是拉丁人。但在西方，许多人，比如英国的乔叟和高尔，以及西班牙的伊尼戈·洛佩斯·德·门多萨和胡安·德·梅纳，都创造了自己的语言，同时通过注入希腊语和拉丁语词汇、言语模式和文体手段来丰富它的语言；他们将拉丁语翻译成自己的语言；他们充当了两种文化积极融合的活生生的渠道，老一代文化使年轻一代文化焕发活力、变得更加强大。
French, English, and Spanish were the languages which grew most markedly in strength and suppleness by naturalizing Latin and Greek words in the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance. German, Polish, Magyar, and other languages of northern and eastern Europe, however, lived on virtually untouched by the movement which was so strong in the west. Of course they had poets, and prose-writers, who wrote in the vernacular languages; and they had numerous authors working mainly or exclusively in Latin, the international language of culture. The essential point in which they differed from the western nations was this. They had few, if any, writers of talent who bridged the gap between their native cultures and the culture of Greece and Rome; and they had very few translators. Their authors were either wholly German (or Polish or Magyar) or else wholly Latin. But in the west many men like Chaucer and Gower in England, and Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza and Juan de Mena in Spain, wrote their own language, and at the same time enriched it by transfusions of Greek and Latin words and verbal patterns and stylistic devices; they translated from Latin into their own speech; they acted as a living channel through which the two cultures could actively intermingle, the older refreshing and strengthening the younger.
这一运动的轮廓已被简要勾勒出来，随着西欧进入文艺复兴时期，这一运动变得越来越强大。学习变得更加广泛，无论是在地理上还是在社会上。更难的、更成人化的书籍被更仔细地研究。语言的感觉变得更加微妙。拉丁语和希腊语词汇流入西欧语言的势头持续不断。这种持续的丰富能量，在后来通过应用选定的希腊罗马风格标准而稳定和精炼之后，使得黑暗时代粗糙、强烈且简单的方言融入了西欧和现代美国的语言。
This movement, whose outlines have been briefly sketched, became ever stronger as western Europe moved into the full Renaissance. Learning became more widely distributed, geographically and socially. More difficult, more adult books were more carefully studied. The sense of language became more delicate. The flow of Latin and Greek words into the western European languages continued and increased. That continuing flow of rich energy, after it had been stabilized and refined by the later application of chosen Greco-Roman stylistic standards, made the rough strong simple dialects of the Dark Ages into the languages of western Europe and modern America.
翻译还有另一个同样重要但不那么明显的功能。它丰富了译者的语言风格。这是因为任何一本杰出的著作在翻译后通常都带有许多译者语言所不具备的风格模式。例如，它可能以新语言中不存在的形式写成。当它被翻译时，这种形式将被自然化。如果它是诗歌，它的韵律可能在新语言中不存在，在这种情况下必须复制它，或者必须设计一种令人满意的韵律来呈现它的效果。几乎可以肯定的是，它将包含新的形象，并且可以以新颖的魅力引入。而且它常常会体现出经过多年或几代人的实验和进化而产生的新鲜、有趣和高度发达的语言技巧，这些技巧可以在接受者的语言中复制或改编。如果翻译得好，这些模式就会被原作者模仿，并很快成为一种完美的本土资源。
Translation has another function, equally valuable and less obvious. It enriches the style of the translator’s language. This is because any distinguished book when translated usually carries with it many stylistic patterns which the translator’s language does not possess. It may, for instance, be written in a form which does not exist in the new language. When it is translated, the form will be naturalized. If it is in poetry, its metre may not exist in the new language, in which case it must be copied, or a satisfactory metre must be devised to render its effects. Almost certainly it will contain images which are new, and which can be imported with all the charm of novelty. And often it will embody fresh, interesting, and highly developed verbal devices produced by years or generations of experiment and evolution, which can be copied or adapted in the recipient language. From the translation, if it be a good one, these patterns are then imitated by original writers, and soon become a perfectly native resource.
因此，希伯来图像通过《旧约》的翻译大量进入英语。
Thus, Hebrew images have entered English in great numbers through the translation of the Old Testament.
无韵诗是文艺复兴时期意大利诗人发明的，目的是表现出拉丁六音步诗和抑扬三音步诗的连续流动效果和广阔范围。
Blank verse was devised by Italian poets of the Renaissance in order to render the effect of continuous flow, and the large scope, of the Latin hexameter and iambic trimeter.
大多数现代语言的译者只是简单地复制原文，就引入了希腊拉丁文的文体转折，如高潮、对立、撇号等，这些现在已成为现代文体的常规组成部分，但在欧洲语言中几乎不存在，直到通过翻译而为人所知。一种广受欢迎的模式是三连音。这是后来的希腊修辞学家发明的，并在拉丁散文和诗歌中广泛使用——尤其是西塞罗。它是将三个单词或短语排列成一组。这三个词或短语是相关的，通常表达同一思想的不同方面。它们在权重和重要性上是平衡的。它们通常在第三个词或短语上达到轻微的高潮。亚伯拉罕·林肯的《葛底斯堡演说》包含几种这样的安排：
Simply by copying their originals, translators into most of the modern languages have introduced Greco-Latin turns of style such as climax, antithesis, apostrophe, &c., which are now a regular part of modern style, but which scarcely existed in any European tongue until they became known through translations. One pattern which has become a great favourite is the tricolon. This was worked out by the later Greek rhetoricians, and used freely in Latin prose and poetry—above all others, by Cicero. It is an arrangement of words or phrases in a group of three. The three are related, usually expressing different aspects of the same thought. They are balanced in weight and importance. And they usually work up to a slight climax on the third. Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address contains several such arrangements:
“我们不能奉献——我们不能奉献——我们不能神化——这片土地”；
‘we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow—this ground’;
“民有、民治、民享”的政府。
‘government of the people, by the people, for the people’.
林肯读不懂西塞罗的演讲稿，但他通过研究吉本等巴洛克作家的散文学会了这种并非英语本土的技巧，吉本沉迷于西塞罗拉丁语的韵律，并巧妙地用英语再现了这些韵律。当然，现在英语演讲中经常使用三重奏。它特别有用，因为它既自然又令人难忘。另一位伟大的总统，与林肯一样是一位演说家，在谈到“三分之一的国家，住房不好，衣着不好，营养不良”时，他创造了一个永恒的短语。然而，尽管现在看来很自然，但这种模式是希腊罗马的发明，就像内燃机是现代西欧的发明一样；同样，现在有数百万不知道其起源的人在使用它。
Lincoln could not read Cicero’s speeches; but this device, which was not native to the English language, he had learnt by studying the prose of baroque writers such as Gibbon, who were steeped in the cadences of Ciceronian Latin and skilfully reproduced them in English. Now, of course, the tricolon is constantly used in English oratory. It is particularly useful because it both seems natural and is memorable. Another great president, no less an orator than Lincoln, created a deathless phrase on the same model when he spoke of ‘one-third of a nation, ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished’. And yet, natural as it now seems, this pattern was a Greco-Roman invention just as much as the internal-combustion engine was a modern western European invention; and in the same way it is now being used by millions who do not know its origin.
除此之外，好书也应该有好的译本，因为这些译本的活力和强度甚至会激励那些打算写其他主题或以不同方式写作的艺术家。这是文艺复兴时期翻译的最高功能之一。如果伟大的思想能够传达——无论多么困难和距离——它们就会产生伟大的思想。这证明了所有翻译都是合理的，即使是糟糕的翻译。这是文艺复兴时期翻译家的原则。
And even beyond this, it is important that there should be good translations of good books, because, by their vigour and intensity, they stimulate even artists who intend to write on other subjects or in different patterns. That was one of the highest functions of translation during the Renaissance. If great thoughts can be communicated—through whatever difficulties and distances—they will produce great thoughts. That justifies all translations, even the bad ones. That was the principle of the Renaissance translators.
文艺复兴是翻译的黄金时代。几乎和不知名的古典作家被发现一样快，他们和他们更知名的兄弟通过白话翻译被介绍给西欧公众。这一现象的两个主要因素是人们对古典古代知识和兴趣的增加；以及印刷术的发明，它通过使自我教育更容易而扩大了文化的传播范围。
The Renaissance was the great age of translation. Almost as rapidly as unknown classical authors were discovered, they and their better-known brothers were revealed to the public of western Europe by vernacular translations. The two chief factors in this phenomenon were the increasing knowledge of, and interest in, classical antiquity; and the invention of printing, which extended the distribution of culture by making self-education easier.
西欧各国的译本数量和价值各不相同。大致顺序是法国第一，然后是英国和德国，然后是意大利和西班牙，其余国家则无。许多有才华的意大利人选择用拉丁语或意大利语撰写原创作品，或将希腊语翻译成拉丁语，而不是将拉丁语书籍翻译成自己的语言。法国的译本数量众多，而且非常出色。英国译者精力充沛。但他们并不是真正的学者：他们有时从拉丁语版本翻译希腊语书籍，有时从法语版本翻译拉丁语书籍；还有一种潇洒的对这些作品的漫不经心，是迂腐的反面，这让我们想起莎士比亚，这位“从不涂改行文”的作家不让自己的剧本在出版社出版。例如，查普曼吹嘘自己在不到四个月的时间内就完成了《伊利亚特》的后十二卷。在德国，文艺复兴时期古典文化的力量渗透得要浅得多。有很多拉丁文作品；有各种罗马喜剧的改编；有许多尝试通过翻译使古典知识易于理解；但在文学方面，德国民族思想与希腊、罗马的艺术和思想之间并没有真正的富有成效的结合。直到 1691 年，每年印刷的拉丁文书籍都比德文书籍多。10这些译本几乎没有文学价值，也没有促进独立艺术作品的创作。像罗伊希林这样懂希腊语的少数人相当孤立，尽管他们和德国南部和西部的其他人都因与意大利的接触而受到启发。北部和东部仍然沉浸在中世纪的黑暗之中。11
The countries of western Europe differ in the number and value of the translations they made. The order is, roughly, France first; then Britain and Germany; then Italy and Spain; and the rest nowhere. Many talented Italians chose, instead of translating Latin books into their own tongue, to write original works in Latin or Italian, or to translate from Greek into Latin. The French translations were numerous and splendid. The British translators were vigorous. But they were not really scholarly: they translated Greek books from Latin versions sometimes, and sometimes Latin books from French versions; and there was a dashing carelessness about them, the reverse of pedantry, which reminds us of Shakespeare, the author who ‘never blotted out line’ and would not see his own plays through the press. For example, Chapman boasted of having finished the second twelve books of the Iliad in less than four months. In Germany, the forces of classical culture made a far shallower penetration during the Renaissance. There was much writing in Latin; there were various adaptations of Roman comedies; there were a number of attempts at making classical learning accessible through translations; but there was, in literature, no real productive union between the German national mind and the art and thought of Greece, and Rome. More Latin books than German books were printed every year until 1691.10 Few of the translations had any literary value, and none stimulated the production of independent works of art. The small group of men like Reuchlin who knew Greek were quite isolated, although they and others in southern and western Germany were inspired by contact with Italy. The north and east were still sunk in medieval darkness.11
现在，我们可以回顾一下文艺复兴时期希腊和拉丁文学主要作品的第一批现代语言译本。（拉丁文译本虽然也是传播古典影响的重要渠道，但不属于本书的讨论范围。大多数零散或未出版的译本也不属于本书的讨论范围，因为它们对文学的总体发展影响较小。）
We can now survey the first translations into modern languages of the chief works of Greek and Latin literature, made during the Renaissance. (Translations into Latin, though they also were important channels for the transmission of classical influence, do not fall within the scope of this book. Nor do most of the fragmentary or unpublished translations, which had less effect on the general development of literature.)
史诗
EPIC
大约 1445 年，桑蒂利亚纳侯爵的儿子将荷马的《伊利亚特》的部分内容从拉丁文版翻译成了西班牙语。12然而，这些早期的译本就像中世纪的释义：1530 年，让·萨姆松（Jean Samxon）翻译了法文版《伊利亚特》（根据瓦拉（Valla）的拉丁文译本，并添加了“Dares”和“Dictys”的内容）。西蒙·沙伊登赖瑟（Simon Schaidenreisser）也翻译了拉丁文版，并于 1537 年将《奥德赛》译成了德语散文。在法国，雨果·萨莱尔（Hugues Salel）首次认真尝试将《伊利亚特》翻译成现代诗歌，1545 年他翻译了《伊利亚特》1-10章，雅克·佩莱蒂耶·杜·芒斯（Jacques Peletier du Mans）于 1547 年翻译了《奥德赛》1-2 章。萨莱尔的译本由阿玛迪斯·贾明（Amadis Jamyn）于 1577 年完成。在英国，亚瑟·霍尔（Arthur Hall）（不懂希腊语）翻译了《奥德赛》1-3 章。沙莱尔的版本于 1581 年问世；但他的作品很快就被乔治·查普曼从希腊文完整翻译所超越，查普曼于 1611 年将《伊利亚特》译成英文诗，1614 年译成《奥德赛》， 1616 年译成《赞美诗》 。（他曾于 1598 年出版了《伊利亚特》1-2 章和 7-11 章的初译本。）这个版本被济慈正确地称为“响亮而大胆”，是第一个用现代语言完整翻译的荷马诗版本。我们听说过洛多维科·多尔切 (1573) 将《奥德赛》译成意大利语的诗节，吉罗拉莫·巴切利 (1581-2) 将《伊利亚特》前七卷译成无韵诗，但这些译本并没有给人留下深刻印象。1610 年，德国出现了奥格斯堡的约翰·斯普伦对《伊利亚特》的韵文翻译。
Some of HOMER’S Iliad was translated into Spanish from a Latin version, by the Marquis of Santillana’s son, about 1445.12 These early translations, however, were like the paraphrases of medieval times: such too was the French version of the Iliad (from Valla’s Latin translation, with additions from ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’) made by Jean Samxon in 1530. Simon Schaidenreisser, also working on Latin versions, put the Odyssey into German prose in 1537. The first serious attempts at a modern verse rendering were made in France by Hugues Salel, with his 1545 version of Iliad, 1-10, and Jacques Peletier du Mans, who translated Odyssey, 1–2, in 1547. Salel’s translation was completed by Amadis Jamyn in 1577. In England, Arthur Hall (who had no Greek) translated Salel’s version in 1581; but his work was soon outdone by the complete rendering made from the Greek by George Chapman, who produced the Iliad in English verse in 1611, the Odyssey in 1614, and the Hymns in 1616. (He had published a preliminary translation of Iliad, 1–2 and 7–11, in 1598.) This version, which Keats rightly calls ‘loud and bold’, was the first complete poetic translation of Homer in any modern tongue. We hear of Italian translations of the Odyssey into stanzas by Lodovico Dolce (1573), and into blank verse, together with the first seven books of the Iliad, by Girolamo Bacelli (1581-2); but they created little impression. In Germany a verse rendering of the Iliad by Johann Spreng of Augsburg appeared in 1610.
1400 年之前，维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》已有盖尔语的散文译本，即《巴利莫特之书》中的《 Imtheachta AEniasa》 。13 15 世纪，散文释义开始出现——法语版由 Guillaume Leroy 翻译，西班牙语版由 Enrique de Villena 翻译。然后，大约在 1500 年，才华横溢的法国翻译家 Octovien de Saint-Gelais 翻译了第一份正规的诗歌译本，这是一份朴素但忠实的十音节押韵对句翻译。14几年后，即 1515 年，T. Murner 出版了《埃涅阿斯纪》十三卷的德文版，而精力充沛的苏格兰主教 Gawain Douglas 则完成了一部有力、朴实、生动的翻译，采用粗略的英雄对句 (1513)。当时，政治上的麻烦使这部作品没有产生任何影响，直到 1553 年才出版。1547 年被斩首的萨里伯爵留下了第二卷和第四卷的版本，这些版本在他死后出版，其中道格拉斯的许多段落几乎一字不差地被复制。15（萨里的这首诗首次在英语中使用了无韵诗，可能是为了模仿意大利诗人和翻译家最近采用的无韵诗。）与此同时，在法国，这部史诗的部分内容也已翻译出来：最著名的是杜贝莱的第四卷（1552 年）和第六卷（1561 年）；最后，经过十三年的工作，德斯马苏雷斯于 1560 年成功翻译了整首诗。两位诺曼乡绅，安托万和罗伯特勒舍瓦利埃达涅兄弟，于 1582 年出版了维吉尔全部作品的亚历山大译本。费埃开始翻译《埃涅阿斯纪》（第 1-7 卷，1558 年），特温于 1573 年完成，但质量很差。塔索的朋友克里斯托瓦尔·德·梅萨将《埃涅阿斯纪》译成了西班牙语，勤奋的约翰·斯普伦（卒于 1601 年）则翻译了第一本德语版诗歌翻译。安尼贝尔·卡罗的意大利语版本于 1581 年出版，久负盛名。同样著名的是理查德·斯坦尼赫斯特的英语六音步诗译本《埃涅阿斯纪》第 1-4 章 (1582)，它可以说是有史以来最糟糕的翻译——尽管这一领域的竞争非常激烈。引用狄多被埃涅阿斯抛弃时的愤慨呼喊就足够了：
There was a prose translation of VERGIL’S Aeneid in Gaelic before 1400—the Imtheachta AEniasa, in the Book of Ballymote.13 During the fifteenth century prose paraphrases began to appear—in French by Guillaume Leroy, in Spanish by Enrique de Villena. Then about 1500 the first regular verse translation was produced, a naïve but faithful rendering in rhymed decasyllabic couplets by the talented French translator Octovien de Saint-Gelais.14 A few years later, in 1515, T. Murner issued a German version of ‘the thirteen books of the Aeneid’, while in Scotland the energetic bishop Gawain Douglas had completed a strong, homely, and vivid translation in rough heroic couplets (1513). Political troubles kept this work from having any effect at the time, and it remained unpublished until 1553. The Earl of Surrey, beheaded in 1547, left versions of books 2 and 4 published posthumously, in which many passages of Douglas were copied almost word for word.15 (It was in this poem by Surrey that blank verse was used for the first time in English, probably in imitation of the recently adopted blank verse used by Italian poets and translators.) Meanwhile there had been some renderings of parts of the epic in France: notably Du Bellay’s version of books 4 (1552) and 6 (1561); and at last, after thirteen years of work, Desmasures produced a successful translation of the whole poem in 1560. An Alexandrine translation of all Vergil’s works was published in 1582 by two Norman squires, the brothers Antoine and Robert Le Chevalier d’Agneaux. A translation of the Aeneid in English started by Phaer (books 1–7, 1558) was completed by Twyne in 1573, but it was poor stuff. Tasso’s friend Cristobal de Mesa turned the Aeneid into Spanish, and the industrious Johann Spreng (d. 1601) made the first German verse rendering. Annibale Caro’s Italian version, printed in 1581, was long famous. And equally famous was Richard Stanyhurst’s English hexameter translation of Aeneid, 1–4 (1582), which has a strong claim to be the worst translation ever published—although competition in this field is very heavy. It will be enough to quote Dido’s indignant exclamation on being deserted by Aeneas:
陌生人会给我一份 slampam 吗？
Shall a stranger give me the slampam?
卢坎(L UCAN)于 14 世纪被查理五世译成法语。马丁·拉索·德奥罗佩萨 (Martin Laso de Oropesa) 于 1541 年在里斯本出版了“科尔多瓦诗人”——西班牙人骄傲地这样称呼他——的西班牙语散文版；但它实际上属于将他视为历史学家的中世纪传统。16马洛用英语逐行翻译了第一卷（日期为 1600 年，但于 1593 年进入文具馆）。1614 年，A. 戈尔吉斯爵士翻译了完整的英文版，1626 年，长期议会的秘书兼历史学家 T. 梅翻译了更成功的版本。胡安·德·豪雷吉·阿吉拉尔违背自己的意愿，鼓励西班牙巴洛克诗歌的流行，他翻译了卢坎的作品，生动地再现了卢坎的幻想和扭曲，从而为贡戈拉及其学派的矫揉造作提供了权威。17
LUCAN was turned into French in the fourteenth century for Charles V. A Spanish prose version of ‘the poet of Cordoba’—as the Spaniards proudly called him—was published at Lisbon in 1541 by Martin Laso de Oropesa; but it really belonged to the medieval tradition of treating him as a historian.16 In English Marlowe produced a line-by-line translation of book I (dated 1600, but entered at Stationers’ Hall in 1593). A complete English version was made by Sir A. Gorges in 1614, followed by a more successful one from T. May, who was secretary and historian of the Long Parliament, in 1626. The vogue of baroque poetry in Spain was encouraged against his will by Juan de Jauregui y Aguilar, who wrote a translation of Lucan which so vividly reproduced Lucan’s conceits and distortions that it gave authority to the affectations of Góngora and his school.17
我们在中世纪传奇故事章节中曾提到过奥维德的《变形记》的各个版本。18彼特拉克的朋友 Bersuire 或 Berçoir（死于 1362 年）写过一篇法语释义，该译本长期占据主导地位，甚至在 1480 年被 Caxton 译成英文——直到 1532 年 Clément Marot 翻译了第一卷和第二卷，1557 年 Habert 翻译了整首诗。Hieronymus Boner 于 1534 年发表了德文译本；Halberstadt 1210 年的旧德语释义在 1545 年以现代形式重新出现，并在 1564 年被 Spreng 的诗歌翻译所取代。Arthur Golding 用英语编写了一个粗糙但流畅的版本（1567 年），莎士比亚熟悉并使用了这个版本，并在其中添加了自己想象力的优美之处。19
Versions of OVID’S Metamorphoses have been mentioned in our chapter on the medieval romances.18 Petrarch’s friend Bersuire or Berçoir (who died in 1362) wrote a French paraphrase which long held the field, being even turned into English by Caxton in 1480—until Clément Marot translated books 1 and 2 in 1532, and Habert the entire poem in 1557. Hieronymus Boner issued a German translation in 1534; Halberstadt’s old German paraphrase of 1210 reappeared in a modernized form in 1545, to be superseded by Spreng’s verse rendering in 1564. In English Arthur Golding made a version rough but fluent (1567), which Shakespeare knew and used, adding to it the graces of his own imagination.19
历史
HISTORY
1452-7 年，瓦拉将希罗多德译成拉丁文。据说拉伯雷本人在当僧侣时翻译了第一卷，但他的作品已失传，他从未提及过。博亚尔多 (1434-94) 翻译了意大利文版，皮埃尔·萨利亚特 (Pierre Saliat) 于 1556 年翻译了法文版。1 卷和 2 卷由“BR”于 1584 年以英文出版。有一个由 H. Boner (1535) 根据拉丁文翻译编写的德文版本。
HERODOTUS was put into Latin by Valla in 1452–7. Rabelais himself is said to have translated book I while he was a monk, but his work is lost and he never refers to it. Boiardo (1434-94) produced an Italian translation, and Pierre Saliat a French one in 1556. Books 1 and 2 were published in English by ‘B. R.’ in 1584. There is a German version by H. Boner (1535) based on the Latin rendering.
瓦拉 (Valla) 也为休昔底德斯(T HUCYDIDES)提供了著名的拉丁语译本 (1452)，该译本成为其翻译成现代语言的基础：马赛主教克劳德·德·塞塞尔 (Claude de Seyssel) 于 1512 年左右将该书翻译成法语；博纳 (Boner) 于 1533 年将该书翻译成德语；弗朗西斯科·德·索尔多·斯特罗齐 (Francisco de Soldo Strozzi) 于 1545 年将该书翻译成意大利语；托马斯·尼科尔斯 (Thomas Nichols) 于 1550 年将该书从塞塞尔斯的版本翻译成英语。迭戈·格雷西安 (Diego Gracián) 于 1564 年将该书翻译成西班牙语。
THUCYDIDES also was given a famous Latin interpretation by Valla (1452), which became the basis for translations into the modern languages: into French by Claude de Seyssel, bishop of Marseilles, about 1512; into German by Boner in 1533; into Italian by Francisco de Soldo Strozzi in 1545; and into English from Seyssel’s version by Thomas Nichols in 1550. A Spanish translation by Diego Gracián came out in 1564.
X ENOPHON 的 《远征记》由德·塞塞尔 (de Seyssel) 于 1504 年翻译成法语；由博纳 (Boner) 于 1540 年翻译成德语；由 R. 多梅尼基 (R. Domenichi) 于 1548 年翻译成意大利语；由格拉西安 (Grácian) 于 1552 年翻译成西班牙语；由 J. 宾汉姆 (J. Bingham) 于 1623 年翻译成英语。
XENOPHON’S Anabasis was put into French by de Seyssel in 1504; German by Boner in 1540; Italian by R. Domenichi in 1548; Spanish by Grácian in 1552; English by J. Bingham in 1623.
在 15 世纪早期，瓜里诺 (Guarino) 等人将普鲁塔克的《罗马名人传》译成拉丁文后，这些作品也进入了现代语言。1482 年，B. 雅科内洛 (B. Jaconello) 将 26 部罗马名人传译成意大利文；1534 年，H. 博纳 (H. Boner) 将 8 部译成德文，其余的则于 1541 年译成德文；阿方索·德·帕伦西亚 (Alfonso de Palencia) 已于 1491 年将这些作品译成西班牙语。在法语方面，拉扎尔·德·巴伊夫 (Lazare de Baïf) 于 1530 年翻译了 4 部，拉沃尔 (Lavaur) 主教乔治·德·塞尔夫 (George de Selve，1542 年去世) 翻译了 8 部，其余的由继塞尔夫之后但被更伟大的人超越的 Arnault Chandon 翻译。1559 年，伟大的法语翻译家雅克·阿米奥 (Jacques Amyot) 从布尔日的教授升任欧塞尔的主教，出版了所有罗马名人传的完整版。蒙田说这是对他的思想产生两大主要影响的思想之一，并且在法国文学中占据了数百年的地位。20托马斯·诺斯于 1579 年将其译成英文，之后对威廉·莎士比亚产生了同样强烈的影响。21
After PLUTARCH’S Parallel Lives had been made accessible in Latin by Guarino and others in the early fifteenth century, they too entered modern languages. Twenty-six lives were turned into Italian by B. Jaconello in 1482; eight into German by H. Boner in 1534 and the rest in 1541; Alfonso de Palencia had already translated them into Spanish in 1491. In French, four were translated in 1530 by Lazare de Baïf, eight by George de Selve, bishop of Lavaur (who died in 1542), and others by Arnault Chandon, who followed de Selve, but was to be outdone by a greater man. In 1559 the great French translator Jacques Amyot, who rose from a professorship at Bourges to be bishop of Auxerre, issued his magnificent complete version of all the Lives. Montaigne said it was one of the two chief influences on his thinking, and it held its place in French literature for hundreds of years.20 Thomas North turned it into English in 1579, and it then became an equally strong influence on William Shakespeare.21
14 世纪，查理五世将C AESAR 的 回忆录译成法语。1507 年，M. Ringmann Philesius 用德语出版了他的著作《高卢战争》。W. Rastell 和 John Brend 分别于 1530 年和 1564 年出版了部分英文版，而 Golding 则于 1565 年出版了完整版。
CAESAR’S Memoirs were turned into French for Charles V in the fourteenth century. His work On the Gallic War was published in German by M. Ringmann Philesius in 1507. Partial English versions having been made in 1530 by W. Rastell and 1564 by John Brend, Golding produced a complete version in 1565.
S ALLUST（连同苏埃托尼乌斯）也曾被翻译成法国国王查理五世的著作。在下个世纪，他的著作被弗朗西斯科·维达尔·德·诺亚（Francisco Vidal de Noya，1493 年）译成西班牙语——西班牙人非常关注罗马历史。D. von Pleningen 和 J. Vielfeld 于 1513 年和 1530 年出版了德语版。梅格雷特在 16 世纪中叶对朱古达进行了新的法语翻译。1520-1523 年，亚历山大·巴克莱（ Alexander Barclay）将朱古达的著作译成英语，巴克莱是罗马帝国的统治者。《愚人船》的才华横溢的改编者；托马斯·海伍德 (Thomas Heywood) 于 1608 年翻译了这两本专著。
SALLUST (along with Suetonius) had also been translated for Charles V of France. In the next century he was done into Spanish—the Spaniards paid much attention to Roman history—by Francisco Vidal de Noya (1493). D. von Pleningen and J. Vielfeld issued German versions in 1513 and 1530. Meigret made a new French translation in the middle of the sixteenth century. Jugurtha was made English in 1520–3 by Alexander Barclay, the talented adaptor of The Ship of Fools; Thomas Heywood translated both the monographs in 1608.
据了解，李维很早就被翻译了。据说薄伽丘曾翻译过当时存世的书籍；彼特拉克的朋友贝苏尔翻译过法语版，直到 1582 年才被取代。卡斯蒂利亚大臣佩德罗·洛佩斯·德·阿亚拉 (1332-1407) 翻译了西班牙语版，影响深远。B. 肖弗林和 J. 维蒂格于 1505 年将当时已知的所有书籍翻译成德语；1523 年，N. 卡巴赫重新出版了他们的译本，并附上了新发现的书籍的译文。第一个完整的英文版是由精力充沛、博学多识的菲勒蒙·霍兰于 1600 年完成的。
LIVY, so far as he was known, was translated quite early. Boccaccio is reported to have made a version of the books then extant; and Petrarch’s friend Bersuire produced a French rendering which was not superseded until 1582. In Spanish a very influential translation was made by Pedro Lopez de Ayala, Chancellor of Castile (1332-1407). B. Schofferlin and J. Wittig translated all the books then known into German in 1505; their translation wa reissued, with a rendering of the newly discovered books, by N. Carbach in 1523. The first complete English version was by the vigorous and learned Philemon Holland in 1600.
1535 年，米西勒斯将T ACITUS这位难懂的作者译成了德语。Étienne de la Planche（1-5，1548 年）和 Claude Fauchet（11-16，1582 年）将《编年史》译成了法语。亨利·萨维尔爵士将《阿格里科拉和历史》（1591 年）和 R. Grenewey 的《德国和编年史》（1598 年）译成了英语。
TACITUS, that difficult author, was put into German by Micyllus in 1535. In French the Annals were rendered by Étienne de la Planche (1-5, 1548) and Claude Fauchet (11-16, 1582). In English Sir Henry Savile translated Agricola and the Histories (1591), and R. Grenewey Germany and the Annals (1598).
事实上，历史可能是文艺复兴时期翻译领域中最重要的一个领域，它强调了一种我们有时倾向于认为理所当然的古典影响：过去事件的视角、政治经验、以及古代无与伦比的历史学家向我们揭示的丰富故事。
In fact, history was probably the single most important field of translation during the Renaissance—which emphasizes one type of classical influence we are sometimes inclined to take for granted: the perspective of past events, the political experience, and the wealth of story laid open to us by the still unequalled historians of antiquity.
哲学
PHILOSOPHY
P LATO 的作品被翻译的次数并不多，但拉丁文版本却很多，其中最出色的是 1482 年 Ficino 为美第奇家族翻译的全套。第一部英文译本出现在 1592 年（斯宾塞的《阿克西奥库斯》，一部可疑的作品）。一些单独的对话被译成法语：Bonaventure des Périers 于 1541 年左右翻译了《吕西斯》， P. du Val 于 1547 年翻译了《克里托篇》 ，Richard le Blanc 于 1546 年翻译了《伊翁篇》， F. Hotman 于 1549 年翻译了《为苏格拉底辩护》 。随后，杰出的人文主义者 Loys Le Roy 开始出版一系列非常重要的对话的译本，这些译本非常有价值：《蒂迈欧篇》（1551 年）、 《斐多篇》 （1553 年） 、 《会饮篇》（1559 年）和《理想国》（出版于 1600 年）。据说 1546 年，艾蒂安·多莱 (Étienne Dolet) 因出版《喜帕恰斯与阿克西奥库斯》一书而被烧死，该书认为柏拉图不相信灵魂不朽。22这肯定是有史以来对误译所施以的最严厉的惩罚之一。
PLATO was less often translated than he deserved. However, there were many Latin versions, the greatest being a complete set made by Ficino in 1482 for the Medici. The first English translation appeared in 1592 (Spenser’s Axiochus, a dubious work). Renderings of separate dialogues were made in French: the Lysis by Bonaventure des Périers about 1541, the Crito in 1547 by P. du Val, the Ion by Richard le Blanc in 1546, The Defence of Socrates by F. Hotman in 1549. Then the distinguished humanist Loys Le Roy began to issue a very valuable set of translations of more important dialogues: Timaeus (1551), Phaedo (1553,) The Symposium (1559), and The Republic (published in 1600). We are told that in 1546 Étienne Dolet was burned for publishing a version of Hipparchus and Axiochus which attributed to Plato a disbelief in the immortality of the soul.22 This must be one of the most drastic punishments for mistranslation ever recorded.
里斯托德的 《政治学》早期由尼古拉斯·奥雷斯姆翻译，其版本于 1486 年出版，1568 年被洛伊·勒鲁瓦的版本取代。第一个意大利语译本由 A. 布鲁乔利于 1547 年出版；“J-D.”于 1598 年将该书从勒鲁瓦的法语版译成英文。
ARISTOTLE’S Politics had early been translated by Nicolas Oresme, whose version was printed in 1486 and superseded by that of Loys Le Roy in 1568. The first Italian translation was published by A. Bruccioli in 1547; ‘J- D.’ turned the book into English from Le Roy’s French version in 1598.
亚里士多德的《伦理学》在查理五世时期也被译成法文，16 世纪勒鲁瓦又将其译成法文。卡洛斯·德·维亚纳在 15 世纪末翻译了西班牙语版本。J. 威尔金森的英文译本 (1547) 是基于布鲁内托·拉蒂尼作品的第三手中世纪意大利语版本。
Aristotle’s Ethics were also translated into French under Charles V, and then again in the sixteenth century by Le Roy. Carlos de Viana made a Spanish version late in the fifteenth century. J. Wylkinson’s English translation (1547) is from a third-hand medieval Italian version based on Brunetto Latini’s work.
卢塔克的 《道德随笔》一直很受人们欢迎，因为它们集魅力、学识和世俗智慧于一身。这些随笔经常被单独翻译：托马斯·埃利奥特爵士的《论教育》（约1530 年）版本就是一个例子。怀亚特使用布德的拉丁语版本在 1528 年翻译了《论心灵安宁》一文；印刷工怀尔在 1530 年左右将伊拉斯谟《论养生》的拉丁语译本译成了英文；而布兰德维尔在 1558 年至 1561 年间翻译了四本。完整版本由 M. Herr 和 H. von Eppendorf 于 1535 年出版德文版，1580 年由 W. Xylander（由 Jonas Lóchinger 完成）出版；法文版由 Amyot 于 1572 年出版——这是他的另一个重要译本；英文版由 Holland 于 1603 年出版。
PLUTARCH’S Moral Essays were always favourites, for their combination of charm, scholarship, and worldly wisdom. They were often translated separately: Sir Thomas Elyot’s version of On Education (c. 1530) is an example. Wyat used Budé’s Latin version to produce a translation of the essay On Peace of Mind in 1528; Wyer the printer turned out an English rendering of Erasmus’s Latin translation of the essay On Preserving Health about 1530; and Blundeville translated four between 1558 and 1561. Complete versions were issued in German by M. Herr and H. von Eppendorf in 1535, and by W. Xylander (completed by Jonas Lóchinger) in 1580; in French by Amyot in 1572—another of his essential translations; and in English by Holland in 1603.
C ICERO 的简短对话《论友谊》（莱利乌斯）和《论老年》（加图·马约尔）广受欢迎。1418 年去世的 Laurent Premierfait 将它们译成了法语。前者在 1460 年之前由伍斯特伯爵 John Tiptoft 译成英文，1481 年 Caxton 出版了他的版本，同时出版了根据 Premierfait 法语版（可能是 Botoner 译）翻译的《论老年》。它们都被收录在 Johann, Freiherr zu Schwarzenberg (1534) 编写的译文集《德国西塞罗》中，其中还包含图斯库兰的讨论； Jean Colin 在 1537-9 年将它们再次译成法语；John Harington（诗人之父）于 1550 年根据法语版翻译了《论友谊》 ；R. Whittington于 1535 年左右翻译了《论老年》；托马斯·牛顿在 1577 年完成了这两件事。西塞罗的巨作《论义务》早在 1488 年就被匿名译成德文，施瓦岑贝格在 1531 年又将其译成德文。惠廷顿在 1540 年将其译成一个蹩脚的英文版，尼古拉斯·格里马尔德在 1553 年将其译成一个好版本。图斯库兰讨论被译成法文，艾蒂安·多莱（1–3，1542）将该书译成德文，约翰·多尔曼于 1561 年将该书译成英文。沙登雷瑟于 1538 年将该书译成德文，惠廷顿于 1540 年将该书译成英文，托马斯·牛顿于 1569 年再次将该书译成英文，同时译有西塞罗最杰出的作品之一《西庇阿之梦》残篇。
CICERO’S little dialogues On Friendship (Laelius) and On Old Age (Cato Maior) were widely popular. Laurent Premierfait, who died in 1418, turned them into French. The former was translated into English before 1460 by John Tiptoft, earl of Worcester, whose version was printed by Caxton in 1481 along with a translation of On Old Age made from Premierfait’s French version (probably by Botoner). They were both included in a collection of translations called The German Cicero, by Johann, Freiherr zu Schwarzenberg (1534), which also contained the Tusculan Discussions; Jean Colin turned them into French again in 1537–9; John Harington (father of the poet) translated On Friendship from the French version in 1550; R. Whittington On Old Age about 1535; and Thomas Newton did both in 1577. Cicero’s big treatise On Duties had been anonymously translated into German as early as 1488, and again in 1531 by Schwarzenberg. Whittington made a poor English version of it in 1540, and Nicolas Grimald a good one in 1553. The Tusculan Discussions were put into French by Étienne Dolet (1–3,1542) and into English by John Dolman in 1561. Schaidenreisser turned the Paradoxes into German in 1538, Whittington into English in 1540, and Thomas Newton again in 1569, together with one of Cicero’s finest works, the fragmentary Dream of Scipio.
埃涅卡的 书信和有关道德主题的道德论文通常用拉丁文阅读——1515 年伊拉斯谟的精美版本使它们更加受欢迎。然而，我们听说过十四世纪的法语版本和迈克尔·赫尔 (1536) 编写的德语汇编。迪特里希·冯·普莱宁根于 1519 年将《慰藉马西亚》译成德语。奥维德的译者亚瑟·戈尔丁于 1577 年将《论福利》译成英文，洛奇于 1614 年将塞涅卡的所有散文作品译成英文。
SENECA’S Letters and moral treatises on moral subjects were usually read in Latin—their popularity being increased by Erasmus’s fine edition in 1515. However, we hear of a fourteenth-century French version and of a German compendium by Michael Herr (1536). Dietrich von Pleningen translated the Consolation to Marcia into German in 1519. The treatise On Benefits was Englished in 1577 by Arthur Golding, the translator of Ovid, and all Seneca’s prose works by Lodge in 1614.
戏剧
DRAMA
戏剧翻译出人意料地零散和稀少。文艺复兴时期的译者忽视了希腊剧作家，这对文学造成了严重的伤害。埃斯库罗斯和阿里斯托芬的作品很少被翻译成现代语言，索福克勒斯和欧里庇得斯的作品也翻译得不好，不完整。罗马喜剧演员和塞涅卡的悲剧得到了更好的处理。希腊戏剧被忽视的原因有：第一，其思想和语言极其困难；第二，更华丽的塞涅卡更具吸引力；第三，有方便的拉丁语译本，如伊拉斯谟和布坎南的译本；第四，任何能读希腊语和写诗的人通常都更愿意把精力花在模仿古典诗人而不是翻译上。
Translations of drama were surprisingly patchy and infrequent. A grave disservice to literature was done by the Renaissance translators who neglected the Greek playwrights. Aeschylus and Aristophanes were scarcely ever turned into modern languages, Sophocles and Euripides poorly and incompletely. The Roman comedians and the tragedies of Seneca were very much better treated. The reasons for the neglect of Greek drama were, first, the extreme difficulty of its thought and language; second, the superior attraction of the flashier Seneca; third, the existence of handy Latin translations, such as those by Erasmus and Buchanan; and fourth, the fact that anyone who could read Greek and write poetry usually preferred to spend his efforts not on translating but on emulating the classical poets.
索福克勒斯的《厄勒克特拉》被费尔南·佩雷斯·德·奥利瓦(Fernan Perez de Oliva) (约1525 年)译成西班牙语，名为《为阿伽门农复仇》，1537 年又被拉扎尔·德·巴伊夫译成法语，后者的儿子让·安托万 (Jean-Antoine) 于 1573 年出版了自己的《安提戈涅》版本。23阿拉曼尼于 1533 年出版了《安提戈涅》的相当自由的意大利语译本，1581 年托马斯·沃森将其译成拉丁文。
SOPHOCLES’ Electra was turned into Spanish as Revenge for Agamemnon by Fernan Perez de Oliva (c. 1525), and into pretty heavy French in 1537 by Lazare de Baïf, whose son Jean-Antoine published his own version of Antigone in 1573.23 Alamanni’s rather free Italian rendering of Antigone was issued in 1533, and in 1581 Thomas Watson produced a translation into Latin.
最著名的《欧里庇得斯》译本是洛多维科·多尔切在 1545 年至 1551 年间翻译的意大利语版本，包括《赫卡柏》、《美狄亚》、《奥利斯的伊菲革涅亚》和《腓尼基妇女》。1528年，费尔南·佩雷斯·德·奥利瓦将《赫卡柏》译成西班牙语，1544 年，博切特尔和阿米奥特将《赫卡柏》译成法语。24 1549 年，托马斯·塞比莱制作了法语版的《伊菲革涅亚在奥利斯》，长度恰好是原剧的两倍。120 年来，没有其他希腊戏剧被翻译成法语。从 1604 年起，斯特拉斯堡的人文主义者在德语中出版了相当数量希腊戏剧的译本；只有一部 16 世纪的译本，即迈克尔·巴布斯特的《伊菲革涅亚在奥利斯》。文艺复兴时期，很少有希腊戏剧的英文版。据说皮尔在大学期间翻译了一部欧里庇得斯关于伊菲革涅亚的戏剧，但这部戏剧已佚失。唯一出版的译本是 1566 年弗朗西斯·金韦尔默什和乔治·加斯科因翻译的《腓尼基妇女》，他们根据多尔切的意大利文译本将其命名为《伊俄卡斯忒》。
The most notable translations of EURIPIDES were the Italian ones made between 1545 and 1551 by Lodovico Dolce: Hecuba, Medea, Iphigenia at Aulis, and The Phoenician Women. Hecuba was put into Spanish by Fernan Perez de Oliva in 1528 and in 1544 into French by Bochetel and Amyot.24 In 1549 Thomas Sébillet produced a French version of Iphigenia at Aulis exactly twice as long as the original. No other Greek play appeared in French for 120 years. In German the Strasbourg humanists issued a fair number of translations of Greek drama from 1604 onwards; and there was one sixteenth-century translation, Michael Babst’s Iphigenia at Aulis. Very few English versions of Greek plays were made during the Renaissance. Peele is said to have translated one of the Euripidean plays on Iphigenia while he was at college, but it is lost. The only published translation was a rendering of The Phoenician Women put out in 1566 by Francis Kinwelmersh and George Gascoigne, who took it from Dolce’s Italian and called it Jocasta.
里斯托法内斯 (RISTOPHANES ) 最简单、最受欢迎的剧作《普卢托斯》 ( Plutus )于 1550 年左右被龙萨尔 (Ronsard) 译成法语（由他在科克雷剧院 (Coqueret) 的朋友演出），并于 1577 年由佩德罗西蒙阿布里尔 (Pedro Simon Abril) 译成西班牙语。二十五
ARISTOPHANES’ easiest and most popular play, Plutus, was turned into French about 1550 by Ronsard (to be acted by his friends at the Collége de Coqueret) and into Spanish in 1577 by Pedro Simon Abril.25
P LAUTUS是最受欢迎的。费拉拉的宫廷诗人早在 1486 年就翻译了他的喜剧，后来出现了数十个意大利语版本。1515年，Francisco Lopez de Villalobos 将他的《安菲特律翁》翻译成了西班牙语散文。1595 年，'WW' 将《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》译成了英文，可能是为了借鉴莎士比亚的《错误喜剧》；26这部作品很早就被德国学者 Albrecht von Eyb译成了德语，连同《酒神们的酒神》一起。（他于 1475 年去世，但译本直到 1511 年才出版。） Joachim Greff 于 1535 年创作了《酒神喜剧》的德语版本， C. Freyssleben 于 1539 年创作了《斯提库斯》的德语版本，Jonas Bitner 于 1570 年创作了《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》的德语版本，还有许多其他版本。许多剧作家，从意大利人开始，都创作了普劳丁喜剧的现代化和改编版本。二十七
PLAUTUS was a favourite. The court poets of Ferrara were translating his comedies as early as 1486, and scores of Italian versions appeared later. An early translation of his Amphitryon into Spanish prose was produced in 1515 by Francisco Lopez de Villalobos. The Brothers Menaechmus was Englished by ‘W. W.’ in 1595, possibly to the benefit of Shakespeare’s Comedy of Errors;26 and it had long before been turned into German, along with The Bacchides, by the German scholar Albrecht von Eyb. (He died in 1475, but the translations were not published until 1511.) A German version of The Pot Comedy was made by Joachim Greff in 1535, of Stichus by C. Freyssleben in 1539, of The Brothers Menaechmus by Jonas Bitner in 1570, and there were numerous others. Many playwrights, beginning with the Italians, produced modrneizations and adaptations of Plautine comedies.27
特伦斯虽然作为剧作家不那么受欢迎，但他的作品更平易、更礼貌、更有教育意义，所以他的作品很早就被翻译，而且经常被翻译。一部法语散文由纪尧姆·里普翻译，另一部则以诗体形式翻译Gilles Cybille 的28 本作品于 1500 年左右一起出版。早在 1486 年，汉斯·尼萨特就将《太监》译成了德语。1499 年，斯特拉斯堡出现了完整的德语散文版泰伦斯，可能是由阿尔萨斯人文主义者布兰特和洛赫尔完成的。随后，瓦伦丁·博尔茨于 1539 年又将其译成了散文，约翰内斯·比绍夫于 1566 年将其译成了押韵版，并出现了许多版本的单剧。出现了完整的译本法语版由 C. Estienne、J. Bourlier 和 'Anon' 于 1566 年出版；西班牙语版由 Pedro Simon Abril 于 1577 年出版；英语版由清教神父 Richard Bernard 于 1598 年出版。
TERENCE, although less popular as a dramatist, was easier, politer, and more edifying: so he was translated early and often. A French prose rendering by Guillaume Rippe and one in verse28 by Gilles Cybille were published together about 1500. The Eunuch was turned into German as early as 1486 by Hans Nythart. In 1499 a complete German Terence in prose appeared at Strasbourg, possibly made by the Alsatian humanists Brant and Locher. It was followed by another prose translation by Valentin Boltz in 1539, by Johannes Bischoff’s rhymed version in 1566, and by many versions of single plays. Complete translations appeared in French, by C. Estienne, J. Bourlier, and ‘Anon’, in 1566; in Spanish, by Pedro Simon Abril, in 1577; and in English, by the Puritan divine Richard Bernard, in 1598.
塞内加最早的戏剧译本是安东尼奥·维拉拉古特用加泰罗尼亚语翻译的《美狄亚、提厄斯忒斯和特洛伊妇女》（以及其他作品的片段）。译本的年代距今不远，距今 1400 年不远；我们听说塞内加的悲剧在 15 世纪被完整翻译成西班牙语。当时最具影响力的白话戏剧译本无疑是《十部悲剧》的英文版，由六位不同的译者在 1559 年至 1581 年间翻译完成。29除了 1550 年左右 Dolce 在意大利翻译的正规版本外，还有许多专门为舞台表演而编写的版本。德语版本似乎没有。在法国，Charles Toutain 翻译了第一部塞内卡语版本，即《阿伽门农》（1557 年）。随后是另一部《阿伽门农》（Le Duchat，1561 年），这是 Roland Brisset 于 1590 年翻译的重要系列（《海格力斯的疯狂》、《提厄斯忒斯》、《阿伽门农》和伪奥克塔维亚），最后是 Benoît Bauduyn 翻译的全套悲剧（1629 年）。三十
The earliest dramatic translation of SENECA was a version of Medea, Thyestes, and The Trojan Women (with fragments of others) made in Catalan by Antonio Vilaragut. It can be placed not far from 1400; and we hear of a complete translation of Seneca’s tragedies into Spanish in the fifteenth century. The most influential vernacular dramatic translation of the period was certainly the English version of the Ten Tragedies, produced by six different translators between 1559 and 1581.29 As well as a regular translation made by Dolce in Italy about 1550, there were many versions specially written for stage presentation. There appear to have been none in German. In France Charles Toutain produced the first Senecan translation with his Agamemnon (1557). This was followed by another Agamemnon (Le Duchat, 1561), an important series made by Roland Brisset (The Madness of Hercules, Thyestes, Agamemnon, and the bogus Octavia) in 1590, and finally by a complete set of the tragedies translated by Benoît Bauduyn (1629).30
演说
ORATORY
文艺复兴时期的翻译也未能很好地体现口才。许多公开演讲仍以拉丁语进行——例如，我们听说伊丽莎白女王用流利的拉丁语向西班牙使节发表了一次激烈的即席演讲。直到稍后的巴洛克时期，现代口才才真正发展起来——以古典原文和译文为范本。
Oratory also was ill represented in translations during the Renaissance. Much public speaking was still being done in Latin—for instance, we hear of Queen Elizabeth delivering a fiery extempore speech in fluent Latin to the envoys of Spain. It was a little later, during the baroque period, that modern oratory really developed—using classical originals and translations as its models.
1551 年，Loys Le Roy 将D EMOSTHENES的《奥林西亚克》译成法语，1570 年，T. Wilson 将其译成英语，目的是让读者将其作为反对西班牙菲利普一世侵略的宣传材料。31博纳 (Boner) 于 1543 年出版了德文版的《菲利普传》，而洛伊斯·勒鲁瓦 (Loys Le Roy) 于 1575 年同时出版了法文版的《菲利普传》和《奥林西亚传》。
DEMOSTHENES’ Olynthiacs were put into French in 1551 by Loys Le Roy, and into English in 1570 by T. Wilson, who designed them to be read as propaganda against the aggressions of Philip of Spain.31 Boner produced a German version of the Philippics in 1543, while Loys Le Roy published his French Philippics and Olynthiacs together in 1575.
苏格拉底并不是真正的演说家，而是一位政治哲学家。然而，他的思想以演讲或信件的形式表达出来，经过精心修饰，达到修辞的辉煌。其中三部作品在文艺复兴时期特别受欢迎。《致尼科克勒斯》是伊索克拉底本人写给他的一位王子学生的演讲，讨论了君主的职责。它被翻译成德语J. Altenstaig 于 1517 年将其翻译成英文，并由托马斯·埃利奥特爵士于 1531 年翻译成英文。32 1519 年，W.皮尔克海默 (W. Pirckheimer) 将《致德谟尼克斯》 (To Demonicus ) 译成德语，1557 年，伯里 (Bury) 将其译成英语，1585 年，纳托尔 (Nuttall) 将其译成英语。1544 年，L.梅格雷特 (L. Meigret) 将《尼科克勒斯》 (Nicocles)译成法语，这是年轻王子向其臣民发表的关于政府原则的演讲。1551 年，洛伊斯·勒鲁瓦 (Loys Le Roy) 将这三本书都译成了法语版，1580 年，T.福雷斯特 (T. Forrest) 将这三本书译成了英语版，并着手编写拉丁文版。
ISOCRATES was not really an orator, but a political philosopher. However, his ideas were set out in the form of speeches or letters, polished to a rhetorical brilliance. Three of these works were particularly popular in the Renaissance. To Nicocles is an address by Isocrates himself to one of his princely pupils, and discusses the duties of the monarch. It was translated into German by J. Altenstaig in 1517 and into English by Sir Thomas Elyot in 1531.32 To Demonicus, an essay on practical morality, was put into German in 1519 by W. Pirckheimer, and into English in 1557 by Bury, and, following him, by Nuttall in 1585. Nicocles, an address by the young prince to his subjects on the principles of government, was turned into French by L. Meigret in 1544. Loys Le Roy produced a French translation of all three in 1551, and T. Forrest an English one, working on a Latin version, in 1580.
1548 年，麦考尔将西塞罗的 10 篇演讲译成了法语。1555 年，R. 雪利将马塞勒斯的演讲译成了英语（C. 布鲁诺于 1542 年将其译成了德语），T. 德兰特于 1571 年将阿基亚斯的简短演讲译成了意大利语。几个世纪之前，布鲁内托·拉蒂尼曾将马塞勒斯、利加里乌斯和狄奥塔鲁斯国王的演讲译成了意大利语。
Ten of CICERO’S speeches were rendered into French by Macault in 1548. R. Sherry did the speech for Marcellus into English in 1555 (C. Bruno had put it into German in 1542), and T. Drant the little speech for Archias in 1571. Centuries earlier, Brunetto Latini had turned the speeches for Marcellus, Ligarius, and King Deiotarus into Italian.
小型作品
SMALLER WORKS
短篇作品由于更容易出版和欣赏，因此经常被翻译。
Smaller works, being easier to publish and appreciate, were frequently translated.
里斯托德的 《诗学》不仅不完整，而且难懂，直到 16 世纪才为人所知。此后，它经常被编辑、译成拉丁文和摘录，但很少被翻译成现代语言。最早的意大利文版由贝尔纳多·塞尼于 1549 年在佛罗伦萨出版，随后洛多维科·卡斯特尔维特罗又译了一本带评论的译本（维也纳，1570 年）。在法国，七星团似乎只是通过意大利评论家才知道这本书；文艺复兴时期没有直接译本。阿斯坎和西德尼在英国引用过这本书，据说 1605 年本·琼森也编辑过它的一个版本——他肯定很了解它的学说。但整个欧洲的普通民众几乎没有译本，所以他们不了解。
ARISTOTLE’S Poetics, which is not only incomplete but forbiddingly difficult, was scarcely known until the sixteenth century. Thenceforward it was often edited, translated into Latin, and excerpted, but seldom put into modern languages. The earliest Italian version was issued in Florence by Bernardo Segni in 1549, and was followed by a translation with commentary by Lodovico Castelvetro (Vienna, 1570). In France the Pleiade appear to have known the book only through the Italian critics; there was no direct translation during the Renaissance. Ascham and Sidney quote it in England, and in 1605 Ben Jonson is said to have made a version of it—certainly he knew its doctrines well. But the general public throughout Europe, having scarcely any translations available, did not.
才华横溢的安尼贝尔·卡罗 (1507-66) 将《希奥克里托斯》译成了意大利语。1588 年，六首田园诗以匿名形式被译成了英语。
THEOCRITUS was put into Italian by the talented Annibale Caro (1507-66). Six of the idylls appeared anonymously in English in 1588.
卢西安文艺复兴时期深受喜爱，他文雅却又玩世不恭。1495 年左右，拉帕奇尼将他的《死者对话录》之一改编成意大利音乐诗。他是德国最受欢迎的希腊作家，在 1450 年至 1550 年间，至少有 11 位译者翻译过他的作品。33 1529 年，托利将他的 30 篇对话译成了法语。在英国，拉斯特尔(卒于 1536 年) 翻译了《梅尼普斯》 (Menippus ) ，也称为《通灵术》 (The Necromancy)，而埃利奥特 (Elyot) 在 1535 年之前翻译了《犬儒主义者》 (The Cynic)，并在 1565 年翻译了《托克萨里人》 ( Toxaris ) 。
LUCIAN, with his polite but cynical wit, was a favourite of the Renaissance. About 1495 Lapaccini rendered one of his Dialogues of the Dead into musical Italian verse. He was the most popular Greek author in Germany, where at least eleven translators worked on him during the period 1450–1550.33 Thirty of his dialogues were turned into French by Tory in 1529. In England, Rastell (d. 1536) produced a translation of Menippus, also called The Necromancy, while Elyot translated The Cynic before 1535 and ‘A. O.’ the Toxaris in 1565.
希腊浪漫小说也很受欢迎。安尼贝尔·卡罗将《达夫尼斯与克洛埃》译成了意大利语，阿米奥特于 1559 年翻译了一部出色的法语版，1587 年 A. 戴将其译成了相当笨拙的英语。阿米奥特还于 1547 年翻译了《埃塞俄比亚》。詹姆斯·桑福德于 1567 年将这部浪漫小说的部分内容译成了英语，托马斯·昂德唐于 1568-1569 年根据波兰人斯坦尼斯拉斯·沃舍维奇斯基的拉丁语译本制作了完整版本。
THE GREEK ROMANCERS were very popular too. Annibale Caro put Daphnis and Chloe into Italian, and Amyot in 1559 made a superb French translation which A. Day turned into rather clumsy English in 1587. Amyot also translated the Aethiopica in 1547. James Sandford turned some of this romance into English in 1567, and in 1568–9 Thomas Underdown produced a complete version, based on a Latin translation by the Pole Stanislas Warshewiczki.
C ICERO与其朋友的通信由不幸的Dolet（1542年）和F.de Belleforest（1566年）翻译成法语。
CICERO’S correspondence with his friends was put into French by the unfortunate Dolet (1542) and F. de Belleforest (1566).
胡安·德尔·恩齐纳 (Juan del Enzina) (1492-6) 将维吉尔的 《田园诗》自由地译成西班牙语，并添加了许多中世纪的哲学和宗教教义；克里斯托瓦尔·德·梅萨 (Cristobal de Mesa) 于 1600 年左右将《田园诗》和《农事诗》译成了八度音程。贝尔纳多·普尔奇 (Bernardo Pulci) 于 1481 年撰写了优美的意大利语版本。米歇尔·纪尧姆·德·图尔 (Michel Guillaume de Tours) (1516 年和 1519 年) 翻译了《田园诗》和《农事诗》，其中包含虔诚的阐释，就像奥维德的一些中世纪版本一样。34克莱门特·马洛特 (Clement Marot) 于 1532 年翻译了《田园诗》第一卷，理查德·勒布朗 (Richard le Blanc) 于 1555 年完成了这套诗集；他于 1554 年翻译了《农事诗》 。斯蒂芬·里奇乌斯 (Stephan Riccius) 于 1567 年将《田园诗》译成德文，亚伯拉罕·弗莱明 (Abraham Fleming) 于 1575 年将《田园诗》译成英文，弗莱明于 1589 年添加了他自己的《农事诗》版本。伟大的西班牙诗人路易斯·德·莱昂(Luis de Leon) (约1527-91 年) 对《田园诗》和《农事诗》前两卷进行了精彩的翻译；而乔瓦尼·鲁切拉伊 (Giovanni Rucellai)于 1524 年完成的《农事诗》第四卷《蜜蜂》的改编，开启了意大利文的一系列说教诗的序幕。
VERGIL’S Bucolics were freely paraphrased in Spanish, with the addition of much medieval philosophical and religious doctrine, by Juan del Enzina (1492-6), and translated into octaves, along with the Georgics, by Cristobal de Mesa about 1600. Bernardo Pulci had written an elegant Italian version in 1481. The earliest French translation of the Bucolics and Georgics, by Michel Guillaume de Tours (1516 and 1519), contained pious expositions like some of the medieval versions of Ovid.34 Clement Marot translated Bucolics 1 in 1532, and Richard le Blanc completed the set in 1555; he had translated the Georgics in 1554. The Bucolics were put into German by Stephan Riccius in 1567 and into English in 1575 by Abraham Fleming, who added his version of the Georgics in 1589. The great Spanish poet Luis de Leon (c. 1527–91) made fine translations of the Bucolics and of the first two books of the Georgics; while Giovanni Rucellai’s adaptation of Georgics, 4, The Bees, finished in 1524, began a long succession of didactic poems in Italian.
路易斯·德·莱昂将贺拉斯的二十首颂歌译成了西班牙语。35年轻诗人总是能尝试翻译这些短小的抒情诗，因为这些诗充满了思想，充满了微妙的情感色彩，语言运用也非常细腻。西方语言中出现了许多不同的译本：弥尔顿的《皮拉颂》的杰出版本就是明证，《卡姆》 1. 5.36尽管如此，这些作品如此复杂，如此具有反思性，以至于文艺复兴时期的完整版本相对较少。没有英文版或德文版。在法语中，它们出现在完整的翻译中蒙多 ( Mondot) 于 1579 年翻译了贺拉斯的作品，乔尔吉诺 (Giorgino) 于 1595 年出版了意大利语版本。贺拉斯最长的一封信 (第 2、3 集，通常称为“诗歌的艺术”) 是文艺复兴时期文学理论中非常重要的形成因素，经常被翻译。多尔切 (Dolce) 于 1535 年出版了意大利语版本；罗博泰利 (Robortelli) 于 1548 年在一部有影响力的意大利评论著作中对其进行了改写；格兰迪尚 (Grandichan) 于 1541 年和佩莱蒂耶·杜曼斯 (Peletier du Mans) 于 1544 年将其译成法语；路易斯·萨帕塔 (Luis Zapata) 于 1592 年将其译成西班牙语；T. 德兰 (T. Drant) 于 1567 年将其连同其他信函和讽刺作品译成英语。多尔切(Dolce) 于 1559 年将其译成意大利语； 1549 年，哈伯特 (Habert) 将其译成法语。同年，多尔塞 (Dolce) 将其书信集译成法语，“GTP”于 1584 年将其译成法语。
About twenty of HORACE’S odes were turned into Spanish by Luis de Leon.35 It has always been splendid practice for young poets to try their skill on translating these little lyrics, so tightly packed with thought, so iridescent with subtle shades of emotion, so delicate in their use of language. Many, many individual translations appeared in every western tongue: witness Milton’s remarkable version of the Pyrrha ode, Carm. 1. 5.36 Still, they are so complex and so reflective that Renaissance versions of the complete collection are relatively few. There were none in English or German. In French they appeared in a complete translation of Horace’s works by Mondot in 1579, and in Italian Giorgino issued a version in 1595. Horace’s longest Letter (Ep. 2. 3, usually called ‘The Art of Poetry’) was a very important formative factor in Renaissance literary theory and was often translated. Dolce produced an Italian version in 1535; it was paraphrased in an influential Italian critical work by Robortelli in 1548; it was put into French by Grandichan in 1541 and by Peletier du Mans in 1544; into Spanish in 1592 by Luis Zapata; and into English, along with the other Letters and the Satires, by T. Drant in 1567. The Satires appeared in Italian, by Dolce, in 1559; and in French, by Habert, in 1549. Dolce did the Letters in the same year and ‘G. T. P.’ translated them into French in 1584.
奥维德的次要作品于 1500-1509 年以法语出版。英语版方面，特伯维尔于 1567 年翻译了《女英雄》 ，托马斯·丘奇亚德于 1572 年翻译了《哀歌》 ，克里斯托弗·马洛本人于 1597 年翻译了《爱》。
OVID’S minor works came out in French in 1500–9. In English, translations of the Heroides were produced by Turberville in 1567, of the Tristia by the appropriately named Thomas Churchyard in 1572, and of the Loves by Christopher Marlowe himself in about 1597.
讽刺作家珀耳修斯 (PERSIUS) 的名声虽不显眼，但令人印象深刻，至今仍是翻译家的创造力和品味的严峻考验。文艺复兴时期的版本很少。法语版本有两个：1544 年由阿贝尔·富隆 (Abel Foulon) 翻译，1575 年由纪尧姆·杜兰 (Guillaume Durand) 翻译。安东尼奥·瓦洛内 (Antonio Vallone) 的意大利语译本于 1576 年在那不勒斯出版。16 世纪没有其他译本出现；但值得一提的是，巴滕·霍利戴 (Barten Holyday) 的一部优秀作品，于 1616 年在英国出版。
The obscure but memorable satirist PERSIUS is still a severe test of a translator’s ingenuity and taste. Renaissance versions were very few. There were two in French: by Abel Foulon in 1544, and by Guillaume Durand in 1575. An Italian translation by Antonio Vallone was published at Naples in 1576. No others appeared in the sixteenth century; but it is worth mentioning a good effort by Barten Holyday, issued in England in 1616.
1551 年，皮埃尔·德·昌吉 (Pierre de Changi) 出版了普林尼 (PLINY)《自然史》的法语删节版，1566 年“IA”出版了英文版——奥赛罗在顺从的时刻向苔丝狄蒙娜讲述的旅行故事也许启发了莎士比亚。三十七
An abridged French version of PLINY’S Natural History by Pierre de Changi came out in 1551, and an English version by ‘I. A.’ in 1566—which perhaps inspired Shakespeare with the travel-tales that Othello told to Desdemona in a pliant hour.37
克莱门特·马罗特 (1496-1544) 将马夏尔的警句翻译成了法语，但由于这些警句非常容易阅读，因此在文艺复兴时期几乎不需要翻译。
Clément Marot (1496-1544) translated MARTIAL’S epigrams into French, but they are so easy to read that translations were scarcely necessary in the Renaissance.
J UVENAL于 1475 年由 G. Summaripa 译成意大利语。第十部讽刺作品于 1515 年由 Geronime de Villegas 译成西班牙语，1617 年由 'WB' 译成英语；1544 年 Michel d'Amboyse 用法语出版了第 8、10、11 和 13 部。
JUVENAL was translated into Italian by G. Summaripa in 1475. The tenth satire was put into Spanish by Geronime de Villegas in 1515 and into English by ‘W. B.’ in 1617; in 1544 Michel d’Amboyse issued 8, 10, 11, and 13 in French.
普列乌斯的 《变形记》由博亚尔多（1494 年去世）译成意大利语；由纪尧姆·米歇尔（Guillaume Michel）译成法语，由约翰·西德（Johann Sieder）译成德语；1566 年，威廉·阿德林顿（William Adlington）将其译成英语，尽管他的译本不如原文精彩，但仍然可读且有趣。
APULEIUS’S Metamorphoses were rendered into Italian by Boiardo, who died in 1494; into French by Guillaume Michel and German by Johann Sieder; and in 1566 into English by William Adlington, whose translation, though less brilliant than the original, is still readable and enjoyable.
中世纪时，西方的每个欧洲国家都有两种文学。他们用自己的方言或语言写书、唱歌曲；他们还有新旧拉丁文学。因此，既有独立的国家文学，也有国际文学——两者都在不断发展。
During the Middle Ages, each of the European countries in the west had two literatures. They had books written and songs sung in their own dialects or languages; and they had Latin literature old and new. Thus there were separate national literatures, and there was an international literature—both constantly growing.
有时，两者会互相渗透。当它们互相渗透时，这种综合可能会比同时期任何纯民族或纯拉丁的作品更为高贵。但丁的《喜剧》就是这样的。随着文艺复兴的临近，它们之间的渗透越来越频繁，越来越深入。过去罕见而困难的接触变得容易、愉快而富有成效。新思想涌入民族文学；新的模式被学习、利用和发展；文艺复兴时期人们激烈的竞争精神受到了挑战，他们贪婪的求知欲得到了满足，这些新出版的拉丁文和希腊文书籍比他们的父辈写的任何书都要伟大，但（他们觉得）并没有比他们自己写得更伟大。
Sometimes the two interpenetrated. When they did, the synthesis could be a nobler creation than any purely national or purely Latin work of its age. Such was Dante’s Comedy. As the Renaissance approached, they interpenetrated more often and more deeply. The contacts which had been rare and difficult became easy, delightful, fertile. New ideas poured into the national literatures; new patterns were learned and utilized and developed; the ardently competitive spirit of the men of the Renaissance was challenged, and their greedy intellectual appetite was fed, by newly revealed books in Latin and Greek, greater than any their fathers had written, but not (they felt) greater than they themselves could write.
他们从这些书中获得的灵感有时是直接的，比如蒙田消化了塞涅卡的论文，将塞涅卡的思想融入自己的思想。有时，灵感来自远方，通过强化他们作品的高贵品质和细化他们的艺术。文艺复兴时期关于当代人物和主题的喜剧比中世纪任何作品都更加复杂，因为作者直接或间接地欣赏了普劳图斯的复杂性。但是，在文艺复兴期间和之后，越来越多的作家希望生活在两个世界中并充分利用它们，他们发现古典书籍的翻译对他们很有帮助。两个世界之间的潮流越来越丰富。阿米奥特将希腊传记作家和道德家普鲁塔克翻译成法语。蒙田抓住了这个翻译，并终生与之为伴。诺斯将阿米奥特的译本译成了英文。莎士比亚将其改写为《科利奥兰纳斯》、《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》、《尤利乌斯·凯撒》。用弥尔顿的话来说，伟大的著作是大师精神的生命之血。通过翻译，这种生命之血的能量可以传递给其他精神，并可以使其中一些精神变得同样伟大，甚至更伟大。
The inspiration they drew from these books was sometimes direct, as when Montaigne digested Seneca’s essays and made Seneca’s thoughts into part of his own mind. Sometimes it acted remotely, by intensifying the nobility of their work and subtilizing their art. A Renaissance comedy on contemporary persons and themes is far more comically complicated than anything the Middle Ages ever conceived, because its author has enjoyed, at first or second hand, the intricacies of Plautus. But, more and more often during and since the Renaissance, writers who wish to live in both worlds and make the best of both, find that translations of classical books will serve them well. The current flows between the two worlds more and more richly. Amyot translates the Greek biographer and moralist Plutarch into French. Montaigne seizes on the translation and lives with it the rest of his life. North turns Amyot’s translation into English. Shakespeare changes it into Coriolanus, Antony and Cleopatra, Julius Caesar. Great books, in Milton’s words, are the life-blood of a master spirit. Through translations the energy of that life-blood can be given to other spirits, and can make some of them as great, or greater.
7
文艺复兴
戏剧
7
THE RENAISSANCE
DRAMA
在中世纪，有各种类型的粗俗民间戏剧和宗教庆典，偶尔还有半成品的拉丁戏剧，以古典或圣经为主题，供教会、学者，有时也供贵族观看。但是，如果没有文艺复兴带来的新动力，尤其是 15 和 16 世纪古典戏剧的重新发现，这些戏剧几乎不可能发展到现代剧院的全部力量。现代舞台是希腊罗马戏剧对文艺复兴时期生活的影响所创造的。
IN the Middle Ages there were various types of rude popular plays and religious pageants, and an occasional half-realized drama in Latin on classical or biblical subjects, for the church, the learned, and sometimes the nobles. But it is little likely that any of these would ever have grown up to the full power of the modern theatre without the new impulses provided by the Renaissance, and in particular by the rediscovery of classical drama in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The modern stage was created by the impact of Greco-Roman drama on Renaissance life.
它从希腊和罗马剧作家那里汲取了以下几点启发。
It owes the following debts to the playwrights of Greece and Rome.
( a )将戏剧视为一门美术。中世纪的戏剧要么是由业余演员，要么是由文化和地位较低的流浪演员表演的：尽管他们的作品非常人性化，但几乎不配被称为一门手艺。演员和作家只有努力达到古典戏剧的高度，他们的声望和技能才会提高。文艺复兴时期的戏剧是一门贵族艺术。它始于意大利的公爵宫殿。它在皇家宫廷、贵族住宅、大型学校和西欧大学中发展起来。在它的发展过程中，它主要为受过良好教育并对希腊和拉丁文化有生动理解的观众而写。他们有很高的批评标准。即使是他们的小丑也必须学会或假装学会。这些高标准的确立，以及当代对批评原则的讨论越来越多，使得在文艺复兴时期，继续以惯常的低水平制作粗俗的旧闹剧和幼稚的旧宗教戏剧成为不可能。不仅要与古人的技巧相媲美，而且要与古人的尊严相媲美，对他们来说，诗人不是江湖骗子，而是教师、立法者，几乎是牧师。
(a) The conception of drama as a fine art. The plays of the Middle Ages had been performed either by amateurs or by strolling players of low culture and status: touchingly human as their efforts were, they scarcely even deserve to be called a craft. The improvement in the prestige and skill of actors and writers came only when they tried to rise to the heights attained by classical drama. Renaissance drama was an aristocratic art. It began in the ducal palaces of Italy. It developed in the royal courts, the noblemen’s houses, the great schools, and the colleges of western Europe. During its development it was written predominantly for audiences who had an exceptional education and a lively understanding of Greek and Latin culture. They had high critical standards. Even their clowns had to be learned or to pretend learning. The establishment of these high standards, and the increasingly numerous contemporary discussions of the principles of criticism, made it impossible, during the Renaissance, to continue producing the rude old farces and the naive old religious spectacles on the customary low level. It was necessary to equal not only the skill but the dignity of the ancients, for whom the poet was not a mountebank but a teacher, a legislator, almost a priest.
（二）戏剧作为一种文学类型的实现。正如我们所见，但丁、乔叟以及他们的同时代人都没有理解戏剧与叙事之间的本质区别。1这对伟大文学模式的真实特征的模糊性是中世纪的特点，有助于解释许多中世纪文学的无定形性。（甚至斯特拉特福德莎士比亚半身像上的老式铭文也将他与涅斯托、苏格拉底和维吉尔相提并论。）直到近 1500 年，学者们才走得足够远，弄清楚了戏剧的总体结构，并在意大利和法国的舞台上将古典戏剧的翻译和模仿搬上了舞台；只有到那时，通过实验和经验，戏剧的全部潜力才开始显现出来。然后，通过测试、抛弃、模仿或改编希腊人和罗马人使用的模式，文艺复兴时期的剧作家和评论家建立了后来一直以希腊名字命名的剧种：戏剧、喜剧、悲剧。他们中的一些人试图走得太远，过于专业化和古典化。在波洛涅斯对演员的介绍中，莎士比亚讽刺了他的同时代人，他们不仅愿意表演四种公认的戏剧类型（其中三种是古典戏剧），还愿意根据顾客自己的品味将它们混合在一起：
(b) The realization of drama as a type of literature. As we have seen, neither Dante nor Chaucer nor their contemporaries understood the essential difference between drama and narrative.1 This vagueness about the real character of the great literary patterns was characteristic of the Middle Ages and helps to account for the formlessness of much medieval literature. (Even the old-fashioned inscription on Shakespeare’s bust at Stratford compares him to Nestor, Socrates, and Vergil.) It was not until nearly 1500 that scholars had gone far enough ahead to make out the general structure of drama, and to put translations and imitations of classical plays on the stage in Italy and France; and only then, with experiment and experience, did the full potentialities of the drama start to make themselves plain. Then, by testing, and discarding, or imitating, or adapting the patterns used by the Greeks and Romans, the Renaissance playwrights and critics established the genera which have ever since been called by their Greek names: drama, comedy, tragedy. Some of them tried to go too far, and specialize and classicize too much. In Polonius’s introduction of the players Shakespeare satirizes his contemporaries who were ready not only to play the four recognized types of drama (three of them classical) but to mix them to the customer’s own taste:
“世界上最好的演员，无论是悲剧、喜剧、历史、田园、田园喜剧、历史田园、悲剧历史、悲剧喜剧历史田园、不可分割的场景，还是无限的诗歌：塞涅卡不会太重，普劳图斯也不会太轻。”2
‘The best actors in the world, either for tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, pastoral-comical, historical-pastoral, tragical-historical, tragical-comical-historical-pastoral, scene individable, or poem unlimited: Seneca cannot be too heavy nor Plautus too light. ‘2
但是，除非我们能够理解戏剧这种文学类型的本质特征，以及它的所有可能变体，否则悲剧和喜剧的真正美就无法实现。3
But still, until the essential character of the type of literature we call drama was understood, with all its possible varieties, the real beauties of tragedy and comedy could not be achieved.3
这并不意味着文艺复兴时期的戏剧模仿了罗马和希腊的喜剧和悲剧，从而达到了完美。不，在每个西方国家，戏剧都与民族精神相遇、融合，帮助民族精神更加雄辩地表达自己，这时戏剧才达到顶峰。在意大利，经过多次雄心勃勃但失败的尝试，戏剧在歌剧中达到了本质，这是一次经过深思熟虑的尝试，旨在重现希腊悲剧。在法国，戏剧在 16 世纪失败了，后来在高乃依和拉辛的悲剧、莫里哀的喜剧和准悲剧中取得了成果。在英国和西班牙，几乎没有任何成功的古典戏剧。但英国和西班牙的剧作家吸收了古典戏剧的大部分内容，并加入了自己的想象力，重塑了它的人物、幽默和惯例，以适应他们的民族，剩下的就剩下马洛、洛佩·德·维加、韦伯斯特、卡尔德隆、莎士比亚了。
This must not be taken to mean that drama reached perfection in the Renaissance when it copied Roman and Greek comedy and tragedy. No: it culminated when, in each of the western countries, it met and mingled with the spirit of the nation, and helped that spirit to express itself more eloquently. In Italy, after many ambitious but unsuccessful attempts, it reached its nature in opera, which was a well-thought-out attempt to reincarnate Greek tragedy. In France it failed in the sixteenth century and came to fruition later, in the tragedies of Corneille and Racine, in the comedies and near-tragedies of Molière. In England and Spain there was scarcely any classicizing drama which was successful. But the English and Spanish dramatists assimilated much of the classical drama, and added their own imagination to it, reshaped its characters, its humour, and its conventions to suit their peoples, and left the rest. The magnificent result was Marlowe, Lope de Vega, Webster, Calderón, Shakespeare.
( c )剧院建筑和戏剧制作原则。中世纪没有剧院。他们所上演的戏剧都是在临时平台、“花车”或用于其他目的的建筑物上演。只有一个晚期例外：受难兄弟会在巴黎的勃艮第酒店上演神秘剧。4但是，文艺复兴时期，罗马帝国灭亡后，人们第一次修建了永久性的剧场：部分原因是为了容纳观众，因为自从戏剧得到改进后，观众的数量大大增加，要求也更高，5部分原因是为了为许多以希腊罗马题材或希腊罗马原则为主题的戏剧提供希腊罗马背景。起初，没有人知道如何建造剧院。有各种业余尝试，随着经验的积累，这些尝试变得更加复杂。但在 1484 年，罗马建筑师维特鲁威的第一版出版，制片人、剧作家、建筑师和插画家立即开始尝试重建他所描述的辉煌建筑。在文艺复兴鼎盛时期，戏剧设计的问题尚未完全解决。当莎士比亚开始他的职业生涯时，伦敦最好的剧院是天鹅剧院，一位荷兰游客画了一张草图，“因为它看起来很像罗马圆形剧场”。6但从他的草图来看，它显然是一种混合体。它是中世纪客栈院子和文艺复兴时期希腊罗马舞台概念的结合。像《李尔王》一样，它是古典和中世纪的综合体。但经过进一步的实验和对古典设计意义的进一步认识，现代剧院得以建造。阿拉迪斯·尼科尔先生在他那本令人钦佩的著作《剧院的发展》中，选择了维琴察的奥林匹克剧院作为 1580 年现代舞台建造可能性在古典模型上得到充分实现的起点。7它由著名的古典主义建筑师帕拉迪奥发起，虽然它的舞台显然过于华丽，不符合现代（或希腊）的品味，但它探索了戏剧设计的基本要素，如永恒、庄严、对称和长后退透视。这些发现在巴洛克时代得到了进一步的阐述。巴洛克建筑师和戏剧制作人的作品，重新强调了对希腊和罗马艺术的重视，使得世界上大多数伟大的剧院，从布宜诺斯艾利斯的科隆剧院到米兰的斯卡拉大剧院，从从慕尼黑王宫到巴黎歌剧院、纽约和伦敦，都重建了希腊和罗马剧院——甚至半圆形的观众席、舞台上方的拱门、边柱、装饰性的水果花环和对称的花圈、喜剧和悲剧的雕刻面具、伟大作家和演员的半身像和圆形肖像、楼梯、拱顶和柱子、高贵的帷幔、诗人、缪斯和诗神阿波罗自己的雕像。
(c) The theatre-building and the principles of dramatic production. The Middle Ages had no theatres. What plays they had were given on temporary platforms, or on ‘floats’, or in buildings meant for other purposes. There is only one late exception: the Fraternity of the Passion had the Hotel de Bourgogne in Paris for their mystery plays.4 But permanent theatres were built in the Renaissance, for the first time since the fall of Rome: partly to accommodate the audiences, which had grown immensely larger and more demanding since the drama had improved,5 and partly to provide a Greco-Roman setting for so many plays done on Greco-Roman subjects or on Greco-Roman principles. At first no one knew how to build a theatre. There were various amateurish attempts, which grew a little more elaborate with experience. But in 1484 the first edition of the Roman architect Vitruvius was printed, and producers, playwrights, architects, and illustrators at once began to try to reconstruct the splendid buildings he described. During the high Renaissance the problem of theatrical design was not fully solved. When Shakespeare began his career the finest theatre in London was the Swan, which a Dutch visitor sketched ‘because it looked so like a Roman amphitheatre’.6 But from his sketch it is clearly a hybrid. It is a cross between a medieval inn-yard and a Renaissance conception of a Greco-Roman stage. Like King Lear, it is a synthesis of classical and medieval. But after further experiment and further realization of the meaning of classical design, the modern theatre was constructed. Mr. Allardyce Nicoll, in his admirable book The Development of the Theatre, picks the Olympic Theatre at Vicenza as the point at which, in 1580, the possibilities of modern stage construction were fully realized on classical models.7 It was started by the famous classicist architect Palladio, and, although its stage was evidently far too ornate for modern (or for Greek) taste, it explored such essentials of theatrical design as permanence, dignity, symmetry, and long-receding perspective. These discoveries were elaborated during the baroque age. The work of the baroque architects and theatrical producers, with their renewed and strengthened emphasis on Greek and Roman art, is responsible for the fact that most of the great theatres in the world, from the Teatro Colon in Buenos Aires to the Scala in Milan, from the Residenz in Munich to the Opera of Paris and New York and London, are re-created Greek and Roman theatres—even to the semicircular auditorium, the arch above the stage, the side-pillars, the decorative garlands of fruit and symmetrical wreaths of flowers, the sculptured masks of Comedy and Tragedy, the busts and medallion portraits of great writers and actors, the staircases, vaults, and columns, the noble draperies, the statues of poets, of Muses, of the god of poetry, Apollo himself.
( d )现代戏剧的结构是从希腊经罗马传入我们的，具体来说，以下元素是古典时期的引进。
(d) The structure of modern drama comes to us from Greece via Rome: in particular, the following elements are classical importations.
首先，我们的戏剧的比例，通常持续两到三个小时，很少多或少。我们现在认为这是自然的；但事实并非如此。中世纪的戏剧多为短剧、幕间剧等；西班牙人喜欢简短的萨苏埃拉；在电影的早期，有数百部十分钟的闹剧；日本人在他们的能剧中将小报戏剧提升到了一种高超的艺术。中世纪也出现了极长的戏剧，奇迹剧的循环演出需要一整天的时间。这种情况在东方的连续剧（例如日本的歌舞伎）中更为明显，这种戏剧一次持续数周，在早期电影的连续剧中也是如此，这些连续剧就像漫画一样，旨在提供无休止的刺激。我们在戏剧和其他许多方面的比例感都来自希腊人。
First, the proportions of our plays, which last from two to three hours, and seldom much more or less. We now accept this as natural; but it is not. The Middle Ages ran to short plays, interludes and the like; the Spaniards love brief zarzuelas; in the early days of moving pictures there were hundreds of ten-minute farces; and the Japanese have raised tabloid drama to a high art in their Nō plays. Extreme length also appeared in the Middle Ages, with cycles of miracle plays which took a whole day to perform. This goes even further in the serial dramas of the East (e.g. the kabuki plays of Japan) which continue for weeks at a time, and in the serials of the early movies, which, like comic strips, are designed to provide interminable excitement. We get our sense of proportion, in drama as in so much else, from the Greeks.
我们还可以看到，戏剧被对称地分为三幕、四幕或（通常在文艺复兴时期）五幕，每幕都包含一个主要部分。这也是希腊人的发明，他们用合唱歌曲和舞蹈来强调情节，尽管表演是连续的——就像一部现代电影，而不是一部现代戏剧。
We also get the symmetrical division into three, four, or (usually in the Renaissance) five acts, each embodying a major part of the action. This too was an invention of the Greeks, who punctuated the plot with choral songs and dances, although the performance was continuous—like a modern film rather than a modern play.
合唱队是希腊人的另一项发明。所有现代合唱队都是它的直接后代：从《我们的小镇》中的叙事合唱队到《亨利五世》中的解说合唱队，后者以对观众想象力的高尚呼吁开场：
The chorus was another Greek invention. All modern choruses are its direct descendants: from the narrative Chorus of Our Town to the explanatory Chorus of Henry V, who opens the play with a noble appeal to the imagination of the audience:
啊！有一位火焰缪斯，她将登上
最璀璨的发明天堂；
以王国为舞台，王子们来表演，
君主们来观看这盛大的场面；
O! for a Muse of fire, that would ascend
The brightest heaven of invention;
A kingdom for a stage, princes to act,
And monarchs to behold the swelling scene;
从音乐喜剧中的美丽女孩到鲍里斯·戈东诺夫笔下陷入困境的俄罗斯人民。
from the pretty girls of musical comedy to the troubled Russian people of Boris Godunov.
复杂情节的想法起源于希腊和罗马，并流传至今：戏剧性的故事建立在鲜明而复杂的人物形象、个人之间的冲突和精神力量的碰撞，以及由这种情节不断增加的智力复杂性和情感张力所产生的不断升级的悬念之上。
The idea of having an intricate plot was Greek and Roman in origin and in transmission to us: a dramatic story built on strongly marked and complex characters, on conflicts between individual people and collisions of spiritual forces, and on the mounting suspense produced by the increasing intellectual complexity and emotional tension of such a plot.
现代戏剧诗体为我们的戏剧创造了许多最精彩的瞬间，其创作目的是为了与希腊和罗马戏剧的雄辩相媲美。中世纪戏剧的诗体更像是抒情诗、闹剧或打油诗；而早期模仿古典戏剧的诗体完全不适合。8很可能正是对希腊和罗马悲剧的主要韵律——12 音节抑扬格诗行——的实际模仿产生了现代意大利语和英语的无韵诗。9
Modern dramatic verse, which has produced so many of the sublimest moments of our theatre, was created to rival the eloquence of Greek and Roman drama. The verse of the medieval plays was more like lyric, or farce, or doggerel; and the early emulations of classical drama were written in completely unsuitable metres.8 Probably it was the actual imitation of the chief metre of Greek and Roman tragedy—a 12-syllable iambic line— that produced modern blank verse, Italian and English.9
( e ) 所有这些同样重要的是，希腊和罗马戏剧在重新发现时，提供了令人钦佩、竞争甚至超越的高标准。应对这一巨大挑战的是文艺复兴和巴洛克戏剧。
(e) No less important than all these was the fact that Greek and Roman drama, when rediscovered, provided high standards to admire, to compete with, and if possible to outdo. The response to this formidable challenge was Renaissance and baroque drama.
留存下来的作品（数量少得可怜）对现代戏剧产生影响的古典剧作家有：
The classical playwrights whose works survived (in pitifully small numbers) to influence modern drama were these:
（a）公元前五世纪的雅典悲剧作家：
(a) Athenian tragedians of the fifth century B.C.:
埃斯库罗斯（525–456），其七部剧作存世；
Aeschylus (525–456), seven of whose plays remain;
索福克勒斯（495–406），其七部剧作存世；
Sophocles (495–406), seven of whose plays remain;
欧里庇得斯（？481–406），他的十九部剧作留存至今。
Euripides (?481–406), nineteen of whose plays remain.
（b）一位同一时代的雅典喜剧演员：
(b) An Athenian comedian of the same age:
阿里斯托芬（？444-？385），留下了11部戏剧。
Aristophanes (?444–?385), who has left eleven plays.
（c）罗马喜剧演员，主要创作公元前四世纪和三世纪雅典人米南德及其同事所创造的素材、人物和风格（这些人的作品几乎全部丢失）：
(c) Roman comedians, working on material, characters, and styles largely created by the Athenian Menander and his colleagues of the fourth and third centuries B.C. (the works of these men are almost wholly lost):
普劳图斯 (？254–184)，他的戏剧作品有 21 部；
Plautus (?254–184), of whom we have twenty-one plays;
特伦特（？195-159），留下了六个孩子。
Terence (?195–159), who left six.
（d）一位罗马悲剧作家：
(d) A Roman tragedian:
塞涅卡 (公元前4 年-公元65 年)，以自己独特的极端风格撰写有关希腊神话和模型的文章，可能不适合舞台表演：10我们有他的九部戏剧和一部以当代主题为主题的当代模仿作品，即尼禄对其妻子屋大维娅的毁灭。
Seneca (?4 B.C.–A.D. 65), writing on Greek myths and models in an extreme style of his own, and possibly not for stage-performance:10 we have nine of his plays and a contemporary imitation on a contemporary subject, Nero’s destruction of his wife Octavia.
正如莎士比亚所看到的，并且让波洛涅斯说出来的，对文艺复兴戏剧产生影响的主要古典刺激不是希腊人，而是罗马人塞内卡和普劳图斯。11亚里士多德的《诗学》和贺拉斯的《诗的艺术》在形成批评标准方面具有几乎同等的影响力12在这之后是泰伦斯，然后是欧里庇得斯和索福克勒斯。希腊悲剧的语言难度要大得多，而欧里庇得斯的风格是其中最简单的，这或许解释了它为何被人忽视，以及为什么人们对最伟大、最难理解的埃斯库罗斯缺乏兴趣。13阿里斯托芬之所以被忽视，可能是因为他的作品形式怪异、幽默极其时事性、下流，语言复杂。拉伯雷有他的作品的副本；但尽管他在才智和语言上与阿里斯托芬非常相似，但很少有迹象表明他实际上引用或模仿过阿里斯托芬。14但普劳图斯则直截了当。1429 年，他的 12 部佚失的剧本被发现并运往罗马。15这一发现鼓励了意大利剧作家们去模仿他。
As Shakespeare saw, and made Polonius say, the chief classical stimuli acting upon Renaissance drama were not the Greeks but the Romans Seneca and Plautus.11 Almost equally influential (in forming critical standards) were Aristotle’s Poetics and Horace’s ‘Art of Poetry’.12 After these came Terence, and then Euripides and Sophocles. The much greater difficulty of the language of Greek tragedy, in which the style of Euripides is the simplest, probably accounts for its otherwise inexplicable neglect, and for the general lack of interest in the greatest and most difficult of all, Aeschylus.13 The neglect of Aristophanes may be explained by the oddity of his form, the extreme topicality and indecency of his humour, and the complexity of his language. Rabelais had a copy of his works; but, although he closely resembled Aristophanes in wit and language, there are very few traces that he actually quoted or imitated him.14 But Plautus is far more straightforward; and when twelve of his lost plays were discovered and brought to Rome in 1429,15 the discovery encouraged Italian playwrights to imitate him.
正是塞涅卡激励并指导了意大利和英国文艺复兴时期的剧作家。他们从他那里吸取了一些人物、态度和手法，尽管这些在今天的舞台上已经有些过时，但在当时却是新颖而有价值的。例如，野心勃勃、冷酷无情的暴君，莎士比亚的《理查三世》就是最好的例证。他是一个永恒的人物。希腊人在戏剧中创造了他；但塞涅卡把他强化为恶魔，意大利人也热切地接受了他，因为他们自己的城市也出现了许多他这种类型的人物，英国诗人对此感到震惊但又很感兴趣，他们从罗马和意大利复制了他的作品。16君主的幽灵呼唤他的亲属为他被谋杀而报仇，从而带来新的罪行和恐怖，早在埃斯库罗斯的《奥瑞斯提亚》中就出现在希腊戏剧中；塞涅卡经常使用这种幽灵，而且使用得非常暴力；意大利热衷于复仇，从塞涅卡那里继承了复仇的幽灵，英国人也从他们两人那里继承了这种幽灵。如今，这种幽灵似乎很愚蠢：即使在伊丽莎白女王统治时期，洛奇也说它悲惨的复仇呼声听起来“像牡蛎妻子”；17但我们不能轻视莎士比亚为班柯、凯撒和哈姆雷特国王的不安灵魂所改编的版本。
It was Seneca in particular who stimulated and instructed the Renaissance dramatists of Italy and England. From him they took certain characters, attitudes, and devices which, although partly obsolete on the stage to-day, were new and valuable then. For example, the ambitious ruthless tyrant, best exemplified in Shakespeare’s Richard III. He is an eternal figure. He was created in drama by the Greeks; but he was intensified into diabolism by Seneca, eagerly taken up by the Italians because their own cities produced so many of his type, and copied both from Rome and from Italy by the horrified but interested English poets.16 The ghost of a monarch calling on his kin to avenge his murder, and thereby bringing on new crimes and horrors, appears in Greek drama as early as the Oresteia of Aeschylus; Seneca used such phantoms frequently and violently; Italy, with its passion for vendetta, took the revengeful ghost from Seneca, and the English from them both. The ghost seems silly nowadays: even in Queen Elizabeth’s reign Lodge said its miserable calls for revenge sounded ‘like an oyster-wife’;17 but we cannot despise the lendings which Shakespeare changed into the perturbed spirits of Banquo, Caesar, and King Hamlet.
文艺复兴时期剧作家的创作在一定程度上要归功于意大利和英国的近代历史，但更重要的是塞涅卡。对生活阴暗面的热情：对巫术和超自然现象的热情（如《麦克白》）、对即将发生或已经发生的疯狂的热情（《哈姆雷特》、《西班牙悲剧》、《马尔菲公爵夫人》、《李尔王》）、对酷刑、残害和尸体的展示（《李尔王》、《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》、《奥贝切》、《马尔菲公爵夫人》），以及对在观众眼前发生的和不断发生的谋杀的热情。最后，是塞涅卡增强了他们自己灵魂的能量，激发了伊丽莎白剧作家们一半英雄、一半疯狂的骄傲和激情的爆发，他们
It was partly to recent history in Italy and England, but even more to Seneca, that the Renaissance playwrights owed their passion for the darker sides of life: for witchcraft and the supernatural (as in Macbeth), for madness impending or actual(Hamlet, The Spanish Tragedy, The Duchess of Malfi, King Lear), for the display of torture, mutilation, and corpses(King Lear, Titus Andronicus, Orbecche, The Duchess of Malfi), and for murder committed and multiplied before the eyes of the audience. Finally, it was Seneca, strengthening the energy of their own souls, who stimulated the Elizabethan dramatists to the tremendous outbursts of pride and passion, half heroic and half insane, in which they
把骑士举到云层之上，
用大炮打破天庭，
摧毁太阳闪耀的宫殿，
震动整个星空。18
raise cavalieros higher than the clouds,
And with the cannon break the frame of heaven,
Batter the shining palace of the sun,
And shiver all the starry firmament.18
现代戏剧的源头在意大利。意大利人首先感受到古典戏剧的刺激，并在这种刺激下创作了最早的现代喜剧、悲剧、歌剧、田园剧和戏剧评论。反过来，他们又刺激了法国人、英国人，以及不那么直接的西班牙人。要了解他们的刺激性影响如何向外传播，最好的方法是调查每个领域的“第一”——翻译、模仿和模仿经典的原创现代戏剧。
The wellhead of modern drama is Italy. The Italians first felt the stimulus of classical drama, and under it they produced the earliest modern comedies, tragedies, operas, pastoral plays, and dramatic criticisms. It turn, they stimulated the French, the English, and, less directly, the Spaniards. The best way to see how their stimulating influence spread outwards is to survey the ‘firsts’ in each field—translations, imitations, and original modern plays emulating the classics.
从 15 世纪下半叶起，拉丁和希腊戏剧的译本开始在意大利上演。第一部翻译的喜剧是普劳图斯的《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》，由尼科洛·达·科雷乔于 1486 年为费拉拉公爵上演。（费拉拉贵族家族对现代戏剧的发展贡献比其他任何家族和大多数欧洲国家都大。）悲剧的发展则需要更长的时间。我们听说 1509 年左右塞内加悲剧的意大利版上演，以及1533 年由路易吉·阿拉曼尼上演的索福克勒斯的《安提戈涅》的意大利版。
Translations of Latin and Greek plays were being acted in Italy from the second half of the fifteenth century onwards. The first comedy to be acted in translation was The Brothers Menaechmus of Plautus, done by Niccolo da Correggio for the Duke of Ferrara in 1486. (The noble house of Ferrara did more than any other family, and more than most European nations, for the development of the modern theatre.) Tragedy took longer to develop. We hear of performances of Senecan tragedies in Italian about 1509, and of an Italian version of Sophocles’ Antigone by Luigi Alamanni which was acted in 1533.
在法国，15 世纪下半叶，诗人和学者开始翻译古典戏剧，既翻译原著，也翻译意大利改编本；但这些戏剧并没有上演。相反，我们听说像才华横溢的苏格兰学者乔治·布坎南这样的人创作了拉丁语版本的希腊戏剧。转折点出现在 1548 年。那一年，亨利二世和凯瑟琳·德·美第奇在里昂受到了伊波利托·德·埃斯特的盛情款待，费拉拉的红衣主教向他们展示了一部改编自拉丁戏剧的现代意大利散文喜剧，由技艺精湛的男演员和美丽的女演员表演。（这是一部改编自《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》的喜剧，名为《卡兰德里亚》 （calandro 的意思是“笨蛋”），由后来成为比比耶纳红衣主教的贝尔纳多·多维齐于 1513 年创作。）五个月后，约阿希姆·杜·贝莱出版了《法语的保卫与贵族化》，呼吁制作以古典模式模仿古人的喜剧和悲剧，而不是中世纪的闹剧和道德剧；很快现代法国戏剧就诞生了。19（1567 年，七星社的另一位成员让-安东尼·德·巴伊夫根据普劳图斯的《自夸的士兵》创作了一部现代化的作品，名为《英雄》，现在仍然可以阅读。）
In France poets and scholars began, in the latter half of the fifteenth century, to translate classical plays both from the original and out of Italian adaptations; but they were not acted. Instead, we hear of men like the brilliant Scottish scholar George Buchanan producing Latin versions of Greek dramas. The turning-point came in 1548. In that year Henri II and Catherine de’ Medici were sumptuously entertained at Lyons by Ippolito d’Este, cardinal of Ferrara, who showed them a comedy in modern Italian prose adapted from a Latin play, performed by skilful actors and beautiful actresses. (It was an adaptation of The Brothers Menaechmus called Calandria — calandro means ‘booby’—and written in 1513 by Bernardo Dovizi, who became Cardinal Bibbiena.) Five months later Joachim Du Bellay brought out The Defence and Ennoblement of the French Language, calling among other things for the production of comedies and tragedies on the classical model to emulate the ancients, instead of medieval farces and morality plays; and soon the modern French drama was launched.19 (In 1567 another member of the Pléiade, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, produced a modernization of Plautus’ The Boastful Soldier, called The Hero, which is still readable.)
在英国，虽然学校和大学上演过拉丁剧原版，但我们很少听说有翻译版的戏剧。在西班牙，费尔南·佩雷斯·德·奥利瓦于 1528 年改编了索福克勒斯的《厄勒克特拉》 ，名为《为阿伽门农复仇》，胡安·德·蒂莫内达于 1559 年改编了普劳图斯的《梅纳赫摩斯兄弟》 （名为Los Menemnos或Los Menecmos），该版本经过完全现代化改造，故事背景设定在当时的塞维利亚：但这些戏剧不太可能上演。在葡萄牙，卡蒙斯为普劳图斯的《安菲特律翁》写了一部优秀的翻译和改编作品，显然是为了在 1540 年至 1550 年间在科英布拉大学的一次节日上演出。不久之后，在 17 世纪初，一群在斯特拉斯堡工作的人文主义者开始创作一些古典戏剧（包括几部希腊悲剧），既有原版的，也有德文译本。
In Britain, although there were productions of Latin plays in the original at schools and colleges, we rarely hear of the production of such plays in translation. In Spain there was an adaptation of Sophocles’ Electra made by Fernan Perez de Oliva in 1528, and called Revenge for Agamemnon, and a version of Plautus’ The Brothers Menaechmus (called Los Menemnos or Los Menecmos) by Juan de Timoneda in 1559, which was entirely modernized and set in contemporary Seville: but it is improbable that they were ever produced. In Portugal, Camoens wrote a good translation and adaptation of Plautus’ Amphitryon, apparently for performance at a festival in the university of Coimbra between 1540 and 1550. Some time later, in the early years of the seventeenth century, a group of humanists working at Strasbourg began to produce a number of classical plays (including several Greek tragedies) in the original and in German translations.
拉丁文模仿古典戏剧实际上更接近真正的文艺复兴戏剧，因为它们是原创的戏剧，主题是原创的。最引人注目的是最早的一部。这是埃塞里尼斯（约1315 年），这是一部关于恶魔埃泽利诺·达·罗马诺生活的悲剧，埃泽利诺·达·罗马诺于 1237 年成为帕多瓦的暴君。它是专门为帕多瓦城写的，作为反对未来夺取那里政权的宣传。作者——获得了丰厚的回报——是阿尔贝蒂诺·穆萨托（1261-1329 年），他是洛瓦托·德·洛瓦蒂的学生，洛瓦蒂是第一位理解塞内加悲剧韵律的现代学者。埃塞里尼斯就像一部古典戏剧，有五幕、一个合唱、对话和戏剧韵律；但它很短，而且这部剧并非为舞台表演而创作。穆萨托本人也曾困惑于这部剧，他将其与《埃涅阿斯纪》和《底比斯》作比较，并打算将其作为阅读作品，而不是表演作品。尽管如此，在当时，它仍然是一部大胆而独创的作品，令人钦佩。20
Imitations of classical drama in Latin were really a step closer to genuine Renaissance drama, since they were original plays on original subjects. The most remarkable was the earliest. This was Eccerinis (c. 1315), a tragic poem on the life of the fiendish Ezzelino da Romano, who became tyrant of Padua in 1237. It was specially written for the city of Padua as propaganda against future attempts to seize power there. The author—who was richly rewarded—was Albertino Mussato (1261-1329), a pupil of Lovato de’ Lovati, the first modern scholar who understood the metres of Seneca’s tragedies. Eccerinis is like a classical drama in having five acts, a chorus, dialogue, and dramatic metres; but it is very short, and was not conceived as a drama for performance on the stage. Mussato himself, with a confusion which we have seen in his contemporary Dante, compared it to the Aeneid and the Thebaid, and intended it to be read rather than acted. Still, it was for its time a work of bold and admirable originality.20
后来，特别是随着学校和学院古典教育的极大进步，拉丁戏剧在欧洲各地被创作和上演。在德国，拉丁戏剧是最常见的高级戏剧形式。乔治·布坎南创作了一些非常出色的戏剧，他的学生蒙田（12 岁）在其中出演。以圣经为主题的拉丁悲剧特别受欢迎。在波兰，耶稣会教师也创作了大量戏剧供学生表演。21
Later, particularly with the great improvement in classical education at schools and colleges, Latin plays were written and acted all over Europe. In Germany they were the commonest form of high drama. George Buchanan wrote some of great distinction, in which his pupil, Montaigne (aged 12), acted. Latin tragedies on biblical subjects were particularly popular. In Poland, too, Jesuit teachers wrote a considerable number for their pupils to act.21
至于这些戏剧是用拉丁语写成的，我们必须记住，在许多欧洲国家，没有拉丁语和一种完全发达的国家语言之间的选择，而是拉丁语和一种或另一种地方方言之间的选择。正如 JS Kennard 指出的那样，
As for the fact that such plays were written in Latin, it must be remembered that in many European countries there was no choice between Latin and a fully developed national language, but rather between Latin and one or other local dialect. As J. S. Kennard points out,
“人文主义将意大利的几个地区纳入了共同的文化，消除了方言的差异，使国家的不同元素意识到了思想的统一。……意大利社区的成员分为威尼斯人、佛罗伦萨人、那不勒斯人、伦巴第人和罗马人，他们在从过去重新征服的精神城市中认清了自己的身份。整个国家都拥有拉丁诗人作为共同的遗产；在普劳图斯的基础上，佛罗伦萨人和那不勒斯人可以相互理解。”22
‘humanism embraced the several districts of Italy in a common culture, effacing the distinctions of dialect, and bringing the separate elements of the nation to a consciousness of intellectual unity. … Divided as Venetians, as Florentines, as Neapolitans, as Lombards, and as Romans, the members of the Italian community recognized their identity in the spiritual city they had reconquered from the past. The whole nation possessed the Latin poets as a common heritage; and on the ground of Plautus, Florentines and Neapolitans could understand each other.’22
如果我们将“整个国家”理解为“所有受过教育的男人和女人”，那么这是真实而重要的：虽然在当今本能的民族主义中，我们认为任何一种民族语言都比国际语言更有活力、更有力量，比如拉丁语，它涵盖了许多世纪和许多思想领域。
If for ‘the whole nation’ we read ‘all educated men and women’, that is true and important: although, in the instinctive nationalism of to-day, we assume that any national language is more alive and more powerful than an international language, like Latin, which covers many centuries and many realms of thought.
用现代语言模仿古典戏剧是现代戏剧的根本出发点。现代戏剧早期发展的主要阶段以下列戏剧为标志。
Emulation of classical drama in modern languages was the essential starting-point of the modern theatre. The chief stages in its earliest development were marked by the following plays.
最早以现代语言演绎古典主题的戏剧作品是《奥菲斯》。这是一部短小但感人的作品，一半是田园剧，一半是歌剧，讲述了音乐家奥菲斯的悲惨爱情和悲惨死亡。这部作品是 1471 年为曼图亚宫廷创作的，作者是年轻才华横溢的安杰洛·安布罗吉尼蒙特普齐亚诺 (Montepulciano)，又称波利蒂安 (Politian)。23尽管舞台上有一些动作，而且戏剧张力很大，但韵律几乎完全是抒情的。后来出现了类似的作品：例如科雷乔的《塞法洛斯》，这是一部改编自奥维德的故事的戏剧，采用八行诗体和抒情韵律，于 1487 年在费拉拉上演；以及以同样轻松优雅的形式改编自《十日谈》的故事。
The earliest dramatic production on a classical theme in a modern language was Orpheus. This is a slender but moving piece, half pastoral drama, half opera, on the tragic love and tragic death of the musician Orpheus. It was written for the court of Mantua in 1471, by the brilliant young Angelo Ambrogini of Montepulciano, called Politian.23 Although there is some action on the stage, and much dramatic tension, the metres are almost wholly lyrical. Similar works followed it: such as Correggio’s Cephalus, a dramatization of the story from Ovid, in ottava rima and lyrical metres, produced at Ferrara in 1487; and dramatizations of tales from the Decameron in the same light graceful forms.
最早的现代风格原创喜剧是洛多维科·阿里奥斯托的《棺材喜剧》（Cassaria），写于 1498 年，1508 年上演（当然是在费拉拉）。它改编自几部古典喜剧：普劳图斯的《棺材喜剧》、《幽灵喜剧》、《小迦太基人》和泰伦蒂诺的《自我惩罚者》；但它也体现了对当代人物的讽刺。其他喜剧也很快效仿——事实上，曼托瓦诺的《Formi-cone》实际上是在《棺材喜剧》之前制作的。阿里奥斯托的《假面舞会者》（Gli Suppositi）写于 1502-3 年，并于 1509 年上演，改编自普劳图斯的《囚徒》和泰伦蒂诺的《太监》。 1566 年，乔治·加斯科因将其翻译成英文，在格雷律师学院和牛津大学三一学院上演，标题为《假设》。该剧以此形式成为莎士比亚《驯悍记》的素材。然而，意大利喜剧因马基雅维利和阿雷蒂诺的戏剧而走下坡路，他们采用了古典喜剧的结构、情节和人物，对其进行了现代化改造，并添加了部分来自中世纪寓言、部分来自他们自己的经验和想象的肮脏内容。24
The earliest original comedy in the modern manner was Lodovico Ariosto’s The Casket Comedy (Cassaria), written in 1498 and played (at Ferrara, of course) in 1508. It was adapted from several classical comedies: The Casket Comedy, The Ghost Comedy, and The Little Carthaginian of Plautus, and The Self-punisher of Terence; but it also embodied some satire on contemporary personalities. Others soon followed—indeed Mantovano’s Formi-cone was actually produced before The Casket Comedy. Ariosto’s The Masqueraders (Gli Suppositi), written in 1502–3 and acted in 1509, was based on Plautus’ The Prisoners and Terence’s The Eunuch. In 1566 George Gascoigne translated it into English to be played at Gray’s Inn and Trinity College, Oxford, under the imaginative title of Supposes. In this shape it provided material for Shakespeare’s The Taming of the Shrew. However, Italian comedy went sour with the plays of Machiavelli and Aretino, who took the structure, plot-line, and characters of classical comedy, modernized them, and added dirt derived partly from the medieval fabliaux and partly from their own experience and imagination.24
《索福尼斯巴》不是最早的，但却是第一部有影响力的现代语言悲剧，作者是乔凡·乔尔乔·特里西诺 (1515)。这是一部根据李维 (28-30) 讲述的非洲女王故事改编的戏剧，模仿了希腊模式，特别是索福克勒斯的《安提戈涅》和欧里庇得斯的《阿尔刻提斯》。它的特别之处在于：它不是取材于遥远的神话，而是取材于真实的历史；它是无韵诗；并且它是早期对亚里士多德提到的悲剧必不可少的情感——怜悯和恐惧——的探索。作者强烈意识到其作品的划时代性质：我们很快就会再次见到他，他是第一部古典风格的现代史诗的作者。不幸的是，虽然他是一位独创的作家，但却并不是一位伟大的作家。二十五
Not quite the earliest, but the first influential tragedy in a modern language was Sophonisba, by Giovan Giorgio Trissino (1515). This is a dramatization of the story of the African queen told by Livy (28-30), and imitates Greek models, in particular the Antigone of Sophocles and the Alcestis of Euripides. Its particular originality lies in the facts that it is not on remote myth but on factual history; that it is in blank verse; and that it is an early effort to exploit the emotions mentioned by Aristotle as essential for a tragedy—pity and terror. The author was strongly conscious of the epoch-making character of his work: we shall shortly meet him again as the writer of the first modern epic in classical style. Unfortunately, although an original writer, he was not a great one.25
尽管《索福尼斯巴》于 1515 年出版，但直到多年后才上演。第一部原创现代悲剧，给人留下了深刻印象，并开创了一个流派，是乔瓦尼·巴蒂斯塔·吉拉尔迪的《奥尔贝切》（1541 年），被称为《辛西奥》——一部关于这部剧讲述了波斯王室内部的纷争，也是最早将文艺复兴时期观众所钟爱的性犯罪和血腥谋杀搬上舞台的剧目。观众们泪流满面，妇女们晕倒在地，这部剧获得了巨大的成功。二十六
Although published in 1515, Sophonisba was not acted until many years later. The first original modern tragedy which made a wide impression and founded a school was Orbecche (1541), by Giovanni Battista Giraldi, called Cinthio—a historical tragedy on the feuds within the Persian royal family, and the earliest to put on the stage the sexual crimes and bloody murders which the Renaissance audiences so much adored. Audiences wept; women fainted; it was a tremendous success.26
法国的第一部悲剧是约德尔的《被俘的克莉奥佩特拉》，于 1552 年上演，该剧以塞涅卡的悲剧为蓝本，虽然以希腊戏剧为前身，并声称
In French the first tragedy was Jodelle’s Captive Cleopatra, produced in 1552, and written on the model of Seneca’s tragedies although boasting Greek drama as its predecessor and claiming
用法语演唱希腊悲剧。二十七
to sing in French the tragedy of Greece.27
其韵律为十音节抑扬格对句、亚历山大对句和抒情合唱，庄重却平淡。
Its metres were ten-syllable iambic couplets, alexandrine couplets, and lyrical choruses. It was stately but dull.
同一天上演的第一部法国喜剧《尤金》实际上是中世纪闹剧的后裔，其八音节韵律、滑稽的法布里奥式主题和风格——除了其完整的五幕剧规模、背景（主角家门外的街道）和一些对普劳图斯和泰伦斯的回忆。后来的法国喜剧同样非古典。直到很久以后，在古典主义的另一个时代，让-巴蒂斯特·莫里哀才意识到法国喜剧的真正本质。
Produced on the same day, the first French comedy, Jodelle’s Eugene, was really a descendant of medieval farce, in its octosyllabic metre, its farcical fabliau-like subject, and its manner— except for its full-length, five-act scale, its setting (in the street outside the homes of the main characters), and a few reminiscences of Plautus and Terence. Subsequent French comedies were equally unclassical. The true nature of French comedy was only to be realized much later, in a different age of classicism, by Jean-Baptiste Molière.
第一部英国悲剧是萨克维尔和诺顿的《戈尔博杜克》（或《费雷克斯和波雷克斯》），于 1562 年在圣殿剧院上演。这是一部无韵诗。它不遵循当时尚未发明或传播的“统一法则”，但其主题与俄狄浦斯儿子之间的兄弟内战有关；它包含了通过塞涅卡获得的希腊手法，例如复仇女神和描述舞台外灾难的信使。这个故事发生在早期受古典影响的地区——特洛伊不列颠神话。二十八
The first English tragedy was Sackville and Norton’s Gorboduc (or Ferrex and Porrex), played at the Temple in 1562. It is in blank verse. It does not observe the ‘laws’ of unity—which had scarcely yet been invented or disseminated—but it is on a theme allied to that of the fratricidal civil war between the sons of Oedipus; and it contains Greek devices acquired through Seneca, such as the Furies and the messenger describing off-stage calamities. The story is localized in an earlier region of classical influence —the mythology of Trojan Britain.28
早在这之前，即 1500 年之前的几年，英国观众就看过名为《富尔根斯与卢克雷斯》（或《卢克雷斯》）的插曲，这是一部爱情故事，显然受到文艺复兴时期对罗马共和历史的幻想的启发，故事中一位善良的平民和一位性感的贵族争夺一位贞洁少女的芳心。这部剧有一个有趣的次要情节；事实上，英国的喜剧精神在中世纪戏剧中非常活跃，现在逐渐披上了希腊罗马错综复杂的情节和来自希腊和罗马故事或戏剧的怪诞人物的外衣。这种类型的早期尝试是《特尔西特斯》（约1537 年），这是一部粗俗的闹剧，改编自法国文艺复兴时期的拉丁原著学者拉维修斯·泰克斯托（Ravisius Textor），以荷马《伊利亚特》中的喜剧粗俗人物为基础——莎士比亚后来将其塑造为特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达中的小丑。29杰克·贾格勒 (Jack Juggler，约1560 年)也是这样的，他是一部粗略地改编自普劳图斯的《安菲特律翁》的“诙谐而又充满戏剧性的《娱乐者》” 。
Long before this, a few years earlier than 1500, English audiences had seen the interlude called Fulgens and Lucres (or Lucrece), a love-story evidently inspired by Renaissance fantasy on Roman republican history, in which a good plebeian and a voluptuous patrician compete for the hand of a virtuous maiden. This had a funny sub-plot; and in fact the English comic spirit, which had been obstreperously active in the medieval plays, now gradually clothed itself in plots of Greco-Roman intricacy and in grotesque characters derived from Greek and Roman story or drama. An early attempt of this type was Thersites (c. 1537), a coarse farce adapted from a Latin original written by the French Renaissance scholar Ravisius Textor, and based on the comic vulgarian in Homer’s Iliad —whom Shakespeare was later to make the clown of Troilus.and Cressida.29 Such also was Jack Juggler (c. 1560), a ‘wytte and very playsent Enterlued’ rudely adapted from Plautus’ Amphitryon.
第一部完整的英国喜剧是《拉尔夫·罗斯特-杜斯特》，由尼古拉斯·尤达尔于 1553 年左右创作，为一群显然熟悉普劳图斯的男学生创作。其主角是一个像特尔西特斯一样的吹牛大王，以普劳图斯笔下的自吹自擂的士兵（Miles gloriosus）为原型，而特尔西特斯本人则来自亚历山大大帝继承者的傲慢外籍军团。他身上附有典型的普劳图斯寄生虫，名为 Merrygreek。情节的复杂性和幕间布局源自古典，许多最好的笑话都来自普劳图斯；但其余的都是真正充满活力的本土幽默。三十
The first full-scale English comedy was Ralph Roister-Doister, written about 1553 by Nicolas Udall for a cast of schoolboys who evidently knew their Plautus. Its main character is a braggart like Thersites, modelled on Plautus’ boastful soldier (Miles gloriosus), who was himself drawn from the swaggering foreign legionnaires of the successors of Alexander the Great. Attached to him there is a typical Plautine parasite called Merrygreek. The complexity of the plot and its layout in acts are classical in origin, and a number of the best jokes come from Plautus; but the rest is genuine energetic native humour.30
西班牙戏剧与其他国家的国家戏剧一样，起源于中世纪严肃的宗教庆典和集市和节日中粗俗的简短对话剧，有时是乡土气息浓郁的，有时是滑稽可笑的。西班牙的莎士比亚洛佩·德·维加年轻时创作了一些后期的琐碎作品。然后，大约在 1590 年，几乎与莎士比亚同一年，他开始了他的真正创作。他自己很好地描述了他与古典戏剧的关系。在他的《喜剧新艺术》中，他说在开始写作之前，他把所有的规则都锁起来，放逐了普劳图斯和泰伦斯，然后按照大众标准创作他的剧本。结果是，他和他的主要继任者卡尔德隆创作了最丰富的戏剧财富，在文艺复兴时期，任何现代国家都拥有丰富的戏剧财富。然而，它对其他国家的影响不如英国文艺复兴时期的戏剧。31这部剧似乎从古典舞台上吸取了复杂的阴谋和人物冲突，并吸取了人们的认识（即使被锁起来），那就是有古典杰作可以超越。洛佩没有吸取的是高雅的品味和丰富的诗意，正是这些才使得一部剧得以创作，不仅是为了写出最后几行字时黎明破晓的那一天，也是为了超越世界和其他时代。
Spanish drama grew, like the national drama of other countries, out of the grave religious pageants of the Middle Ages and the crude little conversational pieces of the fairs and festivals, some-times countrified and sometimes farcical. The Shakespeare of Spain, Lope de Vega, composed some of these latter trifles in his youth. Then, about 1590, almost exactly in the same year as Shakespeare, he began his real work. He himself well described his relation to classical drama. In his New Art of Making Comedies he said that before starting to write he locked up all the rules, banished Plautus and Terence, and then constructed his plays by popular standards. The result was that he and his chief successor Calderon produced the greatest wealth of drama with which any modern country, during the Renaissance, was enriched. It has, however, made less impression on other nations than the Renaissance drama of England.31 From the classical stage it appears to have taken the complex intrigues and the clash of character, and the knowledge that (even locked up) there were classical masterpieces to outdo. What Lope did not take over was the fine taste and richness of poetic thought which enable a play to be created, not only for the day that dawns as the last lines are written, but for the world beyond and for other times.
其他类型的戏剧也在文艺复兴时期逐渐成形，或为日益发展的现代戏剧贡献自己的力量和光彩。
Other types of drama were taking shape in the Renaissance, or were contributing their own force and brilliance to the growing modern theatre.
例如，几乎所有文艺复兴时期的宫廷都上演了越来越华丽的假面剧；正如阿拉代斯·尼科尔教授指出的那样，假面剧极大地影响了戏剧布景和戏剧创作的发展。32最著名的英国读者是弥尔顿的《科莫斯》，1634 年在拉德洛城堡上演。它不仅仅是一部假面剧。它也是一部田园剧：随从精灵伪装成一个名叫蒂尔西斯的牧羊人，
Masques, for instance, were being produced with increasing splendour at almost all the Renaissance courts; and, as Professor Allardyce Nicoll points out, greatly influenced the development of theatrical scenery and dramaturgy.32 The most famous for English readers is Milton’s Comus, produced at Ludlow Castle in 1634. It is much more than a mere masque. It is also a pastoral play: the Attendant Spirit disguises himself as a shepherd called Thyrsis,
它的优美旋律常常使
潺潺的小溪流延缓，听见它的牧歌，
并使山谷里的每一朵麝香玫瑰都变得芬芳，33
Whose artful strains have oft delayed
The huddling brook to hear his madrigal,
And sweetened every musk-rose of the dale,33
结尾处，塞文河被拟人化为一位有着拉丁名字的希腊仙女。但弥尔顿的思想，即使在他二十多岁时，就已经非常丰富，以至于他为这部小剧注入了许多其他元素。科墨斯被赶走的戏剧场景是以《奥德赛》第 10.274 页中奥德修斯征服喀耳刻（科墨斯的母亲）为原型的；还有关于伦理问题的长篇讨论，以柏拉图为原型，弥尔顿实际上翻译了柏拉图的一段重要段落。三十四
and at the end the river Severn is personified as a Greek nymph with a Latin name. But Milton’s thought, even in his twenties, was so rich that he infused into his little drama many other elements. The dramatic scene where Comus is put to flight is modelled on the conquest of Circe (Comus’ mother) by Odysseus in Odyssey, 10.274 f.; and there are long discussions of ethical questions, modelled on Plato, from whom Milton actually translates an important passage.34
田园剧是文艺复兴时期的一个独特创作，是现有古典元素的全新综合。35书中的人物都是理想化的牧羊人和牧羊女（由忒奥克里托斯创造并被维吉尔赋予灵魂的类型），还有自然精灵潘神、黛安娜、森林之神、牧神和仙女。将无望的爱情引入阿卡迪亚实际上是维吉尔的发明36但在文艺复兴时期变得更加复杂。在维吉尔的几首《田园诗》中，两个角色说话、争论、竞争，以至于这些诗实际上是在奥古斯都罗马的剧院上演的。37古典戏剧的重新发现使现代剧作家想到，他们可以创作适合田园人物的浪漫爱情主题的完整戏剧，并配上阿卡迪亚迷人的服装、音乐和风景。最早用白话文写成的世俗题材的戏剧是波利提安的《奥菲斯》，故事背景设定在田园环境中，其次要角色包括牧羊人和萨蒂尔。这个想法无疑部分是因为奥菲斯与野性有关，部分是因为传说欧律狄克在逃离多情的牧羊人阿里斯泰乌斯时被蛇咬而死。38田园剧继续发展成为一种独立的剧种，但它们也为戏剧做出了贡献比如莎士比亚的《皆大欢喜》，而由于它们的抒情音乐和富有想象力的背景，它们成为现代歌剧的远祖。
Pastoral drama was a peculiar creation of the Renaissance, a new synthesis of existing classical elements.35 The characters were idealized shepherds and shepherdesses (the types created by Theocritus and etherialized by Vergil) with the nature-spirits Pan, Diana, satyrs, fauns, and nymphs. The introduction of hopeless love into Arcadia was really an invention of Vergil’s36 but was made more complex in the Renaissance. In several of Vergil’s Bucolics two characters speak, and dispute, and compete, so much so that the poems were actually staged in the theatre of Augustan Rome.37 The rediscovery of classical drama suggested to modern playwrights that they might create complete plays on the romantic love-themes appropriate for pastoral characters, with the charming costumes, music, and scenery of Arcadia. The earliest play in a vernacular language on a secular subject, Politian’s Orpheus, was set in pastoral surroundings, and its subordinate characters included shepherds and a satyr. This idea was doubtless suggested partly by the fact that Orpheus was associated with wild nature, and partly by the legend which said Eurydice died from a snake-bite received while she was running away from the passionate shepherd Aristaeus.38 Pastoral plays continued to develop as an independent genre; but they also contributed something to dramas like Shakespeare’s As You Like It, while they became, because of their lyrical music and imaginative settings, a remote ancestor of modern opera.
最早的大型田园剧是贝卡利的《牺牲》，于 1555 年（在费拉拉）上演。39这为后来许多田园剧树立了榜样——不般配的恋人。A爱B ，B爱C，C爱D， D发誓要守贞洁； E爱F， F也爱他，但他们却被残忍的亲戚禁止结婚。（贝卡利通过将亲戚变成野猪来解决后一个问题。）
The earliest large-scale pastoral drama was Beccari’s The Sacrifice, produced (at Ferrara) in 1555.39 This set the pattern which many pastoral dramas were to follow—the assortment of ill-matched lovers. A loves B, B loves C, C loves D, and D is vowed to chastity; E loves F and his love is returned, but they are forbidden by a cruel kinsman to marry. (Beccari solved the latter problem by changing the kinsman into a boar.)
田园剧的两部至高无上的杰作是托尔夸托·塔索的《阿明塔斯》（意大利语为 Aminta），1573 年在费拉拉上演，以及巴蒂斯塔·瓜里尼于 1590 年上演的更长的《忠实的牧羊人》。它们是极其复杂的爱情和冒险剧。阿明塔不再是（他后来变成了）一个女孩，而是潘神的一个侄子，她有着马其顿名字阿明塔斯，这是忒奥克里托斯在他的田园诗中引入的。他爱上了戴安娜的侄女西尔维娅，但她讨厌男人，只爱打猎。即使当一个萨提尔剥光她的衣服，用她自己的头发把她绑在树上，怀着最可恶的意图，当阿明塔斯在最后一刻将她释放时，她并不感激；她继续打猎；直到阿明塔斯跳崖自杀后，她才融化——但幸运的是，他被一丛灌木拦住，得以脱险。瓜里尼的剧本本意是要超越阿明塔斯，但要复杂得多。所有动作都发生在舞台之外，并通过歌曲或朗诵进行报道和评论。阿明塔斯的诗歌优美动人，美得令人心酸，可以与音乐和文艺复兴时期的绘画相媲美。40 《忠实的牧羊人》在整个欧洲被模仿，并且被翻译成外语的次数比任何其他意大利文学作品都要多。
The two supreme masterpieces of the pastoral drama are Torquato Tasso’s Amyntas (Aminta, in Italian), produced at Ferrara in 1573, and the much longer Faithful Shepherd, by Battista Guarini, produced in 1590. These are extremely complex dramas of love and adventure. Aminta is not (as he has since become) a girl but a nephew of Pan, bearing the Macedonian name Amyntas which Theocritus had introduced into his idylls. He loves Diana’s niece Sylvia, who hates men and loves only hunting. Even when a satyr strips her naked and binds her with her own hair to a tree, with the most reprehensible intentions, and when Amyntas frees her at the last moment, she is not grateful; she goes on hunting; she melts only after Amyntas commits suicide by throwing himself over a cliff—but fortunately he is saved by a bush which breaks his fall. Guarini’s play, which was intended to out do Amyntas, is much more complicated. All action takes place off stage, and is reported and then commented upon in song or declamation. The poetry of Amyntas is exquisitely, poignantly beautiful, and has well been compared to music and to Renaissance painting.40 The Faithful Shepherd was imitated all over Europe, and was more often translated into foreign languages than any other work of Italian literature.
有一种理论认为，希腊和罗马戏剧还有另一种直接的后裔。这就是流行的闹剧，它通过流浪演员的传统、木偶戏以及君主和贵族的傻瓜等机构得以幸存（特别是在意大利）。特别是，有人认为某些固定角色直接来自罗马喜剧演员：例如，傻瓜既聪明又愚蠢，看上去畸形或可笑：他穿着公鸡冠或秃头。意大利即兴喜剧与普劳图斯喜剧的精神之间确实有很多共同之处，足以让我们相信，同样的滑稽人物、滑稽手势和滑稽场景可能继续取悦六十代意大利观众。现代观众所知道的此类幸存者中最著名的是意大利喜剧中的普契涅拉，即庞奇先生。41
According to one theory, there is another direct descendant of the Greek and Roman theatre. This is the popular farce, which survived (particularly in Italy) through the tradition carried on by strolling players, through puppet shows, and through such institutions as the fools kept by monarchs and noblemen. In particular, it is suggested that certain stock characters have come straight down from the Roman comedians: for instance, the fool who combines shrewdness with folly, and looks deformed or ridiculous: he wears a cock’s comb or is bald-headed. Certainly there is much in common between the Italian commedia dell’ arte and the spirit of the comedies of Plautus, enough to make us believe that the same funny people, and funny gestures, and funny situations, may well have continued to please sixty generations of Italian audiences. The most famous of such survivals known to modern spectators is Mr. Punch, the Pulcinella of the Italian comedies.41
歌剧也逐渐流行起来。它是由热爱戏剧的古典学者创造的，他们知道在希腊悲剧中音乐是制作的重要组成部分。因此，他们试图通过将音乐伴奏与戏剧朗诵和抒情评论交织在一起，来增强整部作品的情感。他们的主要问题之一是确定希腊人是否将戏剧演讲和论证与合唱一样配上音乐。这当然是歌剧中的一个长期问题：巴洛克作曲家通过使用宣叙调（偶尔出现咏叹调）解决了这个问题，而瓦格纳则通过他所谓的“歌唱式演讲”解决了这个问题。（应该记住，瓦格纳认为他在模仿希腊悲剧，在创作《尼伯龙根的指环》时，他整个上午都在写音乐，整个下午都在阅读雅典剧作家的作品。）
Opera also was coming gradually into life. It was created by classical scholars who loved the drama, and who knew that in Greek tragedies music was an essential part of the production. They tried therefore, by interweaving musical accompaniment with dramatic declamation and lyrical comment, to heighten the emotion of the entire piece. One of their chief problems was to decide whether the Greeks set the dramatic speeches and arguments to music as well as the choruses. This is, of course, a perennial problem in opera: the baroque composers solved it by using recitative, soaring up to an occasional aria, and Wagner by what he called ‘song-speech’. (It should be remembered that Wagner thought he was emulating Greek tragedy, and, while composing The Ring of the Nibelungs, wrote music all morning and read the Athenian dramatists all afternoon.)
第一部实验歌剧于 1594 年在佛罗伦萨上演。这就是奥塔维奥·里努奇尼 (Ottavio Rinuccini) 创作的《达芙妮》，由佩里和卡契尼作曲：根据奥维德的故事改编，讲述了阿波罗如何杀死可怕的恶龙皮松，然后，被丘比特嫉妒之箭射中，爱上了固执的达芙妮，而达芙妮最终变成了月桂树。42（我不知道作者是否知道，古希腊最著名的音乐作品之一就是一首描绘阿波罗与蟒蛇之间冲突的题材作品。）43这部作品和1600 年接替它的《欧律狄克》的本质创新在于“融合了两个看似不相容的元素，即戏剧的喜剧和室内乐的抒情旋律”。 带有配乐的戏剧并不新鲜，但《达芙妮》和《欧律狄克》的作者所做的重大突破是构建了“从故事的开头到结尾的不间断音乐魔法圈”。44当《唐璜》序曲或《莱茵的黄金》前奏响起，那种将我们许多人带入更高尚世界的魔力，是由那些致力于重现希腊戏剧原始美感和力量的人们创造的。
The first experimental opera was produced’ at Florence in 1594. This was Daphne, by Ottavio Rinuccini, with music by Peri and Caccini: a dramatization of the story in Ovid, which tells how Apollo killed the dreadful dragon Python, and then, shot by Cupid’s jealous arrow, fell in love with the obdurate Daphne, who at last became the laurel-tree.42 (I do not know whether the authors were aware that one of the most famous pieces of music in ancient Greece was a programme-piece depicting the conflict between Apollo and the Python.)43 The essential novelty of this production and of Eurydice, which succeeded it in 1600, was ‘the fusion of two apparently incompatible elements, the spoken comedy of the theatre and the lyrical melody of chamber-music’. Plays with incidental music were not new, but the great departure made by the authors of Daphne and Eurydice was to construct ‘a magic circle of unbroken musical sound from the beginning of the story to its end’.44 That magic, which raises so many of us into a higher world with the first notes of the overture to Don Giovanni or the prelude to Das Rheingold, was first made by men who were endeavouring to re-create the original beauty and power of Greek drama.
几年后，第一位伟大的歌剧作曲家蒙特威尔第以不朽音乐家奥菲斯的不朽传奇为背景载入史册。他是第一个意识到歌剧在大型演出中具有可能性的人，因为早期的歌剧作品都是为小房间和亲密的朋友观众设计的。现代歌剧和现代诗剧是希腊悲剧的两个孩子，它们不断向对方靠拢。
A few years after this, the first great operatic composer, Monteverdi, entered history with a setting of the immortal legend of the immortal musician, Orpheus. He was the first to realize the possibilities of opera on the grand scale, for earlier operatic productions had been designed for a small room and an intimate audience of friends. Modern opera and modern verse-drama are the two children of Greek tragedy, and they constantly aspire towards one another.
现代戏剧批评标准是在文艺复兴时期建立起来的，部分是通过对新形式的实验，部分是通过对希腊罗马文学理论的研究和讨论——主要代表是亚里士多德的《诗学》、贺拉斯的《诗的艺术》，以及影响力较小的“朗吉努斯”的《论崇高》 。文艺复兴时期的许多戏剧都是按照文艺复兴时期批评家的高标准创作的，尽管他们经常迂腐，但不会容忍马虎的作品。
Modern standards of dramatic criticism were being built up through the Renaissance, partly by experiments in new forms, and partly by study and discussion of Greco-Roman literary theory— represented chiefly by Aristotle’s Poetics, Horace’s ‘Art of Poetry’, and, much less influentially, by ‘Longinus’s’ essay On the Sublime. Much of Renaissance drama was created by the lofty standards of Renaissance critics, who, in spite of their frequent pedantry, would not tolerate slovenly work.
乔尔·斯宾加恩 (Joel Spingarn) 在其宝贵的《文艺复兴时期文学批评史》一书中，追溯了三一论的发展，并将其发展为文学法则。亚里士多德制定的唯一规则是明智的，即诗歌中的故事必须涉及一个动作。45至于时间，他说——事实上——悲剧力图保持在太阳的一个轨道内，一个二十四小时的周期，或接近这个周期的某个时间；尽管早期的悲剧并没有这样做。46根据斯宾加恩的说法，第一个将此作为明确规则的评论家是辛西奥（上文第 136 页），他是费拉拉的哲学和修辞学教授。他在他的《喜剧和悲剧讲座》（约1545 年）中制定了这条规则；然后罗博泰利在他 1548 年版的亚里士多德的《诗学》中解释说，亚里士多德的真正意思是十二个小时（因为人们在晚上睡觉）；塞尼在他翻译的《诗学》（1549 年）中反驳说，由于许多极具戏剧性的事件发生在夜间，所以这个时间段指的是二十四小时。虽然这一切听起来很迂腐，但它是一种尝试，不是将古典规则强加于一部才华横溢、独具匠心的现代剧，而是通过指出它通过集中精力才能达到最佳效果，而不是在每幕前挂出一个标有“三十年后”的标志来改进一部摇摇欲坠且往往软弱无力的现代剧。
Joel Spingarn, in his valuable History of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance, has traced the development of the theory of the Three Unities into a code of literary law. The only rule that Aristotle lays down is the sensible one that in poetry the story must deal with one action. 45 As for time, he says that—as a matter of fact— tragedy endeavours to keep within a single circuit of the sun, one twenty-four-hour period, or something near it; although the early tragedies did not.46 According to Spingarn, the first critic to make this a definite rule was Cinthio (p. 136 above), who was professor of philosophy and rhetoric at Ferrara. He laid down this rule in his Lectures on Comedy and Tragedy (c. 1545); and then Robortelli, in his 1548 edition of Aristotle’s Poetics, explained that Aristotle really meant twelve hours (because people are asleep at night); and Segni, in his translation of the Poetics (1549), countered by saying that, since many highly dramatic events take place at night, the period meant was twenty-four hours. Pedantic as all this sounds, it was an attempt, not to impose classical rules on a brilliant and original modern drama, but to improve a faltering and often feeble modern drama by pointing out that it would achieve its best effects by concentration, rather than by hanging out a sign marked THIRTY YEARS LATER before each act.
地点统一性是卡斯特尔维特罗在 1570 年版的《诗学》中增加的。他也给出了一个合理的理由，尽管他没有说这是亚里士多德制定的。他说亚里士多德坚持真实性。戏剧的情节必须看起来是可能的。如果场景不断变化为“田野的另一部分”或“波西米亚。海边的沙漠地区”，它看起来就不太可能。特里西诺也在他的《诗学》（1563 年）中将三一律的实践与“无知诗人”的草率进行了对比。因此，三一律的理论在它被创造的那个时代是有用的。它试图加强和规范当代剧作家随意和业余的方法——不仅仅是为了模仿古人，而且是为了让戏剧更激烈、更现实、更真实地戏剧化。
The unity of place was added by Castelvetro in his 1570 edition of the Poetics. He too gave a sensible reason for it, although he did not say that Aristotle had laid it down. He said Aristotle insisted on verisimilitude. The action of the play must seem probable. It will not seem probable if the scene is constantly being changed to ‘another part of the field’ or ‘Bohemia. A desert part of the Country near the Sea’. Trissino also, in his Poetice (1563), contrasts the practice of the Unities with the sloppiness of ‘ignorant poets’. Therefore the doctrine of the Three Unities was useful for the time at which it was created. It was an attempt to strengthen and discipline the haphazard and amateurish methods of contemporary dramatists—not simply in order to copy the ancients, but in order to make drama more intense, more realistic, and more truly dramatic.
现代戏剧有四种不同的媒介：舞台和歌剧、电影和电视。后两种媒介是前两种媒介的延伸，主要区别在于制作和传输的物理和机械条件。第一对媒介诞生于文艺复兴时期，不是通过机械复制古典材料，而是通过创造性地改编古典形式，中世纪剧作家未能发挥其所有潜力，以及对以前被误解或未知的古典杰作的挑战。
Modern drama works in four different media: the stage and the opera, the cinema and television. The second two are extensions of the two first, differentiated mainly by the physical and mechanical conditions of production and transmission. The essential first pair were created in the Renaissance, not by the mechanical reproduction of classical material, but by the creative adaptation of classical forms, with all their potentialities unrealized by medieval dramatists, and the challenge of classical masterpieces, previously misunderstood or unknown.
8.
文艺复兴
史诗
8
THE RENAISSANCE
EPIC
在中世纪，只有一首诗可以被称为宏伟的史诗，它是用白话文写成的：但丁的《喜剧》，其形式不同于任何以前的史诗，甚至不同于世界上任何以前的诗歌。我们已经追溯到但丁对维吉尔的贡献，并且他非常高尚地承认了这一点。文艺复兴时期的史诗对古典诗歌的贡献更加明显，而且同样深刻。
ONLY one poem which could be called epic in grandeur was written in a vernacular language during the Middle Ages: Dante’s Comedy, which in form is unlike any previous epic, and indeed any previous poem in the world. We have traced the debt which Dante owed, and most nobly acknowledged, to Vergil. The debt of the Renaissance epics to classical poetry is more obvious, and goes no less deep.
拉丁语史诗，如彼特拉克的《非洲》，不在此讨论。我们感兴趣的文艺复兴时期的本土史诗根据其主题和其中所受的古典影响类型可分为四类。
Epics in Latin, such as Petrarch’s Africa, are not to be considered here. The vernacular epics of the Renaissance which interest us fall into four classes, according to their subject-matter and the type of classical influence working in them.
第一类很容易处理：直接模仿古典史诗。这方面唯一的代表是皮埃尔·德·龙萨 (1524-85) 的《法兰西亚德》 ( La Franciade )，这是一部未完成的诗的四卷本，出版于 1572 年。这首诗原是《埃涅阿斯纪》的石膏模型。它讲述了就像埃涅阿斯逃出特洛伊建立罗马一样，一位血统更高的英雄，赫克托尔之子阿斯蒂阿纳克斯（现称弗朗库斯或弗朗西翁）在特洛伊陷落后幸存下来，到达高卢，建立了巴黎城（以其兄弟的名字命名），并奠定了现代法国的开端。它是十音节对句，对于法语和这个雄心勃勃的主题来说太短了。诗中介绍了弗朗库斯和克里特公主之间的浪漫爱情故事。这首诗彻底失败了：龙萨甚至无法完成它。1
The first class is easily disposed of: direct imitation of classical epic. This is represented only by The Franciad (La Franciade) by Pierre de Ronsard (1524-85), four books of an unfinished poem published in 1572. This was designed to be a plaster cast of the Aeneid. It was to tell how, just as Aeneas escaped from Troy to found Rome, so a hero of even higher descent, Astyanax, son of Hector (now called Francus or Francion), survived the fall of Troy, reached Gaul, founded the city of Paris (named after his brother), and established the beginnings of modern France. It is in decasyllabic couplets, much too short for the French language and the ambitious subject. A romantic love-affair between Francus and a Cretan princess was introduced. The poem was a total failure: Ronsard could not even finish it.1
接下来是当代英雄冒险史诗，主要或全部以古典风格写成。其中最伟大的是《鲁苏斯之子》 （葡萄牙语Os Lusiadas），由路易斯·德·卡蒙斯（1524-80）于 1572 年出版。它讲述了瓦斯科·达·伽马探索东非和东印度群岛的故事：卡蒙斯本人是最早的远东探险家之一。他的诗在风格、事件和背景方面都具有奢华的古典风格。2
Next come epics on contemporary heroic adventures, mainly or wholly written in the classical manner. The greatest of these is The Sons of Lusus (i.e. the Portuguese, Os Lusiadas), published in 1572 by Luis de Camoens (1524-80). This tells the story of Vasco da Gama’s exploration of east Africa and the East Indies: Camoens himself had been one of the earliest explorers of the Far East. His poem is luxuriously classical in style, incident, and background.2
南美征服者之一阿隆索·德·埃尔西拉·祖尼加 (1533-94) 所著的《阿劳卡尼亚之诗》 (La Araucana )则简单得多。他于 1569 年开始出版此书，并出版了1590 年出版了完整版。该书分三十七篇章，部分为诗歌，部分为打油诗，讲述了智利印第安人的抵抗如何被西班牙侵略者粉碎。3这是第一本在美国写成的重要书籍。（作者在西班牙宫廷中人脉广泛，与乔叟很像，但地位更高，他刚从智利逃脱死刑，就被送回了家：他报复的方式是几乎完全不提及他的指挥官。）这本书大获成功，被大量模仿。当牧师和理发师在堂吉诃德的图书馆里翻找垃圾时，他们留下了《阿劳卡纳》，称它是西班牙最好的三首英雄诗之一。4当然，还有其他同类型的作品：例如洛佩·德·维加的《龙茶》，讲述了魔鬼龙弗朗西斯·德雷克爵士的最后一次航行和死亡……
Much simpler is The Poem of Araucania (La Araucana), by Alonso de Ercilla y Zuniga, one of the Conquistadores of South America (1533-94). He began to publish it in 1569 and produced the complete edition in 1590. It tells in thirty-seven cantos, partly poetry, partly doggerel, how the resistance of the Chilean Indians was broken by the Spanish invaders.3 This is the first important book written in America. (The author, who was well connected at the Spanish court, rather like Chaucer but on a higher level, was court-martialled and sent home from Chile, after just escaping execution: he took his revenge by leaving his commanding officer almost entirely out of the poem.) It had a tremendous success and was much imitated. When the curate and the barber were going over Don Quixote’s library and throwing out the trash, they kept La Araucana, saying it was one of the best three heroic poems in Spanish.4 There are, of course, others of its type: for instance, La Dragontea by Lope de Vega, telling of the last voyage and death of that devilish dragon, Sir Francis Drake …
第三类是中世纪骑士精神的浪漫史诗，受到古典主义的影响很大。这些史诗由三个主要成分混合而成：很久以前的骑士冒险的复杂编年史、始于中世纪并贯穿文艺复兴时期的浪漫爱情故事，以及从琐碎到关键的各种希腊罗马式补充。最著名的是1516 年由洛多维科·阿里奥斯托 (Lodovico Ariosto，1474-1533) 出版的《疯狂的罗兰》（Orlando Furioso）——一部庞大而美妙的幻境，讲述了罗兰和其他勇士的爱情和战争冒险，这段时间大致可以追溯到撒拉逊人入侵法国并被查理马特击败的时期。5这是斯坎迪亚诺伯爵马泰奥·马利亚·博亚尔多（1434-94）未完成的《恋爱中的罗兰》（Orlando Innamorato）的延续和改进。情节和处理方式都与历史严重不符。奥兰多（很少有人能认出他就是布列塔尼边境的冷酷守护者赫鲁德兰）因对契丹大汗之女安吉丽卡无望的爱而发疯。直到巫师阿斯托尔福骑着有翼的马在《启示录》作者圣约翰的带领下来到月球，带回了一个装有他常识的瓶子后，他才得以恢复。许多人失去的智慧都储存在月亮里。阿斯托尔福没想到疯狂会毁掉这么多人。他一瓶一瓶地检查，寻找罗兰的智慧，
The third class contains romantic epics of medieval chivalry, with considerable classical influence. These are a blend of three chief ingredients: complex chronicles of knightly adventure long ago, romantic love-stories in the manner which began in the Middle Ages and continued through the Renaissance, and Greco-Roman enrichments of all kinds, from the trivial to the essential. The best known is The Madness of Roland (Orlando Furioso) published in 1516 by Lodovico Ariosto (1474-1533)—a huge and delightful phantasmagoria telling of the adventures in love and war of Roland and other champions, in a period roughly identifiable as that which saw the invasion of France by the Saracens and their defeat by Charles Martel.5 It was a continuation and improvement of an unfinished Roland in Love (Orlando Innamorato) by Matteo Maria Boiardo, Count Scandiano (1434-94). The plot and its treatment are wildly unhistorical. Orlando (in whom few could recognize Hruodland, the grim warden of the Breton marches) goes mad through his hopeless love for Angelica, daughter of the Grand Khan of Cathay. He recovers only when the sorcerer Astolfo visits the moon, riding on a winged horse and guided by St. John the author of the Apocalypse, and brings back a bottle containing his common sense. The lost wits of many people are stored in the moon. Astolfo had not thought lunacy had undone so many. He examined them bottle after bottle for Roland’s,
然后巫师认出了它，因为
上面贴着标签：罗兰的理智。6
and then the wizard recognized it, since
it bore the label: ROLAND’S SANITY.6
为了在艺术上与阿里奥斯托相媲美并在严肃性上超越他，埃德蒙·斯宾塞（？1552-99）开始创作《仙后》。现存六卷书和一个残篇。他打算写十二卷书，每卷讲述与亚瑟王圆桌有关的一次骑士冒险故事，并举例说明一种道德美德。他的诗在形式和主题类型上追随阿里奥斯托，但其道德基调和许多附属特征则模仿荷马和维吉尔。7薄伽丘的《忒西德》是此类作品中较早、较不成熟的范例，尽管其主题是希腊，但风格却是中世纪的。
To rival Ariosto in art and to surpass him in seriousness, Edmund Spenser (?1552-99) started The Faerie Queene. Six books and a fragment remain. He intended twelve books, each telling the story of one chivalrous adventure connected with Arthur’s Round Table, and exemplifying one moral virtue. In form and in type of subject his poem follows Ariosto, but its moral tone and many of its subsidiary features were modelled on Homer and Vergil.7 Boccaccio’s Theseid, whose manner is medieval although its subject is Greek, is an earlier, less developed example of this type.
这一类诗中有两首诗自成一派。其中最杰出的是托尔夸托·塔索 (1544—95) 的《解放耶路撒冷》，这是一首宏伟的诗，完成于 1575 年，1581 年未经作者批准出版，1593 年在作者修改和损毁后重新出版。8它以高度浪漫的方式讲述了第一次十字军东征（1095 年）的故事，重点讲述了魔鬼试图阻止十字军占领耶路撒冷，他的首席助手是一位迷人的女巫阿米达。这是一个与吉本严肃讲述的故事几乎完全不同的故事9和他的权威。从表面上看，这首诗与阿里奥斯托的诗相似，但有一个本质区别。它不断地、非常严肃地介绍基督教教义和基督教超自然现象。
Two poems of this group are in a sub-class by themselves. The greater is The Liberation of Jerusalem by Torquato Tasso (1544—95), a magnificent poem which was finished in 1575, published without the author’s sanction in 1581, and reissued, after he had revised and spoilt it, in 1593.8 It relates the story of the first Crusade (1095) in highly romantic terms, concentrating on the devil’s attempts to hinder the Crusaders from capturing Jerusalem, his chief assistant being a charming witch, Armida. This is an almost unrecognizably different story from that soberly told by Gibbon9 and his authorities. Externally this poem resembles Ariosto’s, but it is different in one essential point. Constantly, and quite seriously, it introduces Christian doctrine and the Christian supernatural.
在这方面，它有一部曾经非常著名的作品。那就是乔凡·乔治·特里西诺 (1478-155o) 所著的《意大利从哥特人手中解放出来》 (La Italia liberata da Gotti )，这是一部共二十七卷的无韵诗，以中世纪浪漫主义的风格描写东罗马皇帝查士丁尼如何进攻并击败了六世纪统治意大利的哥特人，但又带有基督教和古典主义的色彩。10人们常说这部史诗是失败的，因为它严格遵守亚里士多德的规则。它确实是失败的。但这并不是因为它遵守了任何特定的规则。亚里士多德为史诗提出的原则不够多，也不够严格，即使被误用，也不会束缚任何作家。这首诗失败了，就像特里西诺的悲剧《索福尼斯巴》一样，只是因为它的作者是个糟糕的诗人：他的诗句平淡无奇，情节安排乏味，想象力薄弱。11尽管如此，它曾作为第一部古典风格的现代史诗而闻名，它的名字本身就象征着文艺复兴的主要潮流。
In this it had a predecessor, once famous. This was The Liberation of Italy from the Goths (La Italia liberata da Gotti), by Giovan Giorgio Trissino(1478–155o), apoem in twenty-seven books of blank verse describing, much in the style of medieval romance but with Christian and classical trimmings, how the eastern Roman emperor Justinian attacked the Goths who dominated Italy in the sixth century, and defeated them.10 It is often said that this epic is a failure because it adheres rigidly to the rules of Aristotle. It is indeed a failure. But that is not because it observes any particular set of rules. The principles suggested by Aristotle for epic are not numerous or rigid enough, even if misapplied, to cramp any writer. The poem fails, like Trissino’s tragedy Sophonisba, simply because its author is a bad poet: his verses are flat, his plot boringly arranged, and his imagination feeble.11 Still, it was once famous as the first modern epic in the classical manner, and its very title symbolized the chief current of the Renaissance.
这两首诗构成了通往第四类也是最后一类文艺复兴史诗的桥梁：基督教宗教史诗，主题来自犹太教以及基督教的历史和神话，但几乎完全按照古典方式编排。12这两本是约翰·弥尔顿 (1608-74) 于 1667 年和 1671 年出版的《失乐园》和《复乐园》，分别以十二本和四本无韵诗的形式讲述了人类堕落和耶稣在荒野受诱惑的宏伟故事。
These two poems make a bridge to the fourth and last class of Renaissance epic: Christian religious epics, on subjects from Jewish and Christian history and myth, but arranged almost wholly in the classical manner.12 These are Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained, published in 1667 and 1671 by John Milton (1608-74), telling, in twelve and four books of blank verse respectively, the majestic stories of the fall of man and of the temptation of Jesus in the wilderness.
在这些诗歌中，每一首都渗透着古典主义的影响。这种影响并非在所有诗歌中都占主导地位，但它是理解这些诗歌的主要前提之一。在其中几首诗歌中，中世纪的理想同样强烈，甚至更为强烈。在文艺复兴的其他方面，我们可以追溯到中世纪思维习惯的残存：例如，在盔甲的实际用途早已消失之后，贵族和国王仍然穿着华丽的盔甲（通常带有希腊罗马图案），在一些不合时宜的节日里，人们仍然穿着这些盔甲。弥尔顿本人最初想到的是写亚瑟王题材的。但是，无论相对较弱还是相对较强，古典思想和想象力都渗透到了所有文艺复兴时期的史诗中。即使是最简单的《阿劳卡纳》，任何对希腊罗马文学一无所知的人都无法正确欣赏；而要想理解弥尔顿的全部作品，你必须是一位古典学者。
Classical influence in these poems, in every one of them, is all-pervading. It is not predominant in them all; but it is one of the main presuppositions without which they cannot be understood. In several of them medieval ideals are quite as strong, or stronger. Elsewhere in the Renaissance we can trace the survival of medieval habits of thought: for example, in the splendid suits of armour designed for nobles and kings (often with Greco-Roman designs on them) long after the practical usefulness of armour was over, and in some of the anachronistic festivals at which they were worn. Milton himself at first thought of writing on Arthurian themes. But, relatively weak or relatively strong, classical thought and imagination penetrates all the Renaissance epics. Even the simplest, La Araucana, cannot be properly appreciated by anyone who knows nothing of Greco-Roman literature; while, in order to understand all of Milton, one must be a classical scholar.
追踪这种影响在重要性、强度和渗透力方面如何因诗歌不同而有所差异是很有趣的。
It is interesting to trace how this influence varies from one poem to another in importance, strength, and penetration.
只有两首诗的主题是古典的。它们是失败的《法兰西亚德》和中世纪风格的《忒西德》。显然，现代诗人不可能以古典风格写出一部优秀的古典史诗。彼特拉克的《非洲》的失败证实了这一点。
The subjects of only two poems are classical. These are The Franciad, which is a failure, and The Theseid, which is medieval in manner. Apparently it is impossible for a modern poet to write a good classical epic in the classical manner. The failure of Petrarch’s Africa confirms this.
在结构上，有些诗歌具有典型的中世纪模式，漫无目的、错综复杂、篇幅浩大。但《失乐园》有十二卷——与《埃涅阿斯纪》数量相同——每卷都半独立，而且都经过精心平衡。《鲁苏斯之子》同样有十卷；《仙后》计划有十二卷。13这些诗在结构上属于古典主义；即使《罗兰的疯狂》虽然杂乱无章，也比《玫瑰传奇》这样真正的中世纪大杂烩更对称、更有序。
In structure, some of the poems have the typical medieval pattern, wandering, intricate, voluminous. But Paradise Lost is in twelve books—the same number as the Aeneid —each semi independent and all carefully balanced. The Sons of Lusus, again, is in ten books; and The Faerie Queene-was planned in twelve.13 These poems are classical in structure; and even The Madness of Roland, although rambling, has more symmetry and order than a real medieval gallimaufry like The Romance of the Rose.
史诗的一个重要组成部分是超自然，它为英雄事迹提供了精神背景。我们发现在史诗中在当代主题中，希腊罗马神话几乎提供了所有超自然元素。因此，《卢苏斯之子》中最宏伟的概念之一是暴风雨好望角的精灵，当瓦斯科·达·伽马航行到印度时，他以云和风暴的巨大精灵的形象出现在他面前。他的名字是亚当斯托尔，不可征服。他解释说，他曾经是泰坦，他因试图引诱大海忒提斯而被变成了一座山（显然是桌山）。14此外，在《阿劳卡尼亚之诗》中，印度巫师菲顿为叙述者描绘了勒班陀战役的景象，并召唤了刻耳柏洛斯、奥库斯和布鲁托等古典恶魔；他住在一个从《卢坎 6》中的女巫洞穴复制而来的洞穴中，并收集了从《卢坎 9》中的蛇类学复制而来的蛇类：角蛇、蛇颈蛇等。15
An essential part of epic is the supernatural, which gives the heroic deeds their spiritual background. We find that in the epics on contemporary subjects Greco-Roman mythology provides practically all the supernatural element. Thus, one of the grandest conceptions in The Sons of Lusus is the spirit of the stormy Cape of Good Hope, who appears as a gigantic genie of cloud and storm to Vasco da Gama as he sails towards India. His name is Adamastor, Unconquerable. He explains that he was once a Titan, and that he was changed into a mountain (apparently Table Mountain) for trying to seduce Thetis, the sea.14 Again, in The Poem of Araucania, the Indian sorcerer Fiton, who conjures up a vision of the battle of Lepanto for the narrator’s benefit, invokes such classical demons as Cerberus, Orcus, and Pluto; he lives in a cave copied from the witch’s cave in Lucan 6, and has a collection of snakes copied from the ophiology in Lucan 9: cerastes, hemorrois, &c.15
另一方面，在浪漫史诗中，大多数超自然元素是由中世纪的幻想提供的：魔法、巫师、诸如头盔和剑之类的魔法物品、诸如飞天鹰马之类的神话动物。16但古典神话与它融合在一起，提供了重要的辅助材料。（这种中世纪和希腊罗马的融合是贯穿这些诗歌的刻意手法。）例如，《仙后》中描述的地狱几乎完全是希腊和罗马的地下世界。在 1.5 中，受伤的异教徒桑乔伊被带下山，经过了与《埃涅阿斯纪》中描述的人物（提堤俄斯、坦塔罗斯等）相同的路线和相同的人物，17在《解放耶路撒冷》第 4 章中，也有一个类似的古典地狱，有哈耳庇厄、九头蛇、蟒蛇、斯库拉、戈尔贡等等——尽管诗中的魔法师、女巫和魔鬼都是中世纪的。然后，这些诗歌中大多数从属神灵都是希腊和罗马的幻想作品。在《仙后》第 1.6 章中，一群路过的牧神和森林之神将乌娜从强奸犯桑斯洛伊手中解救出来。（森林之神经常出现在斯宾塞的史诗中，有时会进行非常淫荡的活动。）当召唤来一个恶灵时，通常是一个古典时代的灵。在《罗兰的疯狂》和《解放耶路撒冷》中，都必须在敌对军队中煽动冲突。在前者中，冲突之灵是引发特洛伊战争的冲突之灵；后者是愤怒的阿莱克托，他在维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》第 7 章中扮演了同样的角色。从以下事实中，我们可以体会到阿里奥斯托的快乐混乱：狄斯科狄亚被大天使米迦勒派遣，在途中遇到了嫉妒，伴随着一个小矮人，由美丽的多拉丽丝送给萨尔扎国王；而塔索的伟大可以从阿莱克托的出现比维吉尔的更可怕这一事实中看出——她以一个无头的躯干出现，手里拿着一个头，她的声音就是从头中发出的。18再次，拥有魔法宫殿和将粗心客人变成动物习惯的喀耳刻在塔索的诗中以阿米达的形象出现，在斯宾塞的诗中以阿克拉西亚的形象出现（阿克拉西亚是失禁的化身，由亚里士多德命名）。但塔索又增加了一些东西：他借用了奥维德的变形技巧，让她将骑士变成与他们身体相似的东西：鱼，鱼鳞与他们闪闪发光的板甲相称。19
On the other hand, in the romantic epics, most of the supernatural element is provided by medieval fantasies: magic, sorcerers, enchanted objects such as helmets and swords, fabulous animals such as flying hippogriffs.16 But classical mythology is blended with it to provide important ancillary material. (This blend of medieval and Greco-Roman is a deliberate device all through these poems.) For instance, hell as described in The Faerie Queene is almost wholly the Greek and Roman underworld. In 1.5 Sansjoy, the wounded paynim, is taken down by the same route and past the same figures as those described in the Aeneid (Tityus, Tantalus, &c.) and is cured by the god Aesculapius.17 And in The Liberation of Jerusalem, 4, there is a similarly classical hell, with harpies, hydra, Python, Scylla, Gorgons, and all—although the enchanters, witches, and fiends of the poem are quite medieval. Then most of the subordinate deities in these poems are creations of Greek and Roman fancy. In The Faerie Queene, 1.6, Una is freed from the ravisher Sansloy by a passing group of fauns and satyrs. (Satyrs appear often in Spenser’s epic, and sometimes engage in remarkably satyric activities.) When a bad spirit is called in, it is usually a classical spirit. Both in The Madness of Roland and in The Liberation of Jerusalem strife has to be kindled in one of the opposing armies. In the former it is done by Discordia, the spirit of Strife who caused the Trojan war; in the latter by the fury Alecto, who did the same job in Vergil’s Aeneid, 7. Some taste of the gay confusion of Ariosto can be got from the fact that Discordia was dispatched by the archangel Michael, and en route met Jealousy, accompanied by a tiny dwarf sent by the beautiful Doralice to the king of Sarza; and something of Tasso’s grandeur can be gathered from the fact that Alecto’s appearance is made more terrifying than in Vergil—she comes as a headless trunk, holding in her hand a head from which her voice proceeds.18 Again, Circe, with her magic palace and her habit of changing unwary guests to animals, reappears as Armida in Tasso, and as Acrasia (personifying Incontinence, and named by Aristotle) in Spenser. But again Tasso adds something: he borrows Ovid’s technique of metamorphosis, and makes her change the knights into something which they physically resemble: fish, with the scales corresponding to their glistening plate-armour.19
在基督教史诗中，几乎所有的超自然元素都是由上帝、耶稣、天使和魔鬼提供的。但他们的行为，甚至他们的外表，大多是用古典史诗诗人发明的术语来描述的。例如，当弥尔顿的大天使迈克尔来把亚当和夏娃赶出天堂时，他穿着全套制服，穿着“紫色的军背心”，这是希腊彩虹女神染的：
In the Christian epics practically all the supernatural element is provided by God, Jesus, the angels, and the devils. But their actions, and even their appearance, are largely described in terms invented by the classical epic poets. For instance, when Milton’s archangel Michael comes to expel Adam and Eve from Paradise, he is in full uniform, wearing ‘a military vest of purple’, dyed by the Greek goddess of the rainbow:
艾瑞斯已将纬线浸湿。20
Iris had dipt the woof.20
当拉斐尔飞下来警告亚当诱惑者的到来时，他就像《圣经》中的六翼天使一样，戴着六个翅膀；但其中两个翅膀长在他的脚上，就像赫尔墨斯/墨丘利的翅膀一样，他被拿来与赫尔墨斯/墨丘利进行比较：
And when Raphael flies down to warn Adam of the tempter’s visit, he is, like the biblical seraphs, wearing six wings; but two of them are on his feet, like those of Hermes/Mercury, to whom he is then compared:
就像玛雅的儿子一样，他站在那里。21
Like Maia’s son he stood.21
在旧约的早期书籍中，以及福音书中，天使有时会被派去干预人类事务。按照这种模式，基督教史诗作家经常让天使将上帝的信息传达给人类，并帮助或阻碍主要人物。但他们的干预是如此复杂和有系统，以至于他们更接近古典史诗中的小神。因此，在《解放耶路撒冷》的开头，上帝派加百列去问布永的戈弗雷为什么不对异教徒采取行动；在《解放意大利》的开头，上帝派遣天使奥内里奥（伪装成教皇）煽动查士丁尼对抗哥特人。同样，在《解放耶路撒冷》中的一场决斗中，上帝派了一位守护天使在雷蒙德和剑之间放置了一个隐形的钻石盾牌阿尔甘特斯，就像《伊利亚特》和《埃涅阿斯纪》中的神灵保护他们喜爱的神灵一样；22在《耶路撒冷》中，7.99 页，一个恶魔般的幽灵说服异教徒打破踪迹，就像《伊利亚特》中雅典娜说服潘达罗斯打破休战一样，4.68 页。有时，魔鬼被等同于奥林匹斯诸神。 《失乐园》中混乱的制造者是伏尔甘；《复乐园》中，彼列被认为是希腊神话中伪装成女性引诱者的诸神。23《解放耶路撒冷》4 和《失乐园》2 中魔鬼的辩论类似于许多古典史诗中诸神的辩论，与中世纪所设想的魔鬼的行为大不相同（例如但丁的《地狱》21）。24《失乐园》中天使与魔鬼之间发生了一场可怕的战斗。这场战斗是从《伊利亚特》第 20-1 章中诸神之战中抄袭而来；撒旦的倒台模仿了阿瑞斯的倒台；而高潮部分，天使们用可怕的叫声将山峰撕碎，扔向魔鬼，这改编自赫西俄德《神谱》中提坦神与奥林匹斯众神的战争。二十五
In the early books of the Old Testament and now and again in the gospels, angels are sometimes sent to intervene in human affairs. On this pattern, Christian epic writers constantly make angels carry messages from God to man, and assist or hinder the chief characters. But their interventions are so elaborate and systematic that they more closely resemble the minor deities of classical epic. Thus, at the beginning of The Liberation of Jerusalem God sends Gabriel to ask Godfrey de Bouillon why he is not taking action against the paynims; and at the beginning of The Liberation of Italy God dispatches the angel Onerio (disguised as the pope) to stir up Justinian against the Goths. Again, in one of the duels in The Liberation of Jerusalem God sends a guardian angel to interpose an invisible diamond shield between Raymond and the sword of Argantes, much as the deities in the Iliad and the Aeneid safeguard their favourites;22 and in Jerusalem, 7.99 f., a devilish phantom persuades one of the pagans to break the trace in the same way as Athene persuades Pandaros to break the truce in Iliad, 4.68 f. Occasionally the devils are equated with the Olympian deities. The architect of Pandemonium in Paradise Lost is Vulcan; and in Paradise Regained Belial is identified with the various deities of Greek myth who seduced women in disguise.23 The debate of the devils in The Liberation of Jerusalem, 4, and Paradise Lost, 2, is like the debates of the gods in so many classical epics, and is vastly unlike the behaviour of devils as conceived by the Middle Ages (for instance in Dante, Inferno, 21).24 In Paradise Lost there is a terrible battle between the angels and the devils. It is copied from the battle of the gods in Iliad, 20–1; the overthrow of Satan is modelled on the overthrow of Ares; and the climax in which the angels tear up mountains and throw them on the devils, with jaculation dire, is adapted from the war of the Titans against the Olympians in Hesiod’s Theogony.25
弥尔顿笔下的上帝自己所做的事不是耶和华所为，而是宙斯和朱庇特所为。因此，当撒旦第一次进入伊甸园时，他被加百列和他的天使中队逮捕，并且会发生一场战斗，
Milton’s God himself does things which were done, not by Jehovah, but by Zeus and Jupiter. Thus, when Satan first entered Eden he was arrested by Gabriel and his angelic squadron, and there would have been a battle,
永恒
之神为了阻止如此可怕的争斗，
在天上悬挂了他的金色天平，但
在阿斯特莱亚和天蝎座标志之间看到了这一点，
他首先在其中创造了万物......
在其中他放了两个重物，
分别是离别和战斗的结果：
后者迅速飞起来，踢了横梁。
had not soon
The Eternal, to prevent such horrid fray,
Hung forth in Heaven his golden scales, yet seen
Betwixt Astraea and the Scorpion sign,
Wherein all things created first he weighed …
In these he put two weights,
The sequel each of parting and of fight:
The latter quick up flew, and kicked the beam.
耶和华从来没有这样做过；但是宙斯在《伊利亚特》中为阿喀琉斯和赫克托尔这样做过，朱庇特在《埃涅阿斯纪》中为埃涅阿斯和图努斯这样做过，而弥尔顿还在创作过程中加入了对天平使用方法的提及。26即使在弥尔顿所描述的那部伟大作品中，当上帝决定创造人类和地球时，他并没有像圣经中那样简单地这样做：
Jehovah never did this; but Zeus did it for Achilles and Hector in the Iliad, and Jupiter for Aeneas and Turnus in the Aeneid, and Milton has added the reference to the use of the scales in the work of creation.26 Even in that great work as described by Milton, when God decided to create man and this earth, he did not do so simply, as in the Bible:
神说：“我们要照着我们的形象，按着我们的样式造人……”神就照着自己的形象造人，乃是照着他的形象造男造女。二十七
And God said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness… . So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them.27
No: like Zeus and Jupiter, he took an oath:
他的旨意
在诸神之间宣告，并通过
震撼整个天堂的誓言得到确认。二十八
so was his will
Pronounced among the Gods, and by an oath
That shook heaven’s whole circumference, confirmed.28
弥尔顿在思考天使时，在这里以及其他地方使用了“神”这个词，这表明他完全按照奥林匹克万神殿的形象来构想他的神祇。
That Milton, thinking of the angels, should use the word ‘Gods’ here and elsewhere shows how completely he conceived his divinities in the image of the Olympian pantheon.
在这些诗歌中，希腊和罗马文化提供了高贵的背景。这有很多方面。
Throughout all these poems the culture of Greece and Rome provides a noble background. There are many aspects of this.
现代史（无论多么传奇）被认为是希腊罗马史的延续，黑暗时代被缩短或遗忘。（《失乐园》和《复乐园》是例外，因为弥尔顿对古代和圣经历史的视角有着深刻的理解。）例如，在《罗兰的疯狂》的结尾，描述了鲁杰罗的婚礼帐篷。它是卡珊德拉编织的，作为送给赫克托尔的礼物，由于她是一位女先知，它展示了普里阿摩斯的所有后代，最后是鲁杰罗本人。同样，它的历史是一条连续的链条：特洛伊陷落时，墨涅拉俄斯夺取了它，带到埃及，作为交换送给普罗透斯海伦，克利奥帕特拉继承了海伦，罗马人从她手中夺走了它，现在它又传给了鲁杰罗——描述以引用凯撒的著名警句“我来了，我看见了，我征服了”结束。29另外，在《卢苏斯之子》中，朱庇特描述葡萄牙探险家在发现新大陆方面胜过尤利西斯、安特诺尔和埃涅阿斯。30帕里德尔（Paridell）在《仙后》中概括了《埃涅阿斯纪》的故事，并引出了埃涅阿斯的后裔布鲁特（Brute）在英国建立特洛伊诺凡特的故事。31
Modern history (however fabulous) is conceived as a continuation of Greco-Roman history, the Dark Ages being curtailed or forgotten. (Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained are exceptions here, for Milton has a profound sense of the perspective of ancient and biblical history.) For instance, at the end of The Madness of Roland the nuptial tent of Ruggiero is described. It was woven by Cassandra as a gift for Hector, and, since she was a prophetess, it showed all the descendants of Priam, ending with Ruggiero himself. Similarly, its history was a continuous chain: it was captured by Menelaus at the fall of Troy, taken to Egypt and given to Proteus in exchange for Helen, inherited by Cleopatra, and taken from her by the Romans, from whom it now descended to Ruggiero—and the description ends with a quotation of Caesar’s famous epigram ‘I came, I saw, I conquered’.29 Again, in The Sons of Lusus the Portuguese explorers are described by Jupiter as outdoing Ulysses, Antenor, and Aeneas by their discovery of new worlds.30 Paridell in The Faerie Queene gives a summary of the story of the Aeneid leading up to the story of Aeneas’ descendant Brute, who founded Troynovant in Britain.31
现代英雄的事迹经常被拿来与希腊罗马史诗和传说作比较。因此，在《失乐园》中，撒旦
The deeds of modern heroes are constantly compared to those of Greek and Roman epic and legend. Thus, in Paradise Lost Satan was
体型巨大，
如同传说中那位体型巨大的
泰坦尼克号，或地球出生的神，与朱庇特、
布里阿瑞俄斯或堤丰交战，而朱庇特的巢穴
位于古老的塔尔苏斯。…三十二
in bulk as huge
As whom the fables name of monstrous size,
Titanian, or Earth-born, that warred on Jove,
Briareos or Typhon, whom the den
By ancient Tarsus held. …32
《阿劳卡尼亚诗》中英勇的印第安人被认为比自我牺牲的德西伊人以及许多其他希腊和罗马人更勇敢英雄；而康塞普西翁之劫被认为比特洛伊之劫更糟糕。33在《罗兰的疯狂》中，格里芬在巴黎围城战中造成的伤口可能来自赫克托尔之手，而且（阿里奥斯托借用了彼特拉克的高贵诗句）看起来像
The valiant Indians in The Poem of Araucania are said to be braver than the self-devoting Decii and many other Greek and Roman heroes; and the sack of Concepcion is called worse than the sack of Troy.33 In The Madness of Roland, Grifon at the siege of Paris inflicts wounds which might have come from the hand of Hector, and (in a noble line which Ariosto borrowed from Petrarch) looks like
霍拉提乌斯独自一人对抗整个托斯卡纳。三十四
Horatius alone against all Tuscany.34
大自然通常用古典术语来描述——有时非常不恰当。《阿劳卡尼亚之诗》中，印第安酋长考波利坎举起一根巨大的木头二十四小时，而这段时间正是提托诺斯的女神（奥罗拉）和太阳神阿波罗出现的时间。35在《利特苏斯之子》中，鲁本斯兴高采烈地描绘了葡萄牙对海洋的征服，瓦斯科·达·伽马的所有水手都娶了涅瑞伊得斯为妻，而这些幸福的岛屿很可能就是亚速尔群岛。36当暴风雨来临时，在《仙后》中，
Nature is usually described in classical terms—sometimes very inappropriately. The great ordeal in The Poem of Araucania where the Indian chief Caupolicán holds up a huge log for twenty-four hours is timed by the appearances of Tithonus’ lady (Aurora) and the sun-god Apollo.35 In The Sons of Litsus the Portuguese conquest of the sea is symbolized in an ebullient Rubens revel when all Vasco da Gama’s sailors marry Nereids, in happy islands which are probably the Azores.36 When there is a storm, in The Faerie Queene,
愤怒的朱庇特将一场可怕的暴雨
倾泻到他的腿上。三十七
angry Jove an hideous storm of rain
Did pour into his leman’s lap.37
令人震撼的场景与古典诗歌中的美丽景色相媲美。甚至《失乐园》中的伊甸园也是这样呈现的：由于弥尔顿无法抵挡希腊自然精灵的魅力，伊甸园
Striking scenes are compared with beauties known from classical poetry. Even the garden of Eden, in Paradise Lost, is so presented: the garden where, since Milton could not keep out the lovely Greek nature-spirits,
普世的潘神，
与美惠三女神和时辰女神共舞，
引领我们走向永恒的春天。不是那片美丽的
恩纳田野，普罗塞宾在那里采摘鲜花，
她自己是一朵更美丽的花，被阴郁的狄斯
采摘——这让刻瑞斯费尽心机
在全世界寻找她——也不是那片甜美的
达芙妮树林，在奥龙特斯和灵感四射的
卡斯塔利亚春天，可以与这
伊甸园相媲美……三十八
universal Pan,
Knit with the Graces and the Hours in dance,
Led on the eternal Spring. Not that fair field
Of Enna, where Proserpin gathering flowers,
Herself a fairer flower, by gloomy Dis
Was gathered—which cost Ceres all that pain
To seek her through the world—nor that sweet grove
Of Daphne, by Orontes and the inspired
Castalian spring, might with this Paradise
Of Eden strive… .38
Pandemonium，由魔鬼建造，据说很像一座希腊神庙；39在《解放耶路撒冷》中，阿米达的宫殿有金色的大门，上面装饰着描绘爱情胜利的图画，体现在赫拉克勒斯和伊俄勒、安东尼和克莉奥佩特拉身上。40
Pandemonium, built by the devils, is specially said to be like a Greek temple;39 and in The Liberation of Jerusalem Armida’s palace has golden doors decorated with pictures which show the triumph of Love, embodied in Hercules and Iole, Antony and Cleopatra.40
在所有这些史诗中，希腊罗马英雄诗歌中的许多情节都被模仿和改编。这里有一个引人注目的例如。在《仙后》的开头，红十字骑士从树上摘下一根树枝，
In all these epics, many, many episodes from Greco-Roman heroic poetry are imitated and adapted. Here is one striking example. Early in The Faerie Queene the Red-Cross Knight plucks a branch from a tree,
从裂缝中流出了
细小的血滴，并顺着裂缝流下。
out of whose rift there came
Small drops of gory blood, that trickled down the same.
这棵树对他说话，说它是一个被施了魔法的人；我们认出了维吉尔的一个令人难以忘怀的幻想，但丁接受了这个幻想，并在自杀的树林中，让它变得更加可怕。41
The tree speaks to him, and says it is a human being, bewitched; and we recognize a haunting fancy of Vergil’s, which Dante took up and, in the grove of suicides, made far more terrible.41
其中一些改编具有极为重要的艺术和精神意义。例如，对英勇牺牲的追忆和对未出生伟人的预言。在《解放耶路撒冷》中，里纳尔多得到了一套盔甲，上面画着他的祖先与哥特人作战的功绩；后来，大天使迈克尔在戈弗雷的危急时刻向他显现，向他展示了死去的十字军的灵魂和天堂天使都在与他并肩作战。前者改编自《埃涅阿斯纪》中埃涅阿斯神制的盔甲，后者改编自《伊利亚特》中诸神的战争：塔索将后者描绘得比原作更加崇高。42在《阿劳卡尼亚之诗》中，一位魔术师召唤出了勒班陀战役的景象，以便埃尔西拉可以看到它，尽管他当时在世界另一端的智利值班；在《鲁苏斯之子》中，一位预言性的仙女描述了东印度群岛未来的历史：这两个场景都是根据埃涅阿斯访问冥界而改编的，这次访问让埃涅阿斯得以一窥罗马的未来。43《罗兰的疯狂》和《仙后》中也有类似的幻象。梅林的鬼魂向美丽的布拉达曼特预言，她和鲁杰罗将拥有悠久而辉煌的后裔，最终成为阿里奥斯托的赞助人埃斯特家族；斯宾塞让梅林向布丽托玛特预言未来几个世纪的英国历史。所有这些预言中最伟大的是在《失乐园》中，一位天使向亚当揭示了宇宙的整个时间过去，另一位天使揭示了整个未来，直到审判日。四十四
Some of these adaptations are of the greatest artistic and spiritual importance. Such, for instance, are evocations of the heroic dead, and prophecies of the great unborn. In The Liberation of Jerusalem Rinaldo is given a suit of armour showing the exploits of his ancestors fighting the Goths; and later, the archangel Michael appears to Godfrey at a grave crisis, and shows him the spirits of the dead crusaders and the angels of heaven all fighting on his side. The first of these ideas is adapted from the divinely made armour of Aeneas in the Aeneid, and the second from the battles of the gods in the Iliad: Tasso has made the latter more sublime than its original.42 In The Poem of Araucania a magician conjures up a vision of the battle of Lepanto, so that Ercilla may see it although he is on duty in Chile, at the other side of the world; in The Sons of Lusus a prophetic nymph describes the future history of the East Indies: both scenes are reworked from the underworld visit which gives Aeneas his long glimpse into the Roman future.43 There are similar visions in The Madness of Roland and The Faerie Queene. The ghost of Merlin prophesies to the beautiful Bradamante that, with Ruggiero, she will have a long and glorious line of descendants, culminating in the family of Este, Ariosto’s patrons; and Spenser makes Merlin foretell the coming centuries of British history to Britomart. The grandest of all such prophecies is in Paradise Lost, where one angel reveals the whole temporal past of the universe to Adam, and another the whole future, as far as the Day of Judgement.44
此外，英雄冒险和盛大的群众场面也经常被模仿，例如维吉尔、荷马等人的作品。在《罗兰的疯狂》中，诺兰丁国王披上羊皮，在动物群中四肢着地爬行，从饲养牛的妖怪手中救出了他的妻子——这是奥德修斯在独眼巨人的洞穴中想出的计谋。45在同一首诗中，安吉丽卡从海怪手中获救的故事灵感来自奥维德《变形记》中珀尔修斯和安德洛墨达的故事：事实上，安格尔对这一情节的描绘强调相似性。46 《罗兰之疯狂》以鲁杰罗和异教徒勇士罗多蒙特之间的一场关键决斗而告终 —— 正如《埃涅阿斯纪》以埃涅阿斯和图尔努斯之间的决斗而告终。47两首诗的最后几句几乎一模一样，但现代作者引入了一种独特的语调差异。当图尔努斯受到致命一击时，
Again, both heroic adventures and grand crowd-scenes are often imitated from Vergil and Homer and others. In The Madness of Roland King Norandin rescues his wife from a cattle-keeping ogre by putting on a goatskin and crawling on all fours among the animals—the stratagem devised by Odysseus in the cave of the Cyclops.45 In the same poem the rescue of Angelica from the sea-monster is inspired by the tale of Perseus and Andromeda in Ovid’s Metamorphoses: indeed, Ingres’s picture of the episode emphasizes the similarity.46 The Madness of Roland ends with a crucial duel between Ruggiero and the paynim champion Rodomonte—as the Aeneid ends with the duel between Aeneas and Turnus.47 Even the final sentences of the two poems are almost the same; but the modern author introduces a characteristic difference of tone. When Turnus received the death-blow,
他的四肢变得松弛、冰冷，
他痛苦地呻吟着，生命在黑暗中消逝。四十八
his limbs slackened and grew cold,
and with a groan his life fled grieving to the dark.48
因此，这首诗的结尾并非胜利与和平，而是对年轻生命的夭折的无望悲伤——就像《埃涅阿斯纪》第 6 章中尚未出生的罗马英雄的盛会以年轻马塞勒斯的悲伤幽灵结束一样，他本应前途无量，却英年早逝。但《罗兰的疯狂》的结尾是鲁杰罗毫不犹豫地给了罗多蒙特致命一击，不是一次，而是两次、三次，然后
So the poem ends, not as it might in triumph and peace, but in the hopeless sorrow for young life cut short—just as the pageant of mighty Romans yet unborn, in Aeneid, 6, ended with the sad phantom of young Marcellus, who was to have such promise and to die before his time. But The Madness of Roland ends when Ruggiero, much less reluctantly, gives Rodomonte the death-blow, not once, but twice and thrice, and then
从比冰还冷的身体中松脱出来，咒骂和谴责逃离了那个在生活中如此骄傲和轻蔑的
愤怒的灵魂。
49
loosened from the body colder than ice,
cursing and damning fled the angry soul
that was in life so proud and so disdainful.49
异教骑士并不悲伤，而是亵渎神明。胜利是圆满的——没有被不可避免的生命浪费所破坏，对维吉尔来说，生命浪费使胜利变成了悲剧，而是因为战败勇士的力量和勇敢而更加坚定了胜利的决心。对他有同情吗？不，一点也没有，就像罗兰的原诗一样：
The pagan knight does not grieve, but blasphemes. The victory is complete—not marred by the inevitable waste of life which, for Vergil, makes triumph into tragedy, but enhanced by the strength and bravura of the defeated champion. Sympathy for him? No, there is none, any more than in the original poem of Roland:
异教徒是错误的，基督徒是正确的！50
Pagans are wrong, and Christian men are right!50
因此，阿里奥斯托的诗不是以颤抖的小调和弦结束，而是以大胆的大调小号结束，就像黑色羽毛的扫动，傲慢而浮夸。
So, instead of ending on a tremulous minor chord, Ariosto’s poem finishes on a bold major flourish of trumpets, like the sweep of black plumes, haughty and orgulous.
这些史诗中的许多群众场景都受到希腊和罗马史诗和历史的启发，因此不可能对它们进行概括性处理。就像《伊利亚特》23 中的希腊人和《埃涅阿斯纪》 5中的特洛伊人一样， 《阿劳卡纳》10中胜利的印第安人也举行精心策划的比赛，并正式颁发奖品。关于神、英雄或魔鬼的正式辩论（注 24）和战士目录源自荷马和维吉尔。塔索的大使说，他的斗篷褶皱里既有和平又有战争，并问他应该抖掉哪一个，这个形象是以一个真实的罗马人为原型的：正是昆图斯·法比乌斯·马克西姆斯，他以第二次布匿战争前出使迦太基为背景。51
So many of the crowd-scenes in these epics are inspired by Greek and Roman epic poetry and history that it is impossible to treat them in a general survey. Like the Greeks of Iliad, 23, and the Trojans of Aeneid, 5, the victorious Indians in La Araucana, 10, hold elaborate games, with prizes formally awarded. The great formal debates of gods, heroes, or devils (note 24) and the catalogues of warriors derive from Homer and Vergil. The ambassador in Tasso who says he has both peace and war in the folds of his cloak, and asks which he shall shake out, is modelled on a real Roman: none less than Quintus Fabius Maximus, on the momentous embassy to Carthage before the second Punic war.51
荷马式的明喻，无论怎样精心设计，都出现在这些诗歌中。有时实际的比较是借用荷马或维吉尔的诗句——例如，阿里奥斯托将身穿盔甲、闪闪发光、危险的罗多蒙特比作一条披着新皮的蛇。52有时，诗人会运用自己的经历或想象——比如，埃尔西拉将一支印度军队包围几个基督徒比作一条鳄鱼吞食鱼，53或者当弥尔顿把飞越地狱的撒旦（后来出现的撒旦像一座岛山一样巨大）比喻为远在海上的整个舰队时
Homeric similes, in all their elaboration, occur in every one of these poems. Sometimes the actual comparison is borrowed from Homer or Vergil—as when Ariosto compares Rodomonte, glittering and dangerous in his armour, to a snake gleaming in its new skin.52 Sometimes the poets have used their own experience or imagination—as when Ercilla compares an Indian army surrounding a few Christians to an alligator swallowing up fish,53 or when Milton likens Satan flying through hell (Satan, who later appears as vast as an island mountain) to an entire fleet, which far off at sea
悬在云层中，乘着春秋分时的风，
从孟加拉或
特尔纳特岛和蒂多雷岛驶来，商人们从那里带来
他们的辛辣药物；他们在贸易的洪流中
，穿过宽阔的埃塞俄比亚海，到达好望角
，每晚都向极地进发。54
Hangs in the clouds, by equinoctial winds
Close sailing from Bengala, or the isles
Of Ternate and Tidore, whence merchants bring
Their spicy drugs; they on the trading flood
Through the wide Ethiopian to the Cape
Ply stemming nightly toward the Pole.54
文艺复兴时期史诗中许多最生动的人物都是模仿或部分受希腊罗马史诗人物启发的。例如，美丽、纯洁、敏捷、强壮、英勇的战士少女，她站在错误的一边，表现出非凡的勇气，虽然被打败（通常被杀死），但却激发了敌对英雄之一的热烈爱慕和悔恨。《解放耶路撒冷》中的克洛琳达、《罗兰的疯狂》中的布拉达曼特就是这样的女英雄，而她们的妹妹则是斯宾塞笔下的布里托玛特。虽然像圣女贞德和卡特琳娜·斯福尔扎这样的女战士在现实生活中存在，但这些令人敬畏的女孩的原型是亚马逊女王希波吕忒，忒修斯征服了她，夺得了她的处女腰带；另一位赤裸上身的亚马逊女性彭忒西勒亚，被阿喀琉斯杀死；以及维吉尔自己模仿的卡米拉。55现代的女武神形象也融合了其他幻想，但大多数都源自古典。例如，塔索笔下的克洛琳达是一位黑人女王的白人女儿——这是对希腊晚期浪漫史赫利奥多罗斯的补偿性幻想；她被一只母老虎哺乳——就像罗慕路斯和雷穆斯被一只母狼哺乳一样；她先是被她的养父背过一条湍急的河流，然后又被神奇的风和水带过——就像《埃涅阿斯纪》中被绑在长矛上被父亲扔过河的卡米拉一样。56
Several of the most vivid characters of Renaissance epic are imitated from, or partly inspired by, the figures of Greco-Roman epic. For example, the warrior girl, beautiful, virginal, agile, strong, and valiant, who fights on the wrong side, performs prodigies of bravery, is defeated (and usually killed), but inspires passionate love and regret in one of the opposing heroes. Clorinda in The Liberation of Jerusalem, Bradamante in The Madness of Roland are such heroines, and their younger sister is Spenser’s Britomart. Although women soldiers like Joan of Arc and Caterina Sforza existed in real life, the model for these formidable girls was the Amazon queen Hippolyta, whom Theseus conquered, and whose virgin girdle he captured; and that other bare-breasted Amazon, Penthesilea, slain by Achilles; and Vergil’s own imitation, Camilla.55 Other fantasies were blended to make the modern Valkyries, but most of them were classical in origin. Tasso’s Clorinda, for instance, was the white daughter of a negro queen —a compensatory fantasy from the late Greek romance of Heliodorus; she was suckled by a tigress—as Romulus and Remus were suckled by a she-wolf; and she was carried over a raging river first by her foster-father and then by miraculous winds and waters—as Camilla, tied to a spear, was thrown across by her father in the Aeneid.56
其中几首诗还祈求了一位或多位希腊缪斯女神。（这种祈求早在但丁时期就出现了。）57在重要的段落中，诗人们记得缪斯是异教神祇，并通过基督教化来证明这种祈求的合理性，就像塔索那样
Several of these poems also invoke one or more of the Greek Muses. (Such invocations appear as early as Dante himself.)57 In important passages the poets remember that the Muses were pagan deities, and justify the invocation by Christianizing them, like that of Tasso
你没有在赫利孔山上 用昙花一现的桂冠装饰你的额头，
而是在高高的天庭，在永恒的星辰合唱团中
，戴着一顶金色的王冠。58
who dost not with soon-fallen bays
adorn thy forehead on Mount Helicon,
but high in heaven among the blessed choirs
hast of immortal stars a golden crown.58
基督教史诗所基于的假设是，在其他条件相同的情况下，它们将优于希腊和罗马的史诗，因为它们的主题通过耶稣基督的启示被提升到了一个更高的水平：它是一部
The assumption on which the Christian epics are based is that, other things being equal, they will be superior to the epics of Greece and Rome because their subject, through the revelation of Jesus Christ, has been exalted to a far higher level: it is an
论点
并不亚于严厉
的阿喀琉斯对他
在特洛伊城墙周围三次逃亡的敌人的愤怒；或
图努斯对拉维尼娅离婚的愤怒；59
argument
Not less but more heroic than the wrath
Of stern Achilles on his foe pursued
Thrice fugitive about Troy wall; or rage
Of Turnus for Lavinia disespoused;59
因此，激发诗人灵感的精神不是尘世的缪斯，而是天上的缪斯。
and the spirit which inspires the poets is therefore not an earthly but a heavenly Muse.
而且，这些诗人中更激烈的诗人翻译或模仿了许多希腊和罗马诗歌中令人难忘的话语。今天，许多读者发现这很难理解。他们认为，重复维吉尔或奥维德的短语的诗人缺乏原创性；他无法为他的角色想出要说的话，必须去古人那里“借用”他们的话语。对于小诗人和庸俗作家来说，这可能是真的，但对于像弥尔顿和但丁这样的伟大创意作家来说，情况就大不相同了。事实上，引用美丽的词语会加深含义，并增加一种新的美，即回忆之美。例如，在《失乐园》中，撒旦说的第一句话是他对被征服的别西卜在地狱中说的话：
And, by the more intense of these poets, many memorable utterances from Greek and Roman poetry are translated or imitated. Today many readers find this hard to understand. They believe that the poet who echoes a phrase from Vergil or Ovid is lacking in originality; that he cannot think of things for his characters to say, and must go to the ancients and ‘borrow’ their words. This may be true of minor poets and hack writers, but it is very far from true of great creative writers like Milton and Dante. The truth is that quotation of beautiful words deepens the meaning, and adds a new beauty, the beauty of reminiscence. For instance, in Paradise Lost the first words spoken by Satan are his address to Beelzebub, as they lie vanquished in hell:
如果你就是他——但是，哦，他是多么堕落！他是多么改变
自己！——在幸福的光明国度里，
披着超然的光辉，光芒胜过
无数，尽管明亮……。60
If thou beest he—but Oh how fallen! how changed
From him!—who, in the happy realms of light,
Clothed with transcendent brightness, didst outshine
Myriads, though bright… .60
这是有意引用埃涅阿斯描述赫克托尔鬼魂的话：
This is a deliberate quotation of the words in which Aeneas described the ghost of Hector:
啊，他看上去多帅啊！和以前那个带回阿喀琉斯铠甲的赫克托尔相比，他简直是大不相同了！61
Ah, how he looked! how changed from his old self,
the Hector who brought back Achilles’ armour!61
这是《埃涅阿斯纪》中令人心酸的一句话。弥尔顿的译本同样令人心酸，而且多了一份怀旧的韵味：因为了解维吉尔的读者在认出这些文字时，会感到心中的另一根弦在颤动。
It is a poignant phrase in the Aeneid. Milton’s translation of it has the same piercing sadness, and has the additional charm of reminiscence: for the reader who knows Vergil feels another chord vibrating in his heart as he recognizes the words.
但意义也得到了丰富。当弥尔顿使用维吉尔描述赫克托尔幽灵的词语时，他是在告诉我们，撒旦和比尔泽布虽然堕落了，但仍然是强大的英雄人物；但比尔泽布曾经“披着超凡的光辉”，现在却带着反抗上帝时所受的可怕伤痕——就像赫克托尔的幽灵出现时，头发上沾满了灰尘和鲜血，脸部被拖着绕着特洛伊城的胜利者战车，伤痕累累，难以形容。因此，他没有再做任何直接描述，只是通过对这位注定永远流亡的英雄的简短暗示，在危险的夜晚，他死去的朋友的鬼魂来拜访他，他让我们感受到痛苦、不祥和失败的气氛。
But the meaning also is enriched. When Milton uses the words in which Vergil described Hector’s ghost, he is telling us that Satan and Beelzebub, though fallen, are still powerful heroic figures; but that Beelzebub, once ‘clothed with transcendent brightness’, now bears frightful wounds received in the rebellion against God—just as Hector’s phantom appeared with its hair matted with dust and blood, and its face indescribably mutilated by being dragged around Troy behind the victor’s chariot. And so, without any more direct description, merely by the brief allusion to the hero doomed to perpetual exile and visited on the night of danger by the ghost of his dead friend, he makes us feel the atmosphere of anguish, and foreboding, and defeat.
同样地，当TS艾略特想要描述一位富有而美丽的女人时，他写道：
Similarly, when T. S. Eliot wishes to describe a rich and beautiful woman, he writes:
她坐的那把椅子，像一张抛光的宝座，
在大理石上闪闪发光……，
The Chair she sat in, like a burnished throne,
Glowed on the marble …,
这让人回想起莎士比亚对克利奥帕特拉的精彩描述：
which is a reminiscence of Shakespeare’s superb description of Cleopatra:
她坐着的驳船，像一座抛光的宝座，
在水面上燃烧……62
The barge she sat in, like a burnished throne,
Burned on the water… .62
因此，他不仅用半句话让读者记住一个短语和一幅美丽的图画，从而愉悦读者，而且还唤起他所描述的女人的所有美丽和奢华。
Thus, in half a sentence, he not only delights his readers by causing them to remember a phrase and a picture of great beauty, but evokes all the loveliness and luxuriousness of the woman he is describing.
这是一种很难的艺术，一种引人深思的引述艺术。浪漫主义者认为所有优秀的作品都是完全“原创的”，这种理论使浪漫主义名声扫地。学术上的误用和古典知识的衰落（见第 21 章）进一步损害了浪漫主义的声誉：因为读者不喜欢认为，为了欣赏诗歌，他们自己应该读和诗人一样多的书。他们也认为，追寻“典故”和“模仿”会破坏诗歌的生命，把它从一个活生生的东西变成一个由复制的色彩和偷来的补丁组成的人造组织。然而，读者那些知道并能识别这些召唤的人，比那些不能识别这些召唤的读者更能从中获得更丰富的乐趣和对主题更全面的理解。与受过古典教育的弥尔顿读者（或雪莱或艾略特的读者）相比，从未对古典文学感兴趣的读者就像一个孩子“为了故事”而读狄更斯的作品，却不理解每个成年人都清楚的更深层的意义。
It is a difficult art, the art of evocative quotation. The theory held by the romantics that all good writing was entirely ‘original’ threw it into disrepute. It has been further discredited by the misapplication of scholarship and the decline in classical knowledge (on which see c. 21): for readers do not like to think that, in order to appreciate poetry, they themselves ought to have read as much as the poet himself. Also, they feel, with justice, that hunting down ‘allusions’ and ‘imitations’ destroys the life of poetry, changing it from a living thing into an artificial tissue of copied colours and stolen patches. Still, it remains true that the reader who knows and can recognize these evocations without, trouble gains a richer pleasure and a fuller understanding of the subject than the reader who cannot. Compared with the classically educated reader of Milton—or for that matter of Shelley or Eliot —the reader who has never interested himself in the classics is like a child reading Dickens ‘for the story’, without understanding the larger significances that are clear to every adult.
此外，这是一种经常被滥用的艺术。在《塔索》中，戈弗雷告诉埃及使者，十字军并不害怕在圣墓之战中丧命：
Further, it is an art that is often misused. In Tasso, Godfrey tells the Egyptian envoy that the Crusaders are not afraid to be killed in battle for the Holy Sepulchre:
是的，我们可能会死，但不会死而无仇
Yes, we may die, but not die unavenged
——这是对《埃涅阿斯纪》中狄多的遗言的暗示。63毫无疑问，这很可悲；但在基督教英雄们将生命献给十字架的演讲中，却要回忆异教公主为爱自杀，这很不恰当。塔索不是学究，但太多的劣等诗人也使用古典模仿和典故作为支撑不充分的想象结构的道具，或作为旨在装饰平凡事物的学识展示。
—which is an allusion to the last words of Dido in the Aeneid.63 Pathetic, no doubt; but quite inappropriate that, in a speech where the Christian heroes offer their lives to the Cross, there should be a reminiscence of the pagan princess killing herself for love. Tasso is not a pedant, but far too many inferior poets have also used classical imitation and allusion as props to support an inadequate structure of imagination, or as a display of learning designed to ornament the commonplace.
然而，如果运用得当，这种艺术就会产生神奇的力量。它可以与意象艺术相媲美。当一位诗人描写一位士兵孤身一人面对重重困难，准备反击时，如果他把这位孤独的战士比作一只凶猛而高贵的动物，一只狮子或一只野猪，被猎人和猎犬包围，但并不无助或害怕，而是充满了愤怒和力量以及战斗的狂喜，他不会降低画面的清晰度，反而会给画面增添一些色彩，只是停下来寻找最佳攻击点，然后以炽热的眼神、紧绷的肌肉和不可抗拒的能量发起攻击。同样，对于警觉的读者来说，五个恰当的典故词会更生动地唤起一个场景，展现出事件的全部力量，使诗人和他的作品都变得高贵。
Yet, when properly employed, the art is magically powerful. It may be compared with the art of imagery. When a poet describes a soldier standing alone against heavy odds, and preparing to counter-attack, he will not lessen the clarity of his picture, but add something to it, if he compares the solitary fighter to a fierce and noble animal, a lion or wild boar, surrounded by hunters and hounds, yet not helpless or frightened but filled with rage and strength and the exultation of combat, pausing only to find the best point of attack before, with burning eyes, taut muscles, and resistless energy, it charges. In just the same way, five words of apt allusion will, for the alert reader, evoke a scene more vividly, bring out all the force of an event, ennoble both the poet and his creations.
在模仿古典诗歌时，人们不可能不羡慕希腊语和拉丁语的力量和灵活性。因此，所有这些诗人都在不同程度上拓宽了自己的风格，引入了以拉丁语和某种程度上以希腊语为原型的新词和新短语类型。葡萄牙评论家（根据奥布里·贝尔先生的说法）64）在他们的语言中保持真正的诗意措辞卡蒙斯是拉丁语的先驱，因为他通过引入许多拉丁语词，将拉丁语提升到了更高的水平。其他人也不同程度地遵循拉丁语：弥尔顿则遵循拉丁语。
When emulating classical poetry, it is impossible not to envy the strength and flexibility of the Greek and Latin languages. Therefore all these poets, in varying degrees, broadened their style by introducing new words and types of phrase modelled on Latin, and to some extent on Greek. Portuguese critics (according to Mr. Aubrey Bell64) hold that real poetic diction in their language begins with Camoens, because he raised the language to a fuller power by introducing many latinisms. This is true of the others, in varying degrees: of Milton, in a special sense.
弥尔顿在《失乐园》和《复乐园》中所做的，是创造一种新的风格来适应“尚未在散文或韵律中尝试过的”主题。这种风格旨在宏伟、令人回味和铿锵有力——崇高的三个不同方面，仅在于实现崇高的方式。在这一点上与他最相似的是维吉尔，他觉得拉丁语与希腊语相比贫乏而呆板，于是改进了拉丁语的句法，扩大了词汇量，改进了节奏，直到拉丁语在他手中产生了一种几乎与希腊诗歌一样丰富的效果。正如弥尔顿引用了许多拉丁和希腊诗人（尽管很少引用《圣经》中的话）一样，维吉尔在拉丁语诗歌中引用了恩尼乌斯和卢克莱修，甚至他的同时代人和前辈，并翻译或改编了无数希腊语中的美词。弥尔顿将拉丁语法引入英语，维吉尔也将希腊语引入拉丁语；正如许多英国批评家指责弥尔顿粗暴地使用拉丁语一样，维吉尔也被指责用不必要的“矫揉造作”扭曲了拉丁语。值得一提的是，弥尔顿是一位音乐家：任何真正理解和实践音乐的作家都会倾向于研究他的风格，并详细阐述音乐以外的人无法想象的细节。然而，奇怪的是，也许归根结底，这证明了他的方法失败了，因为他的短语（与莎士比亚甚至蒲柏的短语相比）很少成为英语的一部分。
What Milton did in Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained was to create a new style to fit the subject ‘unattempted yet in prose or rhyme’. It was intended to be grand; to be evocative; and to be sonorous—three different aspects of sublimity, differing only in the means by which sublimity is achieved. The closest parallel to him in this is Vergil, who, feeling that the Latin language was painfully poor and stiff compared with Greek, elaborated its syntax, enlarged its vocabulary, and refined its rhythms until it produced in his hands an effect scarcely less rich than that of Greek poetry. Just as Milton quotes many Latin and Greek poets (although remarkably little from the Bible), so Vergil quoted Ennius and Lucretius and even his contemporaries and immediate predecessors in Latin poetry, and translated or adapted innumerable beauties from the Greek. As Milton introduced Latin syntax into English, so Vergil introduced grecisms into Latin; and just as many English critics accuse Milton of barbarizing the language, so Vergil was accused of distorting the Latin tongue by unnecessary ‘affectations’. It is worth recalling that Milton was a musician: any writer who really understands and practises music will tend to work over his style and elaborate it in detail inconceivable to an unmusical person. It is strange, though, and perhaps in the last analysis it is a proof of the failure of his method, that so few of his phrases (in comparison with those of Shakespeare or even of Pope) have become part of the English language.
他最奇怪的手法之一是使用现有的英语单词，不是按照它们现在的意思，而是按照它们的拉丁词根所具有的意思。这当然很奇怪，对词源学家来说也很有趣；但对其他人来说，这更像是一种学究而不是诗歌。例如：地狱与地球之间的桥梁是建造的
One of his strangest devices is to use existing English words, not in their current sense, but in the sense which their Latin root possesses. Strange, certainly, and to an etymologist interesting; but to others rather pedantry than poetry. For instance: the bridge between hell and the earth was built
由奇妙的艺术
教皇……
by wondrous art
Pontifical …
—不是像主教，也不是像教皇，也不是自命不凡，而是字面意义上的“搭建桥梁”。65一开始，撒旦问为什么堕落天使应该被允许
—not bishop-like, nor pope-like, nor pompous, but ‘bridge building’, literally.65 At the beginning, Satan asks why the fallen angels should be allowed to
惊讶地躺在茫然的水池里——
Lie thus astonished on the oblivious pool—
——这并不意味着“躺在健忘的湖面上惊讶”，而是躺在attoniti，‘雷击’，落在水池上，让人忘记一切。66或者，在洪水之前的邪恶时代，当一个演说者宣扬宗教、真理与和平时，
—which does not mean ‘lie surprised on the forgetful lake’, but lie attoniti, ‘thunder-struck’, on the pool which causes forgetfulness.66 Or when a speaker, in the evil days before the Flood, preached of religion, truth, and peace,
他老少都
爆炸了……
him old and young
Exploded …
—即‘嘶嘶地响起’，而不是‘炸成碎片’。67有时，这些对英语的扭曲是从希腊语或拉丁语直接移植而来的，例如当叛逆的天使大军中
—i.e. ‘hissed off’, not ‘blew into pieces’.67 Sometimes these distortions of English are literal transferences from the Greek or Latin, as when the army of rebellious angels bristled with
盾牌
各式各样，带有夸夸其谈的论点……
shields
Various, with boastful argument portrayed …
—不是争论，甚至不是挑战，而是“主题”，如同维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》中所述。68
—not dispute, or even challenge, but ‘subject’, as in Vergil’s Aeneid.68
不仅英语单词的原始拉丁词根意义被其后天意义所取代，而且句法中的拉丁语化也延迟和扭曲了思维。罗马人不喜欢使用抽象名词，因为拉丁语中的抽象名词含糊不清，沉重不堪；他们宁愿说“从城市建立之日起”而不是“从城市的基础开始”。因此，弥尔顿将他的诗命名为《失乐园》 ，尽管它不是关于天堂失落之后的故事，而是关于天堂的失落。为此，他以《疯狂的奥兰多》（我们将其译为《罗兰的疯狂》）和《耶路撒冷的解放》为范本。因此，他写道：
Not only the original Latin root-meanings of English words are substituted for their acquired meanings, but latinisms in syntax delay and distort the thought. The Romans disliked using abstract nouns, which in Latin were vague and heavy; they would rather say ‘from the city founded’ than ‘from the foundation of the city’. So Milton calls his poem Paradise Lost, although it is not about Paradise after it had been lost, but about the loss of Paradise. For this he had models in Orlando Furioso (which we have translated The Madness of Roland) and Gerusalemme Liberata (= The Liberation of Jerusalem). And so he says:
大天使停顿
在世界毁灭与世界恢复之间69
the Archangel paused
Betwixt the world destroyed and world restored69
——在讲述毁灭和描述世界复兴之间。这很容易理解，但当Belial 问
—between telling of the destruction and describing the restoration of the world. This is intelligible enough, but what does it mean to anyone except a practising teacher of Latin (with the licet plus subjunctive idiom in his head) when Belial asks
谁知道，
如果我们的愤怒的敌人能够给予的话，这将是好事吗
？70
Who knows,
Let this be good, whether our angry foe
Can give it?70
弥尔顿的这种习惯与他其他的学术表现方式在重要方面有所不同。他这样做是为了尽可能多地展现精神的丰富性，通过展示其主题阐明了艺术和历史的许多不同层面来表达其主题的宏伟。但只用拉丁语来表达一个词会削弱其部分含义，而且是最重要的部分。效果不是丰富而是晦涩。在语言上，弥尔顿有时跨越了财富与浮夸、雄辩与迂腐、艺术与技巧之间那条狭窄的、几乎难以察觉的界限。这正是但丁没有犯下的错误，他通过将自己的诗称为一部卑微的喜剧来避免和预示的危险。晦涩是诗人的错误，他不是因为思想的强度和他所唤起的意义的多样性，而是因为他想通过晦涩来获得尊严。在这一点上，弥尔顿不是文艺复兴时期的艺术家，而是巴洛克风格的艺术家。许多对位音乐，以巴赫的《赋格的艺术》为结尾，都存在同样的缺陷。赋格的弱点，以及像弥尔顿这样的语言聪明才智的弱点，在于它只能诉诸人类思维的几个层面。史诗和交响乐一样，触及了人类的全部精神。
This habit of Milton’s differs in an important point from his other displays of learning. They are made in order to bring in as many as possible of the riches of the spirit, to express the grandeur of his subject by showing that it illuminates many different levels of art and history. But to use a word in only its Latin sense cuts out part of its meaning, and the most important part. The effect is not richness but obscurity. In language Milton sometimes stepped over the narrow and almost imperceptible boundary which divides wealth from ostentation, eloquence from pedantry, art from technique. This is exactly the mistake that Dante did not make, the danger he avoided and signalized by calling his poem a humble Comedy. It is the mistake of the poet who is obscure, not because of the intensity of his thought and the variety of meanings he is evoking, but because he wishes to be dignified through obscurity. In this, Milton was not a Renaissance artist but a baroque artist. Much contrapuntal music, ending with Bach’s Art of the Fugue, suffers from the same defect. The weakness of the fugue, and of linguistic cleverness such as Milton’s, is that it appeals to only a few levels in the human mind. The epic, like the symphony, addresses all the spirit of man.
尽管文艺复兴时期的伟大史诗诗人深受古典文学的影响，但他们并不是抄袭者。他们的诗篇各不相同，也不同于希腊和罗马的史诗。要写出一部英雄壮举的作品，需要强大的精神力量，只有具备强大的原创性和完全的个性，才能成功。
In spite of all their debt to the classics, the great epic poets of the Renaissance were not copyists. Their poems are all unlike one another, and unlike the epics of Greece and Rome. To write a work of heroic grandeur needs such strength of mind that one cannot succeed in it without being vigorously original and completely individual.
但是，史诗除了力量之外，还需要丰富性。如果要发挥其最大效果，它必须具有丰富多彩的想象力或深刻的哲学内涵，或者两者兼而有之。它必须追溯到遥远的过去，展望未来。它必须涉及多种情感，运用多种艺术，包含许多时代和国家的成就，以反映人类生活的能量和复杂性。所有这些诗人都认识到这一点。他们感受到希腊罗马神话的权威，他们知道希腊罗马诗歌的卓越之处，他们意识到希腊和罗马的世界远非消亡，而是我们的世界延续的活生生的过去，因此他们通过强调这种延续性来丰富自己的作品。他们之所以失败，是因为他们回到过去而忘记了现在——就像龙沙，或者像弥尔顿一样，在他的诗歌中充满了语言化石。他们的成功之处在于，他们利用古典时代的多重光辉，加深了当代的单一明亮光芒，从而，以只有伟大的富有想象力的作家才拥有的力量，照亮了人类命运的整个宏伟景象。
But, as well as strength, epic poetry needs richness. If it is to have its maximum effect, it must have sumptuously varied imagination or deep philosophical content, or both. It must stretch far back into the past and look forward into the future. It must work upon many emotions, use many arts, contain the achievements of many ages and nations, in order to reflect the energies and complexities of human life. All these poets recognized this. They felt the authority of Greco-Roman myth, they knew the excellence of Greco-Roman poetry, they realized that the world of Greece and Rome, so far from being dead, was much of the living past of which our world is a continuation, and therefore they enriched their own work by emphasizing that continuity. Where they failed it was because they went back into the past and forgot the present—like Ronsard, or like Milton studding his poetry with verbal fossils. Where they succeeded it was by using the multiple radiance of the classical past to deepen the bright single light of the present, and thus, with the power given only to great imaginative writers, illuminating the whole majestic spectacle of man’s destiny.
9
文艺复兴时期的
田园和浪漫
9
THE RENAISSANCE
PASTORAL AND ROMANCE
田园诗和浪漫小说是两种文学风格，虽然它们相互关联，有时甚至结合在一起，但它们的起源、历史、方法和目的却各不相同。例如，田园诗的理想是平淡无奇的乡村生活，“安居乐业，安享晚年”，而浪漫小说的理想则是狂野而不可预测的冒险，在其漫长和复杂中变得越来越不真实。然而，这两者有相似之处。从根本上说，它们之间存在着深刻的心理联系。它们结合在一起创作了许多大获成功的书籍，一次是在希腊罗马文明末期，另一次是在文艺复兴时期。今天，它们仍然在结合在一起。
PASTORAL and romance are two styles of literature which, although allied and sometimes combined, have different origins, different histories, different methods, and different purposes. For instance, the ideal of the pastoral is uneventful country life, ‘easy live and quiet die’, while the ideal of romantic fiction is wild and unpredictable adventure, becoming more and more unlifelike in its very length and complexity. Nevertheless, the two have their similarities. At bottom there are deep psychological links between them. And they combined to produce many books which had a great success, once towards the end of Greco-Roman civilization and again during the Renaissance. They are still being combined today.
田园诗和戏剧（很少是平淡的散文）描绘了乡村农场上牧羊人、牛仔和牧羊人的幸福生活。农夫和田间工人没有出现，因为他们的生活太辛苦、太肮脏。仙女、森林之神和其他动植物也出现了，以表达野性强烈而美丽的活力。田园生活的特点是：简单的做爱、民间音乐（尤其是歌唱和吹笛）、纯洁的道德、朴素的举止、健康的饮食、朴素的衣着和未受破坏的生活方式，与大城市和皇家宫廷中存在的焦虑和腐败形成鲜明对比。乡村生活的粗俗既没有被强调也没有被掩盖，而是被其本质的纯洁所抵消。
Pastoral poetry and drama (seldom plain prose) evoke the happy life of shepherds, cowboys, and goatherds on farms in the country. Ploughmen and field-workers are not introduced, because their life is too laborious and sordid. Nymphs, satyrs, and other flora and fauna also appear, to express the intense and beautiful aliveness of wild nature. Pastoral life is characterized by: simple love-making, folk-music (especially singing and piping), purity of morals, simplicity of manners, healthy diet, plain clothing, and an unspoilt way of living, in strong contrast to the anxiety and corruption of existence in great cities and royal courts. The coarseness of country life is neither emphasized nor concealed, but is offset by its essential purity.
这种文学体裁是由世界上最早的大都市之一亚历山大的诗人们发明的；一般认为，发明者是忒奥克里托斯，他是一位令人钦佩的诗人，人们对他知之甚少，只知道他出生于公元前305 年左右，住在亚历山大和锡拉库扎的宫廷里。1他的田园诗2大部分故事发生在西西里岛：故事中的人物讲的是当地的多立克方言，带有宽大的a和o。除了主题的魅力之外，忒奥克里托斯的诗歌还以其优美的音韵和节奏而闻名——这种音乐就像声音一样溪流的波光粼粼，阳光透过树叶的光芒，甚至可以使普通的思想和普通的人物变得难以忘怀，无法模仿的美丽。
The type of literature was invented by the poets of one of the earliest great metropolitan cities of the world, Alexandria; and, it is believed, specifically by Theocritus, an admirable poet of whom little is known, except that he was born about 305 B.C. and live at the courts of Alexandria and Syracuse.1 His bucolic ‘idylls’2 were mostly placed in Sicily: their characters spoke the local Doric dialect of Greek, with its broad a’s and o’s. As well as the charm of their subject, Theocritus’ poems are marked by the exquisite music of their sounds and rhythms—a music which, like the sound of a brook or the glow of sunlight through leaves, transfigures even ordinary thought and commonplace figures with an unforgettable, inimitable loveliness.
维吉尔在公元前39 年出版的《田园诗》中开创了新的伟大先河，后来的大多数田园诗作家都采用了这一开创性的做法。3其中许多诗篇都是直接抄袭忒奥克里托斯的，并将他的希腊诗句精确地翻译成拉丁文。维吉尔的原创之处——一如既往——是他对原型的补充。他的一些诗篇（如忒奥克里托斯的诗篇）被置于西西里乡村；有一两首诗被置于他自己的家乡意大利北部；但有两首诗（7 和 10）被置于阿卡迪亚。维吉尔是阿卡迪亚的发现者，阿卡迪亚是乡村生活的理想之地，在那里青春永恒，爱情是所有事物中最甜蜜的，尽管残酷，音乐会传到每个牧人的嘴边，善良的乡村精灵会用他们的同情祝福即使是最不幸的恋人。事实上，阿卡迪亚是伯罗奔尼撒半岛中部一个严酷的丘陵地带：它之所以为希腊其他地区所知，主要是因为那里有非常古老且往往非常野蛮的风俗，这些风俗在其他地方消亡很久之后仍留存至今。我们听到了有关活人献祭和狼人的暗示。4但维吉尔之所以选择它，是因为（与西西里岛不同）它遥远、未知而且“未受破坏”；还因为潘——他热爱羊群、仙女和音乐（未经训练的排箫音乐，而不是阿波罗和他的合唱团九女神演奏的复杂七弦琴音乐）——是阿卡迪亚的神。5正是在这片不真实的逃生之地，维吉尔将他的朋友加卢斯（一位诗人和一位不幸的情人）安置在那里，让他从森林和洞穴的荒野风光、音乐以及艺术和自然的神灵那里获得安慰。
The great new departure adopted by most subsequent pastoral writers was made by Vergil in his Bucolics, published in 39 B.C.3 A number of them were direct copies of Theocritus, with exact translations of his Greek verse into Latin. What was original—as always in Vergil—was the additions he made to his model. Some of his poems were placed (like Theocritus’) in the Sicilian countryside; one or two in his own home-country of northern Italy; but two (7 and 10) were placed in Arcadia. Vergil was the discoverer of Arcadia, the idealized land of country life, where youth is eternal, love is sweetest of all things even though cruel, music comes to the lips of every herdsman, and the kind spirits of the country-side bless even the unhappiest lover with their sympathy. In reality, Arcadia was a harsh hill-country in the centre of the Peloponnese: it was known to the rest of Greece chiefly for the very ancient and often very barbarous customs that survived in it long after they had died elsewhere. We hear hints of human sacrifice, and of werewolves.4 But Vergil chose it because (unlike Sicily) it was distant and unknown and ‘unspoilt’; and because Pan—with his love of flocks, and nymphs, and music (the untutored music of pan-pipes, not the complex lyre-music of Apollo and his choir, the Nine)—was specifically the god of Arcadia.5 It was in this unreal land of escape that Vergil placed his friend Gallus, a poet and an unhappy lover, to receive consolation from the wild scenery of woodland and caves, from music, and from the divinities of art and nature.
罗曼史是现代人对长篇爱情和冒险故事的称呼。我们所知的第一部罗曼史是用希腊文写成的，写于罗马帝国时期。6这类故事可能在被记录下来之前就已经流传了几个世纪；但它们似乎在公元初进入了文学界，当时文学家们把它们当作展示精妙修辞、令人眼花缭乱的警句和才华横溢的创造力的载体。（显然，弗里吉亚人达雷斯和克里特人狄克提斯伪造的特洛伊历史的原始版本也属于同一时期，尽管他们的聪明才智比优雅更出名。）7这些故事中有许多流传至今。已经有数百个了。它们非常长，除非读者决定相信它们，否则非常乏味；但如果相信它们，它们就会令人愉快。它们的主要内容是：
Romance is the modern name for a long story of love and adventure in prose. The first known to us were written in Greek, under the Roman empire.6 Such stories were probably told for centuries before any were written down; but they seem to have entered literature in the early centuries of the Christian era, when literary stylists took them up as vehicles for the display of elaborate rhetoric, dazzling epigram, and brilliant invention. (Apparently it is to the same period that the original forgeries of the Trojan history by ‘Dares the Phrygian’ and ‘Dictys the Cretan’ belong, although they were more distinguished for cleverness than for grace.)7 A number of these stories survive. There must have been hundreds. They are immensely long and, unless the reader decides to believe them, immensely tedious; but if given belief they are delightful. Their main elements are:
两个年轻恋人的长期分离；
the long separation of two young lovers;
他们经受住诱惑和考验，始终忠诚不渝，奇迹般地保持了女孩的贞洁；
their unflinching fidelity through temptation and trial, and the miraculous preservation of the girl’s chastity;
情节极其复杂，包含许多故事中的子故事；
a tremendously intricate plot, containing many subordinate stories within other stories;
激动人心的事件不是由选择而是由偶然事件所决定的——绑架、沉船、野人和野兽的突然袭击、意外继承巨额财富和地位；
exciting incidents governed not by choice but by chance—kidnappings, shipwrecks, sudden attacks by savages and wild beasts, unexpected inheritance of great wealth and rank;
前往遥远而充满异国情调的土地；
travel to distant and exotic lands;
错误和隐瞒的身份：许多人物伪装自己，甚至伪装自己的真实性别，女孩经常伪装成男孩；男女主角的真实出生和父母几乎总是直到最后才为人所知；
mistaken and concealed identity: many characters disguise themselves, and even disguise their true sex, girls often masquerading as boys; and the true birth and parentage of hero and heroine are nearly always unknown until the very end;
风格极其优雅，有大量的演讲，以及对自然美景和艺术作品的精彩描述。
a highly elegant style, with much speechifying, and many elaborate descriptions of natural beauties and works of art.
文艺复兴时期最著名的希腊浪漫主义作品是：
The Greek romances which were best known in the Renaissance are:
( a )叙利亚作家赫利奥多罗斯 (Heliodorus) 所著的《埃塞俄比亚》 (Aethiopica )：讲述了一对恋人（一位是埃塞俄比亚女王的女儿，另一位是英雄阿喀琉斯的后裔，色萨利人）在埃及、希腊和地中海东部的冒险故事。1547 年，阿米奥特 (Amyot) 将此书译成法语，1569 年，安德唐 (Underdown) 将此书译成英语。
(a) Aethiopica, by a Syrian author called Heliodorus: the adventures of two lovers—the daughter of the queen of Ethiopia, and a Thessalian descended from the hero Achilles—in Egypt, Greece, and the eastern Mediterranean generally. This was translated into French by Amyot in 1547, and into English by Underdown in 1569.
( b ) 《克利托丰与留基柏》，作者：阿喀琉斯·塔提乌斯：另一对贵族后裔在泰尔、西顿、拜占庭和埃及的冒险故事。该书于 1554 年被译成拉丁文；1550 年被译成意大利文；1568 年被译成法文；1597 年由伯顿的兄弟译成英文（该版本被禁）。
(b) Clitophon and Leucippe, by Achilles Tatius: the adventures of another nobly descended pair in Tyre, Sidon, Byzantium, and Egypt. This was translated into Latin in 1554; into Italian in 1550; into French in 1568; and into English by Burton’s brother (in a version which was suppressed) in 1597.
（c）《达夫尼斯与克洛伊》，朗格斯著：莱斯博斯岛牧羊人和农民中两个弃儿的冒险故事。1559 年，阿米奥特将其译成法语，1587 年，戴伊又将其从阿米奥特的法语译成蹩脚的英语。
(c) Daphnis and Chloe, by Longus: the adventures of two foundlings among the shepherds and peasants of the island of Lesbos. It was translated into French by Amyot in 1559, and from Amyot’s French into poor English by Day in 1587.
前两个故事都是纯粹而简单的冒险故事，爱情故事贯穿其中。达芙妮斯和《Chloe》对这一模式进行了重要的突破，成功地将激动人心的浪漫冒险与田园风光和魅力融合在一起。
The first two are adventure-stories pure and simple, with the love-affair a continuous thread running through them. Daphnis and Chloe is an important departure from the pattern, for it is a successful combination of stirring romantic adventure with pastoral atmosphere and charm.
现在，尽管田园诗在我们看来乏味而不真实，牧羊人和仙女在甜美的乡村里唱着优美的歌，天真地爱着我们，尽管浪漫小说的荒诞情节、生硬的台词和夸张的情绪几乎无法阅读，但它们本质上并非一文不值。两者都有实际用途。它们已经过时了，因为现在有其他东西来满足这个目的。它们不是高雅文学，因为悲剧或史诗是高雅文学，需要动用所有的思想和灵魂。它们是逃避文学，是愿望的实现。因此，它们（在当时和文艺复兴时期）实现了理想的生活方面，这些方面可能是粗俗的，并为通常枯燥或苛刻的散文增添了诗意的幻想。它们是为年轻人准备的，或者为那些希望自己仍然年轻的人准备的。其中所有的主角都在十八岁左右，几乎只考虑自己的情绪。没有人会规划自己的人生，也不会为了长远的目标而努力，也不会追求长期的事业。男主人公和女主人公遭受了不应有的打击——就像年轻人总是觉得自己遭受了打击一样——然而他们并没有遭受不可挽回的伤害，他们在仍然美丽、年轻、热情和贞洁的时候就在一起了。在这些故事中，就像在现代浪漫故事中一样，灰姑娘神话是主要的幻想之一：一个典型的愿望实现模式，一个人不必为成功或财富而努力，而是由仙女教母和王子的突然激情奇迹般地赋予它。（《埃塞俄比亚》中一个悲情的注释告诉我们一些关于作者和他所期望的观众的事情，那就是女主人公虽然是有色人种的父母的女儿，但奇迹般地生来就是白人。）甚至风格也反映了年轻人：因为最常见的手法是对立和矛盾。青春的一切都是黑色或白色，这些手法代表了对立面的强烈对比和矛盾的结合。浪漫小说中的理想主义基调往往具有真正的效果。许多年轻人在罗马帝国晚期喧嚣的大都市或文艺复兴和巴洛克时期腐败的宫廷中接触过恶习，他们一度被吸引去更看重爱情，想象自己是忠诚的牧羊人，而他心爱的人是纯洁的克洛伊。所有主要人物，甚至牧羊人，都彬彬有礼：没有人说粗俗的乡村方言，每个人都感情丰富，说话优雅，举止高尚——因为年轻人有敏感的情感。
Now although the pastoral, with shepherds and nymphs singing exquisitely and loving innocently in a sweet country-side, seems to us tedious and unreal, and although the romances with their absurd melodrama and stilted speeches and exaggerated emotions are practically unreadable, they are not intrinsically worthless. Both serve a real purpose. They are obsolete because the purpose is now served by something else. They are not high literature, as tragedy or epic is high literature, employing all the mind and all the soul. They are escape-literature, they are wish-fulfilment. And, as such, they fulfilled (both in their day and in the Renaissance) the useful function of idealizing aspects of life which might have been gross, and adding poetic fantasy to what is often dull or harsh prose. They are meant for the young, or for those who wish they were still young. All the leading characters in them are about eighteen years old, and think almost exclusively about their emotions. No one plans his life, or works towards a distant end, or follows out a long-term career. The hero and heroine are buffeted about by events without deserving it—as young people always feel that they themselves are buffeted—and yet no irremediable damage happens to them, they are united while they are still fair and young and ardent and chaste. In these, as in modern romantic stories, the Cinderella myth is one of the chief fantasies: a typical wish-fulfilment pattern, in which one does not have to work for success or wealth, but is miraculously endowed with it by a fairy godmother and the sudden passion of a prince. (A pathetic note in the Aethiopica, which tells us something about the author and the audience he expected, is that the heroine, although the daughter of coloured parents, is miraculously born white.) Even the style reflects youth: for the commonest devices are antithesis and oxymoron. Everything in youth is black or white, and these devices represent violent contrast and paradoxical combination of opposites. The idealistic tone of the romances often had a real effect. Many a young man exposed to vice in the roaring metropolitan cities of the late Roman empire, or the corrupt courts of the Renaissance and baroque era, was drawn for a time to think more highly of love, by imagining himself to be the faithful shepherd and his beloved the pure clean Chloe. The manners of all the chief characters, even the shepherds, are intensely courtly: no one speaks gross rustic patois, everyone has fine feelings, and speaks gracefully, and behaves nobly—because youth has sensitive emotions.
如今，对其他环境和不同社会习俗的幻想也满足了同样的渴望。我们不再阅读关于阿卡迪亚的仙女和牧羊人的故事，而是阅读关于我们自己的大都市之外的田园牧歌或理想化乡下人的故事：有时我们甚至创造和支持他们。瑞士人；美国西南部的印第安人；巴伐利亚人（他们有精彩的《耶稣受难剧》）；斯坦贝克笔下醉醺醺但天使般的牧羊人；西里萨塞克斯；咸咸的佛蒙特州；狡猾的高地人；怀俄明州的牛仔；以及阿兰群岛的渔民——所有这些，还有更多，以及吉奥诺、拉穆兹、西洛内、巴托克、丽贝卡·韦斯特、塞尔玛·拉格洛夫、格兰特·伍德、维拉-罗伯斯、查韦斯、格里格等人根据这些创作的现代艺术作品，以及我们梦寐以求的无数改建的农舍和重建的小屋、原始的绘画和乡村家具——所有这些都是真实需求的产物，随着城市生活变得更加复杂、困难和不自然，这种需求变得越来越强烈。田园梦产生了一些非常伟大的东西。我们只需要想一想贝多芬的《第六交响曲》。我们只需要记住，耶稣虽然是一个城镇居民和工匠，但他称自己为牧羊人。8
The same yearning is satisfied today by fantasies about other milieux and by different social customs. Instead of reading about nymphs and shepherds in Arcadia, we read about idyllic peasants or idealized countrymen outside our own megapolitan cities: sometimes we even create them and support them. The Swiss; the Indians of the south-western United States; the Bavarians (with their wonderful Passion Play); Steinbeck’s drunken but angelic paesanos; seely Sussex; salty Vermont; the pawky Highlanders; the cowboys of Wyoming; and the fishers of the Aran Islands—all these, and many more, and the modern works of art made out of them by Giono, Ramuz, Silone, Bartok, Rebecca West, Selma Lagerlöf, Grant Wood, Villa-Lobos, Chavez, Grieg, many more, and the innumerable converted farm-houses and rebuilt cottages and primitive pictures and rustic furniture which we covet—all are the products of a real need, which is becoming more poignantly felt as city life becomes more complex, difficult, and unnatural. Pastoral dreaming has produced some very great things. We need only think of Beethoven’s Sixth Symphony. We need only remember that Jesus, although he was a townsman and an artisan, called himself a shepherd.8
在文艺复兴时期，希腊和罗马的田园风光和浪漫主义有许多重要的化身，有时一起出现，有时单独出现，因此我们只能指出它们产生的主要作品。甚至在文艺复兴之前，田园风光就已出现。中世纪法国戏剧《罗宾与玛丽安》（亚当·德·拉·哈勒创作，活在1250 年）是一个牧羊人故事；菲利普·德·维特里（但他是古典学者彼特拉克的朋友）创作的优美的十四世纪诗歌《弗朗西斯·贡蒂埃的诗句》也是如此。 《罗宾与玛丽安》可能源自田园诗，即吟游诗人向牧羊女求爱的小对话：普罗旺斯诗人发明了许多这种欢快的小故事，而不是直接建立在古典模型之上。9但随着拉丁田园诗的重新发现和模仿，以及希腊传奇故事的出版，这两种风格才在现代文学中真正重生。
Greek and Roman pastoral and romance had so many important incarnations, together and apart, during the Renaissance that we can point out only the chief works they produced. Even before the Renaissance the pastoral spirit appeared. The medieval French play of Robin and Marion (by Adam de la Halle, fl. 1250) is a shepherd-story; so is the pretty fourteenth-century poem, Le Dit de Franc Gontier, by Philippe de Vitri (who was, however, a friend of the classical scholar Petrarch). Robin and Marion has been plausibly derived from the pastourelles, little dialogues in which a minstrel courts a shepherdess: there were many of these gay little things, invented by the Provencal poets, and not directly built on classical models.9 But it was with the rediscovery and imitation of the Latin pastoral poets, and the publication of the Greek romances, that the two styles were really reborn in modern literature.
薄伽丘的《阿德墨托斯》（Ameto，约1341 年）是这两种理想的首部白话文再现。它是田园诗与令人不安的崇高寓言的混合体。一个粗鲁的乡下人通过听到七位美丽仙女的歌曲和故事，从肉体之爱转变为精神崇拜，而这七位美丽仙女被证明是七种基本美德。尽管这种对比很粗糙，但它包含着田园诗的基本理想主义。《阿德墨托斯》树立了一种模式，所有其他文艺复兴时期的同类作品都以不同的比例遵循了这种模式——散文叙事与诗歌插曲的混合，将简单的故事提升到富有想象力的情感境界。
Boccaccio’s Admetus (Ameto, c. 1341) is the very first vernacular reappearance of either ideal. It is a blend of pastoral poetry with allegory of an uncomfortably lofty type. A rude countryman is converted from physical love to spiritual adoration by hearing the several songs and stories of seven lovely nymphs, who prove to be the seven cardinal virtues. Crude as this contrast is, it contains the essential idealism of the pastoral. And Admetus set one pattern which was followed, in varying proportions, by all the other Renaissance works of its kind—the blend of prose narrative with verse interludes which raise the simple story into the realm of imaginative emotion.
内容更丰富、文笔更精妙、国际影响力更大的是雅格布·桑纳扎罗的《阿卡迪亚》。作者是西班牙移民到意大利的儿子（他的名字是萨拉查的翻版）：他出生于那不勒斯，在佛罗伦萨附近美丽的圣朱利亚诺山谷度过了青年时代，一生大部分时间都奉献给了他的君主阿拉贡的弗雷德里克，他与弗雷德里克一起流亡法国。他的《阿卡迪亚》在 1481 年之前以手稿形式流传，并于 1504 年出版。它分为十二章散文，中间由十二个抒情诗节的“田园诗”隔开。它讲述了一位不幸的情人如何前往阿卡迪亚（就像维吉尔的《田园诗》中的加卢斯一样）逃避痛苦，暂时被人们田园诗般的乡村生活和其他爱情故事所吸引，最后，他通过一次地下之旅回到那不勒斯，发现他心爱的女士已经去世。阿卡迪亚是一部非常复杂和丰富的田园诗，通过对英雄诗、浪漫史甚至哲学对话的回忆而得到丰富。现代文学中它的典范是薄伽丘的《阿德墨托斯》；但薄伽丘的寓言已被摒弃，取而代之的是来自荷马、忒奥克里托斯、维吉尔、奥维德、提布卢斯、涅梅西亚努斯和其他古典作家以及个人观察的许多生动的乡村生活和风景细节。在桑纳扎罗优美的意大利散文中，它们听起来都很自然，文学回忆与他梦中的其他和谐融为一体。（例如，当牧羊人举行比赛时，他们中的两个人在摔跤。谁也不能把对方摔倒。最后一个向对手挑战“举起我，或者让我举起你”——以决定性的摔倒。这是一个非常自然和生动的细节；但桑纳扎罗直接从荷马史诗中奥德修斯和埃阿斯的比赛复制了它。）10 阿卡迪亚取得了巨大的成功：它于 1544 年被翻译成法语，1549 年被翻译成西班牙语，并且经常模仿。它丰富的描述和典故使它成为“可以想象的最完整的田园生活手册”。11
Richer, more elaborately written, and more successful in its international effect, was the Arcadia of Jacopo Sannazaro. The author was the son of Spanish immigrants into Italy (his name is a doublet of Salazar): born in Naples, he spent his youth in the beautiful valley of San Giuliano near Florence, and devoted much of his life to his monarch Frederick of Aragon, whose exile in France he shared. His Arcadia circulated in manuscript before 1481 and was published in 1504. It is in twelve chapters of prose separated by twelve ‘eclogues’ in lyrical metres. It tells how an unhappy lover goes away to Arcadia (like Gallus in Vergil’s Bucolics) to escape from his misery, is temporarily diverted by the idyllic country-life of the people and by other tales of love, and, at last, is conveyed back to Naples by a subterranean journey, to find his beloved lady dead. Arcadia is a very complex and rich pastoral, enlarged by reminiscences of the heroic poem, the romance, and even the philosophical dialogue. Its model in modern literature is Boccaccio’s Admetus; but the allegorizing of Boccaccio has been dropped, and instead many vivid details of rural life and landscape have been inserted from Homer, Theocritus, Vergil, Ovid, Tibullus, Nemesianus, and other classical authors, as well as from personal observation. In Sannazaro’s pretty Italian prose they all sound natural enough, and the literary reminiscences blend with the other harmonies of his dream. (For instance, when the shepherds hold games, two of them wrestle. Neither can throw the other. At last one challenges his opponent ‘Lift me, or let me lift you’—for a decisive fall. Quite a natural and vivid detail; but Sannazaro has copied it directly from the match between Odysseus and Ajax in Homer.)10 Arcadia had an enormous success: it was translated into French in 1544 and into Spanish in 1549, and often imitated. Its rich wealth of description and allusion made it ‘the most complete manual of pastoral life that could possibly be imagined’.11
更为成功的是豪尔赫·德·蒙特马约尔或蒙特莫尔 (1520-61 年) 创作的《黛安娜》。他是葡萄牙人，在访问意大利并看到《阿卡迪亚》的受欢迎程度后，便随一位皇室新娘前往西班牙，并在那里写下了自己的书：他英年早逝，这本书未能完成，但仍然很受欢迎。（请注意，就像最初的希腊和罗马田园诗一样，文艺复兴时期的田园诗和田园浪漫小说几乎都是由朝臣撰写的。）蒙特马约尔并不像桑纳扎罗那样博学，但他从《阿卡迪亚》中借用了书中的大部分田园背景和许多事件。他最强调的是爱情。虽然《阿卡迪亚》中提到了牧羊女，但她们并没有出现。《黛安娜》中充满了真实的或伪装的牧羊女、仙女和其他迷人的生物。它的主要新颖之处在于它是一个连续的故事，以爱情为中心，并有多个从属的爱情故事，使它比任何前辈都更加精致。它实际上像《达夫尼斯与克洛伊》一样，是一部具有田园风光的浪漫小说；但与朗格斯的敏感故事相比，它包含更多的冒险和更少的心理分析。它的复杂阴谋、高尚的语调和人物的多情情感使它闻名整个西欧。莎士比亚在《维洛那二绅士》中使用了其中一个故事，当他在《第十二夜》中伪装薇奥拉时可能也想到了它。塞万提斯试图在他的《伽拉忒亚》中与之媲美：在《堂吉诃德》中，他首先将它（略微残缺）从焚书坑儒中拯救出来，然后让骑士放弃武术职业来模仿它：
Even more successful was Diana, by Jorge de Montemayor or Montemor (1520–61), a Portuguese who, after visiting Italy and seeing the popularity of Arcadia, went to Spain in the suite of a royal bride and wrote his own book there: his premature death left it unfinished, but it was none the less popular. (Notice that, just like the original Greek and Roman pastoral idylls, the Renaissance pastorals and pastoral romances were nearly all written by courtiers.) Montemayor was not such a learned man as Sannazaro, but he took most of the pastoral setting and a number of incidents in his book from Arcadia. What he emphasized above everything else was love. Although shepherdesses are mentioned in Arcadia, they do not appear. Diana is full of shepherdesses, real or disguised, nymphs, and other enchanting creatures. Its chief novelty is that it is a continuous story, with a central thread of love-interest and a number of subordinate love-stories, making a vastly more elaborate fiction than any of its predecessors. It is really, like Daphnis and Chloe, a romance with a pastoral setting; but it contains more adventures and much less psychological analysis than Longus’s sensitive story. Its complex intrigues, its lofty tone and the amorous sensibility of its characters, made it famous throughout western Europe. Shakespeare used one of its stories in The Two Gentlemen of Verona, and probably thought of it when he disguised Viola in Twelfth Night. Cervantes attempted to rival it in his Galatea: in Don Quixote he first saved it (a little mutilated) from the burning of the books, and then made the knight turn from the profession of arms to imitate it:
“我要买一群羊，以及一切适合田园生活的东西；这样，我就叫我牧羊人吉诃德，你叫我牧羊人潘西诺，我们会在树林、山丘和草地上漫步，唱歌和写诗。……爱情会用主题和智慧激励我们，阿波罗会用和谐的歌声激励我们。这样，我们不仅会在有生之年成名，而且会让我们的爱像我们的歌曲一样永恒。”12
‘I will buy a flock of sheep, and everything that is fit for the pastoral life; and so, calling myself the shepherd Quixotis, and thee the shepherd Pansino, we will range the woods, the hills, and the meadows, singing and versifying. … Love will inspire us with a theme and wit, and Apollo with harmonious lays. So shall we become famous, not only while we live, but make our loves as eternal as our songs.’12
因此，这位十六世纪的西班牙理想主义者，曾将自己的名字改为听起来像中世纪骑士的名字，现在又提议将其改为听起来像希腊牧羊人的名字：而且不只是牧羊人，还是像加卢斯和维吉尔那样的诗人，受到希腊罗马神阿波罗的庇护。
And so the sixteenth-century Spanish idealist, having once adapted his name to sound like a medieval knight, now proposes to change it again to sound like a Greek shepherd: and not a mere shepherd, but a poet like Gallus and Vergil, under the patronage of the Greco-Roman god Apollo.
我们已经看到，在薄伽丘的爱情故事《菲亚梅塔》中，明显回避了基督教情感，而刻意以异教道德和异教宗教取而代之。13所有这些牧歌都一样：基督教、基督教的信条和基督教教会从未被提及。即使人物都是当代人物，故事（有时）是自传式的，也只出现了希腊罗马的神祇：他们不是舞台道具，而是强大的神灵，人们真诚地崇拜他们，保护他们的信徒。然而，他们的等级制度与奥林匹斯山的等级制度不同。爱神维纳斯、野性和畜牧之神潘神、狩猎、月亮和贞洁女神戴安娜比其他任何女神都更为突出。这不仅仅是一种时尚，也不是对戏剧礼仪的渴望。这是对严肃和超凡脱俗的基督教理想的真正拒绝，是对这个世界和人类激情力量的肯定，正如那些被称为不朽的希腊人物所体现的那样，因为他们所化的精神永远活在人的心中。
We have already seen that in Boccaccio’s love-story Fiammetta there is a marked avoidance of Christian sentiment, and a deliberate substitution of pagan morality and pagan religion.13 The same applies to all these pastoral books: the Christian religion, its creed and its church, are never mentioned. Even when the characters are quite contemporary and the story (as it becomes now and then) autobiographical, only Greco-Roman deities appear: and they are not stage properties, but powerful spirits, who are sincerely worshipped and can protect their votaries. Their hierarchy, however, is unlike that of Olympus. Venus, the goddess of love, Pan, the god of wild nature and animal husbandry, and Diana, goddess of hunting, of the moon, and of virginity, are far more prominent than any others. This was not merely a fad, or a wish for dramatic propriety. It was a genuine rejection of the austere and otherworldly Christian ideals, and an assertion of the power of this world and human passions, as personified in those Greek figures who were called immortal because the spirits they hypostatized lived on for ever in the heart of man.
文艺复兴时期，西欧各国也创作了其他类型的长篇冒险故事。其中一些故事丝毫不受古典文学的影响：例如流浪汉故事（《托尔梅斯的拉扎里洛》）和中世纪骑士传奇（《高拉的阿玛迪斯》，即《威尔士的阿玛迪斯》 ——亚瑟王传奇在西班牙的迟来的复兴）。这些也是流入现代小说的潮流；但希腊传奇和田园诗的影响同样强大。在文艺复兴时期的英国，它代表了，其中包括：14菲利普·西德尼爵士未完成的书，献给他的妹妹，彭布罗克伯爵夫人的阿卡迪亚。这是一部漫长、复杂、文笔优美的爱情和侠义冒险故事，故事发生在希腊的阿卡迪亚。有时有人说，西德尼除了名字之外什么都没从桑纳扎罗的阿卡迪亚中借用；但他也借用并略作了一些生动迷人的细节，例如维纳斯哺乳婴儿埃涅阿斯的雕像。15不过，他更多地借鉴了蒙特马约尔的《狄安娜》。他模仿了桑纳扎罗的一些诗歌的形式，16但他翻译了蒙特马约尔的一些作品；在《狄安娜》中，他设计了复杂的情节和次要情节网络，以及一些主要人物的伪装。此外，他还通过自己的古典阅读丰富了这些模仿，尤其受益于朗古斯的《达芙妮与克洛伊》。他笔下的阿卡迪亚远不如维吉尔或桑纳扎罗笔下的宁静。其中充斥着令人恐惧的危险和血腥的打斗。双手被砍断，头颅滚落地面，盔甲的撞击声与垂死者的呻吟声交织在一起。比武和战争来自他自己侠义的想象，受到《阿玛迪斯》和《罗兰的疯狂》等故事的启发。但其他冒险，如绑架和海盗袭击，则是直接模仿其中大量出现的希腊传奇故事。因此，在彭布罗克伯爵夫人的阿卡迪亚中，阿卡迪亚田园风光和浪漫冒险这两股希腊潮流以新的比例融合在一起，加上其他幻想元素，创作出一部成为现代小说源泉之一的故事。17
Other types of long adventurous stories were being written in various countries of western Europe during the Renaissance. Some of them owed nothing whatever to classical influence: for instance, the picaresque tale (Lazarillo de Tormes) and the romance of medieval chivalry (Amadis de Gaula, i.e. Amadis of Wales—a belated Spanish revival of the Arthurian legends). These too were currents which flowed into modern fiction; but the influence of Greek romance and pastoral was quite as powerful. In Renaissance England it is represented, among others,14 by Sir Philip Sidney’s unfinished book dedicated to his sister, The Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia. This is a long, complex, and gracefully written story of love and chivalrous adventure set in the Greek land of Arcadia. It is sometimes said that Sidney took nothing but the name from Sannazaro’s Arcadia; but he also borrowed, and slightly altered, a number of vivid and charming details such as the statue of Venus suckling the baby Aeneas.15 However, he owed more to Montemayor’s Diana. He imitated the form of some of Sannazaro’s poems,16 but he translated some of Montemayor’s; and on Diana he designed the complicated network of plots and sub-plots and the disguises of some of his main characters. In addition, he enriched these imitations by his own classical reading, being especially indebted to Longus’s Daphnis and Chloe. His Arcadia is a far less restful place than Vergil’s or Sannazaro’s. There is a great deal of terrifying danger and bloody fighting. Hands are struck off, heads roll on the ground, the clash of armour harmonizes grimly with the groans of the dying. The jousts and battles come from his own chivalrous imagination, stimulated by tales like Amadis and The Madness of Roland. But other adventures, such as kidnappings and pirateraids, are imitated directly from the Greek romances, which abound in them. Thus, in The Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia the two Greek currents of Arcadian pastoral and romantic adventure have blended in a new proportion, along with other elements of fantasy, to make a story which is one of the sources of modern fiction.17
在法国，最成功的田园浪漫小说是奥诺雷·迪尔菲的《阿斯特莱亚》（Astrée，正义女神的名字，她在黄金时代末期离开人世，成为黄道十二宫中的处女）。该书出版于 1607 年，多年来一直非常受欢迎。和《戴安娜》中的人物一样，书中的人物也不是真正的牧羊人和牧羊女，而是淑女和绅士，他们穿上牧羊人的衣服，原因是（从心理上讲是真实的，尽管在情节上不太可能）他们希望生活得更安静、更愉快（vivre plus doucement）。故事的场景和时期是五世纪野蛮人入侵时的高卢人；人物以中世纪最高尚的方式经历了大量复杂的骑士冒险。但很久以后，另一位法国作家将浪漫与田园风格重新结合起来，较少强调贵族情怀，更多强调人与自然的内在善良。十八世纪最杰出的小说之一，贝尔纳丹·德·圣皮埃尔的《保罗与弗吉尼亚》（1788 年），讲述了一对年轻夫妇在理想主义的美景中经历了一系列浪漫的冒险，最终收获了纯洁的爱情。这本书再次证明了，正如斯宾格勒所说，时间上相隔遥远的人也可以是同时代的人：因为它是以朗古斯的《达芙妮与克洛伊》为原型的，显然圣皮埃尔和他的朋友卢梭都对朗古斯所表达的理想深表同情。
In France the most successful pastoral romance was Astraea (Astrée, the name of the spirit of Justice, who left earth at the end of the Golden Age to become the Virgin in the zodiac), by Honoré d’Urfé. Published in 1607, it was tremendously popular for many years. Like those of Diana, its characters are not real shepherds and shepherdesses, but ladies and gentlemen, who have adopted shepherds’ clothes for the reason (psychologically true, even if improbable in the plot) that they wish to live more quietly and pleasantly (vivre plus doucement). The scene and period are fifth-century Gaul at the time of the barbarian invasions; and the characters have a vast number of complicated chivalrous adventures in the noblest medieval manner. But long afterwards another French author recombined romance and pastoral, with less emphasis on aristocratic sentiments and more upon the inherent goodness of man and nature. One of the leading novels of the eighteenth century, Bernardin de Saint-Pierre’s Paul and Virginia (1788), told the story of a young couple who, in settings of idealistic beauty, had a series of romantic adventures culminating in the triumph of pure love. This book once more proved that men distant in time can be, as Spengler said, contemporaries: for it was modelled on Longus’s Daphnis and Chloe, and obviously both Saint-Pierre and his friend Rousseau were profoundly sympathetic to the ideals Longus had expressed.
除了与浪漫主义的融合外，田园理想还有许多其他表现形式。事实上，它在文艺复兴和巴洛克时期的欧洲文学中比在罗马和希腊更有影响力。几乎没有必要详细描述为模仿古人，许多田园诗集都用拉丁语和各种民族语言写成。文艺复兴时期拉丁语中最著名的是意大利人文主义者巴普蒂斯塔·曼图阿努斯的作品。莎士比亚让迂腐的校长在《爱的徒劳》中引用这些诗集，并点名赞扬作者。18加西拉索·德·拉·维加 (1503-36) 用西班牙语写了几首长篇、甜美而忧郁的“田园诗”，改编自维吉尔的《田园诗》和桑纳扎罗的《阿卡迪亚》。在法国，文艺复兴时期的第一批田园诗是由克莱门特·马罗特 (1496-1544) 创作的，他歌颂了在法国环境中拥有法国名字但受到潘神的保护的农民。他的继任者和征服者龙沙从对忒奥克里托斯 11 (恋爱中的独眼巨人)的意译开始，然后创作了六首旋律优美的“田园诗”，部分取材于维吉尔、维吉尔的模仿者卡尔普尔尼乌斯和桑纳扎罗（1544 年被龙沙的朋友让·马丁译成法国人）。其中一些至少具有足够的戏剧性，可以在节日上作为小假面剧表演。他秉承法国贵族的传统，让牧羊人穿上宫廷服装，并（像后来的乌尔菲一样）向观众保证：
The pastoral ideal had many other expressions, apart from its blend with romance. In fact, it was very much more influential in Renaissance and baroque European literature than it ever was in Rome and Greece. It is scarcely necessary to describe in detail the numerous collections of bucolic poems that were written, both in Latin and in the various national tongues, in emulation of the ancients. The most famous in Renaissance Latin were those by the Italian humanist, Baptista Mantuanus. Shakespeare makes his pedantic schoolmaster quote them in Love’s Labour’s Lost and praise the author by name.18 In Spanish Garcilaso de la Vega (1503–36) wrote several long, sweet, melancholy ‘eclogues’ adapted both from Vergil’s Bucolics and from Sannazaro’s Arcadia. In France the first pastorals of the Renaissance were written by Clement Marot (1496–1544), who sang of peasants with French names in a French setting, but under the protection of the god Pan. His successor and conqueror Ronsard began with a free translation of Theocritus, 11 (Cyclops in Love), and proceeded to six melodious ‘eclogues’ partly drawn from Vergil, Vergil’s imitator Calpurnius, and Sannazaro (who had been turned into French by Ronsard’s friend Jean Martin in 1544). Some of them at least are dramatic enough to be performed as little masques at festivals. True to the traditions of French aristocracy, he dressed his shepherds in court clothes, and (like d’Urfé later) assured his audience:
这些牧羊人并不是
那些为了微薄的收入而赶走羊群的外来牧羊人，
而是那些出身于高贵阶层的牧羊人。19
These are not shepherds out of country stock
who for a pittance drive afield their flock,
but shepherds of high line and noble race.19
在英语中，文艺复兴时期最杰出的田园诗是斯宾塞的《牧羊人日历》（1579 年）。尽管这首诗是作为希腊罗马田园诗主题和风格的英语再现而发表的，但现代研究表明，斯宾塞对忒奥克里托斯和维吉尔的依赖远小于对法国和意大利文艺复兴时期田园诗作家的依赖。他的几首关于月份的诗只是对马洛特和曼图阿努斯的“田园诗”的自由改编，而大多数古典回忆都来自波利蒂安、塔索和七星团的主要诗人巴伊夫、杜贝莱和龙沙。20斯宾塞的语言和韵律大部分都源自乔叟。他笔下的牧羊人的名字——卡迪、霍比诺尔、皮尔斯、科林——都是英语本地人的名字，但比忒奥克里托斯的歌唱牧羊人的多立克名字更朴实，更不悦耳；可惜的是，他的诗句也不如乔叟悦耳。
In English the most distinguished pastoral poem of the Renaissance was Spenser’s Shepherd’s Calendar (1579). Although it was given out as a re-creation in English of the themes and manner of Greco-Roman pastoral, modern research has shown that Spenser depended much less on Theocritus and Vergil than on Renaissance pastoral writers in France and Italy. Several of his poems on the months are simply free adaptations of ‘eclogues’ by Marot and Mantuanus, while most of the classical reminiscences come through Politian, Tasso, and the leading poets of the Pleiade, Baif, Du Bellay, and Ronsard.20 For much of his language and metre Spenser went back to Chaucer. The names of his shepherds—Cuddie, Hobbinol, Piers, Colin—are native English, but are far more homely and less melodious than the Doric names of Theocritus’ singing herdsmen; and less melodious, alas, is his verse.
尽管如此，一些最甜蜜、最真诚的英语歌曲文学作品都是按照田园传统创作的。这几乎不是一种传统。对于一个年轻的恋人来说，把自己想象成一个在乡间流浪的人，其实更自然，
Still, some of the sweetest and most sincere songs in all English literature were written in the pastoral convention. It is scarcely a convention. It is really more natural for a young lover to imagine himself as a wanderer through the country-side,
看到牧羊人
在浅浅的河边放牧羊群，河水流淌，
悦耳的鸟儿唱着牧歌，
Seeing the shepherds feed their flocks
By shallow rivers to whose falls
Melodious birds sing madrigals,
而不是城里的商人或宫廷里的外交官；他梦见他的爱人是一个家庭主妇，为家具和孩子清洁，比梦见她是一个穿着
than as a merchant in the city or a diplomat in the court; and he is less happy in dreaming of his sweetheart as a housewife keeping the furniture and the children clean than as a girl who, wearing
一顶花帽和一件绣
满桃金娘叶子的长袍，
一件用最上等的羊毛制成的长袍，
这些羊毛是从我们漂亮的羔羊身上拔下来的，
A cap of flowers and a kirtle
Embroidered all with leaves of myrtle,
A gown made of the finest wool
Which from our pretty lambs we pull,
是永恒的春天和善良的大自然所有美丽的精髓。21文艺复兴时期的英国诗人创作了数百首田园歌曲，将他们对古典文学的真挚热爱与对青春、美丽和乡村的同样真挚的热爱结合在一起。
is the quintessence of all the beauties of eternal spring and kind Nature.21 The English poets of the Renaissance poured out hundreds of pastoral songs, which united their genuine love of the classics to their equally genuine love of youth and beauty and the country-side.
田园诗和故事并非如人们有时所认为的那样完全空洞和虚假。它们常常包含作者及其朋友的人物特征，以及他们的生活和爱情故事。忒奥克里托斯就是个例子；他的第七首田园诗中他自己的名字是西米奇达斯，他的朋友塔伦图姆的列奥尼达斯（可能也是）的名字也是他，这个名字后来在田园诗中变得非常有名——利西达斯。维吉尔就是他自己的提提鲁斯，而他的朋友加卢斯和瓦里乌斯以及他的敌人巴维乌斯和梅维乌斯则出现在他的田园诗中，甚至没有一个乡村名字的伪装。22维吉尔还引用了他自己生活中的重要事件，例如他通过屋大维的恩惠恢复了父亲的财产。23桑纳扎罗自己不幸的爱情被认为是他创作《阿卡迪亚》的灵感来源，这部作品也将主人公带到了他自己最喜欢的城市那不勒斯。同样，蒙特马约尔笔下的狄安娜也以前往科英布拉和蒙特莫尔奥韦利奥城堡（作者的出生地）为终点。杜尔菲在《阿斯特莱亚》中收录了许多当代宫廷阴谋的故事。塔索将他的朋友和他自己，也许还有他对莱奥诺拉·德斯特的绝望之爱，都写进了《阿敏塔斯》。斯宾塞之后两代，一位前途更为光明的年轻英国诗人弥尔顿的两部孤独狂想曲象征着他性格中的两面，这两部狂想曲从希腊神话和田园诗开始，深入音乐和哲学领域。这两部狂想曲分别是弥尔顿的《快乐的人》和《沉思者》。24
Pastoral poems and stories are not, as is sometimes assumed, completely empty and artificial. Very often they contain characterizations of the author and his friends under a thin disguise, and stories of their lives and loves. Theocritus began this; his seventh idyll contains himself, under the name of Simichidas, and (probably) his friend Leonidas of Tarentum, bearing the name which has since become famous in pastoral—Lycidas. Vergil is his own Tityrus, while his friends Gallus and Varius and his enemies Bavius and Maevius appear in his Bucolics without even the disguise of a rustic name.22 Vergil also introduced allusions to important incidents in his own life, such as his recovery of his father’s estates through the favour of Octavian.23 Sannazaro’s own unhappy love is thought to have inspired the close of his Arcadia, which also takes his hero to his own favourite city, Naples. Similarly, Montemayor’s Diana stops with a journey to Coimbra, and to the castle of Montemôr o Velio, the author’s birthplace. D’Urfé includes many stories of contemporary court intrigue in Astraea. Tasso puts both his friends and himself, and perhaps his hopeless love for Leonora d’Este, into Amyntas. Two generations after Spenser, a young English poet of even nobler promise symbolized the two sides of his own nature in two lonely rhapsodies, which, starting from Greek myth and pastoral idyll, wandered far into the realms of music and philosophy. They were Milton’s L’Allegro and Il Penseroso.24
有时，田园诗中的个人元素也会讽刺作者不赞同的人和事。维吉尔提到他的对手巴维乌斯和梅维乌斯时，语气简短，但语带尖刻。在《忒奥克里托斯》中，也有类似的攻击。然而，在文艺复兴时期的田园诗中，审美批评不如教会批评常见。我们已经指出，耶稣称自己为牧羊人。出于同样的原因，基督教神职人员被称为牧师（=牧羊人），主教则带着牧羊杖。因此，在田园诗中批评教会的弊端是相当容易的。彼特拉克在他的拉丁文田园诗中就是这样做的，其中一首田园诗以帕姆菲勒斯这个吸引人的名字介绍了圣彼得本人。曼图阿努斯延续了这个想法，斯宾塞把它带进了《牧羊人日历》。圣彼得再次出现在弥尔顿的《利西达斯》中，对坏牧师发出了强烈的谴责：
Sometimes, again, the personal element in pastoral issues in satire against persons and causes of which the author disapproves. Vergil’s reference to his rivals Bavius and Maevius is brief but bitter. It follows a similar attack in Theocritus. However, in the Renaissance pastoral, aesthetic criticism is less common than ecclesiastical criticism. We have already pointed out that Jesus called himself a shepherd. For the same reason, Christian clergymen are called pastors (= shepherds), and the bishop carries a shepherd’s crook. It is therefore quite easy to criticize abuses of the church in a pastoral poem. Petrarch did so in his Latin eclogues, one of which introduces St. Peter himself under the attractive name of Pamphilus. Mantuanus continued the idea, and Spenser brought it into the Shepherd’s Calendar. St. Peter appears again in Milton’s Lycidas, to utter a formidable denunciation of bad pastors:
盲目的嘴巴！他们自己几乎不知道怎样拿
羊钩，或者没有学到任何
属于忠实的牧羊人的艺术！二十五
Blind mouths! that scarce themselves know how to hold
A sheep-hook, or have learnt aught else the least
That to the faithful herdman’s art belongs!25
之前几行，弥尔顿抱怨说，这些不值得
A few lines before, Milton complains that such unworthy ones
爬进来，闯进来，爬进羊圈——
Creep, and intrude, and climb into the fold—
很久以后，他还记得这个形象，并把它变成了一个史诗般的比喻，用来形容人类的敌人：
an image which, long afterwards, he remembered, and turned into an epic simile, and applied to the enemy of mankind:
所以，让这第一位大盗进入上帝的羊圈：
让淫荡的雇佣兵爬进他的教堂。二十六
So clomb this first grand Thief into God’s fold:
So since into his Church lewd hirelings climb.26
自传在田园挽歌中有了更崇高的转折，诗人在挽歌中哀悼朋友的英年早逝，为了强调死者的年轻和活力，将他们描绘在荒野的森林中，牧羊人、猎人和自然精灵都在哀悼他们。这种模式的起源是忒奥克里托斯为为爱而死的达芙妮斯所写的挽歌（Id.i）和后来的田园诗人比昂的匿名希腊挽歌。文艺复兴时期，这种模式传遍了整个西欧。英语中最早的田园挽歌是斯宾塞的《达芙妮达》（1591 年）和《阿斯特罗菲尔》 （1595 年），后者是向菲利普·西德尼爵士致敬。三首最伟大的英国田园挽歌分别是弥尔顿1637 年为他的朋友金写的《莱西达斯》 、雪莱 1821 年为可怜的济慈写的《阿多尼斯》和阿诺德1866 年受克拉夫之死启发创作的《酒神》。27英语中最著名的诗歌之一，虽然不是为某个人写的哀歌，但却融合了田园理想主义和挽歌的忧郁，那就是：格雷的《乡村墓地挽歌》。
Autobiography takes a nobler turn in the pastoral elegy, in which poets mourn the premature death of their friends, and, to emphasize the youth and freshness of the dead, depict them in a wild woodland setting, lamented by shepherds, huntsmen, and nature-spirits. The origin of this pattern is Theocritus’ lament for Daphnis who died for love (Id. i) and the anonymous Greek elegy on the later pastoral poet Bion. During the Renaissance the pattern spread all over western Europe. In English the earliest pastoral elegies are Spenser’s Daphnaida (1591) and Astrophel (1595), the latter being a tribute to Sir Philip Sidney. The three greatest English pastoral elegies are Milton’s Lycidas, written in 1637 for his friend King, Shelley’s Adonais (1821) for poor Keats, and Arnold’s Thyrsis (1866), inspired by the death of Clough.27 And one of the most famous poems in the English language, although not a lament for any single person, is a blend of pastoral idealism and elegiac melancholy: Gray’s Elegy in a Country Churchyard.
牧民大会也产生了戏剧。牧羊人的歌唱比赛、以“飞舞”或互相辱骂为基础的对话以及偶尔的爱情对话自然应该暗示戏剧处理。我们已经看到维吉尔的《田园诗》在剧院里朗诵。28最早的现代戏剧之一，波利提安的《奥菲斯》，将奥菲斯和欧律狄克的悲剧故事置于维吉尔式的田园风格框架中；29我们听说，在十六世纪早期的意大利节日中，有很多由两位或两位以上的演讲者朗诵的“戏剧田园诗”；30、1554年，在费拉拉上演了第一部正规的田园剧，即贝卡利的《牺牲》。31这种风尚也从意大利传到了其他国家。在法国，第一部这样的作品是尼古拉斯·菲约尔的《阴影》，这是一部 1566 年上演的五幕剧，讲述了一个充满爱心的牧羊人和一位残忍的牧羊女，以及一个充满爱心的森林之神和一个残忍的水仙女，还有一群多情的幽灵。32有史以来最受欢迎的两部戏剧属于这一类型：塔索的《阿明塔斯》，于 1573 年首次演出，以及瓜里尼的《忠实的牧羊人》，于 1590 年上演，并获得了更大的成功。33尽管这些剧作的情节中都包含着错综复杂的爱情故事，但青春气息赋予了它们魅力，塔索和瓜里尼的诗句往往如此动听动听，几乎让人陶醉其中。莎士比亚的几部喜剧中都有田园元素；17 世纪上半叶，英国出现了许多正规的田园剧。34弗莱彻模仿瓜里尼的《忠实的牧羊女》 （约1610 年）中的诗歌充满了细腻迷人的笔法；琼森的《悲伤的牧羊人》（1640 年未完成出版）本应完成，因为其中包含一组精美的英国田园人物形象。
The pastoral convention also produced drama. It was natural that the singing contests of shepherds, the dialogues based on ‘flyting’ or mutual abuse, and the occasional love-conversations should suggest dramatic treatment. We have seen that Vergil’s Bucolics were recited in the theatre.28 One of the first modern dramas, Politian’s Orpheus, placed the tragic tale of Orpheus and Eurydice within a Vergilian pastoral frame;29 we hear of many ‘dramatic eclogues’ recited by two or more speakers in Italian festivals during the early sixteenth century;30 and in 1554, at Ferrara, the first regular full-scale pastoral drama was produced, Beccari’s The Sacrifice.31 This fashion too spread from Italy to other countries. In France the first such work was The Shades by Nicolas Filleul, a five-act drama produced in 1566, about a loving shepherd and a cruel shepherdess, paralleled by a loving satyr and a cruel naiad, with a chorus of amorous phantoms.32 Two of the most popular plays ever written belong to this genre: Tasso’s Amyntas, first acted in 1573, and Guarini’s The Faithful Shepherd, issued in 1590 with even greater success.33 Despite the artifice of the interlocking love-stories which compose their plots, their youthfulness gives them charm, and the verse of Tasso and Guarini is often so enchantingly melodious that it almost sings. In several of Shakespeare’s comedies there are pastoral elements; and a number of regular pastoral dramas appeared in England during the first half of the seventeenth century.34 The poetry in Fletcher’s imitation of Guarini, The Faithful Shepherdess (c. 1610), is full of delicate and charming brush-work; and Jonson’s The Sad Shepherd (published incomplete in 1640) ought to have been finished, for it contains a fine native set of English pastoral figures.
猎人和牧民在田园诗中总是扮演着重要的角色。他们也生活在大自然中，他们喜欢动物胜过喜欢人，他们祈求潘神的恩惠。在维吉尔的第十首田园诗中，失恋的加卢斯希望通过狩猎来治愈爱情的疾病崎岖的阿卡迪亚高地上的野猪。薄伽丘的《阿德墨托斯》中的英雄不是牧牛人而是猎人；文艺复兴时期的几本田园诗都以女猎手和男猎手作为突出角色。在意大利，牛并不经常在低洼的田野上吃草，而是在山坡上和树林中吃草，所以人们很容易将森林想象成猎人和牛群的共同家园。此外，放牧是平民的职业，打猎是贵族的职业。因此，塔索和其他意大利田园剧作家经常将他们的作品命名为favole boschereccie，即“森林故事”，这样他们的作品就涵盖了这两种活动。所以当琼森决定让他的田园诗中的人物不是希腊罗马的牛群而是英国本地的樵夫时，他可以很容易地更进一步，选择勇敢的亡命猎人罗宾伍德（别名胡德）和他的快乐伙伴。同样的变化也出现在莎士比亚的《皆大欢喜》中，剧中被流放的公爵和他的同伴们加入游击队，成为猎人；35而像科林和奥黛丽这样诚实的牧羊人，虽然属于同一个森林社会，但却比他们低劣。
Huntsmen as well as herdsmen always played a part in pastoral poetry. They too live close to nature, they prefer animals to people, they pray for Pan’s favour. In Vergil’s tenth bucolic poem the lovelorn Gallus hopes to cure the sickness of love by hunting the wild boar among the craggy Arcadian highlands. The hero of Boccaccio’s Admetus is not a cowherd but a hunter; and several of the pastoral books of the Renaissance introduced huntresses and huntsmen as prominent characters. In Italy cattle did not regularly pasture on low-lying fields, but up on the hill-sides and among the woods, so that it was easy to think of the forest as the common home of hunters and herds. Also, herding was a commoner’s occupation, hunting a nobleman’s. Tasso and other authors of Italian pastoral plays therefore often called their pieces favole boschereccie, ‘tales of the woods’, so that they would cover both activities. So when Jonson decided to make the characters of his pastoral not Greco-Roman herds but native English woodsmen, he could easily go one step further and choose the gallant outlaw hunters, Robin Wood (alias Hood) and his merry men. The same change appears in Shakespeare’s As You Like It, where the exiled duke and his companions take to the maquis and become huntsmen;35 while honest shepherds like Corin and Audrey, although part of the same sylvan society, are inferior to them.
弥尔顿的《考墨斯的假面剧》（1634 年）曾被另一部作品提及，36连同他的其他此类诗歌一起证明他是世界上最伟大的田园诗人之一。与田园剧和田园假面剧相关的是田园歌剧，它出现得相对较早——早在里努奇尼的《达芙妮》（1594 年）中。37第一部神圣的歌剧是田园风格的：《Eumelio》，由教堂作曲家阿戈斯蒂诺·阿加扎里于 1606 年创作。38田园歌剧的优点是可以引入民间旋律和民间节奏。因此，当传统的歌剧风格变得过于华丽时，它可以重新强调自然的情感和简单的表达。其中最著名和最迷人的是亨德尔的《阿西斯与加拉蒂亚》和巴赫的《农民康塔塔》和《福玻斯与潘》 。格鲁克的优美作品《奥菲欧与欧律狄克》（1762 年首次创作）的框架是田园风格的，旨在回归歌剧的自然表达，并以阿卡迪亚的欢乐结束。格鲁克的朋友、自然之子卢梭创作了《乡村占卜者》 ，并以同样的艺术目的创作了《达芙妮与克洛伊》 。十九世纪和二十世纪的田园歌剧继承了卢梭的风格，从想象中的阿卡迪亚来到了现实（尽管仍然有些遥远）的乡村，并在那里创作出了斯美塔那的、马斯卡尼的《乡村骑士》 、沃恩的《阿卡迪亚的乡土》和《阿卡迪亚的乡土》等。威廉斯的《牲畜贩休》以及最近罗杰斯和汉默斯坦的《俄克拉荷马！》然而，世外桃源本身从未消亡。最引人注目的现代芭蕾舞组曲之一是拉威尔为达芙妮斯和克洛伊的永恒爱情所作的音乐。
Milton’s masque of Comus (1634), which has been mentioned in another connexion,36 proves together with his other poems in this vein that he was one of the world’s greatest pastoral poets. Allied to pastoral drama and pastoral masque is pastoral opera, which began comparatively early—as early as Rinuccini’s Daphne (1594).37 The first sacred opera was in the pastoral manner: Eumelio, produced in 1606 by the church composer Agostino Agazzari.38 The advantage of pastoral opera was that folk-melodies and folk-rhythms could be introduced into it. It could therefore re-emphasize natural emotion and simple expression when conventional operatic style became too grand and florid. Among the most famous and charming are Handel’s Acis and Galatea and Bach’s Peasant Cantata and Phoebus and Pan. The framework of Gluck’s beautiful Orpheus and Eurydice (first produced 1762), which was designed to be a return to natural expression in opera, is pastoral, and it ends with an Arcadian merrymaking. Gluck’s friend, the child of Nature, Rousseau, produced The Village Soothsayer and began Daphnis and Chloe with the same artistic purpose. During the nineteenth and twentieth century the pastoral opera followed Rousseau’s lead, and left imaginary Arcadias for the real (though still a little distant) countryside, where it created Smetana’s The Bartered Bride, Mascagni’s Rustic Chivalry, Vaughan Williams’s Hugh the Drover, and most recently Rodgers and Hammerstein’s Oklahoma! And yet Arcadia itself has never died. Among the most remarkable of modern ballet suites is Ravel’s music for the immortal loves of Daphnis and Chloe.
阿卡迪亚的理想是真实存在的，而且持续了数百年——尤其是在巴洛克时期，当时上流社会的社交生活往往过于形式化和虚伪，为他们创作的艺术往往过于浮夸和夸张。德累斯顿瓷器上的牧羊女和玛丽·安托瓦内特在小特里亚农宫的玩具农场在我们看来幼稚而做作；但它们比关于薛西斯的大型歌剧和描绘殿下作为奥古斯都或赫拉克勒斯的巨幅壁画更接近现实。阿卡迪亚意味着逃离宫廷和教堂的阴郁庄严，呼吸更纯净的空气。它最引人注目的化身是在意大利。瑞典女王克里斯蒂娜退位后皈依罗马天主教，定居罗马，聚集了许多与她有相似理想的朋友。1690 年，即她去世一年后，他们成立了一个协会，以纪念她并传承她的理想。它被称为阿卡迪亚；它的徽章是一支饰有月桂树和松树花环的排箫；它的家园是罗马七座山丘之一贾尼科洛山上的一片“帕拉西亚树林”；它的主要成员以希腊牧羊人的名字命名。意大利和其他地方有数十个阿卡迪亚社团仿效它而成立，并创作了大量抒情诗。豪维特用尖刻的短语总结了这一结果，“一声长长的咩咩声从阿尔卑斯山响彻西西里岛”；39但一个致力于鼓励艺术并强调诗歌中自然情感的社会并不能被视为完全荒谬的。40
The ideals of Arcadia were perfectly real and active for several hundred years—particularly during the baroque age, when the social life of the upper classes tended to be intolerably formal and hypocritical, and when the art created for them was too often pompous and exaggerated. Dresden-china shepherdesses and Marie-Antoinette’s toy farm in the Petit Trianon look childishly artificial to us now; but they were closer to reality than the enormous operas about Xerxes and the enormous mural paintings representing His Serene Highness as Augustus or Hercules. Arcadia meant an escape to purer air, out of the gloomy solemnity of courts and churches. Its most remarkable avatar was in Italy. Queen Christina of Sweden, after abdicating and becoming a convert to Roman Catholicism, settled in Rome and gathered round her a number of friends with ideals similar to hers. In 1690, a year after her death, they founded a society to keep her memory and her ideals alive. It was called Arcadia; its arms were a pan-pipe garlanded with laurel and pine; its home was a ‘Parrhasian grove’ on the Janiculum, one of the seven hills of Rome; and its leading members took the names of Greek shepherds. Dozens of Arcadian societies were formed on its model both in Italy and elsewhere, and produced vast quantities of lyric poetry. Hauvette sums up the result in the acid phrase, ‘a long bleating resounded from the Alps to Sicily’;39 but a society which endeavoured to encourage art and insisted on natural feeling in poetry cannot be dismissed as wholly ridiculous.40
田园诗传统在革命时代延续至今（当时产生了安德烈·谢尼埃的优美田园诗），直到十九世纪，马修·阿诺德和其他许多人赋予了它新的生命。马拉美的《牧神午后》表明，田园诗在现代诗歌和艺术中仍然鲜活存在。德彪西的《前奏曲》以优美的音乐表达了这首诗，尼金斯基的芭蕾舞剧也以同样的主题令人难忘。精力充沛的实验主义者毕加索最近的一组画作包括一幅《生命的欢乐》（1947 年），画中一个半人马和一个牧神为一个跳舞、敲响钹的仙女演奏希腊单簧管，而两个小孩子则在她旁边蹦蹦跳跳，欢快得可笑却迷人。有时，就像歌德的动人情歌配上沃尔夫更动人的音乐，42西西里和阿卡狄亚的传统除了长笛、牧羊人的名字（达蒙、克洛伊、菲利斯或奥菲莉亚）和对大自然的热爱外，已荡然无存。但即便如此，希腊和诗歌的本质天才仍然清晰可见：将简单、快乐、自然、真实理想化的力量。
The pastoral tradition continued through the era of revolution (when it produced the graceful Bucolics of André Chénier) into the nineteenth century, where Matthew Arnold and many others gave it new life. That it is still alive in modern poetry and art is shown by Mallarmé’s Afternoon of a Faun,41 by Debussy’s Prelude expressing the poem in exquisite music, and by Nijinsky’s memorable ballet on the same theme. A recent group of paintings by the energetic experimentalist Picasso includes a Joy of Life (1947), in which a centaur and a faun play Greek clarinets to a dancing, cymbal-clashing nymph, while two young kidlings skip beside her with ridiculous but charming gaiety. Sometimes, as in Goethe’s delightful love-song set to Wolf’s even more delightful music,42 nothing survives of the tradition of Sicily and Arcady except the flute, the shepherd names (Damon, Chloe, Phyllis, or Ophelia), and the love of nature. But even then the essential genius of Greece and of poetry still burns clear: the power to idealize the simple, the happy, the natural, the real.
10
拉伯雷与蒙田
10
RABELAIS AND MONTAIGNE
拉伯雷
RABELAIS
和许多其他伟大的法国作家一样，拉伯雷远非法国文学公认的理想中那种冷静、平衡、古典的人物。相反，他很难理解，也很难让人钦佩。喜欢他活力的人讨厌他的迂腐；喜欢他理想主义的人讨厌他的粗俗；欣赏他的幽默的人很少欣赏他所有的幽默，或者忽视他的严肃性：每个人都觉得，虽然有很多东西，但还是缺少了一些东西——然而，拉伯雷缺少什么却很难说。
LIKE many other great French writers, Rabelais is far from being the cool, well-balanced, classical figure which is the accepted ideal of French literature. On the contrary, he is difficult to understand and difficult to admire. Those who enjoy his vigour are repelled by his pedantry; those who like his idealism hate his coarseness; those who prize his humour seldom prize all of it, or else ignore his seriousness: everyone feels that, although much is there, something is lacking—yet what it is that Rabelais lacks is not easy to say.
读者之所以感到困难，是因为拉伯雷的书中相互冲突的因素之间缺乏和谐；而且很明显，由于他比大多数作家都只写一本书，这种不和谐反映了他本人性格和生活中的深刻冲突。
The difficulty which his readers feel is based on a lack of harmony between conflicting factors in Rabelais’s book; and it is evident that, since more than most writers he is a one-book man, the disharmony reflects a profound conflict in his own character and life.
我们在其他文艺复兴时期的作家身上也看到了同样的冲突，这种冲突也存在于许多不在本书讨论范围内的重要人物身上：例如，列奥纳多·达·芬奇和伊丽莎白女王。文艺复兴后期（以及随后的巴洛克时代）与文艺复兴早期的主要区别在于，在文艺复兴后期，形式和内容、性格和风格更加完全地相互渗透，而在早期则存在许多冲突和浪费。怀疑和不安全感、实验和偏离，在莫里哀、鲁本斯、德莱顿、高乃依、珀塞尔和提香等巴洛克人物身上尤为明显。当然，即使在文艺复兴初期，也有许多像洛伦佐·德·美第奇这样平和的人物；但总的来说，这个时代带来的变化太剧烈了，大多数人不可能不怀疑、困难和频繁犯错就经历这些变化。
We have observed the same type of conflict in other Renaissance writers, and it exists in many important figures who do not come within the scope of this book: for instance, Leonardo da Vinci and Queen Elizabeth. The chief difference between the later Renaissance (with the baroque age which succeeded it) and the early Renaissance is that in the later Renaissance form and matter, character and style, are more completely interpenetrated, while in the earlier period there are many conflicts and wastages. Doubt and insecurity, experiment and divagation, are notable by their absence in such baroque figures as Moliere, Rubens, Dryden, Corneille, Purcell, and Titian. There were, of course, even in the opening of the Renaissance, many well-balanced characters such as Lorenzo de’ Medici; but on the whole the age brought in changes too violent for most men to experience without doubt and difficulty and frequent error.
这种冲突没有非常隐晦的心理原因。就像一些现代神经症一样，它是由于刺激作用于敏感人群的分歧而引起的。文艺复兴这个词的意思是“重生”；但事实上，只有希腊罗马文化及其伴随的精神活动得到了重生，而文艺复兴时期的其余部分与其说是重生，不如说是突然改变、废除和取代了早已存在的思想和体系。文艺复兴是一场精神革命：双方都强大而坚定。内战往往发生在一个人的灵魂中。我们在莎士比亚的作品中看到它，无论是以某些十四行诗的激烈辩论形式，还是哈姆雷特激动的绝望形式。它以达芬奇艺术的自杀式不完整为形象。它出现在可怜的塔索的疯狂中。对于一些力量小于其敏感性的灵魂，冲突产生了麻木的效果，并产生了那种莫名的忧郁，这种忧郁与其说是一种持续的生命消磨，不如说是一种狂躁的抑郁症，交替出现漫无目的的暴力和静止的忧郁。在其他人身上，它唤起了绝望的勇气、狂野的胆量和勇敢，其主要目的不是实现外部目标，而是自我主张和自我展示，如菲利普·西德尼爵士、理查德·格伦维尔爵士和大鼻子情圣。但是，早期文艺复兴时期的最强大的人物，部分地凭借心灵洞察力，部分地凭借坚强的意志，但主要还是因为文艺复兴所产生的巨大乐观主义，能够主宰冲突，并迫使冲突的元素在伟大的艺术作品中相遇，尽管存在不和谐和不协调，但所有精神上的敌人都贡献了一个共同的品质，即能量。
This conflict has no very obscure psychological cause. Like some modern neuroses, it was due to the divergence of stimuli acting on sensitive people. The word Renaissance means ‘rebirth’; but in fact only Greco-Roman culture and its concomitant spiritual activities were reborn, while all the rest of the Renaissance period was marked not so much by rebirth as by sudden change and abolition and substitution of ideas and systems already long established and very powerful. The Renaissance was a spiritual revolution: a civil war in which both sides were strong and determined. Often that civil war was waged within one man’s soul. We see it in Shakespeare’s work, whether it takes the form of the passionate debate of some of the Sonnets or of Hamlet’s excited despair. It is imaged in the suicidal incompleteness of Leonardo’s art. It appears in the madness of poor Tasso. On some souls whose strength was less than their sensitivity the conflict produced a numbing effect, and issued in that inexplicable melancholy, which is less often a persistent taedium vitae than a manic depression alternating aimless violence with motionless gloom. In others it evoked desperate courage, wild daring, a gallantry whose chief purpose was not the achievement of an external end but self-assertion and self-display, as in Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Richard Grenville, and Cyrano de Bergerac. But the strongest men of the early Renaissance were able, partly by psychical insight, partly by sheer strength of will, but chiefly because of the immense optimism produced by the Renaissance, to dominate the conflict, and to compel its conflicting elements to meet in great works of art to which, despite disharmony and incongruity, all the spiritual enemies contribute one common quality, energy.
在研究拉伯雷的生平和作品之前，我们必须总结一下主要的冲突，这些冲突就像地质形成时期的火山一样，在整个文艺复兴早期沸腾和喷发。它们是：
Before we examine Rabelais’s life and his book we must summarize the main conflicts which, like volcanoes in one of the great ages of geological formation, were boiling and erupting throughout the early Renaissance. They were these:
1. 天主教和新教之间的冲突。（这里奇怪的是，天主教会内部的一些自由派人士加深了这种分歧，他们更倾向于支持古典异教徒而不是原始基督徒：因为牧师为了改善自己的风格而关闭了他的祈祷书并打开了他的西塞罗，从而降低了母教会的威望。）有理由相信，这场冲突影响了威廉·莎士比亚的生活和工作，他最伟大的人物，即使生活在基督教环境中，也远非虔诚的基督徒。1这一点在皈依天主教的多恩的生活中表现得更加明显，他的《伪殉道者》和《依纳爵秘密会议》旨在改变或说服他自己以前教会的成员，几乎与他的《自杀论》同时代，旨在证明自杀并非必然有罪。
1. The conflict between the Catholic and the Protestant forms of Christianity. (Here it is odd to observe that the division was deepened by some of the liberal elements within the Catholic church, who sided rather with the classical pagans than with the primitive Christians: for the priest who closed his breviary and opened his Cicero, in order to improve his style, was thereby diminishing the prestige of Mother Church.) There is reason to believe that this conflict affected the life and work of William Shakespeare, whose greatest characters, even when they live in Christian milieux, are very far from being devout Christians.1 It is even more visible in the life of the converted Catholic Donne, whose Pseudo-Martyr and Ignatius his Conclave, aimed at converting or convincing the members of his own former church, are practically contemporary with his Biathanatos, aimed at proving that suicide is not inevitably sinful.
2. 与此类似的是罗马教会内部自由派和保守派之间的冲突：自由派不愿完全脱离天主教会，但又拒绝接受其所有教义，并经常在关键时刻做出一些重要的反抗或放弃姿态。这是拉伯雷一生中的主要冲突之一：它也出现在伊拉斯谟的职业生涯中，尽管他是一名被任命的牧师，但他在临终前拒绝接受圣礼。
2. Akin to this was the conflict within the Roman church between the liberals and the conservatives: the liberals were unwilling to leave the Catholic communion entirely, but refused to subscribe to all its doctrines, and often made some significant gesture of revolt or renunciation at critical times. This is one of the main conflicts within the life of Rabelais: it appears also in the career of Erasmus, who refused the sacraments on his death-bed although he was an ordained priest.
3. 还有上流社会和自以为是的中产阶级之间的冲突。比如在英国，大学里的才子大多不是富人家的儿子，而是来自资产阶级的雄心勃勃的子弟，他们努力想进入或征服贵族集团。文艺复兴时期的人物中，没有多少人相信可以推翻整个社会结构，甚至不能迫使寡头政治更加自由地行事。但这一时期的许多最伟大的作品都是对寡头的仇恨和统治他们的愿望的伪装象征。马洛的悲剧充满了对权力的渴望。莎士比亚最伟大的戏剧都与反叛者有关：哈姆雷特的合法继承人被一个智力不如他、精力充沛的统治者驱逐；奥赛罗是国家最伟大的公仆，但他的肤色不允许他做公仆以上的事情；麦克白与篡位者——不是一个蓄意的、意大利式的、马基雅维利式的篡位者，而是一个深受诱惑的感情丰富的人；李尔王与一位被废黜、无能为力的合法君主。
3. There was also the conflict between the upper class and the self-assertive middle class. In England, for instance, the university wits were mostly not rich men’s sons but ambitious boys from the bourgeois class, striving to enter or conquer the aristocratic clique. Not many Renaissance figures believed it possible to overthrow the entire social structure, or even to force the oligarchy to behave more liberally. But many of the greatest works of the period are disguised symbols of hatred for the oligarchs and the wish to dominate them. Marlowe’s tragedies seethe with the lust for power. Shakespeare’s greatest plays all deal with rebels: Hamlet with the legitimate heir, expelled by a less intellectual, more energetic ruler; Othello with the greatest servant of a state of which his colour forbade him to be more than a servant; Macbeth with a usurper—not a deliberate, Italianate, Machiavellian usurper, but a sorely tempted man of feeling; King Lear with a rightful monarch dethroned and impotent.
4. 作为科学探索的时代，早期文艺复兴因科学与其两大敌人之间的冲突而分裂：一方面是迷信，另一方面是传统哲学和神学的权威。伽利略就是一个典型的例子，但还有许多其他例子。然而，应该指出的是，许多新的科学精神都是基于希腊罗马古典学的新知识并受其授权的。正如文艺复兴时期的建筑和文艺复兴时期的舞台设计从对维特鲁威的研究中获得巨大刺激一样，建立现代医学和动物学的两大推动力之一是对希腊和罗马科学作家作品的研究——语言学家比科学家更甚。2拉伯雷本人在蒙彼利埃向众多听众讲授希波克拉底和盖伦的著作；1532 年，他出版了《希波克拉底格言》和《盖伦医术》一书。这样说并不是低估了文艺复兴时期医学的重要作用通过实验和发现；拉伯雷了解并夸耀自己了解大量解剖学知识；但他从重新发现经典开始获得解剖学知识。《巨人传》中对医学的描述和医学权威的引用和多次强调都带有喜剧色彩，这表明对于拉伯雷来说，医学及其新发现并不是像商业法那样被接受和使用的普通活动，而是新觉醒的人类心灵力量的激动人心的证明。3
4. As the age of scientific exploration, the early Renaissance was split by the conflict between science and its two enemies: superstition on the one hand, and the authority of traditional philosophy and theology on the other. Galileo is the classical example, but there are many others. It should, however, be noted that much of the new scientific spirit was based on, and authorized by, the new knowledge of the Greco-Roman classics. Just as Renaissance architecture and Renaissance scenography received their great stimulus from the study of Vitruvius, so one of the two great impulses that founded modern medicine and zoology was the study—by philologists even more than by scientists—of the works of Greek and Roman scientific writers.2 Rabelais himself lectured on the text of Hippocrates and Galen to a large audience at Montpellier; and in 1532 he published an edition of Hippocrates’ Aphorisms and Galen’s Art of Medicine. To say this is not to underestimate the essential part played in Renaissance medicine by experiment and discovery; Rabelais knew, and boasted of knowing, a great deal of anatomy; but he started towards his anatomical knowledge from the rediscovery of the classics. The comic over-emphasis with which medical descriptions are elaborated and medical authorities cited and multiplied in Gargantua and Pantagruel shows that for Rabelais medicine with its new discoveries was not an ordinary activity to be accepted and used like commercial law, but an exciting proof of the power of the newly awakened human mind.3
5. 权威和个性之间的冲突包含着社会和科学冲突，但又超越了它们。这并不是什么新鲜事——中世纪的伟人列那和泰尔·乌伦施泰格尔就是明证——但现在它愈演愈烈。这方面的一些最伟大文献是马基雅维利的《君主论》，书中向政治家展示了如何通过无视一切道德、社会和宗教对他自身行为的限制来取得成功；蒙田的《随笔集》，书中人文主义者在撰写自己的自传时，宣称他自己的个性（不管它有多么不一致）比任何传统或哲学体系都更为重要；还有拉伯雷的《巨人与庞大固埃》，其中，在上帝之下，唯一的权威是巨大的哲学家国王，他们凭借不容置疑和无法接近的体力和心智的伟大进行统治，而从神圣的教会到宫廷和大学，除科学和学术的权威之外的所有其他权威都受到质疑、欺骗、讽刺和愚弄。
5. Containing the social and scientific conflicts, but transcending them, was the conflict between authority and individuality. This was far from new—witness those great medieval personalities Reynard the Fox and Tyl Ulenspiegel—but now it increased in violence. Some of the greatest documents for it are Machiavelli’s The Prince, in which the individual politico is shown how to succeed by ignoring all moral, social, and religious restraints on his own action; Montaigne’s Essays, in which the humanist, writing his own autobiography, declares the superior importance of his own personality (however inconsistent it may be) to any conventional or philosophical system; and Rabelais’s Gargantua and Pantagruel, where the only authority under God is that of the huge philosopher-kings, who rule by an unquestionable and unapproachable greatness of body and mind, while every other authority, from holy church to court and university, except only the authority of science and learning, is questioned, outwitted, lampooned, befooled.
这些冲突大部分都可以在弗朗索瓦·拉伯雷的生活和作品中追溯到，甚至比其他文艺复兴时期作家的生活和作品更清晰。他出生于 15 世纪末，早年进入方济各会修道院；但他发现圣方济各所要求的无知和简朴令人厌烦，于是开始自学古典文学，他如此努力以至于当局试图阻止他。他的书被没收，他和他的朋友被拘留。1524 年，在教皇克莱门特七世的特别许可下，他成为一名本笃会修士，将他的忠诚转移到长期以来代表文化和学习的修会。但这还不够自由。接下来，他与一位喜欢博学之人的教会王子结盟。然后有一段时间我们失去了他的踪迹。他似乎成了一个流浪者，放弃本笃会的外衣，成为一名世俗牧师。最后，他找到了自己的真正职业，成为一名医生和希腊及现代医学理论的教师。即使在那个职位上，他也与里昂医院（擅自缺席）、索邦大学（发表对其医生的不敬言论）以及僧侣（嘲笑他们和他们的命令）发生冲突。他于 1553 年去世，仍在战斗，仍在欢笑。
Most of these conflicts can be traced in the life and work of Francois Rabelais even more clearly than in those of other Renaissance authors. Born towards the close of the fifteenth century, he entered a Franciscan monastery early in life; but he found the ignorance and simplicity enjoined by St. Francis irksome, and began to study the classics for himself, with such energy that the authorities tried to stop him. His books were seized, and he and his friends were put under restraint. In 1524, by special licence from Pope Clement VII, he became a Benedictine, transferring his allegiance to the order which had long stood for culture and learning. But this too was not free enough. Next he attached himself to a prince of the church who liked learned men. Then for a time we lose track of him. He appears to have become a wanderer, giving up the Benedictine’s garb for that of a secular priest. At last, finding his true career, he emerged as a physician and teacher of Greek and modern medical doctrines. Even in that position he had conflicts, with the Lyons hospital (for taking absence without leave), with the Sorbonne (for publishing irreverent remarks about its doctors), and with the monks (for making fun of them and their orders). He died in 1553, still fighting and still laughing.
他的书描述了两个巨人国王——父子——的冒险和遭遇。他们生活在一个理想化的、或多或少与当时的法国，并被文艺复兴时期的幽默、能量、旅行、快乐、讽刺、智力进取、艺术和学习等潮流所鼓舞。这两个国王——卡冈都亚和庞大固埃——的形象都借鉴了中世纪的英雄诗歌和童话。卡冈都亚出自一本在集市上出售的廉价小书《大而巨大的巨人卡冈都亚的伟大和不可估量的编年史》，该书于 1532 年在里昂出版，在精神上是当今超人的祖先。庞大固埃是他的儿子，受过更好的教育，也更现代。根据普拉塔德的说法，这个名字来自一出神秘剧，剧中一个叫庞大固埃的特殊魔鬼被分配给醉汉，让他们永远口渴。4这两位巨人以及他们的宫廷和随从的英勇事迹受到了意大利中世纪英雄史诗的启发，例如路易吉·普尔奇 (Luigi Pulci) 的《摩根特》( Morgante ) (1483)，这些史诗也是天真的民间童话想象的产物，在拉伯雷 (Rabelais) 改造卡冈都亚 (Gargantua) 之前，这种想象就创造了卡冈都亚。5还有其他以中世纪主题为基础的文艺复兴故事，例如《罗兰的疯狂》。它们都具有某种幼稚的欢快之处；但拉伯雷的书无疑是所有文艺复兴作品中最幼稚的。它是一场漫长的愿望实现：并非涉及生活的各个领域（例如性方面），但涉及大多数领域——吃、喝、体力、旅行、打架、恶作剧、交谈、学习、思考和想象。其中，它反映了文艺复兴时期特征的自信极大扩展和对人类自然机能的热爱：它应该与本韦努托·切利尼等反禁欲主义者的贪得无厌的欲望进行比较。然而，写一本充满完全不可能的愿望实现的长篇大论却是奇怪的精神不和谐的表现；而把一个充满大胆哲学思考的当代乌托邦，放置于一个童真童话的框架之中，则表明拉伯雷的一只脚站在文艺复兴时期，另一只脚站在中世纪时期。
His book describes the adventures and encounters of two giant kings, father and son, living in an idealized France more or less contemporary, and vitalized by all the currents of humour, energy, travel, pleasure, satire, intellectual enterprise, art, and learning which flowed through the Renaissance. Both the kings, Gargantua and Pantagruel, are borrowed from medieval heroic poetry and fairy-tales. Gargantua comes out of a cheap little book sold at fairs, The Great and Inestimable Chronicles of the Great and Enormous Giant Gargantua, published in Lyons in 1532, and spiritually an ancestor of to-day’s Superman. Pantagruel is his son, better educated and more modern. The name, according to Plattard, comes from a mystery-play where a special devil called Panthagruel was allotted to drunkards, to keep them for ever thirsty.4 The exploits of the two giants, and their court and their attendants, are inspired by the comic Italian epics of medieval prowess such as Luigi Pulci’s Morgante (1483), which are also creations of the naive popular fairy imagination that produced Gargantua before Rabelais transformed him.5 There are other Renaissance tales based on medieval themes, such as The Madness of Roland. They all have something cheerfully immature about them; but Rabelais’s book is quite literally the most childish of all Renaissance works. It is a long wish-fulfilment: not in all realms of life (not in sex, for example), but in most—eating, drinking, physical energy, travel, fighting, practical joking, talking, learning, thinking, and imagining. In this it reflects the enormous expansion of self-confidence, the love of man’s natural functions, which characterized the Renaissance: it should be compared with the insatiable appetites of such anti-ascetics as Benvenuto Cellini. And yet to write a long book full of perfectly impossible wish-fulfilments is a sign of curious spiritual disharmony; and to put a contemporary Utopia full of bold philosophical thought into the framework of a childish fairy-story shows that Rabelais stood with one foot in the Renaissance and the other in the Middle Ages.
类似的不协调也出现在书的内容中，因为其最突出的两个特点是：（a）大量的古典学识和最新的科学和哲学思想，以及（b）同样大量的黄色笑话。大部分污秽内容的来源都不是古典的。它们来自中世纪的精神地下世界，在《寓言集》中有所记载，而《寓言集》在乔叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》中反复出现，本质上是反文化的，与文艺复兴精神相悖。这些对比可以进一步发展；但我们特别感兴趣的是拉伯雷的古典学识的性质及其对其作品的影响。
A similar incongruity appears in the content of the book, for its two most prominent features are (a) a considerable amount of classical learning and up-to-date scientific and philosophical thought, and (b) an equally large amount of dirty jokes. Most of the dirt is unclassical in origin. It comes out of the spiritual underworld which was part of the Middle Ages, which is documented in the fabliaux, which appears again and again in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, and which is essentially anti-cultural, opposed to the spirit of the Renaissance. These contrasts could be further developed; but our particular interest is the nature of Rabelais’s classical learning and its effect on his work.
虽然书中的主要人物和总体构思源自中世纪，但次要人物的名字往往是古典的，许多主要主题也具有古典特征。例如，Gargantua 的导师是 Ponocrates，意思是通过努力获得力量；大声朗读给他听的侍从被称为 Anagnostes（= 读者）；他敏捷的侍从是 Gymnast（= 运动员）；他能言善辩、心地善良的廷臣是 Eudemon（= 快乐）；他的管家是 Philotimus（= 荣誉爱好者）；向他开战的愤怒国王是 Picrochole（= 苦涩的胆汁）。6他所创建的理想修道院被称为泰勒玛 (Thelema)，这是一个希腊词，意思是“意志”，因为它的座右铭是“做你想做的事”。这个小男孩几乎做不到。7同样，庞大固埃（使每个人都口渴）征服了狄普索德斯（=口渴的人，拉伯雷在希波克拉底的书中发现了这个词）；他自己的民族是阿马乌罗特斯（=晦涩难懂的人），他们之所以晦涩难懂是因为他们生活在乌托邦（=无处可去）。他的导师是埃皮斯提蒙（=知识渊博的人），他最喜欢的廷臣帕努格（名字的意思是聪明的流氓）。8
Although the main characters and the general scheme of his book are medieval in origin, the subordinate characters are often classical in name, and many of the principal themes are classical in character. For example, Gargantua’s tutor is Ponocrates, which means Power through Hard Work; the page who reads aloud to him is called Anagnostes (= Reader); his nimble squire is Gymnast (= Athlete); his eloquent and good-natured courtier is Eudemon (= Happy); his steward is Philotimus (= Lover of Honour); and the angry king who makes war on him is Picrochole (= Bitter Bile).6 The ideal abbey which he founds is called Thelema, a Greek word meaning ‘will’, because its motto is DO WHAT YOU WILLThe little boy could scarcely.7 Similarly, Pantagruel (who makes everyone thirsty) conquers the Dipsodes (= Thirsty People, a word Rabelais found in Hippocrates); his own nation is the Amaurots (= Obscure), who are obscure because they live in Utopia (= Nowhere). His tutor is Epistemon (= Knowledgeable), and his favourite courtier Panurge, whose name means Clever Rascal.8
拉伯雷作品中最重要的经典主题之一是波诺克拉底在年轻的卡冈都亚接受了简单、自然、野蛮和无益的教育之后对他进行的人文教育：见《卡冈都亚》，第 21-4 页。他的课程描述——可能受到伟大教育家维托里诺·达·费尔特雷的启发9 ——对于任何想要研究文艺复兴时期古典理想的复兴的人来说，这都是一份必不可少的文件。卡冈都亚不仅成为了柏拉图的希望之王——哲学家之王，而且他接受了柏拉图后裔应有的教育，最终建立了一个与《理想国》中的禁卫军相似的社区。甚至他写给儿子的关于教育的信的风格也（《庞大固埃》，2.8）是一部刻意古典的作品，其中有丰富的西塞罗时期、精心的对比、反问和三重高潮。10确实，在卡冈都亚的实际日常生活中，有一些中世纪的遗留：例如，他从不写课文（除了练习书法），而是通过口头学习，并大量记忆。但是，对教育、学习所有语言、阅读所有伟大书籍和吸收所有有用科学的巨大渴望是文艺复兴时期的特征。这也是拉伯雷本人的特征，是对早期学习限制的一种反应。事实上，由于好斗的国王皮克罗科尔和卡冈都亚及其父亲格兰古西耶之间的整个战争被描述为发生在拉伯雷自己家族的庄园里，由于卡冈都亚的堡垒以拉伯雷家族财产的名字命名，由于他的总部 La Deviniere 是拉伯雷本人出生的农场，很明显，善良的巨人卡冈都亚就是拉伯雷本人。11
One of the most important classical themes in Rabelais is the humanistic education which is given by Ponocrates to the young Gargantua after he has had a simple, natural, beastly, and unprofitable education: see Gargantua, 21–4. The description of his curriculum—which was perhaps inspired by that of the great educator Vittorino da Feltre9—-is an essential document for anyone who wishes to study the re-emergence of classical ideals in the Renaissance. Not only does Gargantua become a philosopher-king, the hope of Plato, but he is educated in a manner befitting a descendant of Plato, and ultimately endows a community which partly resembles that of the Guards in The Republic. Even the style of the letter on education which he sends to his son (Pantagruel, 2. 8) is deliberately classical, with rich Ciceronian periods, careful antitheses, rhetorical questions, and triple climaxes.10 It is true that, in the actual routine followed by Gargantua, there are odd survivals from the Middle Ages: for instance, he never writes his lessons (apart from practising calligraphy) but learns everything orally and memorizes a great deal. But the gargantuan appetite for education, for learning all languages, for reading all the great books and assimilating all the useful sciences, is characteristic of the Renaissance. It is also characteristic of Rabelais himself, and was a reaction against the early limitation of his studies. In fact, since the whole war between the aggressive king Picrochole and Gargantua and his father Grandgousier is described as taking place on the estates of Rabelais’s own family, since the names of Gargantua’s fortresses are those of Rabelais’s family properties, and since his headquarters, La Deviniere, is the farm where Rabelais himself was born, it is clear that the good giant Gargantua is Rabelais himself.11
在一本细致而又充满智慧的书中，让·普拉塔德分析了拉伯雷所了解的和他所借鉴的古典作家。和许多中世纪作家以及文艺复兴时期的一些作家一样，他从选集和《读者文摘》中获益良多——甚至因为他了解与他自己的幽默风格非常相似的作家，比如阿里斯托芬。他在这方面最大的收获是伊拉斯谟的《格言》，这是一本收集了 3,000 条经典名言的有用引文，并附有解释。12他的主要原始资料来源是散文家而不是诗人；罗马人多于希腊人（像许多文艺复兴时期的人一样，他发现拉丁语比希腊语容易得多，并且用拉丁语翻译注释他的希腊语文本中的难词）；他喜欢写事实而不是想象的作家——只有一个例外，那就是希腊哲学讽刺作家卢西安。他引用了十八到二十位优秀的古典作家，以表明他了解他们；但很明显他不熟悉希腊和罗马的史诗、戏剧、抒情诗或（更令人惊讶的）讽刺作品。他最喜欢的作家是科学家、哲学家和古物学家。科学家包括亚里士多德、盖伦、希波克拉底和老普林尼。他最崇拜的哲学家是普鲁塔克和柏拉图，Gargantua 把他们列在阅读书单的首位。13卡冈都亚提到的古物学家是保萨尼亚斯和雅典娜，拉伯雷也读过马克罗比乌斯的作品。他最喜欢的作家是卢西安，罗马时代的希腊怀疑论者，爱笑的帝国，其作品还影响了伊拉斯谟的《愚人颂》和莫尔的《乌托邦》。卢西安的创作包括虚构的皮克罗克勒的征服，14地狱的描述，大人变小，15以及 Panurge 对 Trouil-logan 的审问。16卢西安是他的精神同志，与他一起分享那令人愉悦而不带有谴责的笑声。
In a careful and intelligent book Jean Plattard has analysed the classical authors whom Rabelais knew and from whom he borrowed. Like many medieval writers and some in the Renaissance, he owed a great deal to anthologies and to Reader’s Digests—even for his knowledge of authors so closely akin to his own vein of humour as Aristophanes. His greatest debt in this region was to the Adages of Erasmus, a collection of 3,000 useful quotations from the classics, with explanations.12 His chief original sources were prose writers rather than poets; Romans more than Greeks (like many men of the Renaissance he found Latin far easier than Greek, and annotated his Greek texts with Latin translations of difficult words); and writers of fact rather than imagination—with one exception, the Greek philosophical satirist Lucian. He quotes eighteen or twenty good classical authors in such a way as to show that he knew them; but it is clear that he was not familiar with Greek and Roman epic, drama, lyric, or (more surprisingly) satire. His favourite authors were scientists, philosophers, and antiquarians. Among the scientists are Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates, and the elder Pliny. The philosophers he admired most, whom Gargantua puts first in his reading-list, were Plutarch and Plato.13 The antiquarians mentioned by Gargantua are Pausanias and Athenaeus, and Rabelais also read Macrobius. His favourite writer was Lucian, the laughing Greek sceptic of the Roman empire, whose work also influenced Erasmus’s Praise of Folly and More’s Utopia. It was to Lucian that he owed such inventions as the imaginary conquests of Picrochole,14 the description of hell where the great are made small,15 and the interrogation of Trouil-logan by Panurge.16 Lucian was his spiritual comrade, sharing with him the laughter which delights without condemning.
拉伯雷生活中的严重冲突，只有通过坚强的意志或伟大的艺术才能解决。没有人会说拉伯雷是一位伟大的艺术家。他的作品往往过于粗糙，过于愚蠢。但毫无疑问，他是一位伟人；他为解决自己的困难和为世界困难提出的两个解决方案是：第一，教育；第二，享受——兴致——玩笑和喝酒的简单、充满活力、充满活力的欢乐……
Serious conflicts, such as those which existed in the life of Rabelais, can be resolved only by strong will or by great art. No one would say that Rabelais was a great artist. His work is often too rough and often too silly. But there can be no doubt that he was a great man; and the two solutions which he applied to his own difficulties and suggested for those of the world were, first, education, and second, enjoyment—gusto—the simple, energetic, life-giving gaiety of the joke and the bottle….
“……因此……我宁愿把自己交给一百个装满魔鬼的筐子，肉体和灵魂，内脏和牛肚，以防我在整个历史中撒谎哪怕一个字：同样，圣安东尼的火焰会灼伤你；马胡姆的疾病会缠绕你；你肋旁的刺痛和你胃中的狼会捆绑你，血流会抓住你，野火的诅咒和尖锐的炎症，像牛毛一样纤细，用水银加固，进入你的地基，就像所多玛和蛾摩拉的火焰一样，愿你掉进硫磺、火焰和无底深渊，如果你不坚信我在这篇编年史中要告诉你的一切。”17
‘… and therefore … even as I give myself to an hundred pannier-fulls of faire devils, body and soul, tripes and guts, in case that I lie so much as one single word in this whole history: after the like manner, St Anthonies fire burne you; Mahoom’s disease whirle you; the squinance with a stitch in your side and the wolfe in your stomack trusse you, the bloody flux seize upon you, the curst sharp inflammations of wilde fire, as slender and thin as cowes haire, strengthened with quicksilver, enter into your fundament, and like those of Sodom and Gomorrha, may you fall into sulphur, fire, and bottomlesse pits, in case you do not firmly beleeve all that I shall relate unto you in this present chronicle.’17
蒙田
MONTAIGNE
从拉伯雷转向蒙田（1533-92），这是一个奇怪的对比，几乎就像从疯子转向理智一样，圣伯夫称蒙田为“法国最聪明的人”。拉伯雷学识渊博，生活艰苦，游历广泛，吸收了大量的思想和经验；但结果却是混乱，如果不是因为他的幽默、健康和不知疲倦的精力，这将意味着紧张和消化不良。事实上，我们发现阅读他的作品既困难又令人不安——这种不和谐表明他并不完全赞同古典文化的理想。另一方面，蒙田并不是古典作家的直接模仿者；但他比拉伯雷更了解他们，他更多地思考他们，他的精神很大程度上是由他们塑造的，他的文化主要建立在他们的基础上，正是他与他们不断的交流使他高高在上以及他所处的时代。关于蒙田的两个主要事实之一是，他是一位博览群书的人——他对古典作家的了解比十六世纪或二十世纪的许多专业学者都要多。另一个是，他拥有足够的生活经验和足够宽广的心灵，能够掌握、运用和将他的知识转化为不仅对他自己而且对其他现代人都具有积极和生命力的东西。
It is a strange contrast, almost like turning from lunacy to sanity, to turn from Rabelais to Michel de Montaigne (1533-92), whom Sainte-Beuve well called ‘the wisest of all Frenchmen’. Rabelais knew much, lived hard, travelled widely, absorbed huge gulps of thought and experience; but the result was confusion, which would have meant strain and indigestion had it not been for his humour, his health, his tireless energy. As it is, we find it difficult and unsettling to read him—a disharmony which shows that he was not through and through sympathetic to the ideals of classical culture. Montaigne, on the other hand, is not a straightforward imitator of the classical writers; but he knew them better than Rabelais, he had thought more about them, his spirit was largely formed by them, his culture was principally based upon them, and it was his constant intercourse with them which raised him high above the place and time in which he lived. One of the two prime facts about Montaigne is that he was an exceptionally well-read man—he knew much more about the classical authors than many professional scholars in the sixteenth, or for that matter the twentieth, century. The other is that he had a sufficient experience of life and a large enough soul to master, to use, and to transform his knowledge into something active and vital not only for himself but for other modern men.
第一个事实是他所受的不寻常但令人钦佩的教育的结果。他出身于伊甘家族（该家族的庄园出产的伊甘酒庄是世界上最好的葡萄酒之一），这个家族最近才变得富裕和高贵起来。但是，由于他的父亲同情文艺复兴的理想，而他在意大利受到了这种理想的鼓舞，因此他并没有简单地教年轻的蒙田鹰猎和宫廷举止，也没有让他接受糟糕的旧教育，年轻的卡冈都亚正是在这种教育下变得健康而野蛮，而是给了他有史以来最全面的古典训练之一。蒙田在一篇散文中亲自描述了这一点。18在他学会说话之前，他被安排在一位德国家庭教师的指导下，这位家庭教师懂很多拉丁语，但一点法语都不懂；而且有一条规定，就是在小男孩面前，甚至仆人也只能说拉丁语。因此，他喜欢读的第一本书是奥维德的《变形记》：
The first of these facts is the result of an unusual, but admirable, education. He came of the family Yquem or Eyquem (whose estates produce one of the finest wines, Chateau Yquem), which had only recently enriched and ennobled itself. But, because his father was sympathetic to the ideals of the Renaissance, by which he had been stimulated in Italy, he did not simply teach young Montaigne hawking and courtly behaviour or expose him to the bad old education under which young Gargantua became healthy and beastly, but instead gave him one of the most thorough classical trainings ever known. Montaigne describes it himself in one of his essays.18 Before he could speak he was put in charge of a German tutor who knew much Latin and no French whatever; and it was a rule that nothing but Latin should be spoken to the little boy and in his presence, even by the servants. As a result, the first book he enjoyed reading was Ovid’s Metamorphoses:
“因为那时我只有七八岁，所以我会偷偷地远离其他一切乐趣，只为了读这些书：因为这些书是用我自然的语言写的；而且这是我所知道的最简单的书，而且就其主题而言，它最适合我这个年纪。至于亚瑟王、湖中兰斯洛特、阿玛迪斯、波尔多的休恩，以及年轻人通常用来消遣的无聊、耗时和机智的垃圾，我甚至连名字都不知道。”19
‘for, being but seven or eight years old, I would steal and sequester myself from all other delights, only to read them: forasmuch as the tongue in which they were written was to me natural; and it was the easiest book I knew, and by reason of its subject the most suitable for rny young age. For of King Arthur, of Lancelot of the Lake, of Amadis, of Huon of Bordeaux, and such idle, time-consuming, and wit-besotting trash wherein youth doth commonly amuse itself, I was not so much as acquainted with their names.’19
小男孩几乎不可能用同样的方式学习希腊语，因为他是在直接学习拉丁语；他的父亲让他学拉丁语，作为一种游戏，如果继续下去，这可能是一个好主意；然而，他被送往法国最好的吉耶纳学院上学。他说，在那里，他失去了他非凡教育所获得的大部分基础。事实可能是，他不得不回头学习法语，并与其他孩子玩耍。十二岁时，他在学校演出的布坎南和米雷的拉丁悲剧中担任主角。20
The little boy could scarcely be taught Greek in the same way, since he was learning Latin on the direct principle; his father started him on it, as a game, which would probably have been an excellent idea had it been continued; however, he was sent off to school at the College de Guienne, the best in France. He says that there he lost much of the ground gained by his extraordinary education. The truth probably is that he had to turn back in order to learn how to speak French and play with other children. By the age of twelve he was acting leading parts in school productions of Latin tragedies by Buchanan and Muret.20
十几岁时，他的生活变得更加正常。他过上了富裕绅士的正常生活：学习法律，参与地方政府工作，上法庭。但在 1571 年，38 岁的他从他自己所谓的“法庭和公共职责的奴役”中退休21一座塔楼——实际上不是象牙塔，而是一座书塔，他余生大部分时间都在这里学习、思考和写作。蒙田不喜欢坚定不移或始终如一地做任何事情，所以我们看到他时不时地从隐居状态中复出并不奇怪。他成了一位精力不济的波尔多市长，游历了意大利、奥地利和瑞士，还在家里招待了纳瓦拉的新教国王。但从 38 岁起，他的大部分生活都沉浸在孤独的学习和自我反省中。他退休的主要动机之一是他希望避免在当时摧毁法国的宗教内战中站队：他的父亲是罗马天主教徒，母亲是西班牙犹太血统的女士，他的三个兄弟姐妹要么是新教徒，要么后来皈依了新教。
In his teens his life became more normal. He entered on the usual course of life of a prosperous gentleman: studied law, took part in local government, went to court. But at thirty-eight, in 1571, he retired from what he himself called ‘the slavery of th court and public duties’21 to a tower—not indeed an ivory one, but a book-lined one, where he studied and thought and wrote for most of the rest of his life. Montaigne did not like to do anything determinedly or consistently, so that we are not surprised to see that he came out of retirement now and then. He became a not very energetic mayor of Bordeaux, he travelled in Italy, Austria, and Switzerland, and he entertained the Protestant king of Navarre at his home. But from thirty-eight onwards most of his life was absorbed in lonely study and self-examination. One of the main motives for his retirement was his wish to avoid taking sides in the religious civil wars which were then devastating France: his father had been a Roman Catholic, while his mother was a lady of Spanish-Jewish descent, and three of his brothers and sisters were either bred as Protestants or converted later.
1580 年，他出版了两本《随笔集》，立即获得了巨大成功。在他有生之年，这两本书共出版了五版。随着后续版本的需要，他添加了大量内容。最后一版（1588 年）包含一本全新的书，以及对另外两本书的数百处补充。在他去世后，他的“养女”出版了一本更大的版本，其中包含蒙田自己手稿笔记的补充。这一点很重要，因为维利和其他学者利用这些修改和补充来展示蒙田在他一生中最重要的几年里思想的发展，以及他对希腊和罗马古典文学的深入了解。22
In 1580 he published two books of Essays, with great and immediate success. They ran into five editions during his lifetime. As successive editions were called for, he added much material. The last (1588) contained a whole new book, as well as hundreds of additions to the other two. After his death his ‘adopted’ daughter brought out a still larger edition, containing supplements from Montaigne’s own manuscript notes. The importance of this is that the alterations and additions have been used by Villey and other scholars to show the development of Montaigne’s thought during the most important years of his life, and his deepening knowledge of the Greek and Roman classics.22
蒙田本人在他最有趣的文章之一中讲述了他最喜欢的读物。23有两点普遍的观点。第一点是，他读书是为了消遣。他不会感到无聊。他不会读乏味的作者的作品。他根本不会读难懂的作者的作品，除非这些作者的作品有好的内容。他经常使用的标准是快乐。然而，他的快乐不仅仅是消遣，而是伴随着一种高水平的审美和智力活动的快乐，远远高于庸俗的逃避阅读和麻醉阅读。他读的两位作者是为了赚钱，另一位是为了满足他的需求。乐趣相结合，“我学会了调整我的观点并处理我的处境”：这些是普鲁塔克（法语）（即阿米奥特的译本）和塞内卡。这句话向我们展示了第二点。蒙田拉丁文很多，但希腊文很少。他可以很容易地阅读拉丁文，因此他可以选择拉丁文来消遣；但不是希腊文。24这仍然使他比现代人高出一筹，但这也解释了我们经常感觉到他的思想有些松懈，对古代理想的理解有些不够清晰。
Montaigne himself, in one of his most interesting essays, gives an account of his favourite reading.23 Two general points emerge. The first is that he read for pleasure. He would not be bored. He would not read tedious authors. He would not read difficult authors at all, unless they contained good material. The standard he constantly uses is one of pleasure. However, his pleasure was not merely that of pastime, but that which accompanies a high type of aesthetic and intellectual activity, far above the vulgar escape-reading and narcotic-reading. Two authors he read for profit and pleasure combined, ‘whereby I learn to range my opinions and address my conditions’: these were Plutarch, in French (i.e. in Amyot’s translation), and Seneca. The remark shows us the second point. Montaigne had much Latin, but little Greek. He could read Latin so easily that he was able to choose his Latin reading for pleasure; but not Greek.24 That still puts him head and shoulders above the moderns, but it explains a certain slackness we often feel in his thinking, a certain lack of clarity in his appreciation of the ideals of antiquity.
他自己最喜欢的诗人有维吉尔（尤其是《农事诗》）、卢克莱修、卡图卢斯、贺拉斯、卢坎和绅士泰伦斯。在散文方面，除了普鲁塔克和塞涅卡，他喜欢西塞罗的哲学论文，但他抱怨这些论文冗长——尽管不如柏拉图的对话那么糟糕。他还喜欢西塞罗写给他朋友的信；最后他说历史学家是他的左右手，其中最主要的是普鲁塔克和凯撒。
The poets whom he himself names as his favourites are Vergil (particularly the Georgics), Lucretius, Catullus, Horace, Lucan, and the gentlemanly Terence. In prose, next to Plutarch and Seneca, he likes Cicero’s philosophical essays, but complains that they are verbose—although not so bad as Plato’s dialogues. He also likes Cicero’s letters to his friends; and he concludes by saying that historians are his right hand, and Plutarch and Caesar chief among them.
维利仔细研究了蒙田的阅读材料，列出了他熟知的众多作家。其中不少于五十位。希腊经典著作的缺失显而易见。蒙田没有亲眼见过希腊悲剧作家，只引用过一次卢西安（拉伯雷对他很熟悉），对阿里斯托芬一无所知，只是间接见过修昔底德，甚至没有认真读过荷马。尽管如此，他知道柏拉图和普鲁塔克，并有条件地钦佩他们；尽管他一开始批评亚里士多德，但他显然在晚年仔细阅读了《尼各马可伦理学》 ，并大量运用了它。25以下是 Villey 的清单：
Villey has gone over Montaigne’s reading with a magnifying-glass, and listed a formidable array of authors whom he knew well. There are not less than fifty. The striking absence of Greek classics is at once observable. Montaigne knew no Greek tragedians at first hand, quoted Lucian (so familiar to Rabelais) only once, knew nothing of Aristophanes, met Thucydides only at second hand, and had not even read Homer properly. Still, he knew and with qualifications admired Plato and Plutarch; and although he began by abusing Aristotle, he apparently read the Nicomachean Ethics with care towards the end of his life and made considerable use of it.25 Here is Villey’s list:
伊索
Aesop
阿米安
Ammian
阿庇安
Appian
亚里士多德（仅限政治学和伦理学）
Aristotle (the Politics and Ethics only)
阿里安
Arrian
圣奥古斯丁（仅限上帝之城）
St. Augustine (the City of God only)
奥鲁斯·盖利乌斯
Aulus Gellius
奥索尼乌斯（Ausonius），因为他来自波尔多
Ausonius, because he came from Bordeaux
凯撒，他提到了 92 次
Caesar, whom he mentions 92 times
卡图卢斯
Catullus
西塞罗，他起初不喜欢，后来却开始崇拜他，并引用了 312 次
Cicero, whom at first he disliked and later came to admire, and quoted 312 times
克劳迪安
Claudian
狄奥吉尼斯·拉尔修，以及他关于哲学家的令人难忘的轶事
Diogenes Laertius, with his memorable anecdotes about philosophers
赫利奥多罗斯
Heliodorus
希罗多德（在萨利亚特的译本中，他从未提及但总是使用）
Herodotus (in Saliat’s translation, which he never mentions and always uses)
奥古斯都史
the Historia Augusta
荷马，二手货
Homer, at second hand
贺拉斯和卢克莱修是他最喜欢的诗人——他们都是伊壁鸠鲁学派的信徒：148 条引文
Horace, who with Lucretius is his favourite poet—both were Epicureans: 148 quotations
伊索克拉底（翻译版）
Isocrates, in translation
约瑟夫斯
Josephus
贾斯汀
Justin
尤维纳尔，被引用 50 次
Juvenal, quoted 50 times
他随意使用李维
Livy, whom he used freely
卢肯
Lucan
卢西安，一次或两次
Lucian, once or twice
卢克莱修，149 条引文
Lucretius, 149 quotations
曼尼利乌斯，星星的哲学诗人
Manilius the philosophical poet of the stars
马夏尔，41句名言
Martial, with 41 quotations
奥皮安
Oppian
奥维德，72 句引文
Ovid, 72 quotations
Persius，被引用23次
Persius, quoted 23 times
佩特罗尼乌斯显然只是从二手资料中得知的：大部分讽刺作品仍未被发现
Petronius, apparently only at second hand: most of the Satirica was still undiscovered
柏拉图，他在 1588 年之后对柏拉图的兴趣与日俱增：他没有引用至少 18 篇对话，包括那本难懂的书《法律篇》中的 29 篇
Plato, in whom his interest increased after 1588: he makes over no quotations from at least 18 of the dialogues, including 29 from that difficult book The Laws
几乎不认识普劳图斯：蒙田认为他很粗俗
Plautus scarcely at all: Montaigne thought him very vulgar
老普林尼的几句道德格言
Pliny the elder, a few moral aphorisms
小普林尼
Pliny the younger
普鲁塔克，被提及 68 次，被引用 398 次
Plutarch, mentioned by name 68 times and quoted 398 times
普罗佩提乌斯
Propertius
昆体良
Quintilian
萨卢斯特，比我们预期的要少
Sallust, less than we should expect
他最喜爱的塞涅卡，他经常不加说明地抄袭塞涅卡的整篇文章二十六
his favourite Seneca, from whom he lifted entire passages, often without acknowledgement26
塞克斯都·恩披里柯，唯一一位作品流传至今的怀疑论哲学家
Sextus Empiricus, the only Sceptic philosopher whose work survives
里昂的西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯 (Sidonius Apollinaris)
Sidonius Apollinaris, of Lyons
苏埃托尼乌斯，被引用超过 40 次
Suetonius, quoted over 40 times
塔西佗，特别是《编年史》
Tacitus, particularly the Annals
特伦斯
Terence
瓦莱里乌斯·马克西姆斯和其他小历史学家和轶事，如尼波斯和斯托鲍乌斯
Valerius Maximus and other minor historians and anecdotards like Nepos and Stobaeus
维吉尔，被引用116次
Vergil, quoted 116 times
色诺芬。
Xenophon.
那么，蒙田是如何利用这些渊博的知识的呢？他所知道的作者名单本身就很容易让现代读者感到反感。我们忘记了我们读过无数转瞬即逝的书籍、杂志和报纸，它们远不值得一读：这些东西与文学的关系就像口香糖与食物的关系一样。但是，一旦我们读了《随笔集》，我们就会感到更自在。我们发现，他记住和引用这些经典书籍，并不只是为了用他的学识来炫耀他的同时代人。伯顿的《忧郁的解剖学》是一部作品，尽管其主题很有趣，但从文学深奥的领域中调动权威本身就是目的，我们现在无法欣赏它。但蒙田很自然地阅读，他对自己比布德这样的人知道得少得多感到有点尴尬。他与书籍的关系不是机械的，而是有机的。他没有模仿古人，就像龙沙模仿维吉尔一样。他不想成为身着现代服饰的古典主义者，也不想成为博学多识的人。他想成为米歇尔·德·蒙田，他热爱古典主义，因为它们能帮助他实现这一目标。所以他吸收了它们，运用了它们，并活出了它们。
Now, what use did Montaigne make of this enormous mass of learning? The very catalogue of the authors whom he knew is apt to repel modern readers. We forget that we read countless ephemeral books, magazines, and newspapers, far less worth reading: stuff which bears the same relation to literature as chewinggum does to food. But as soon as we read the Essays, we feel more at ease. We see that he did not remember and quote these classical books merely in order to dazzle his contemporaries with his learning. Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy is a work in which, despite the interest of its subject-matter, the deployment of authorities from abstruse regions of literature is an end in itself, and one we cannot now admire. But Montaigne took his reading naturally, and was a little embarrassed by knowing so much less than men like Bude. His relation to his books was not a mechanical but an organic one. He did not imitate the ancients as Ronsard imitated Vergil. He did not want to be a classic in modern dress any more than he wanted to be a polymath. He wanted to be Michel de Montaigne, and he loved the classics because they could help him best in that purpose. So he assimilated them, and used them, and lived them.
他以三种方式利用它们作为文学素材。
As material for literature, he used them in three ways.
（a）他用它们作为普遍哲学理论的来源。他从中挑选出他认为特别真实和有价值的格言，然后根据自己对书籍和生活的了解，讨论和说明这些格言。
(a) He employed them as sources of general philosophical doctrine. He selected sayings from them which seemed to him particularly true and valuable, and then proceeded to discuss and illustrate these apophthegms from his own knowledge of books and life.
( b ) 他把它们当作例证的宝库。在他列出了他想要检验的某个普遍真理之后（无论是从古人那里得到的，还是他自己得出的，还是从现代人那里引用的），他便寻找例证来证明、限定或阐述它。一些例证来自他自己当时的阅读，许多来自近代历史，很多来自古典文学。例如，在《论气味和气味》第 1.55篇中，他讨论了体味。这篇论文以亚历山大大帝有香汗的报告开始，接着说普劳图斯和马夏尔对香水的谴责，对蒙田自身对气味的敏感性的评论，以及同样敏感的贺拉斯令人厌恶的引述，跳转到希罗多德关于俄罗斯妇女使用的芳香脱毛剂的注释，关于香水如何粘附在蒙田胡子上的个人回忆，提到苏格拉底在瘟疫期间免受感染，并突然以一个关于同时代突尼斯国王的故事结束。
(b) He used them as treasuries of illustration. After he had laid down some general truth which he wished to examine (whether taken from one of the ancients, or worked out by himself, or quoted from a modern), he then sought illustrations to prove it, qualify it, or elaborate it. Some of the illustrations came from his own contemporary reading, many from recent history, very many from the classics. For instance, in Essays, 1. 55, Of Smells and Odours, he discusses body-odour. The essay begins with the report that Alexander the Great had sweet-smelling perspiration, goes on to condemnations of perfume taken from Plautus and Martial, a remark about Montaigne’s own sensitivity to smells, confirmed by a repulsive quotation from the equally sensitive Horace, jumps to a note from Herodotus about the perfumed depilatories used by Russian women, a personal reminiscence about the way perfume clings to Montaigne’s moustache, a reference to Socrates’ freedom from infection during the plague, and stops abruptly with a story about the contemporary king of Tunis.
（c）他在古典文学中发现了大量紧凑、论证充分的论证：因为没有现代哲学家能在如此小的篇幅中投入如此多的深思熟虑。蒙田的论证常常受到古典文学的影响，即使他不承认这种影响：他会不提及来源，将塞内加的整段文字翻译出来，从阿米奥特的普鲁塔克作品中摘取整段文字；有时他会做出维利所说的“拼花”27句都选自他所熟悉的塞涅卡这样的作家不同作品的句子。
(c) He found stores of compact well-reasoned argument in the classics: for there were no modern philosophers available who had put so much hard thinking into such small space. Montaigne is often indebted to the classics for his arguments even when he does not acknowledge the debt: without mentioning the source, he will translate entire paragraphs out of Seneca and lift whole sections from Amyot’s Plutarch; and sometimes he will make what Villey calls a ‘parquetry’27 out of sentences drawn from different parts of an author like Seneca whom he knows well.
现在让我们来谈谈蒙田作品中最重要的两个问题，即他文学上的伟大之处。他是现代散文的发明者。他从哪里得到了这个想法？他是第一批现代自传作家之一，尝试了卢梭后来称之为“一项大胆而前所未闻的任务”的心理自我描述。这一创新的起源和动机是什么？
Turn now to the two most important problems about Montaigne’s work, his two chief claims to literary greatness. He was the inventor of the modern essay. Where did he get the idea? And he was one of the first modern autobiographical writers, attempting what Rousseau long afterwards called ‘a daring and unheard-of task’, psychological self-description. What was the origin and motive of that innovation?
就内容而言，这篇散文的起源从蒙田出版的前两卷书的主题中可以相当清楚地看出。主题主要是抽象的伦理问题，有时是单一的道德戒律：残忍、荣耀、愤怒、恐惧、懒惰、我们不应该在死后判断我们的幸福；哲学就是学习如何死亡；万物皆有其时。塞涅卡和普鲁塔克的道德论文虽然平均比蒙田的第一篇散文长，但主题相似，标题也相似：愤怒、善良、论儿童教育、如何区分奉承者和朋友。此外，塞涅卡的许多伦理论文都是以写给朋友的信的形式写的：蒙田显然在他的教育论文中借用了这种形式。二十八
The origin of the essay, as far as content goes, is made fairly clear by the subjects of the first two volumes which Montaigne published. The themes are predominantly abstract questions of ethics, and sometimes single moral precepts: Cruelty, Glory, Anger, Fear, Idleness’, That we should not judge of our happiness until after our death; To philosophize is to learn how to die; All things have their season. The moral treatises of Seneca and Plutarch, although on the average longer than Montaigne’s first essays, are on similar subjects with similar titles: Anger, Kindness, On the Education of Children, How to distinguish Flatterers from Friends. In addition, many of Seneca’s ethical treatises are in the form of letters to his friends: a shape which Montaigne apparently borrowed for his essay on education.28
然而，蒙田并没有将他的作品称为论文、讨论，甚至书信。他称它们为“散文”。这个词可能意味着“分析”、权衡和测试；或者更可能是“尝试”。更可能是后者，因为它们没有遵循任何系统化的方案，如果它们真的在权衡事实和观点，它们就会有这样的方案。而在前两卷中，“论文”通常只是一串引文和一个概括的例证，而这个概括本身并没有被讨论。因此，维利认为蒙田是从抄写他风格形成时非常流行的令人难忘的格言集开始的——尤其是伊拉斯谟的《格言》，它在 1500 年至 1570 年间出版了 120 个版本。如果这是真的，那么这篇论文对古典学的贡献是双重的，既归功于塞涅卡等人的系统哲学讨论，也归功于文艺复兴时期人文主义者收集的孤立的哲学智慧片段。
Nevertheless, Montaigne did not call his works treatises, or discussions, or even letters. He called them ‘essays’. The word may mean ‘assays’, weighings and testings; or, more probably, ‘attempts’. More probably the latter, because they follow no systematic scheme, such as they would have if they were really weighing facts and opinions. And in the first two volumes the ‘essays’ often consist merely of a string of quotations and illustrations of a single generalization, which is itself not discussed. Villey therefore suggested that Montaigne began by copying the collections of memorable apophthegms which were so popular in the time when his style was forming—particularly the Adages of Erasmus, which went into 120 editions between 1500 and 1570. If this is true, the debt of the essay to the classics is a double one, both to the systematic philosophical discussions of men like Seneca and to the isolated fragments of philosophical wisdom collected by the Renaissance humanists.
（随着散文的发展，其他影响也进入其中，扩大了它的形式和目的。其中之一是古典的：心理人物素描，由泰奥弗拉斯托斯发明，并由他的学生米南德在喜剧人物中体现出来。在 1592 年卡苏朋的泰奥弗拉斯托斯大本出版后，霍尔和厄尔以及拉布鲁耶尔将其作为一种独立的形式加以运用；并通过艾迪生等人的散文，促进了现代小说的发展。）二十九
(As the essay developed, other influences entered it and enlarged its form and purpose. One of these was classical: the psychological character-sketch, invented by Theophrastus, and embodied in the characters of comedy by his pupil Menander. This, after the appearance of Casaubon’s great edition of Theophrastus in 1592, was practised as an independent form by Hall and Earle and La Bruyere; and, through the essays of Addison and others, helped in the growth of the modern novel.)29
但是，有一个重要因素使蒙田的《随笔集》既有别于古典的伦理论文，也有别于格言集：那就是主观因素，正是这种主观因素使蒙田的《随笔集》成为他自传的载体。他曾一度告诉我们几乎一切关于他自己的事情：他的身高、健康状况、受教育程度、见过的趣事、刚听过的鬼故事、他很少做梦的事实等等。这使得《随笔集》具有一种极其真实、生动、独特的风格：我们听到他在自言自语，而不是在对我们说话。他从自己喜欢的地方开始，从自己喜欢的地方结束，并且乐于得出一个或几个结论或半个结论。然而，对于这种主观性，他自己引用了一个古典模型。他说这就像罗马讽刺作家卢西利乌斯，正如贺拉斯告诉我们的那样，卢西利乌斯在他的讽刺作品中展现了他的一生和性格，仿佛在一幅现实主义的画作中；30他或许也会引用贺拉斯的话，贺拉斯的道德书信和蒙田的《随笔》一样，融合了哲学冥想和个人沉思。
But one important element differentiates Montaigne’s Essays both from the classical treatises on ethical questions and from the collections of apophthegms: that is the subjective factor, which makes them vehicles for Montaigne’s own autobiography. At one time or another he tells us nearly everything about himself: his height, his health, his education, funny things he has seen, a ghost-story he has just heard, the fact that he seldom dreams, &c. This gives the Essays an intensely real, vivid, individual style: we hear him talking, more to himself than to us. He begins where he likes, ends where he likes, and is content to come to no conclusion, or several, or half a one. Yet for this subjectivity he himself quotes a classical model. He says it is like the Roman satirist Lucilius, who, as Horace tells us, spread out his whole life and character in his satires, as if in a realistic picture;30 and he might well have cited Horace too, whose moral Letters are, like Montaigne’s Essays, a blend of philosophical meditation and personal musing.
尽管如此，拉伯雷的梦想故事非常个人化，是这位拥有巨大欲望（本韦努托·切利尼）、其他地方自传写作的兴起（如不幸的格林）以及蒙田《随笔集》的巨大成功表明，自传的新精神很大程度上是文艺复兴的产物。它的诞生源于对自由的渴望。拉伯雷将自己塑造成了一个权力、欲望、仁慈和学识都极其丰富的巨人。切利尼不受任何法律的约束，不受任何君主的约束，没有任何艺术家能与之匹敌。蒙田不经检验便不相信任何事物，而且直到被束缚住才开始相信。他最喜欢的诗人是伊壁鸠鲁学派，他的座右铭“我知道什么？”是对哲学怀疑的断言，其基础是希望绝对摆脱所有制度。文艺复兴给予人类许多东西：一些好的，一些可疑的，一些邪恶的。无论善恶，它最大的礼物是道德和思想自由的感觉。 15 和 16 世纪美学、历史、地理和宇宙学的新发现赋予了这种意识几乎无限的空间：例如，蒙田的《论食人族》等散文中的相对主义就是由此而来。人类心理学知识的迅速扩展也刺激了这种意识，这种扩展既源于当代社会革命，也源于希腊罗马戏剧、情色诗歌、讽刺作品和哲学的启示。反对中世纪权威的反抗推动了这种意识的形成——教会的权威、封建社会的权威、小国和严密组织的行业的紧密社会结构、哲学教条的权威、31继承特权。文艺复兴时期的精神成就被称为人文主义，因为它主张人的基本尊严；蒙田是最伟大、最有人性的人文主义者之一。
Nevertheless, the intensely personal wish-fulfilment dream-story of Rabelais, the autobiography of the artist with the Gargantuan appetites (Benvenuto Cellini), the rise of autobiographical writing elsewhere (as in the unhappy Greene), and the great success of Montaigne’s Essays show that the new spirit of autobiography was largely a creation of the Renaissance. It was called into being by the wish for freedom. Rabelais made himself into a giant in power, appetites, benevolence, and learning. Cellini would be bound by no law, obliged to no potentate, and equalled by no artist. Montaigne believed nothing without testing it, and then believed it only until it confined him. His favourite poets were Epicureans, and his motto, What do I know?, was an assertion of philosophical doubt based on the wish to remain absolutely free from all systems. The Renaissance gave humanity many things: some good, some doubtful, some evil. For good or evil, its greatest gift was the sense of moral and intellectual freedom. This sense was given almost infinite scope by the new aesthetic, historical, geographical, and cosmological discoveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries: hence, for example, the relativism of essays like Montaigne’s On the Cannibals. The same sense was stimulated by the rapid extension of the knowledge of human psychology which resulted both from contemporary social revolutions and from the revelation of Greco-Roman drama, erotic poetry, satire, and philosophy. And it was propelled by the reaction against medieval authority—the authority of the church, of feudal society, of the close social structure of small states and tightly organized trades, of philosophical dogma,31 of inherited privilege. Because it asserted the fundamental dignity of man, the spiritual achievement of the Renaissance is called Humanism; and Montaigne was one of the greatest, and most human, of the humanists.
11 部
莎士比亚经典作品
11
SHAKESPEARE’S CLASSICS
毫无疑问，莎士比亚深受希腊和拉丁文化的影响。问题在于确定这种影响是如何影响他的，以及如何影响他的诗歌。
THERE is no doubt whatever that Shakespeare was deeply and valuably influenced by Greek and Latin culture. The problem is to define how that influence reached him, and how it affected his poetry.
莎士比亚创作了四十部大型作品，其中包括两首长篇叙事诗和十四行诗。其中包括：
Forty large works, including the two long narrative poems and the sonnet-sequence, are attributed to Shakespeare. Of these:
其中六篇涉及罗马历史——一篇涉及早期君主制，三篇涉及共和国，两篇涉及帝国；1
six deal with Roman history—one with the early monarchy, three with the republic, two with the empire;1
六人有希腊背景；2
six have a Greek background;2
十二个部分涉及英国历史，主要是中世纪晚期和文艺复兴早期的王朝斗争时期；
twelve concern British history, chiefly the period of the dynastic struggles in the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance;
14 部戏剧发生在文艺复兴时期的欧洲。在这些戏剧中，即使故事是古代的，背景和风格也相当现代。例如，在《哈姆雷特》中，王子的同伴（在萨克索·格拉玛提库斯讲述的原著中）携带着“刻在木头上的符文”3.现在伪造外交公文及其印章，4并在自己的宫廷里讨论伊丽莎白时代伦敦的舞台。5这些戏剧中有一半是在文艺复兴时期的意大利本地化的，6 部电影中，有两部或多或少以法国为背景（《皆大欢喜》和《皆大欢喜》）。其他五部电影的拍摄地点定义不明确，有的带有意大利风格（《一报还一报》、《第十二夜》和《暴风雨》），有的带有法国风格（《爱的徒劳》），有的带有北欧风格（《哈姆雷特》）；
fourteen are played in Renaissance Europe. In these, even when the story is antique, the settings and the manner are quite contemporary. For instance, in Hamlet, the prince whose companions (in the original tale told by Saxo Grammaticus) carried ‘runes carved in wood’3 now forges a diplomatic dispatch and its seal,4 and in his own court discusses the stage of Elizabethan London.5 Half of these plays are localized in Renaissance Italy,6 while two are set more or less in France (As You Like It and All’s Well). The other five are in vaguely defined places which are Italianate (Measure for Measure, Twelfth Night, and The Tempest), Frenchified (Love’s Labour’s Lost), or northern European (Hamlet);
一部戏剧《温莎的风流娘儿们》以几乎完全同时代的英国为背景，但其主人公是福斯塔夫，他出生于十四世纪。只有十四行诗可以说直接与莎士比亚自己的时代和国家有关。
one play, The Merry Wives of Windsor, is laid in an England almost wholly contemporary in feeling; but its hero is Falstaff, who started life in the fourteenth century. Only the Sonnets can be said to deal directly with Shakespeare’s own time and country.
当然，莎士比亚很少注意排除地理和历史的不协调，或创造完全的地方和时间色彩的幻觉。他的所有戏剧都有特色，许多戏剧都有完整的场景和人物，这只能是当代英语。但从他主题的这种广泛分类中可以看出，有三大兴趣激发了他的想象力。第一是西欧的文艺复兴文化，第二是英国，特别是英国的君主制和贵族，第三是与第二点同等重要的希腊和罗马的历史和传说。
Of course Shakespeare took little care to exclude geographical and historical incongruities, or to create a complete illusion of local and temporal colour. All his plays have touches, and many have complete scenes and characters, which could only be contemporary English. But from this broad classification of his themes it is evident that three great interests stimulated his imagination. The first was the Renaissance culture of western Europe. The second was England, and particularly her monarchy and nobility. The third, equal in importance to the second, was the history and legends of Greece and Rome.
从莎士比亚的人物和他们的言语中，我们得到了类似的印象。首先，莎士比亚的大部分作品都是英国人的英语。从来没有一位诗人如此敏感和令人难忘地表达过英国、它的性格、它的民间语言和歌曲、它的美德、它的愚蠢和一些恶习，甚至它的外表。罗莎琳是一位被流放的公爵的女儿（因此不是英国女孩，而是法国女孩或意大利女孩）；然而，她却被流放到了埃文河畔斯特拉特福附近的阿登森林，7她的性格和说话方式都透着英国风情。莎士比亚笔下人物的英国特质中，还夹杂着一丝意大利的魅力和微妙。他最好的一些剧作都是关于文艺复兴时期意大利盛行的错综复杂的恶棍的故事：拉戈只是其中的一个恶棍；想想《暴风雨》中的塞巴斯蒂安和安东尼奥，还有《辛白林》中野兽般的拉奇莫。许多机智和优雅的举止（特别是在早期戏剧中）都是英国人培养的意大利风格——例如，奥斯里克在《哈姆雷特》中可笑的礼节。潘达洛斯实际上用意大利昵称capocchia来称呼克瑞西达8但最后，希腊和拉丁的意象和装饰性引用无处不在，有时是肤浅的，但更多的时候却无比有效。想想《辛白林》中的晨歌：9
From his characters and their speech we derive a similar impression. To begin with, most of Shakespeare’s writing is English of the English. No poet has ever expressed England, its character, its folk-speech and song, its virtues and its follies and some of its vices, and even its physical appearance, so sensitively and memorably. Rosalind is the daughter of a banished duke (therefore not an English girl, but French or Italian); yet she goes into exile in the forest of Arden, which is near Stratford-on-Avon,7 and her nature and her way of talking are English to the heart’s core. Then, intertwined with the Englishness of Shakespeare’s characters, there is a silken strand of Italian charm and subtlety. A number of his best plays are stories of the intricate villainy which flourished in Renaissance Italy: lago is only one such villain; think of Sebastian and Antonio in The Tempest and the beastly lachimo in Cymbeline. And much of the wit and fine manners (particularly in the early dramas) is of the type cultivated by Englishmen Italianate—for instance, Osric’s ridiculous courtesies in Hamlet. Pandarus actually calls Cressida by an Italian pet-name, capocchia8 But lastly, there is an all-pervading use of Greek and Latin imagery and decorative reference, which is sometimes superficial but more often incomparably effective. Think of the aubade in Cymbeline:9
听，听，天堂之门的云雀在歌唱，
福玻斯的骏马升起，来到长满圣杯花的
泉眼边饮水。
Hark, hark, the lark at heaven’s gate sings,
And Phoebus’ gins arise,
His steeds to water at those springs
On chaliced flowers that lies.
或者佩尔迪塔的花环：10
Or of Perdita’s garland:10
…紫罗兰黯淡，
却比朱诺的眼睑
或西塞利亚的呼吸更甜美。
… violets dim,
But sweeter than the lids of Juno’s eyes
Or Cytherea’s breath.
或者哈姆雷特那神圣的父亲：11
Or of Hamlet’s godlike father:11
瞧，这额头上有着何等的优雅；
海伯利安的卷发，朱庇特的额头，
像火星一样的眼睛，威胁着，指挥着，
像信使水星纽特一样的哨所，
点亮在天堂般的山丘上。
See, what a grace was seated on this brow;
Hyperion’s curls, the front of Jove himself,
An eye like Mars, to threaten and command,
A station like the herald Mercury
New lighted on a heaven-kissing hill.
或田园诗般的爱情二重唱：12
Or of the idyllic love-duet:12
在这样的夜晚，狄多站在荒野的海岸上，
手握一枝杨柳，飘荡着她的爱意，再次回到迦太基。
In such a night
Stood Dido with a willow in her hand
Upon the wild sea-banks, and waft her love
To come again to Carthage.
写出这样作品的诗人熟知并热爱古典文学。
The poet who wrote like that knew and loved the classics.
古典世界对莎士比亚的影响也可以从反面得到证明。我们已经看到，文艺复兴时期的许多作家在精神上都属于两个世界：一个是中世纪，有骑士、贵妇、巫师、神奇的动物、奇怪的探索和不可能的信仰；另一个是希腊罗马神话和艺术。例如，阿里奥斯托、拉伯雷和斯宾塞。但莎士比亚和弥尔顿一样，拒绝并几乎忽视了中世纪的世界。甚至他的历史剧也带有当代的色彩，远多于中世纪的色彩：谁能想到约翰·福斯塔夫爵士竟然是坎特伯雷朝圣者的同时代人？
The power of the classical world on Shakespeare can also be proved negatively. We have seen how many of the writers of the Renaissance belonged spiritually to both worlds: that of the Middle Ages, with knights and ladies and enchanters and magical animals and strange quests and impossible beliefs, and that of Greco-Roman myth and art. Such, for example, were Ariosto, and Rabelais, and Spenser. But Shakespeare, like Milton, rejected and practically ignored the world of the Middle Ages. Even his historical dramas are contemporary in tone, far more than they are medieval: who could dream that Sir John Falstaff was supposed to be a contemporary of the Canterbury Pilgrims?
观察莎士比亚对中世纪思想的少数暗示是有意义的：它们很美或很古怪，但它们表明他并不觉得中世纪充满活力和刺激。奎克利夫人在描述福斯塔夫之死时宣称他一定在天堂。圣经中的短语是“在亚伯拉罕的怀抱中”，但女主人说：
It is significant to observe Shakespeare’s few allusions to medieval thought: they are pretty or quaint, but they show that he did not feel the Middle Ages vital and stimulating. Mistress Quickly, when describing the death of Falstaff, declares that he must be in heaven. The biblical phrase is ‘in Abraham’s bosom’, but the hostess says:
他在亚瑟王的怀抱里，如果有人能进入亚瑟王的怀抱，
He’s in Arthur’s bosom, if ever man went to Arthur’s bosom,
因为在潜意识中，她更容易想象约翰爵士受到的是古老不朽的英国骑士精神的接待，而不是希伯来族长的接待。13另外，莎士比亚最鄙视的人之一，法官夏洛先生，在解释操练技巧时，回忆起他在扮演“亚瑟王剧中的达戈奈特爵士”时认识的“一个小箭筒家伙”。14有时谚语和歌曲中也会回响起中世纪的韵律：疯子的埃德加唱着一些古老的歌谣片段，其中有一个美丽的时代错误，激发了另一位英国诗人复兴中世纪传统：
for unconsciously she finds it easier to think of Sir John being received by the old symbol of immortal British chivalry than by a Hebrew patriarch.13 Again, one of the men whom Shakespeare most despises, Mr. Justice Shallow, explains the technique of drill by recalling ‘a little quiver fellow’ whom he knew when he himself played ‘Sir Dagonet in Arthur’s show’.14 And sometimes there are echoes of the Middle Ages in proverbs and in songs: Edgar as a madman sings snatches of old ballads, among them a beautiful anachronism which was to inspire another English poet to revive the medieval tradition:
童子军罗兰向黑暗塔走了过来。15
Child Rowland to the dark tower came.15
莎士比亚作品中唯一真正可以称为中世纪的重要元素是超自然现象：奥伯龙和他的仙女、女巫和她们的咒语。即便如此，其中还是有希腊元素，其余部分则随着距离的增加而缩小和柔和，仙女变得更小更善良，石像鬼和恶魔永远消失了。
The only important element in Shakespeare’s work which can really be called medieval is the supernatural: Oberon and his fairies, the witches and their spells. Even in that there are Hellenic touches, and the rest has been shrunk and softened by distance, the fairies have grown smaller and kinder, the gargoyles and fiends have vanished for ever.
现在我们必须更详细地分析莎士比亚的古典知识。我们观察到的第一个事实是，他对罗马的了解和感受比对希腊多得多，唯一的例外是通过罗马传到现代世界的希腊神话。罗马戏剧——加上一些时代错误和一些纯正的英国风格——像罗马。希腊戏剧不像希腊。虽然莎士比亚从普鲁塔克的罗马传记中取材了几个最好的情节，但他几乎完全忽略了普鲁塔克所说的与罗马英雄平行的希腊政治家，只使用了阿尔西比亚德斯和泰门。在雅典的泰门一书中，只有两三个希腊名字；其余都是拉丁文——其中一些，如瓦罗和伊西多尔，非常不合适；雅典国家由参议员代表，这表明莎士比亚错误地把它想象成一个像罗马一样的共和国。确实，在《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》中，他的战士们并不是中世纪特洛伊传奇中出现的不合时宜的骑士；而且他从《伊利亚特》中借用了一些元素——赫克托尔和埃阿斯的决斗，1.3.78 f 中尤利西斯的演讲，埃阿斯的愚蠢，当然还有忒耳西特斯的性格，这个人物并没有出现在传奇故事中。16（毫无疑问，他当时读过查普曼翻译的《伊利亚特》，1-2 章和 7-11 章，该书于 1598 年出版。）但即便如此，整部戏剧也不仅仅是反英雄的：它是对希腊的一种遥远、无知和难以信服的讽刺画。
Now we must analyse Shakespeare’s classical knowledge in more detail. The first fact we observe is that he knows much more and feels much more sensitively about Rome than about Greece, with the single exception of the Greek myths which reached the modern world through Rome. The Roman plays—plus some anachronisms and some solidly English touches—are like Rome. The Greek plays are not like Greece. Although Shakespeare took several of his best plots from the Roman biographies of Plutarch, he almost entirely ignored the Greek statesmen whom Plutarch described as parallel to his Roman heroes, and used only Alcibiades and Timon. In Timon of Athens itself there are only two or three Greek names; all the rest are Latin—some of them, such as Varro and Isidore, ridiculously inappropriate; and the Athenian state is represented by senators, which shows that Shakespeare wrongly imagined it to be a republic like Rome. It is true that in Troilus and Cressida his warriors were not the anachronistic chevaliers who appear in the medieval romances of Troy; and that he has borrowed some things from the Iliad—the duel of Hector and Ajax, the speech of Ulysses in 1.3.78 f., the stupidity of Ajax, and certainly the character of Thersites, who does not appear in the romances.16 (No doubt he had been reading Chapman’s translation of Iliad, 1–2 and 7–11, which came out in 1598.) But even so, the whole play is not merely anti-heroic: it is a distant, ignorant, and unconvincing caricature of Greece.
罗马戏剧比希腊戏剧更加真实，细节也更加精致。有时，他们在服装和家具等次要方面会出错。但希腊戏剧中对现实的描写较少，时代错误也更严重：赫克托尔引用亚里士多德的话，17潘达洛斯谈论星期五和星期天，18安提福勒斯兄弟是一位女修道院院长失散多年的儿子。19在罗马戏剧中，很少出现大的歪曲，而对人物的深刻洞察却很多。由于莎士比亚对暴民的蔑视，早期共和国坚强、守法、爱国的平民在《科利奥兰纳斯》中被描绘成一群像尤利乌斯·凯撒笔下的懒汉一样的易激动的堕落的乌合之众。安东尼被塑造成比他本人好得多；但莎士比亚在剧中运用了剧作家重塑人物的权利，把他塑造成了一个有缺点的英雄，就像莱斯特、埃塞克斯、培根，就像文艺复兴时期的许多伟人一样。除此之外，他比其他任何人都更好地，甚至比他所用的资料更好地，展现了罗马共和国及其贵族的本质。另一方面，《泰门》中出现的雅典贵族阿尔西比亚德斯是一个复杂的人物，如果莎士比亚了解他，他会对他很感兴趣；但他对希腊人的了解还不够，无法正确地描绘他。
The Roman plays are far more real and elaborate in detail than the Greek. Sometimes they are wrong in secondary matters like costume and furniture. But the touches of reality in the Greek dramas are fewer, and the anachronisms are far worse: Hector quotes Aristotle,17 Pandarus talks of Friday and Sunday,18 and the brothers Antipholus are the long-lost sons of an abbess.19 In the Roman plays there are few large misrepresentations and much deep insight into character. The strong, law-abiding, patriotic plebeians of the early republic appear in Coriolanus, because of Shakespeare’s contempt for the mob, as an excitable degenerate rabble like the idle creatures of Julius Caesar. Antony is made a much better man than he was; but there Shakespeare has exercised the dramatist’s right to re-create character, and has made him a hero with a fault, like Leicester, like Essex, like Bacon, like so many great men of the Renaissance. For the rest, he has rendered better than anyone else, better even than the sources which he used, the essence of the Roman republic and its aristocracy. On the other hand, the Athenian noble Alcibiades, who appears in Timon, was a complex personality who would have much interested Shakespeare if he had known anything about him; but he never understood the Greeks enough to portray him properly.
正如莎士比亚对罗马主题的把握比对希腊主题的把握更到位一样，他的悲剧精神也远非罗马精神。当然，希腊人创立并发展了戏剧；没有他们，我们和罗马人都不可能写出悲剧；拉丁语和现代悲剧的大部分基本要素都是从他们那里借来的。尽管如此，英国文艺复兴时期的剧作家通常不了解希腊悲剧，但他们了解塞涅卡，塞涅卡的悲剧从 1559 年开始多次被翻译成英文，并于 1581 年完成。不到十年后，尖锐而讽刺的纳什嘲笑那些“在烛光下阅读”塞涅卡的作家，他们“抄袭了整部《哈姆雷特》的悲剧演讲，我应该说是几部”。20鬼魂、复仇、背叛的恐怖、血腥的残酷、对亲人的谋杀，以及不同于希腊崇高的疯狂暴力精神——莎士比亚在塞涅卡身上发现了这些，并将它们转化为他悲剧的阴郁愤怒。
Just as Shakespeare has more command over Roman than Greek themes, so the spirit of his tragic plays is much less Greek than Roman. Of course the Greeks founded and developed drama; without them, neither we nor the Romans could have written tragedies; and most of the essentials of Latin as of modern tragedy are borrowed from them. Nevertheless, the English Renaissance playwrights did not as a rule know Greek tragedy, and they did know Seneca, whose tragedies appeared severally in translation from 1559 onwards, and complete in 1581. Less than ten years later the sharp and satirical Nashe was sneering at the writers who from Seneca ‘read by candlelight’ copied ‘whole Hamlets, I should say handfuls, of tragical speeches’.20 Ghosts, and revenge, and the horrors of treachery, bloody cruelty, and kinsmen’s murder, and a spirit of frenzied violence unlike the Hellenic loftiness—these Shakespeare found in Seneca, and he converted them into the sombre fury of his tragedies.
莎士比亚对希腊和拉丁意象的自由运用已经提到过。他流畅而愉快地运用古典典故。没有一个不喜欢古典、没有从古典中获得真正刺激、仅仅为了炫耀自己的学识或满足惯例而引入希腊和罗马装饰的作家能像莎士比亚一样创造出如此多恰当而美丽的古典象征。除了最简单的傻瓜和乡巴佬，他的所有角色——从哈姆雷特到皮斯托尔，从罗莎琳到鲍西娅——都能用希腊和拉丁的回忆来增强他们讲话的优雅和情感。当然，很明显莎士比亚不是一个书呆子。斯普吉翁小姐对他的明喻和隐喻的分析21表明他喜欢描绘的领域依次为：日常生活（社会类型、体育、行业等）、自然（特别是生长物和天气）、家庭生活和身体动作（（无疑都与“日常生活”密切相关）、动物，然后，在所有这些之后，是学习。而即使在他所学习的范围之内，莎士比亚的古典知识所占的空间也相对较小。他对神话的了解比对古代历史的了解多——他对古典神话的了解远比对《圣经》的了解多。但他脑海中的古典符号比马洛少得多。除非他能把学习转化为活生生的人类语言，否则学习对他来说毫无意义。大多是他的学究们按书籍和作者引用经典，而这样的引用要么软弱无力，要么荒谬可笑，而且几乎总是不恰当的，例如当试金石告诉他可怜的处女时：
Shakespeare’s free use of Greek and Latin imagery has already been mentioned. He is fluent and happy in his classical allusions. No writer who dislikes the classics, who receives no real stimulus from them, who brings in Greek and Roman decorations merely to parade his learning or to satisfy convention, can create so many apt and beautiful classical symbols as Shakespeare. Except the simplest fools and yokels, all his characters—from Hamlet to Pistol, from Rosalind to Portia—can command Greek and Latin reminiscences to enhance the grace and emotion of their speech. It is of course clear that Shakespeare was not a bookman. Miss Spurgeon’s analysis of his similes and metaphors21 shows that the fields from which he preferred to draw likenesses were, in order: daily life (social types, sport, trades, &c.), nature (in particular, growing things and weather), domestic life and bodily actions (which are surely both very closely connected with ‘daily life’), animals, and then, after all these, learning. And even within the range of his learning Shakespeare’s classical knowledge occupies a comparatively small space. He knew more about mythology than about ancient history—he knew the classical myths far better than the Bible. But he had far fewer classical symbols present to his mind than Marlowe. Learning meant little to him unless he could translate it into living human terms. It is mostly his pedants who quote the classics by book and author, and such quotations are either weak or ridiculous, and almost always inappropriate, as when Touchstone tells his poor virgin:
“我和你以及你的山羊在这里，就像最任性的诗人、最诚实的奥维德在哥特人中间一样。”22
‘I am here with thee and thy goats, as the most capricious poet, honest Ovid, was among the Goths.’22
但是，对于莎士比亚来说，书中出现的古典形象变得像动物、色彩和星星一样真实——这些形象被如此生动地运用，以表明古典文化对他来说是一种景象，虽然规模较小，但与他周围的生活一样生动。他剧中最美丽、最可爱的女孩，在等待新婚之夜，凝视着明亮的天空，看到太阳向傍晚奔去，并催促它快点，快点，即使冒着毁灭世界的危险。她没有这么说：直接的愿望太夸张了；但它通过绝妙的形象传达出来：
But the classical images which, for Shakespeare, emerge from books to become as real as animals, and colours, and stars—these images are used so strikingly as to show that classical culture was for him a spectacle not less vivid, though smaller, than the life around him. The loveliest, most loving girl in his plays, waiting for her wedding-night, gazes at the bright sky, sees the sun rushing on towards evening, and urges it to hurry, hurry, even at the risk of destroying the world. She does not say so: the direct wish would be too extravagant; but it is conveyed by the superb image:
你们这些奔腾的骏马，
奔向福玻斯的住所；法厄同会用这样的车夫鞭子
把你们赶向西方，
然后立刻带来乌云密布的夜色。23
Gallop apace, you fiery-footed steeds,
Towards Phoebus’ lodging; such a waggoner
As Phaethon would whip you to the west,
And bring in cloudy night immediately.23
剧中希腊和罗马的形象几乎难以区分；最多有人会指出，在他的历史形象中，罗马占主导地位。但在语言方面，很明显，正如本·琼森所说，莎士比亚“拉丁文很少，希腊文很少”。24他只使用了三四个希腊词。25他确实会使用拉丁语单词和短语，但不像他的许多同时代人那样自由，也不像他使用法语和意大利语那样自信。拉丁语在早期的戏剧中被引用得最为自由。《爱的徒劳》中有一位讲拉丁语的滑稽校长，26但是，和莎士比亚笔下的其他拉丁语学者一样，他并不是一个真正博学多识的人，与拉伯雷笔下的利穆赞学生不是一个层次的。27他只能把教科书上的几个拉丁词串在一起——在这部戏剧中，贝洛恩关于爱情的演讲引入了一些精美的古典典故，运用了丰富的想象力：
It would scarcely be possible to distinguish between Greek and Roman imagery in the plays; at most one might point to the predominance of Rome among his historical images. But in language it is clear that, as Ben Jonson said, Shakespeare had ‘small Latin and less Greek’.24 He uses only three or four Greek words.25 He does bring in Latin words and phrases, but not so freely as many of his contemporaries, and with less sureness than he uses French and Italian. Latin is quoted most freely in the early plays. Love’s Labour ‘s Lost has a comic schoolmaster who talks Latin,26 but, like the rest of Shakespeare’s latinists, he is not a really learned pedant, on the same level as the Limousin student in Rabelais.27 He can only string a few schoolbook Latin words together—and this in a play where Berowne’s speech on love introduces some exquisite classical allusions, used with fine imaginative freedom:
如同狮身人面像般微妙；又如同阿波罗用头发串成的琵琶般甜美动听。二十八
Subtle as Sphinx: as sweet and musical
As bright Apollo’s lute, strung with his hair.28
莎士比亚作品中很少有句子似乎是通过直接记忆拉丁语短语而产生的，而在弥尔顿、塔索、琼森、龙沙和其他文艺复兴时期诗人的作品中，这样的句子却数不胜数。但他经常使用源自拉丁语的英语单词，以表明他了解这些单词的起源和词根意义。偶尔，他会做出奇怪的尝试来“消除拉丁语动词”，例如用juvenal这个词来表示年轻人；当他尝试将拉丁语引入英语时，他很可能会成功（在《奥赛罗》中，3.3.182 中的 exsufflicate），也会很可能会失败（在《理查二世》中，1.1.115中的impensial）。所有这些都无关紧要。莎士比亚写的是英语。
Few are the sentences in Shakespeare that seem to have been suggested by a direct memory of a Latin phrase, while in Milton, Tasso, Jonson, Ronsard, and other Renaissance poets they are myriad. But he often uses English words of Latin derivation in such a way as to show that he understands their origin and root-meaning. Occasionally he makes an eccentric attempt to ‘despumate the Latial verbocination’, such as the word juvenal for youngster; and when he experiments with the importation of Latin into English he is as likely to fail (exsufflicate in Othello, 3.3.182) as to succeed (impartial in Richard II, 1.1.115). All this matters little. Shakespeare wrote the English language.
引用罗马诗歌中的短语（无论是拉丁文还是译文）并模仿引人注目的段落，对文艺复兴时期的诗人来说，这并不是卖弄学问。正如我们所见，29这是他们为作品增添美感和权威性的方法之一。诗人个人的品味和学识决定了他使用引语的频率，他掩饰或强调引语的程度，他遵循原文的严谨程度，或者他改编令人难忘的单词、图像和想法的自由程度。在用其他工匠雕刻的宝石来美化自己作品方面，没有一位伟大的现代作家能超过弥尔顿。在文艺复兴时期的剧作家中，本·琼森无疑是最好的学者，他也是最忙碌的借鉴者和最勤奋的翻译者：他的一些最重要的演讲几乎都是逐字逐句地翻译了给他提供情节的罗马历史学家的段落。与弥尔顿和琼森相比，莎士比亚很少引用经典著作；但按照其他标准（例如，与拉辛相比），他引用自由，而且经常引用。
To quote phrases from Roman poetry, either in Latin or in translation, and to imitate striking passages, was not pedantry in the Renaissance poets. As we have seen,29 it was one of their methods of adding beauty and authority to their work. The taste and learning of the individual poet determined how frequently he would use quotations, how far he would disguise or emphasize them, how carefully he would follow the original text or how freely he would adapt memorable words, images, and ideas. No great modern writer has ever surpassed Milton in his ability to embellish his work with jewels cut by other craftsmen. Of the Renaissance dramatists Ben Jonson, easily the best scholar, was much the busiest borrower and the most sedulous translator: some of his most important speeches are almost literal renderings of passages from the Roman historians who gave him his plots. Compared with Milton and Jonson, Shakespeare quotes the classics seldom; but by other standards (for instance, in comparison with Racine) he quotes freely and often.
本·琼森对莎士比亚古典知识的评价经常被误传，而且经常被曲解为一种比较性的而非绝对性的评价：莎士比亚只不过比琼森懂的拉丁文少，希腊文少得多——这仍然让他成为一个公正的学者。但莎士比亚引用经典，就像他使用拉丁语一样，证明了琼森说的完全正确。莎士比亚不太懂拉丁语，几乎不懂希腊语，而且他使用自己所学的东西时含糊其辞，缺乏学术性。但他几乎用尽了所有知识，就像一位伟大的富有想象力的艺术家一样。琼森本可以补充的是，我们也不能忘记，莎士比亚热爱拉丁语和希腊语文学。他记住了在学校学到的东西，之后通过阅读译文来提高自己的知识，在他的整个职业生涯中，他都将自己记住的知识和从译文中学到的知识用作语言修饰、装饰性意象和情节素材。
Ben Jonson’s judgement of Shakespeare’s classical knowledge has often been misquoted, and often teased into a comparative rather than an absolute judgement: that Shakespeare merely knew less Latin and much less Greek than Jonson—which would still allow him to be a fair scholar. But the way in which Shakespeare quotes the classics is, like his use of Latin words, proof that Jonson was literally correct. Shakespeare did not know much of the Latin language, he knew virtually no Greek, and he was vague and un-scholarly in using what he did know. But he used it nearly all with the flair of a great imaginative artist. What Jonson could have added, and what we must not forget, is that Shakespeare loved Latin and Greek literature. What he had been taught at school he remembered, he improved his knowledge afterwards by reading translations, and he used both what he remembered and what he got from translations as verbal embellishment, decorative imagery, and plot material throughout his career.
从 1767 年理查德·法默的《莎士比亚学习》开始，关于莎士比亚对古典资料的运用的讨论就一直不断出现——太多了，无法在此一一列举。这是一个备受关注的专业领域，但尚未完全涵盖，因为了解莎士比亚及其时代的学者中，很少有人接受过能够建立正确联系的古典训练。对于一般读者来说，它的主要价值在于，它可以让读者避免将莎士比亚想象成一个用家乡的树林音调狂野地歌唱的艾丽尔。莎士比亚确实有艾丽尔的一面，但他更像普洛斯彼罗，他所拥有的书比公爵领地还要珍贵。三十
Beginning in 1767 with Richard Farmer’s Learning of Shakespeare, there have been many, many discussions of Shakespeare’s use of his classical sources—too many to treat here. It is a specialist field of considerable interest, still incompletely covered, since not many scholars who know enough about Shakespeare and his time have had the classical training which would enable them to make all the right connexions. Its chief value for the general reader is that it keeps him from conceiving Shakespeare as an Ariel warbling his native woodnotes wild. Shakespeare was indeed part Ariel; but he was more Prospero, with volumes that he prized above a dukedom.30
评价莎士比亚的古典才能和他运用这些才能的最便捷方式，就是区分他熟知的作家和他不完全了解或间接了解的作家。进行这种研究的难度与研究艺术和精神影响的传播的每位学者所面临的难度相同。很难确定两位作家的思想或表达之间的相似性是否意味着其中一位抄袭了另一位。如果其中一位作家像莎士比亚一样伟大，那么就尤其困难了，莎士比亚的灵魂如此丰富，口才如此流畅。例如，我们可以肯定他没有读过埃斯库罗斯。然而，当我们发现埃斯库罗斯的一些思想出现在莎士比亚的戏剧中时，我们能说什么呢？唯一的解释是，不同时代和不同国家的伟大诗人往往有相似的思想，并以类似的方式表达它们。另一方面，我们不愿意相信，如果有机会，一位伟大的作家会从一位不如他的人那里借鉴任何有价值的东西。然而，有些相似之处太引人注目，不容否认；想象莎士比亚可以从一本书中借用情节，从另一本书中借用名字，却不愿从第三本书中借用精美的形象。
The most convenient way to assess Shakespeare’s classical equipment and the use to which he put it is to distinguish the authors he knew well from those he knew imperfectly or at second hand. The difficulty of making this investigation accurate is the same difficulty that meets every student of the transmission of artistic and spiritual influence. It is seldom easy to decide whether a similarity between the thought or expression of two writers means that one has copied the other. It is particularly hard when one of those writers is as great as Shakespeare, whose soul was so copious, whose eloquence was so fluent. We can be sure, for instance, that he had not read Aeschylus. Yet what can we say when we find some of Aeschylus’ thoughts appearing in Shakespeare’s plays? The only explanation is that great poets in times and countries distant from each other often have similar thoughts and express them similarly. On the other hand, we are reluctant to believe that, given the opportunity, a great writer would borrow anything valuable from a lesser man. Yet some resemblances are too striking to be denied; and it is folly to imagine that Shakespeare could take his plot from one book and his names from another and yet balk at borrowing a fine image from a third.
也许这里是提出一套简单规则的合适地方，通过这些规则，可以得出两位作家的平行段落，以确定其中一位作家对另一位作家的依赖关系。首先，必须表明一位作家读过或可能读过另一位作家的作品。然后必须证明思想或意象的相似性。第三，应该有明显的结构平行性：在推理顺序、句子结构、诗行中单词的位置，或者其中某些或所有方面。
This is perhaps a suitable place to suggest a simple set of rules by which parallel passages in two writers can be taken to establish the dependence of one on the other. First, it must be shown that one writer read, or probably read, the other’s work. Then a close similarity of thought or imagery must be demonstrated. Thirdly, there should be a clear structural parallelism: in the sequence of the reasoning, in the structure of the sentences, in the position of the words within the lines of poetry, or in some or all of these together.
有时，无法证明后期作家读过早期作品，但可以推测他听过早期作品的讨论。在智力活跃的时期，一个想象力丰富、记忆力强的人往往不是从包含这些作品的书籍中（这些作品可能对他来说是封闭的）获取伟大的思想，而是从朋友的谈话中以及从同时代人的作品中改编这些思想中获取伟大的思想。我们知道本·琼森是一位优秀的学者。我们知道莎士比亚与他进行了长时间的热烈讨论。琼森一定经常试图用博学的引语或深奥的哲学理论来打破莎士比亚想象力的利剑，结果却发现莎士比亚在后来的比赛中，甚至在下一季上演的戏剧中，使用了琼森曾经的武器，现在被减轻了，重新塑造了，显然是莎士比亚亲手塑造的。遥远而宝贵的思想传达给富有想象力的作家的渠道与他们了解心理和细化词义的渠道一样复杂和难以追溯；但在评价像莎士比亚这样心胸宽广的人时，我们必须尽可能广泛地考虑到他从周围的古典氛围中吸收古典思想的能力。
Sometimes it is impossible to prove that the later writer read the works of the earlier, but possible to conjecture that he heard them discussed. In periods of great intellectual activity a man with a lively imagination and a retentive memory often picks up great ideas not from the books which contain them (and which may be closed to him) but from the conversation of his friends and from adaptations of them in the work of his contemporaries. We know that Ben Jonson was a good scholar. We know that Shakespeare had long and lively discussions with him. Often Jonson must have tried to break the rapier of Shakespeare’s imagination with the bludgeon of a learned quotation or an abstruse philosophical doctrine, only to find Shakespeare, in a later tournament or even in a play produced next season, using the weapon that had once been Jonson’s, now lightened, remodelled, and apparently moulded to Shakespeare’s own hand. The channels by which remote but valuable ideas reach imaginative writers are as complex and difficult to retrace as those by which they learn their psychology and subtilize their sense of words; but in estimating a various-minded man like Shakespeare we must make the widest possible allowance for his power of assimilating classical ideas from the classical atmosphere that surrounded him.
莎士比亚最富于想象力的场景之一就是一个很好的例子。柏拉图向现代世界揭示了一个崇高的想法，即物质宇宙是一组八个同心球体，每个球体在旋转时都会发出一个音符；八个音符融合成一种神圣的和谐，我们只有在死后逃离肉体的牢笼时才能听到这种和谐。莎士比亚在某个地方听说过这个。他没有在柏拉图的著作中读到过：因为他随意地修改了它，而且，对于一个哲学家来说柏拉图错了，但对于他的所有读者来说，这是绝妙的。在一个场景中，两个恋人已经回忆起古典传说和诗歌中的许多美好，他让洛伦佐告诉他的情妇，不是托勒密的天体唱出了八个和谐的音符，而是（让人想起“晨星一起歌唱”的时代）天空中的每一颗星星都在移动时歌唱，天使是这场神圣音乐会的观众：
There is a good example of this in one of Shakespeare’s most imaginative scenes. Plato made known to the modern world the noble idea that the physical universe is a group of eight concentric spheres, each of which, as it turns, sings one note; and that the notes of the eight blend into a divine harmony, which we can hear only after death when we have escaped from this prison of flesh. Somewhere Shakespeare had heard this. He had not read it in Plato: because he altered it—freely, and, for a student of Plato, wrongly, but, for all his readers, superbly. In a scene where two lovers have already recalled much beauty from classical legend and poetry, he made Lorenzo tell his mistress, not that the Ptolemaic spheres sang eight harmonious notes, but (with a reminiscence of the time when ‘the morning stars sang together’) that every single star in the sky sang while it moved, with the angels as the audience of the divine concert:
你所注视的最小的球体
，在其运动中都像天使在歌唱，
仍在向年轻眼睛的天使歌唱；
这样的和谐存在于不朽的灵魂中；
但是，当这腐烂的泥泞外衣
将我们严重地封闭起来时，我们就听不到它了。31
There’s not the smallest orb which thou behold’st
But in his motion like an angel sings,
Still quiring to the young-eyed cherubins;
Such harmony is in immortal souls;
But, whilst this muddy vesture of decay
Doth grossly close us in, we cannot hear it.31
因此，莎士比亚直接或间接地是一位受过古典教育的诗人，他热爱古典文学。古典文学是他的主要书籍教育。古典文学是对他创造力的最大挑战之一。他的古典训练非常成功，因为它在学校里教会了他古典文学的美，鼓励他在成年后继续阅读古典文学，并帮助他成为一名完整的诗人和一个完整的人。
Shakespeare was therefore, directly and indirectly, a classically educated poet who loved the classics. They were his chief book-education. They were one of the greatest challenges to his creative power. His classical training was wholly successful, because it taught him their beauties at school, encouraged him to continue his reading of the classics in mature life, and helped to make him a complete poet, and a whole man.
他熟知三位古典作家，第四位部分了解，其他几位则只知其片面。奥维德、塞涅卡和普鲁塔克丰富了他的思想和想象力。普劳图斯为他提供了一部戏剧的素材，并训练他创作其他戏剧。他从维吉尔和其他作家那里汲取故事、独立思想和比喻，有时这些比喻非常优美。由于早期的训练，他能够对阅读译文给他的创作天赋带来的多种刺激做出反应。
He knew three classical authors well, a fourth partially, and a number of others fragmentarily. Ovid, Seneca, and Plutarch enriched his mind and his imagination. Plautus gave him material for one play and trained him for others. From Vergil and other authors he took stories, isolated thoughts, and similes, sometimes of great beauty. Because of his early training he was able to respond to the manifold stimuli which the reading of translations gave to his creative genius.
莎士比亚最喜欢的古典作家是奥维德。和当时其他英国学生一样，他很可能在学校里学到了一些奥维德的作品。32后来他读过奥维德的作品，既读过拉丁文原著，也读过戈尔丁翻译的《变形记》。他经常模仿奥维德，从第一部作品到最后一部作品。他的朋友们都知道这一点。在 1598 年发表的一篇当代文学调查中，弗朗西斯·梅尔斯说莎士比亚是奥维德的转世：
Shakespeare’s favourite classical author was Ovid. Like other English schoolboys of the time, he very probably learnt some Ovid at school.32 He read him later, both in the original Latin and in Golding’s translation of the Metamorphoses. He often imitated him, from his first work to his last. His friends knew this. In a survey of contemporary literature published in 1598 Francis Meres said Shakespeare was a reincarnation of Ovid:
“正如人们认为欧福尔布斯的灵魂居住在毕达哥拉斯体内一样，奥维德甜美而诙谐的灵魂也居住在甜言蜜语的莎士比亚体内；他的维纳斯和阿多尼斯、他的鲁克丽丝、他的甜蜜的十四行诗都体现在他的私人朋友之中。”33
‘As the soul of Euphorbus was thought to live in Pythagoras, so the sweet witty soul of Ovid lives in mellifluous and honey-tongued Shakespeare; witness his Venus and Adonis, his Lucrece, his sugared sonnets among his private friends.’33
他出版的第一本书，据他说，也是他写的第一本书，34是他在奥维德的《变形记》中发现的两个希腊神话的华丽融合和阐述；35并用奥维德的《爱》中的一副对句作为序言。36这段引文对他的艺术理想提供了宝贵的启示。引文如下
The first book he published, and, according to him, the first he wrote,34 was a sumptuous blending and elaboration of two Greek myths which he found in Ovid’s Metamorphoses;35 and he prefaced it with a couplet from Ovid’s Loves. 36 The quotation throws a valuable light on his artistic ideals. It reads
Vilia miretur vulgus； mihi flavus Apollo
pocula Castalia plena ministret aqua；
Vilia miretur vulgus; mihi flavus Apollo
pocula Castalia plena ministret aqua;
这意味着
which means
让廉价的东西取悦大众；愿光明的阿波罗
为我提供卡斯塔利亚泉水的充足水源。
Let cheap things please the mob; may bright Apollo
serve me full draughts from the Castalian spring.
他的另一首长诗《鲁克丽丝受辱记》部分基于李维，部分基于奥维德的《斋戒》，在语言和思想上有几处密切的对应关系。三十七
His other long poem, The Rape of Lucrece, is based partly on Livy, partly on Ovid’s Fasti, with several close correspondences of language and thought.37
剧中引用了奥维德的几句话。在《驯悍记》中，卢森修假扮为拉丁语教师，以便与比安卡做爱。他通过男学生在课堂上重复和囚犯唱赞美诗时使用的方式向她传达信息：
Several quotations of Ovid’s own words are scattered through the plays. In The Taming of the Shrew Lucentio poses as a Latin tutor in order to make love to Bianca. He conveys his message to her through the device used by schoolboys in classroom repetition and convicts in hymn-singing:
比安卡：我们最后离开哪儿了？
Bianca: Where left we last?
路森修：这里，女士：
Hac ibat Simois； hie est Sigeia Tellus；
Hie steterat Priami regia celsa Senis。
Lucentio: Here, madam:
Hac ibat Simois; hie est Sigeia tellus;
Hie steterat Priami regia celsa senis.
比安卡：解释一下。
Bianca: Construe them.
卢森修：哈克伊巴特，正如我以前告诉你的，西蒙斯，我是卢森修，现在在，比萨的文森修的儿子，Sigeia tellus，我这样乔装打扮是为了博取你的爱；现在在，那个来求爱的卢森修，普里亚米，是我的仆人特拉尼奥，regia，带着我的港口，celsa senis，我们可能会欺骗那个老家伙。三十八
Lucentio: Hac ibat, as I told you before, Simois, I am Lucentio, hie est, son unto Vincentio of Pisa, Sigeia tellus, disguised thus to get your love; Hie steterat, and that Lucentio that comes a-wooing, Priami, is my man Tranio, regia, bearing my port, celsa senis, that we might beguile the old pantaloon.38
（当然，翻译并不是要表达出意义，但是“the old pantaloon”暗指原意。）
(Of course the translation is not meant to make sense, but there is an allusion to the original meaning in ‘the old pantaloon’.)
在两部存疑的戏剧中也出现了直接引用的情况。39莎士比亚也曾模仿过一个非常著名的例子。《仲夏夜之梦》中仙后的名字不像她的丈夫那样取自凯尔特传说。它是一个希腊拉丁词，Titania，意思是“泰坦的女儿”或“泰坦的妹妹”。奥维德很喜欢这个名字，他用过五次，在最著名的两段话中，即戴安娜和喀耳刻，也用过这个名字。40从这两个空气和黑暗的女王，从她们优美的标题中，莎士比亚创造了一种新的、同样迷人的精神。
Direct quotations also occur in two of the doubtful plays.39 And there is one very famous echo which Shakespeare has made his own. The name of the fairy queen in A Midsummer-Night’s Dream is not taken from Celtic legend like her husband’s. It is a Greco-Latin word, Titania, which means ‘Titan’s daughter’ or ‘Titan’s sister’. The name is well liked by Ovid, who uses it five times, and, in the two best-known passages, of Diana and Circe.40 From these two queens of air and darkness and from their melodious title, Shakespeare has created a new and not less enchanting spirit.
戈尔丁翻译的奥维德《变形记》是粗俗的自由版本，用笨拙的“十四行诗”写成，与温文尔雅的原著大不相同。但莎士比亚读得懂原著，他的品味无与伦比，正如 TS 艾略特所说，41他“拥有那种并非每个人都具备的能力，能够从译文中汲取最大的精华”。因此，戈尔丁的译本借用了几个精彩的段落，我们现在认为这些段落是他自己发明的继承者——不，不是借来的，而是从奥维德那里通过戈尔丁的翻译转化而来的。
Golding’s translation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses was a coarse free version in lumbering ‘fourteeners’, very unlike the suave graceful original. But Shakespeare could read the original, he had incomparable taste, and, as T. S. Eliot has remarked,41 he ‘had that ability, which is not native to everyone, to extract the utmost possible from translations’. Therefore several fine passages, which we now regard as heirs of his own invention, were borrowed—no, not borrowed, but transmuted from Ovid through the Golding translation.
如同海浪冲击卵石海岸，
我们的时间也急速走向终点；
每一分钟都与前一分钟变换位置，
在随后的辛劳中奋力前行。
Like as the waves make towards the pebbled shore,
So do our minutes hasten to their end;
Each changing place with that which goes before,
In sequent toil all forwards to contend.
第 60 首十四行诗中的这首著名的四行诗是奥维德的变体，戈尔丁将其译成英文：
This famous quatrain in Sonnet 60 is a transmutation of Ovid, as Englished by Golding:
正如每一股波浪都会推动其他波浪向前，而后
浪推前浪，自己也会被自己推后；同样，时代
也会同时飞逝和追随，并且永远更新。四十二
As every wave drives others forth, and that which comes
behind Both thrusteth and is thrust himself: even so the times by kind
Do fly and follow both at once, and evermore renew.42
但这只是复杂哲学思想的一个方面，即自然界在不断变化，因此没有任何东西是永恒的，也没有任何东西被毁灭。这一点在《变形记》结尾处毕达哥拉斯的布道中得到了阐述，也是莎士比亚几首最精彩的十四行诗的主题。43
But that is only one aspect of a complex philosophical idea, the idea that nature is constantly changing, so that nothing is permanent and yet nothing is destroyed. This is expounded in the sermon of Pythagoras towards the end of the Metamorphoses, and is the theme of several of Shakespeare’s finest sonnets.43
然而，奥维德和莎士比亚的作品中都没有太多的哲学——事实上，莎士比亚的一个人物明确地将奥维德和哲学区分开来，暗示前者更令人愉快。44但《变形记》的大部分内容都与性和超自然有关，莎士比亚对这两者都很感兴趣。他最感性的诗《维纳斯与阿多尼斯》的灵感来自于《变形记》中的情节。朱丽叶说：
There is, however, not much philosophy in either Ovid or Shakespeare—indeed, one of Shakespeare’s characters explicitly distinguishes Ovid and philosophy, implying that the former is far more delightful.44 But most of the Metamorphoses is concerned with sex and the supernatural, both of which interested Shakespeare. His most sensual poem, Venus and Adonis, was inspired, as we have seen, by episodes in the Metamorphoses. Again, when Juliet says:
你可能会欺骗人，他们说，情人的伪证，朱庇特会发笑，
Thou may’st prove false; at lovers’ perjuries,
They say, Jove laughs,
她引用了奥维德的《爱的艺术》45卢森修也说这本书是他的专题。46在他的另一部伟大的爱情剧中，莎士比亚以奥维德笔下的狄多为原型塑造了克娄巴特拉这一角色，并实际上让她引用狄多愤怒的斥责之语。47至于魔法，《暴风雨》中普洛斯彼罗的咒语是：
she is quoting Ovid’s Art of Love45 the book which Lucentio also says is his special subject.46 In his other great love-drama Shakespeare based the character of Cleopatra on Dido as drawn by Ovid, and actually made her quote an angry line from Dido’s reproaches.47 As for magic, Prospero’s incantation in The Tempest:
你们，山丘、溪流、湖泊和树林中的精灵；
你们，在沙滩上用没有印记的脚步
追逐退潮的海王星，
当他回来时，你们就飞走；你们，半傀儡，
借着月光制造出绿色的酸涩卷发
，母羊不咬它；你们，消遣
是制作半夜的蘑菇，
听到庄严的宵禁就高兴；在你们的帮助下
——虽然你们是软弱的主人——我已使
正午的太阳黯淡，唤起了叛逆的狂风，
在绿色的海洋和蔚蓝的穹顶之间
发动了咆哮的战争：我已将火焰交给可怕的雷声
，用朱庇特的闪电劈开了
他粗壮的橡树；我已使坚固的海角
震动；并用马刺拔起了
松树和雪松；坟墓在我的命令下
唤醒了他们的沉睡者，打开了，并让他们出来
通过我如此强大的艺术48 ….
Ye elves of hills, brooks, standing lakes, and groves;
And ye, that on the sands with printless foot
Do chase the ebbing Neptune and do fly him
When he comes back; you demi-puppets, that
By moonshine do the green sour ringlets make
Whereof the ewe not bites; and you, whose pastime
Is to make midnight mushrooms; that rejoice
To hear the solemn curfew; by whose aid—
Weak masters though ye be—I have bedimmed
The noontide sun, called forth the mutinous winds,
And ‘twixt the green sea and the azured vault
Set roaring war: to the dread-rattling thunder
Have I given fire, and rifted Jove’s stout oak
With his own bolt; the strong-based promontory
Have I made shake; and by the spurs plucked up
The pine and cedar; graves at my command
Have waked their sleepers, oped, and let them forth
By my so potent art48….
这段精彩的演讲，除了一些轻松、不恰当且颇具英国特色的童话传说外，是基于奥维德（Ovid）《Met . 7. 197 f.》中美狄亚的祈祷，由戈尔丁（Golding）翻译如下：
this splendid speech, apart from some light, inappropriate, and quite British fairy-lore, is based on Medea’s invocation in Ovid, Met. 7. 197 f., as translated by Golding, thus:
你们这些天空和风，你们这些山丘、溪流、森林、
湖泊和黑夜的精灵，你们都来吧。
在他们的帮助下（弯曲的河岸对此大为惊叹），
我迫使溪流回流到它们的源头。
我用魔法让平静的海洋变得波涛汹涌，让波涛汹涌的海洋变得平坦
，用云朵遮盖整个天空，然后将它们赶回原处。
我用魔法让风吹散，让毒蛇的下巴碎裂，
从地球的内部抽出石头和树木。
我移除了整片森林和森林：我让山脉震动，
甚至地球本身也呻吟并可怕地颤抖。
我把死人从坟墓中召唤出来；光明的月亮啊，
我常常让你变暗，尽管被敲打的黄铜很快就会减轻你的危险。
我们的魔法使早晨的灯光变得暗淡，使中午的太阳变得昏暗。
Ye Ayres and Windes; ye Elves of Hilles, of Brookes, of Woods alone,
Of standing Lakes, and of the Night approche ye everychone.
Through helpe of whom (the crooked bankes much wondring at the thing)
I have compelled streames to run cleane backward to their spring.
By charmes I make the calme Seas rough, and make ye rough Seas plaine
And cover all the Skie with Cloudes, and chase them thence againe.
By charmes I rayse and lay the windes, and burst the Vipers jaw,
And from the bowels of the Earth both stones and trees doe drawe.
Whole Woods and Forestes I remove: I make the Mountains shake,
And even the Earth it selfe to grone and fearfully to quake.
I call up dead men from their graves; and thee O Lightsome Moone
I darken oft, though beaten brasse abate thy perill soone.
Our Sorcerie dimmes the Morning faire, and darkes ye Sun at Noone.
麦克白中女巫大锅中的一些配料49来自奥维德的美狄亚药典，50这也为月球的一角带来了深深的蒸气滴。51在另一个领域，这是戈尔丁对阿克泰翁的狗窝书的相当乔罗克斯式的翻译52启发了《仲夏夜之梦》中英雄的狩猎对话。53很多段落明确提到了奥维德自己的个性54和他的书籍。55但莎士比亚从奥维德那里获得的最大收获是贯穿他所有戏剧的。《变形记》向他敞开了寓言的世界，他像利用周围可见的人性世界一样自由地运用了寓言世界，现在把一个不幸的恋人的故事变成了一出滑稽的闹剧，56现在，我们颂扬皮格马利翁的神话，以象征更高尚的爱情。57
Some of the ingredients of the witches’ cauldron in Macbeth49 came from Medea’s pharmacopoeia in Ovid,50 which also provided the vaporous drop profound that hangs upon the corner of the moon.51In another field, it was Golding’s rather Jorrocksy translation of Actaeon’s kennel-book52 that inspired the heroic hunting-conversation in A Midsummer-Night’s Dream. 53 A number of passages contain explicit references to Ovid’s own personality54 and to his books.55 But Shakespeare’s greatest debt to Ovid is visible all through his plays. It was the world of fable which the Metamorphoses opened to him, and which he used as freely as he used the world of visible humanity around him, now making a tale of star-crossed lovers into a clownish farce,56 and now exalting the myth of Pygmalion to symbolize a higher love.57
莎士比亚还非常了解另一位拉丁作家。他就是神秘而颓废的塞涅卡。他是斯多葛派的百万富翁，尼禄的导师、牧师和受害者，这位西班牙哲学家教导人们平静地履行职责，并写了九部关于复仇、残忍和疯狂的戏剧。对于文艺复兴时期的英国剧作家来说，塞涅卡是悲剧大师；尽管乍一看，斯多葛主义似乎并不是一个与那个动荡的时代相呼应的信条，但他的书信和论文中简洁而充满活力的思想给许多当代作家留下了深刻的印象。莎士比亚从未在原著中引用过他，除了可疑的《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》。58但他深深影响了莎士比亚的悲剧观念，并为他的戏剧技巧增添了一些重要元素，而莎士比亚的几篇令人难忘的演讲也受到他的作品的启发。59
Shakespeare knew one other Latin author fairly well. This was that enigmatic and decadent figure Seneca, the Stoic millionaire, Nero’s tutor, minister, and victim, the Spanish philosopher who taught serene fulfilment of duty and wrote nine dramas of revenge, cruelty, and madness. For the English playwrights of the Renaissance Seneca was the master of tragedy; and even although, at first glance, Stoicism would not appear to be a creed sympathetic to that stirring age, the pithy energetic thinking of his letters and treatises impressed many contemporary writers. He is never quoted in the original by Shakespeare, except in the doubtful Titus Andronicus.58 But he deeply influenced Shakespeare’s conception of tragedy, and added certain elements of importance to his dramatic technique, while several memorable Shakespearian speeches are inspired by his work.59
莎士比亚的伟大悲剧被一种绝望的宿命论所主导，这种宿命论比希腊悲剧中净化的痛苦更为悲观，而且几乎完全无神论。他们中没有一个人表现出对“世界正义政府”的信仰，除非成功的作恶者后来因他们自己的残忍计划而受到惩罚。有时他的悲剧英雄说生活是由命运主宰的，不人道、不可预测、毫无意义；60有时，他们更加痛苦地呼喊，谴责那些不配生存的邪恶人类，61以及那些“为了取乐而杀死我们”的残忍的神。62毫无疑问，这种绝望的忧郁情绪很大程度上源自莎士比亚自己的内心；但他发现，塞涅卡的斯多葛派悲观主义明确而雄辩地表达了这种忧郁情绪。63
Shakespeare’s great tragedies are dominated by a hopeless fatalism which is far more pessimistic than the purifying agonies of Greek tragedy, and almost utterly godless. None of them shows any belief in ‘the righteous government of the world’, except in so far as successful evildoers are later punished for their own cruel schemes. Sometimes his tragic heroes speak of life as ruled by fate inhuman, unpredictable, and meaningless;60 and sometimes, more bitterly, cry out against vicious mankind which is unfit to live,61 and cruel gods who ‘kill us for their sport’.62 That much of this hopeless gloom came from Shakespeare’s own heart, no one can doubt; but he found it expressed decisively and eloquently in the Stoical pessimism of Seneca.63
认识到生活是由对人类希望漠不关心或敌视的力量所主导的，有几种可能的反应。其中一种是塞内加哲学所教导的沉默冷漠：无情的，甚至是骄傲的，对不可抗拒的命运的服从。这种对外部事件的哲学蔑视偶尔出现在文艺复兴时期，在那里，它被骑士精神（特别是西班牙的）传统所强化。莎士比亚的英雄通常死于雄辩，但他的一些反派人物却陷入了斯多葛式的沉默，而挑战甚至欢迎死亡的斯多葛主义则出现在后期伊丽莎白剧作家的死亡场景中。64另一种回应是愤怒的抗议，是痛苦的呐喊，是近乎疯狂的狂妄自大。这两种回应都出现在塞涅卡自己的作品中。伊丽莎白时代的人，尤其是莎士比亚，更喜欢第二种。我们在雷欧提斯和哈姆雷特在奥菲莉亚的坟墓里的咆哮中听到了这种咆哮，热刺队自诩为65 人，66在蒂蒙的诅咒中。67 莎士比亚从塞涅卡那里继承的，并不是单个的台词，而是他悲剧中巨大的情感压力的总体基调，一种压抑只会增加并随时可能爆发的沸腾能量——尽管这种能量因他自己生活中的痛苦和热情而得到加强，并因文艺复兴的兴奋而增强，但它却是莎士比亚从塞涅卡那里继承的。
To the realization that life is directed by forces indifferent or hostile to man’s hopes, there are several possible responses. One, which Seneca’s philosophy teaches, is taciturn indifference: emotionless, or even proud, obedience to an irresistible fate. This philosophical disdain of external events occasionally appeared in the Renaissance, where it was strengthened by chivalrous (particularly Spanish) traditions. Shakespeare’s heroes usually die in eloquence, but some of his villains withdraw into Stoical silence, and the Stoicism which challenges and even welcomes death appears in the death-scenes of later Elizabethan dramatists.64 Another response is a furious protest, the yell of suffering given words, the raving self-assertion which grows close to madness. The two responses both appear in Seneca’s own works. The Elizabethans, and Shakespeare in particular, preferred the second. We hear it in the ranting of Laertes and Hamlet in Ophelia’s grave,65 in Hotspur’s boasts,66 in Timon’s curses.67 Not so much single speeches as the general tone of tremendous emotional pressure in his tragedies, of a boiling energy which repression only increases and which threatens to erupt at every moment—that, however strengthened by the pains and ardours of his own life and increased by the excitements of the Renaissance, is Shakespeare’s inheritance from Seneca.
在技巧上，伊丽莎白时期对塞内卡人物形象（鬼魂、女巫等）的普遍运用已经被提及。68还有人认为，莎士比亚笔下阴郁、内省、自我戏剧化的英雄形象部分受到了塞内加的启发，与希腊悲剧中的英雄形象截然不同。69此外，希腊人发明了一种有趣的戏剧诗体，通过塞涅卡的戏剧传到了莎士比亚和他的同时代人那里。这是一系列单行或偶尔半行的妙语，其中两个对手力争胜过对方，经常重复对方的话，并经常以相互竞争的哲学格言的形式提出他们的论点。这种被称为 stichomythia 的诗体在欧里庇得斯和塞涅卡看来像是哲学家的辩论；在伊丽莎白时代，它更像是击剑的快速刺击和反刺击。它在莎士比亚的早期戏剧《理查三世》中最为明显，其中的英雄和情节也是以塞涅卡为原型塑造的。70
In technique, the general Elizabethan use of stock Senecan characters—ghosts, witches, and others—has already been mentioned.68 It has also been suggested that Shakespeare’s gloomy, introspective, self-dramatizing heroes are partly inspired by those of Seneca, so unlike the heroes of Greek tragedy.69 There was moreover an interesting device of dramatic verse invented by the Greeks, which reached Shakespeare and his contemporaries through Seneca’s plays. It was a series of repartees in single lines, or occasionally half-lines, in which two opponents strove to out-argue one another, often echoing each other’s words and often putting their arguments in the form of competing philosophical maxims. Called stichomythia, it sounds in Euripides and Seneca like a philosophers’ debate; in the Elizabethans it is more like the rapid thrust and counter-thrust of fencing. It is most noticeable in Shakespeare’s early play, Richard III, where the hero and the plot are also shaped on Senecan models.70
莎士比亚历史剧和悲剧中的许多场景在思想或意象上与塞涅卡的段落非常相似；其中一些场景在结构上也有相似之处。早期戏剧中就有这样的例子—— 《理查三世》和《约翰王》 ——以及《泰特斯·安德拉尼克斯》和《亨利六世》；71但也有几个引人注目的麦克白是一部充满巫术、神谕、鬼魂、谋杀和疯狂的伟大悲剧。塞涅卡笔下的希波吕托斯在继母企图勾引他后大喊：
A number of scenes in Shakespeare’s histories and tragedies are closely parallel in thought or imagery to passages in Seneca; and in some of them there are structural similarities also. There are examples in early plays—Richard HI and King John—and in Titus Andranicus and Henry VI;71 but there are also several striking instances in that great tragedy of witchcraft, oracles, ghosts, murder, and madness, Macbeth. After his stepmother has polluted him by an attempted seduction, Seneca’s Hippolytus cries out:
塔奈斯能洗净我吗？梅奥提斯
能驱使奇异的洪水涌入庞提克海吗？
不，强大的父亲用他的海洋
也无法洗净这种罪孽。72
What Tanais will wash me? what Maeotis,
urging strange floods into the Pontic sea?
No, not the mighty father with all his Ocean
will wash away such sin.72
在第二部悲剧中，塞涅卡详细阐述了同样的想法，并添加了可怕的半行诗句：
In a second tragedy Seneca elaborates the same idea, adding the dreadful half-line:
行为将深深留存。73
deep the deed will cling.73
这无疑是麦克白和麦克白夫人伟大场景的典范，他们像一个有罪的灵魂的两个部分一样，犯下罪孽，徒劳地希望洗清沾满罪行的双手：
This is certainly the model for the great scenes in which Macbeth and Lady Macbeth, married in their sin like two parts of a guilty soul, vainly hope to clean the hands stained with their crime:
伟大的海神尼普顿的海洋能洗净
我手上的血迹吗？不，我的手宁愿把
无数的海洋染成猩红色……
Will all great Neptune’s ocean wash this blood
Clean from my hand? No, this my hand will rather
The multitudinous seas incarnadine….
后来，用女人的话来说：
and later, in the woman’s words:
阿拉伯的所有香水都无法使这只小手变得甜蜜。74
All the perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten this little hand.74
塞涅卡笔下的大力士从杀戮的狂热中恢复过来后，再次说道：
Again, after recovering from his murderous frenzy, Seneca’s Hercules says:
我的灵魂为何要留在世上，
现在已经没有理由了。我失去了我的一切财富——
思想、武器、荣耀、妻子、孩子、力量，
甚至我的疯狂。75
Why this my soul should linger in the world
there’s now no reason. Lost are all my goods—
mind, weapons, glory, wife, children, strength,
even my madness.75
尽管如此，麦克白在犯罪结束后喃喃自语：
Even so Macbeth, at the end of his crimes, mutters:
我已经活得够久了：我的生活方式
已枯萎，落叶枯黄；
而那些应该伴随老年而来的东西，
如荣誉、爱情、服从、朋友群，
我已不能指望拥有。76
I have lived long enough: my way of life
Is fallen into the sear, the yellow leaf;
And that which should accompany old age,
As honour, love, obedience, troops of friends,
I must not look to have.76
在同一篇文章中77赫拉克勒斯喊道：
In the same passage77 Hercules cries:
思想被污染
A mind polluted
沒有人能治療。
No one can cure.
在同一场景中78麦克白问道：
And in the same scene78 Macbeth asks:
你不能医治一个有病的心灵吗？
Canst thou not minister to a mind diseased?
《麦克白》中的其他塞内卡对应词也同样有力。79
Other Senecan parallels in Macbeth are no less powerful.79
莎士比亚最喜欢的第三位古典作家是普鲁塔克，他是希腊道德家和传记作家，著有《希腊罗马政治家传记》。1559 年，雅克·阿米奥特的出色翻译将普鲁塔克带入西方文化。（蒙田是普鲁塔克最热心的读者之一，几个世纪以来，普鲁塔克一直是法国思想的一部分：我们将把它视为激发法国大革命的力量之一。）80托马斯·诺斯爵士于 1579 年将阿米奥特的版本译成英文，通过他，普鲁塔克成为给莎士比亚留下最深刻印象的作家。《凯撒大帝》、《科利奥兰纳斯》、《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》和《雅典的泰门》都出自《名人传》。普鲁塔克不是一位伟大的历史学家。诺斯不是一位准确的翻译。莎士比亚在改编他的材料时有时很粗心，81有时他的散文几乎是诗意的。然而，结果却非常好。
The third of Shakespeare’s favourite classical authors was Plutarch, the Greek moralist and biographer who wrote Parallel Lives of Greek and Roman statesmen. Plutarch entered western culture in 1559 through the fine translation made by Jacques Amyot. (Montaigne was one of its most enthusiastic readers, and it continued to be part of French thought for centuries: we shall see it as one of the forces inspiring the French Revolution.)80 Sir Thomas North turned Amyot’s version into English in 1579, and through him Plutarch became the author who made the greatest single new impression on Shakespeare. Julius Caesar, Coriolanus, Antony and Cleopatra, and Timon of Athens all come from the Lives. Plutarch was not a great historian. North was not an accurate translator. Shakespeare was sometimes careless in adapting material from him,81 sometimes almost echoic in versifying his prose. Yet the results were superb.
我们再次看到古典文化的刺激物有多么丰富多彩，多么难以预测。商人的儿子就读于一所不重要的省级学校，他远非博学，也没有上过大学，他巡演、演戏、合作、改编和创作各种素材的剧本，他读拉丁文很敏锐但很粗略，对希腊文却一窍不通，他对生活的感动比对任何书籍都多，但到了中年，他仍然被一个二流希腊历史学家的二手英文翻译所感动，以至于他把它写成了比介绍罗马历史的传记文章更紧张、更有活力、心理感知更细腻、情感更丰富的戏剧。82很久以后，一位想当诗人的年轻英国学生借给了莎士比亚同时代人翻译的荷马史诗。经过一整夜的阅读和思考，他写了一首诗，说这对他来说就像是天文学家发现了一颗新星球，或者探险家发现了一片新海洋。所以对莎士比亚来说，阅读普鲁塔克的作品是一种意想不到的启示。它向他展示了严肃的历史，而不是俏皮的神话。它还向他展示了更多。听着。
Once again we see how incalculably various, how unpredictably fertile, is the stimulus of classical culture. The tradesman’s son who attended an unimportant provincial school, who was far from scholarly and went to no university, who toured and acted and collaborated and adapted and wrote plays from all sorts of material, who read Latin keenly but sketchily and Greek not at all, who was more moved by life than by any books, still was so moved in middle life by a second-hand English translation of a second-rate Greek historian that he wrought it into dramas far more tense and vigorous, far more delicate in psychical perception, far fuller in emotion than the biographical essays that introduced him to Roman history.82 Long afterwards a young English student who wanted to be a poet was lent the translation of Homer made by one of Shakespeare’s contemporaries. After reading and thinking all night, he wrote a poem saying it had been for him like a new planet for an astronomer, or, for an explorer, a new ocean. And so for Shakespeare the reading of Plutarch was an unimagined revelation. It showed him serious history instead of playful myth. And it showed him more. Listen.
自从卡西乌斯第一次激怒我反对凯撒以来，
我就没睡过觉，
在发生一件可怕的事情
和最初的行动之间，所有的中间阶段都
像一个幻影，或者一个可怕的梦。83
Since Cassius first did whet me against Caesar,
I have not slept,
Between the acting of a dreadful thing
And the first motion, all the interim is
Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream.83
那是一个新的声音。这是布鲁图斯的声音。但除此之外，我们可以听到麦克白和哈姆雷特阴郁的沉思之声。《尤利乌斯·凯撒》是莎士比亚从普鲁塔克那里获得的第一部戏剧，也是他最伟大的戏剧之一，标志着他人生经历的巅峰。这是他进入高尚悲剧领域的起点。84
That is a new voice. It is the voice of Brutus. But beyond it we can hear the sombre brooding voices of Macbeth; of Hamlet. Julius Caesar, the first of Shakespeare’s plays from Plutarch and one of his greatest dramas, marked a climax in his experience. It was his entrance into the realm of high tragedy.84
分析莎士比亚的资料不会削弱我们对他作品的钦佩，反而会加深。读一章诺斯的平实散文，其中充满了有趣而直白的事实，然后看到这些事实在莎士比亚的笔下开始焕发出内在的生命力，文字开始在永恒的音乐中移动和共鸣，这再次让我们意识到诗人不是（如柏拉图所说）抄袭者，而是预言家或创造者。85以诺斯版普鲁塔克所著的《凯撒传》第 62.4 章至第 63.3 章为例。这段文字讲述了威胁凯撒生命的嫉妒、仇恨和预兆。其中的每一句话都被莎士比亚用在了《凯撒大帝》中，但这些细节不是挤在一起，而是分散在前三幕中。普鲁塔克的叙述平淡无奇，而莎士比亚的描述则充满活力或高潮迭起。作为一名剧作家，他至少发起了一个重要的改变。普鲁塔克说凯撒怀疑甚至害怕卡西乌斯。莎士比亚无法把一个忧心忡忡的独裁者塑造成一个英雄人物：他觉得如果凯撒真的害怕卡西乌斯，他就会保护自己或消除危险；毫无疑问，他记得许多关于凯撒非凡勇气的轶事。因此，他改变了这些情节，以显示凯撒实际上并不完全无所畏惧，而是装出大理石的镇定自若。普鲁塔克写道：
Analysis of Shakespeare’s sources will not dull, but intensify, our admiration for his art. To read a chapter of North’s plain prose, full of interesting but straightforward facts, and then to see the facts, in Shakespeare’s hand, begin to glow with inward life and the words to move and chime in immortal music, is to realize once again that poets are not (as Plato said) copyists, but seers, or creators.85 Take North’s version of Plutarch’s life of Caesar, chapters 62.4 to 63.3. The passage deals with the jealousies, hatreds, and omens threatening Caesar’s life. Every single sentence in it is used by Shakespeare in Julius Caesar, but the details, instead of being crowded together, are scattered over the first three acts. What Plutarch made flat narrative, Shakespeare makes energetic description or crescendo action. As a dramatist, he initiates at least one important change. Plutarch speaks of Caesar as suspecting and even fearing Cassius. Shakespeare could not make an heroic figure out of an apprehensive dictator: he felt that if Caesar had really feared Cassius he would have protected himself or eliminated the danger; doubtless he remembered the many anecdotes of Caesar’s remarkable courage. Therefore he altered these incidents, to show Caesar not indeed as quite fearless, but as affecting the imperturbability of marble. Plutarch writes:
“凯撒也对卡西乌斯非常嫉妒，对他非常怀疑：于是他……对他的朋友说，‘你们觉得卡西乌斯会怎么做？我不喜欢他那苍白的脸色。’还有一次，当凯撒的朋友向他抱怨安东尼和多拉贝拉时……他又回答他们说，‘至于那些肥胖、头发光滑的人，’他说，‘我从来没想过他们；但这些面色苍白、瘦得像腐尸的人，我最怕他们。’”
‘Caesar also had Cassius in great jealousy and suspected him much: whereupon he said … to his friends, “What will Cassius do, think ye? I like not his pale looks.” Another time, when Caesar’s friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, … he answered them again, “As for those fat men and smooth-combed heads,” quoth he, “I never reckon of them; but these pale-visaged and carrion lean people, I fear them most.”’
在莎士比亚的心中，这变成了：
In Shakespeare’s mind, this changed into:
凯撒：让我身边有肥胖的人；
头发光滑的人，以及晚上睡觉的人。
那边的卡西乌斯看起来又瘦又饿；
他想太多了；这样的人很危险。
Caesar: Let me have men about me that are fat;
Sleek-headed men and such as sleep o’ nights.
Yond Cassius has a lean and hungry look;
He thinks too much; such men are dangerous.
安东尼：凯撒，别怕他，他并不危险；
他是一位高贵的罗马人，而且心地善良。
Antony: Fear him not, Caesar, he’s not dangerous;
He is a noble Roman, and well given.
凯撒：但愿他胖点！但我并不怕他。
但如果我的名字令人畏惧，
我不知道我应该避开谁，
只要避开卡西乌斯就行了。86
Caesar: Would he were fatter! but I fear him not:
Yet if my name were liable to fear,
I do not know the man I should avoid
So soon as that spare Cassius.86
普鲁塔克再次提到了祭祀牺牲品没有心脏的预兆；但他所能补充的只是显而易见的评论“这在自然界中是一件奇怪的事情，野兽没有心脏怎么能活下去”。莎士比亚无法在舞台上展示牺牲品。但他报告了预兆，并为凯撒编造了一个高调的回答：87
Again, Plutarch mentions the omen of the sacrificial victim which had no heart; but all he can add is the obvious comment ‘and that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could live without a heart’. Shakespeare cannot show the sacrifice on the stage. But he has the omen reported, and invents a lofty reply for Caesar:87
凯撒：占卜者怎么说？
Caesar: What say the augurers?
仆人：他们今天不让你出来。他们
把祭品的内脏拉出来，
却没在牲畜身上找到心脏。
Servant: They would not have you to stir forth today.
Plucking the entrails of an offering forth,
They could not find a heart within the beast.
凯撒：众神这样做是为了羞辱懦弱的人：如果凯撒今天因为害怕而呆在家里，那他
就是一头没有心脏的野兽。
Caesar: The gods do this in shame of cowardice:
Caesar should be a beast without a heart
If he should stay at home today for fear.
因此凯撒确实一定或者应该说过话。
So indeed Caesar must, or should, have spoken.
举一个例子就足以说明莎士比亚如何将普鲁塔克的散文描述转化为诗歌——保留了原作场景中美的元素，用幻想和形象为其增添色彩，并加入自己的雄辩。在《马库斯·安东尼传》第 26 章中，普鲁塔克描述了克利奥帕特拉的首次亮相：
One example is enough to show how Shakespeare turns Plutarch’s prose descriptions into poetry—keeping the touches of beauty which were part of the original scene described, colouring it with fancies and images, and adding his own eloquence. In chapter 26 of his life of Marcus Antonius, Plutarch describes the first appearance of Cleopatra:
“因此，当安东尼本人和他朋友给她写来各种信件时，她对此不屑一顾，还嘲笑安东尼，以至于她不屑于其他方式，而是乘着她的驳船在西德努斯河上航行，驳船的船尾是金的，船帆是紫色的，桨是银的，在驳船上，笛子、手摇琴、小提琴和其他乐器演奏的音乐声中，船桨不停地划动。现在说说她本人：她被放在一个用金线布做成的帐篷下，穿着和打扮得像画中常见的维纳斯女神；在她身边，两边是漂亮英俊的男孩，穿着画家描绘的丘比特神的衣服，手里拿着小扇子，用扇子向她扇风。她的贵妇们，最美丽的贵妇们，也都打扮得像涅瑞得斯女神（水中的美人鱼），也像美惠三女神，有的掌舵，有的照料着驳船的滑车和绳索，驳船里飘出一股美妙而甜美的香水味，使码头边弥漫着芳香，码头上还弥漫着无数的香水味。许多人。他们中的一些人沿着河边跟着驳船前行；其他人也跑出城外看她进城。最后，人们一个接一个地跑来见她，安东尼独自留在市场上，在他的皇宫里觐见她。
‘Therefore, when she was sent unto by divers letters, both from Antonius himself, and also from his friends, she made so light of it and mocked Antonius so much, that she disdained to set forward otherwise, but to take her barge in the river of Cydnus, the poop whereof was of gold, the sails of purple, and the oars of silver, which kept stroke in rowing after the sound of the music of flutes, howboys, citherns, viols, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge. And now for the person of herself: she was laid under a pavilion of cloth of gold of tissue, apparelled and attired like the goddess Venus commonly drawn in picture; and hard by her, on either hand of her, pretty fair boys apparelled as painters do set forth god Cupid, with little fans in their hands, with the which they fanned wind upon her. Her Ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them, were apparelled like the nymphs Nereides (which are the mermaids of the waters) and like the Graces, some steering the helm, others tending the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there came a wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes, that perfumed the wharf’s side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people. Some of them followed the barge all alongst the river’s side; others also ran out of the city to see her coming in. So that in th’ end, there ran such multitudes of people one after another to see her, that Antonius was left post alone in the market place in his Imperial seat to give audience.’
在莎士比亚88这变成：
In Shakespeare88 this becomes:
埃诺巴勃斯：当她第一次遇见马克·安东尼时，她在西德纳斯河上紧紧地抱着他的心。
Enobarbus: When she first met Mark Antony she pursed up his heart, upon the river of Cydnus.
阿格里帕：她确实出现在那里，或者说，我的记者为她想出了好主意。
Agrippa: There she appeared indeed, or my reporter devised well for her.
埃诺巴布斯：我会告诉你的。
Enobarbus: I will tell you.
她坐在一艘平底船上，像一座擦亮的宝座，
在水面上燃烧；船尾被打成金黄色，
船帆是紫色的，散发着芳香，
风儿为它们着迷，船桨是银色的
，随着笛声的旋律不停地划动，拍打的
海水也跟着加速，
就像它们的划动一样充满爱意。至于她本人，
无法用语言描述；她躺在
她的亭子里——用金线织成的——
在维纳斯的上方，我们可以看到
大自然的奇妙装饰；在她的两边
站着漂亮的男孩，他们脸上有酒窝，就像微笑的丘比特，
拿着五彩缤纷的扇子，扇子吹过，似乎
照亮了他们吹过的娇嫩的脸颊，
他们吹过的脸颊又被他们吹散了。
The barge she sat in, like a burnished throne,
Burned on the water; the poop was beaten gold,
Purple the sails, and so perfumed, that
The winds were love-sick with them, the oars were silver
Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
The water which they beat to follow faster,
As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
It beggared all description; she did lie
In her pavilion—cloth-of-gold of tissue—
O’er-picturing that Venus where we see
The fancy outwork nature; on each side her
Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids,
With divers-coloured fans, whose wind did seem
To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,
And what they undid did.
阿格里帕：哦！这对安东尼来说很罕见！
Agrippa: O! rare for Antony!
埃诺巴布斯：她的贵妇们，像涅瑞得斯女神一样，
Enobarbus: Her gentlewomen, like the Nereides,
如此多的美人鱼，照料着她的眼睛，
弯曲身子装饰着她；掌舵处
，一位貌似美人鱼的男子掌舵；丝绸滑车
随着那双如花般柔软的手的触摸而膨胀，
那双手紧紧地勾勒着船位。从驳船上
飘来一股奇怪的、看不见的香味，
从附近的码头传来。这座城市将
她的人民赶出，而安东尼则
在市场上登基，独自坐着，
向空中吹着口哨；如果不是因为空虚，
他也会去凝视克利奥帕特拉，
在自然界留下一道空白。
So many mermaids, tended her i’ the eyes,
And made their bends adornings; at the helm
A seeming mermaid steers; the silken tackle
Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands,
That yarely frame the office. From the barge
A strange invisible perfume hits the sense
Of the adjacent wharfs. The city cast
Her people out upon her, and Antony,
Enthroned i” the market-place, did sit alone,
Whistling to the air; which, but for vacancy,
Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra too,
And made a gap in nature.
阿格里帕：稀有的埃及人！
Agrippa: Rare Egyptian!
《诺斯》中几乎每个短语都包含一些平淡、重复或笨拙的内容：“以及他们在驳船上演奏的其他乐器”；“服装和装束”；“通常画在图画中”；“他们用它扇动风”；“散发出美妙而甜美的香水味”。考虑一下第一个句子的结构。读者仍然可以理解场景非常美丽；但文字使它变得单调。莎士比亚省略或修正了不恰当之处，创造了自己的优雅之处，并添加了语言的和谐，就像克利奥帕特拉帆船上的香水一样，吸引着全世界的目光。
Nearly every phrase in North contains something flat, or repetitious, or clumsy: ‘and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge’; ‘apparelled and attired’; ‘commonly drawn in picture’; ‘with the which they fanned wind upon her’; ‘a wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes that perfumed’. And consider the structure of the first sentence. It is still possible for the reader to understand that the scene was exquisitely beautiful; but the words dull it. Shakespeare omits or emends the infelicities, invents his own graces, and adds verbal harmonies, which, like the perfumes of Cleopatra’s sails, draw the world after them.
奥维德、塞涅卡、普鲁塔克：这些是莎士比亚的主要古典文学来源。第四位作家在他职业生涯的早期帮助过他，但并没有陪伴他很久。这就是罗马喜剧演员普劳图斯。
Ovid, Seneca, Plutarch: these were Shakespeare’s chief classical sources. A fourth author helped him early in his career, but did not stay long with him. This was the Roman comedian Plautus.
在《兄弟》中，梅纳赫穆斯·普劳图斯（从希腊文）讲述了一个关于双胞胎的欢乐故事，一对双胞胎在童年时被分开，长大成人后却彼此不认识，突然在一个城市相聚，其中一个有妻子和家，而另一个，他的翻版，却是一个陌生人。由此产生的混乱和最终的认出造就了一出好喜剧。这是莎士比亚在《错误的喜剧》中使用的基本情节；但是，通过大量添加，他对其进行了改进。他改变了角色的名字，把地点从一个鲜为人知的港口改成了一个著名的城市。他让这对双胞胎兄弟有一对完全相同的仆人——至少把混乱增加了八倍。他让陌生的兄弟爱上了双胞胎的嫂子。他通过使早期的分离更加悲惨来使其更加真实：失去两个儿子的父亲出现在第一幕中，作为敌国侨民被判处死刑，只有在最后一幕中，他遇到了他的儿子和被认为已经死去的妻子，他才得到缓刑。
In The Brothers Menaechmus Plautus told (from the Greek) a merry tale of identical twins separated in childhood, grown to manhood ignorant of each other, and suddenly brought together in the city where one has a wife and a home while the other, his exact duplicate, is a stranger. The resulting confusions and the ultimate recognition made a good comedy. This was the basic plot Shakespeare used in The Comedy of Errors; but, by adding a great deal to it, he improved it. He altered the names of the characters, and changed the locale from a little-known port to a famous city. He made the twin brothers have identical twin servants—multiplying the confusion by eight, at least. He made the stranger brother fall in love with his twin’s sister-in-law. He made the early separation more real by making it more pathetic: the father who has lost both sons appears in the first scene, under sentence of death as an enemy alien, and only in the last scene, where he meets his sons and his wife supposed dead, is he reprieved.
其中一些扩展是莎士比亚自己发明的。还有一些他从戏剧之外的来源获取：沉船显然来自浪漫史《泰尔的阿波罗尼乌斯》。但最大的复杂情节，即双胞胎仆人的创造，他从普劳图斯的另一部喜剧《安菲特律翁》中获取。仔细阅读《错误的喜剧》和普劳图斯的两部戏剧就会发现，莎士比亚并不是仅仅从《安菲特律翁》中抄袭这个想法并将其整体插入另一部戏剧中，而是将两部戏剧有机地融合在一起，创作出一部新的、更丰富的戏剧。
Some of these enlargements Shakespeare himself invented. Some he took from sources outside the drama: the shipwreck, apparently, from the romance Apollonius of Tyre. But the grand complication, the creation of twin servants, he took from another of Plautus’ comedies, Amphitryon. And a careful reading of The Comedy of Errors with Plautus’ two plays will show that Shakespeare did not merely lift the idea from Amphitryon and insert it en bloc into the other play, but blended the two plays in an organic fusion to make a new and richer drama.
莎士比亚去世很久之后，《安菲特律翁》才被译成英文。 《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》唯一已知的译本出版于 1595 年，比莎士比亚的《错误喜剧》公认的出版日期晚了几年。结论几乎是肯定的。莎士比亚读的是普劳图斯的拉丁文喜剧原著。89他使用它们就像他使用从其他所有来源中获取的故事一样——作为交织行动的基础，他通过添加深刻的人性特征和他自己独特的语言的诗意，将其变成诗歌。因此，《错误的喜剧》比普劳图斯的大多数喜剧更像一部戏剧：制作更精心，人物塑造更细腻，更加多样化，不那么有趣但更感人，尽管它很顽皮，但道德基调更高尚。90
Amphitryon was not translated into English until long after Shakespeare was dead. The only known translation of The Brothers Menaechmus was printed in 1595, some years after the accepted date for Shakespeare’s Comedy of Errors. The conclusion is virtually certain. Shakespeare read Plautus’ comedies in the original Latin.89 He used them just as he used the stories he took from all his other sources—as a basis of interwoven action which he made into poetry by adding deeply human characterization and the poetry of his own inimitable words. As a result The Comedy of Errors is more of a drama than most of Plautus’ comedies: more carefully wrought, more finely characterized, more various, less funny but more moving, and, despite its naughtiness, nobler in moral tone.90
然而，他在改编普劳图斯作品时，古典知识的局限性仍然很明显。这些我们已经注意到了。对于一位伟大的富有想象力的诗人来说，这些不是缺点而是优点。然而，我们必须承认它们的存在。莎士比亚懂足够的拉丁语，在阅读剧本时可以了解剧情，但还不足以欣赏诗人的语言和戏剧艺术。普劳图斯是一位非常机智的作家，满口双关语、巧妙的文字转折和滑稽的口才。任何能流利读懂他语言的人都一定会被他文字中令人振奋的欢乐所感染。莎士比亚（他甚至连埃皮达姆努斯的名字都叫错）在《错误的喜剧》中没能超越普劳图斯的文字技巧，尽管他掌握了情节设计，超越了人物塑造。但我们对此只能心存感激。对其他喜剧演员风格的更深入了解很可能妨碍莎士比亚发展自己无与伦比的口才。如果他止步于《鲁克丽丝》和《错误的喜剧》，我们就会遗憾他的古典学识远远不如马洛、斯宾塞和弥尔顿。但即便如此，他也是奥维德转世；现在他成为了浪漫化的普劳图斯。他还在成长和学习。普劳图斯给了他另一部分教育：从巧合和复杂事件中构建一个长篇故事的能力，这些巧合和复杂事件虽然可信，但总是新鲜和出乎意料。普劳图斯可能赋予他语言灵活性，他后来自己实现了；从而使他的语言成为他自己人物的一部分，成为他自己思想的声音。
Still, the limitations of his classical knowledge came out clearly in his adaptation of Plautus. They are those we have noticed already. For a great imaginative poet, they were not defects but advantages. We must, however, recognize their existence. Shakespeare knew Latin enough to get the story of the plays when he read them, but not enough to appreciate the language as well as the dramatic art of the poet. Plautus is a very witty writer, full of puns and deft verbal twists and comic volubility. Anyone who can read his language fluently is bound to be infected by the rattling gaiety of his words. Shakespeare (who could not even get the name of Epidamnus right) failed, in The Comedy of Errors, to take over Plautus’ verbal skill, although he mastered his plotting and surpassed his characterization. But we cannot be anything but grateful for this. A more intimate knowledge of the style of other comedians might well have hindered the development of Shakespeare’s own incomparable eloquence. If he had stopped at Lucrece and The Comedy of Errors, we could regret that his classical learning was so much inferior to Marlowe’s, to Spenser’s, to Milton’s. But even then, he was Ovid reincarnated; and now he became Plautus romanticized. He was still growing and learning. Plautus gave him another part of his education: the ability to build a long story out of coincidences and complications which, although credible, were always fresh and unexpected. What Plautus might have given him in verbal dexterity he later achieved for himself; and thereby made his language indistinguishably a part of his own characters, the very voice of his own thought.
他了解其他作家，但仅知其梗概，或是在学校学过之后记住的引文，或是在文艺复兴时期常见的《读者文摘》一类的文集中发表的摘录。有些作品给他留下了优美的句号或有力的描述，但没有一部能深深地影响他的思想。在名为《威廉·莎士比亚的拉丁文和希腊文》的详尽著作中，TW·鲍德温先生分析了莎士比亚少年时期英国的教育体系，并由此以及戏剧中的反响推断出莎士比亚在学校可能读过哪些书籍。首先，莎士比亚使用了文艺复兴时期两位伟大的教育家约翰·科利特和威廉·利利编写的标准拉丁语法，因为他多次引用和戏仿该语法。91书中收录了许多古典作家的引文。即使莎士比亚没有读过他们的作品，他也能记住这些摘录，并按照语法中给出的引用来使用。92这解释了一些原本无法解释的巧合：它们归功于莎士比亚对好诗的记忆。例如，他的第一部拉丁文本之一是意大利人文主义者巴普蒂斯塔·斯帕格诺利（Baptista Spagnuoli，又名巴普蒂斯塔·曼图阿努斯）的田园诗集。《爱的徒劳》中的校长霍洛弗尼实际上引用了其中的一行并称赞了这位诗人。93在《哈姆雷特》中，94雷欧提斯为奥菲莉亚写下了一段美丽的墓志铭：
Other authors he knew, but only in outline, or by quotations learnt in school and remembered afterwards, or by extracts published in the Reader’s Digest type of collections which were so common in the Renaissance. Some of them gave him a beautiful line or a powerful description, but none deeply affected his thought. In an exhaustive work called William Shakspere’s Small Latine and Lesse Greeke, Mr. T. W. Baldwin has analysed the educational system of England in Shakespeare’s boyhood, inferring from that, and from echoes in the dramas, what were the books he probably read in school. To begin with, Shakespeare used the standard Latin grammar written by the two great Renaissance educators, John Colet and William Lily, for he quotes and parodies it several times.91 It contained many illustrative quotations from classical authors. Even if Shakespeare did not read their works, he remembered the excerpts, and used them as they were given in the grammar.92 This accounts for some otherwise inexplicable coincidences: they are due to Shakespeare’s memory for good poetry. For instance, one of his first Latin texts was a collection of pastoral poems by the Italian humanist Baptista Spagnuoli, known as Baptista Mantuanus. The schoolmaster Holofernes in Love’s Labour ‘s Lost actually quotes a line from it and praises the poet.93 Again, in Hamlet, 94 Laertes utters a beautiful epitaph over Ophelia:
把她安葬在土中，愿紫罗兰
从她美丽纯洁的肉体上
绽放！
Lay her i’ the earth,
And from her fair and unpolluted flesh
May violets spring!
我们不可能不得出这样的结论：这句话让人想起了讽刺作家珀尔修斯的一句话，它的形式、思想和节奏都与此相同：95
It is impossible to escape the conclusion that this is a reminiscence of a sentence of the same shape, thought, and rhythm in the satirist Persius:95
如今，从他的坟墓和至福的骨灰中，
不会长出紫罗兰吗？
Now from his tomb and beatific ashes
Won’t violets grow?
只是，同样令人难以置信，莎士比亚曾经读过这位最难懂的作家的作品。但鲍德温先生指出，曼图亚努斯挽歌的注释中完整引用了珀耳修斯的这段话，莎士比亚无疑读过并记住了这段话。96
Only it is equally impossible to believe that Shakespeare ever read that most difficult author. But Mr. Baldwin has pointed out that the passage from Persius is quoted in full in the explanatory notes on Mantuanus’ elegies, where Shakespeare no doubt read and remembered it.96
莎士比亚在学校也读过一些维吉尔的作品，但显然只读过早期的作品，拉丁小学学生仍然在读。 《鲁克丽丝》（1366 年初版）和《哈姆雷特》（2.2.481 年初版）中对特洛伊陷落的描述，部分模仿、部分夸大了埃涅阿斯在《埃涅阿斯纪》第2 章中的记述；埃涅阿斯以这句诗开始那段著名的历史——
Shakespeare also read some Vergil at school, but apparently only the early books, as elementary Latin pupils still do. The descriptions of the fall of Troy in Lucrece, 1366 f., and Hamlet, 2.2.481 f., are partly modelled on, partly exaggerated from Aeneas’ account in Aeneid, 2; and the line with which Aeneas begins that famous history—
女王，你命令我重新感受一种难以言表的悲伤
You bid me, queen, renew a grief unspeakable
——在《错误的喜剧》的开头也呼应了这一点：
—is echoed at the opening of The Comedy of Errors:
没有什么任务
比诉说我无法言喻的悲伤更艰巨了。97
A heavier task could not have been imposed
Than I to speak my griefs unspeakable.97
那本标准教科书《凯撒的高卢战记》——或者至少是有关英国的部分（适合英语初学者的选择）——莎士比亚也知道。在《亨利六世下》中98老塞伊勋爵试图说服杰克·凯德和他的文化布尔什维克不要私刑处死他，他引用了这段话：
That standard text-book, Caesar’s Gallic War—or at least the part dealing with Britain (a suitable selection for English beginners)—was also known to Shakespeare. In 2 Henry VI98 old Lord Say, attempting to persuade Jack Cade and his Kultur-Bolsheviks that they should not lynch him, quotes it:
在《凯撒书评》中，肯特
被称为整个岛屿最文明的地方。
Kent, in the Commentaries Caesar writ,
Is termed the civil’st place of all this isle.
莎士比亚至少知道李维的第一本书，其中讲述了塔克文和鲁克丽丝的故事。99
Of Livy, Shakespeare knew at least the first book, with the story of Tarquin and Lucrece.99
他似乎只知道其他古典作家的一些令人难忘的段落。例如，当布鲁图斯面临厄运时，他哭了
From other classical authors, he seems to have known only a few memorable passages. For instance, when Brutus is facing his doom, he cries
哦，尤利乌斯·凯撒，你依然强大！
你的精神四处传播，将我们的剑刺入
我们自己的内脏。100
O Julius Caesar, thou art mighty yet!
Thy spirit walks abroad, and turns our swords
In our own proper entrails.100
显然，这是对卢坎关于内战的诗歌开头几行的呼应：101
Apparently this is an echo of the opening lines of Lucan’s poem on the civil war:101
一个强大的国家，
它的征服之手已转向其要害。
a mighty nation,
its conquering hand against its vitals turned.
和文艺复兴时期的所有人一样，莎士比亚从普林尼的《自然史》中引入了科学和其他信息，但没有指出作者的名字。当波洛涅斯质问哈姆雷特时，102并问他在读什么，他苦涩地回答道：
Like everyone in the Renaissance, Shakespeare brings in scientific and other information from Pliny’s Natural History, but without naming its author. And when Polonius accosts Hamlet,102 and asks him what he is reading, the bitter reply:
“诽谤，先生。这个爱讽刺的流氓在这里说，老人胡子花白，满脸皱纹，眼睛里流淌着浓浓的琥珀和李子树胶，他们非常缺乏智慧，而且非常虚弱。”——
‘Slanders, sir: for the satirical rogue says here that old men have grey beards, that their faces are wrinkled, their eyes purging thick amber and plum-tree gum, and that they have a plentiful lack of wit, together with most weak hams’—
只指向我们所知的一个讽刺流氓：罗马的尤维纳尔，他的第十部讽刺作品对丑陋进行了可怕的描述以及年老体弱。103尽管这些回忆录和其他类似的回忆录都很琐碎，但它们却展现了莎士比亚对古典文学的喜爱、他敏锐的耳朵、他持久的记忆力以及他口才的魔力。其他人，比如琼森，在他们的作品中加注引号，用斜体字说话。当莎士比亚笔下的人物说话时，只有学究才会引用，其余的人都是发自内心地说话，也发自内心地说话。
points to only one satirical rogue known to us: the Roman Juvenal, whose tenth satire contains a terrible description of the ugliness and weakness of old age.103 Slight as these and other such reminiscences are, they show Shakespeare’s liking for the classics, his sensitive ear, his retentive memory, and the transforming magic of his eloquence. Others, like Jonson, stud their pages with quotation-marks, and talk in italics. When Shakespeare’s characters speak, only the pedants quote: the rest speak from the fullness of their own heart, and of his.
莎士比亚是文艺复兴时期的英国人。那是一个奇妙的时代——几乎不亚于希腊和罗马的辉煌时代。当时，古典文化的重生是使人们的思想充满活力、灵魂深邃的重要事件之一。但这并不是唯一的事件。在与文艺复兴相距遥远但并非完全陌生的许多其他地区，也发生了革命、探索和发现。但这是最重要的事件之一：因为这是一场思想革命。像所有敏感而有教养的人一样，莎士比亚也分享了这种激动人心的感觉。这是他伟大的精神体验之一。确实，英国对他来说更重要；当代欧洲的社会生活也是如此，包括它的微妙之处、它的幽默和它的邪恶；最重要的是人性。但他不是没有受过教育的自然诗人。对他来说，伟大的书籍是生活不可或缺的一部分。
Shakespeare was an Englishman of the Renaissance. It was a wonderful time—scarcely less wonderful than the world’s great ages of Greece and Rome which returned again in it. One of the vital events which then gave vigour to men’s minds and depth to their souls was the rebirth of classical culture. It was not the only such event. There were revolutions, explorations, and discoveries in many other regions distant, although not utterly alien, from it. But it was one of the most important: for it was a revolution of the mind. Like all sensitive and educated men, Shakespeare shared in its excitements. It was one of his great spiritual experiences. True, England was more important to him; and so was the social life of contemporary Europe, with its subtleties, its humours, and its villainies; and most important of all was humanity. But he was not the unschooled poet of nature. For him great books were an essential part of life.
他对拉丁语有初步的了解，虽然不足以使他成为学者，也不足以使他流利地阅读拉丁语，但足以使他（像乔叟和济慈一样）热爱希腊和罗马的神话、诗歌和历史。他生活在了解和欣赏古典文学的人中间，并向他们学习。他的第一批书改编自希腊罗马原著，经过精心的阐述和华丽的装饰，充满了他非凡的想象力。直到职业生涯的后期，他仍在阅读和使用希腊和拉丁书籍的译本；他的四十部作品中有十二部（也是最伟大的作品之一）涉及古典时代的主题；古典意象从头到尾都是他诗歌的有机组成部分。希腊和罗马文学不仅提供了他和其他文艺复兴时期诗人使用的修辞和戏剧模式，不仅提供了丰富的素材来滋养他的想象力，而且还提出了高尚人性和完美艺术的挑战。面对这一挑战，文艺复兴时期的许多伟人做出了响应，其中最伟大的莫过于那位拉丁语和希腊语掌握得很少的人。
He had a fair introduction to the Latin language, not enough to make him a scholar, not enough to allow him to read it fluently, but enough to lead him (like Chaucer and Keats) to love Greek and Roman myth, poetry, and history. He lived among men who knew and admired classical literature, and he learnt from them. His first books were adaptations of Greco-Roman originals, affectionately elaborated and sumptuously adorned by his superb imagination. Until late in his career he continued to read and use translations of Greek and Latin books; twelve of his forty works (and those among the greatest) dealt with themes from classical antiquity; and classical imagery was an organic part of his poetry from first to last. Greek and Roman literature provided not only the rhetorical and dramatic patterns which he and the other Renaissance poets used, not only rich material to feed his imagination, but the challenge of noble humanity and of consummate art. To that challenge many great souls in the Renaissance responded, none more greatly than the man who had small Latin and less Greek.
12
文艺复兴及之后
12
THE RENAISSANCE AND AFTERWARDS
抒情诗
LYRIC POETRY
歌曲是最简单、最普通、最自然的诗歌。每个国家、每个小氏族或县的人民都创作自己的歌曲，用自己的曲调演唱，并经常随着歌曲跳舞。歌曲不必全都是欢快的。它们和它们的音乐可以是悲伤的，也可以是庄严而严肃的。它们不必总是让听众跳舞。但它们必须是为音乐而生的；在音乐中必须能感受到舞蹈的脉搏，无论身体是否像诗篇作者大卫王那样跳舞，1或仅是心脏。
SONGS are the simplest, commonest, and most natural kind of poetry. The people of every nation, every little clan or county, make up their own songs, and sing them to their own tunes, and often dance with them. Songs need not all be gay. They and their music can be sorrowful, or stately and severe. They need not always make their hearers dance. But they must be meant for music; and within the music must be felt the pulse of dancing, whether the body dances like King David the Psalmist,1 or the heart alone.
抒情诗就是歌曲。它们是由每个民族为自己创作的舞蹈节奏、民间旋律和口头歌曲模式发展而来的。在几乎每种抒情诗的名称中，我们都能听到歌唱或舞蹈的声音。民谣（如芭蕾舞）来自ballare，意思是“舞蹈”：“ball”这个词也是这样，用于指舞会。十四行诗是一种 sonetto，一种小声音或歌曲。颂歌和赞美诗只是希腊语中“歌曲”的意思。合唱团的意思是“圆舞”。圣歌和抒情诗都是“竖琴音乐”。2
Lyric poems are songs. They have developed out of the dance-rhythms and folk-melodies and verbal song-patterns worked out by each people for itself. In the names of nearly every kind of lyric we can hear singing or dancing. Ballad (like ballet) comes from ballare, which means ‘dance’: so does the word ‘ball’, used for a dancing-party. A sonnet is a sonetto, a little sound or song. Ode and hymn are simply Greek words for ‘song’. Chorus means ‘round dance’. Psalm and lyric are both ‘harp-music’.2
抒情诗脱离音乐和舞蹈后，变得更加强烈和复杂。如果一首歌不是用来跳舞的，但节奏感很强，那么它的情感通常会增强。每个人都能从民谣中感受到这一点。当一种特定的歌曲模式流行起来，然后，虽然为了歌词而精心制作，但却从属于或放弃了音乐，它通常会通过丰富的语言旋律来弥补这一损失，声音模式错综复杂地交织在一起（比如押韵），元音和辅音的令人难忘的音乐，以及美妙到可以自己唱出来的短语。
Lyric poetry becomes more intense and complex when it grows away from music and the dance. If a song is not meant to be danced, and yet has a strong rhythm, its emotion is usually heightened. Everyone feels this with ballads. When a particular song-pattern becomes popular, and then, while being elaborated for the sake of the words, subordinates or abandons its music, it usually makes up for that loss by having a rich verbal melody, with intricately interwoven patterns of sound (such as rhyme), haunting music of vowels and consonants, and phrases beautiful enough to sing by themselves.
每个国家都能创作自己的歌曲，有些国家还能将歌曲发展成诗歌。（例如，中世纪后期，从西班牙到苏格兰，从德国到冰岛，整个西欧都创作了民谣；并非所有民谣都发展成了伟大的诗歌。）某些国家比其他国家更善于自我表达，创作了更多、更优美的歌曲模式，这些歌曲模式被邻国借鉴和模仿。普罗旺斯的吟游诗人不仅让法国人，也让意大利人唱歌，然后其他西方国家也是如此。法国南部给我们带来了押韵，这比其他任何地方都多。虽然教会拉丁语中有押韵诗（白话语言中的第一个押韵可能就来自教会拉丁语），但古典希腊和拉丁诗歌中没有规则押韵，古英语中也没有。尽管如此，它还是为大多数最优秀的欧洲诗歌赋予了全新的美感，从但丁到今天。押韵，以及许多以它为基础的模式，对句、民谣、多韵诗节、十四行诗，在中世纪后期发展起来，在春天的繁荣中一首接一首地从一个国家传到另一个国家。
Every country can create its own songs, and some can develop them into poetry. (For instance, ballads were produced all over western Europe in the later Middle Ages, from Spain to Scotland, from Germany to Iceland; not all, but some, grew into great poems.) Certain nations, more gifted in self-expression than others, made more numerous and beautiful patterns of song, which were borrowed and copied by their neighbours. The Provencal minstrels set not only France but Italy singing, and then the other western countries. More than anyone else, the southern French gave us rhyme. Although there are rhyming poems in church Latin (from which the first rhymes in vernacular languages may have come), there is no regular rhyme in classical Greek and Latin poetry and none in Old English. In spite of this it has given a perfectly new beauty to most of the finest European poetry, from Dante to yesterday. Rhyme, with many of the patterns based upon it, couplet, ballad, multiple-rhymed stanza, sonnet, grew up in the later Middle Ages, spreading from country to country in a springtime exuberance, song by song.
歌曲和舞蹈是如此的本能，我们不应该期望以它们为起点的现代抒情诗会受到罗马和希腊抒情诗的深刻影响。毕竟，希腊和罗马的音乐已经消失了；我们看不到他们优美的舞蹈；甚至很难在他们的抒情诗中追溯节奏，也不可能感觉到它们像我们自己的舞曲一样自然，就像
Song and dance are so instinctive that we should not expect modern lyric poetry, starting from them, to be deeply influenced by the lyrics of Rome and Greece. After all, Greek and Roman music has disappeared; we cannot see their lovely dancing; it is difficult even to trace the rhythms in their lyric poems, and impossible to feel them to be as natural as our own dance songs, like
这是一对情人，他们
互相打招呼，
It was a lover and his lass,
With a hey, and a ho, and a hey nonino
或者
or
哦，我的爱人就像一朵红红的玫瑰，
六月里盛开。
O, my luve’s like a red, red rose,
That’s newly sprung in June.
现在我们只剩下文字了，甚至连单词都所剩无几。在中世纪，几乎所有的希腊和罗马抒情诗都被毁坏或消失了。萨福已失传，只剩下几件珍宝。阿尔凯乌斯的作品几乎全部消失了，品达的大部分作品也消失了，还有许多我们通过百科全书和引文得知名字的希腊诗人，也只剩下几句遗言。拉丁文中我们有四本珍贵的贺拉斯著作、卡图卢斯的一些抒情诗、西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯等一些三流诗人的作品，以及《维纳斯的守夜》等稀有的匿名珍品。这些诗加起来只有几首，而且几乎都很难理解。中世纪时，西方人并不知道希腊抒情诗。学者们读过贺拉斯的颂歌，但诗人很少读，公众更是从未读过。当现存的拉丁抒情诗人的作品被广泛阅读，希腊抒情诗的残篇开始出版时，每个现代西方国家都有自己的抒情诗，而且这些抒情诗仍然在发展。因此，希腊罗马对这一领域的影响力来得晚，而且效果不大。
All we have left of them now is the words: few even of the words. Nearly all Greek and Roman lyric poetry was destroyed or allowed to disappear during the Dark Ages. Sappho is lost, except for a few scattered jewels. Nearly all Alcaeus is gone, and most of Pindar, and all but a few words of many more Greek poets whose names we know from encyclopaedias and quotations. In Latin we have four priceless books of Horace, some lyrics by Catullus, the work of a few third-raters like Sidonius Apollinaris, and rare anonymous gems like The Vigil of Venus. These poems are few altogether, and they are nearly all difficult to understand. In the Middle Ages Greek lyric poetry was unknown to the west. Horace’s odes were read by scholars, but seldom by poets and never by the public. By the time the surviving Latin lyric poets were read more widely and the remains of Greek lyric poetry began to be published, every modern western country had its own lyrics well advanced and still developing. Greco-Roman influence in this field was therefore late, and only partially effective.
简单、私密、充满感情的抒情诗，表达着渴望的痛苦或占有的喜悦、春天的喜悦或仇恨的暴力，必须是纯粹的歌曲。它们很少能从古典中借鉴。但是，当抒情诗变得不那么私密而更具反思性时，它就可以而且常常会通过思想的细化、模式的精心设计、风格和意象的新手法来丰富自己，这些手法改编自希腊罗马抒情诗并融合成一种新的混合物。现代欧洲国家在一定程度上受到拉丁语的影响，甚至更多地受到希腊语的影响，建立了他们正式的抒情诗；他们给最突出的类型起了一个希腊名字，即颂歌。
Simple, private, emotional lyrics, voicing the pain of longing or the joy of possession, the delight of spring or the violence of hate, must be pure songs. They can borrow very little from the classics. But when lyric poetry grows less private and more reflective, then it can and often does enrich itself by subtilizations of thought, elaborations of pattern, new devices of style and imagery, adapted from Greco-Roman lyric and fused into a new alloy. It was partly under Latin and even more under Greek influence that the modern European countries built up their formal lyric poetry; and to its most prominent type they gave a Greek name, the ode.
现代形式抒情诗的主要古典典范是品达和贺拉斯；然后，远远落后于他们的是阿那克里翁（及其模仿者）、希腊诗集的诗人和卡图卢斯。
The chief classical models for the modern formal lyric were Pindar and Horace; and then, far behind them, Anacreon (with his imitators), the poets of the Greek Anthology, and Catullus.
品达出生于公元前 522 年左右，在雅典接受音乐和诗歌训练，一生创作了赞美诗、凯旋歌和节日抒情诗，并取得了最大的成功，于公元前 442 年左右去世。3他来自底比斯，与希腊生活和思想的潮流稍有距离，他似乎属于忙碌、革命、思想探索的五世纪之前的时代。他比前者更加热情，而不是更少热情。但他的热情是情感和审美的；在他的诗中，我们很少看到智力的斗争和胜利。然而，他的精神能量强大得令人难以置信，他看到幻想的能力，以及用几句快速的话语强烈而永久地使它们生动的能力，是任何诗歌都无法比拟的，他无穷无尽的词汇和句子结构让读者（除非他们喜欢散文而不是诗歌）兴奋不已，仿佛他的作品与他的雄辩一样伟大。
Pindar was born about 522 B.C., was trained at Athens in music and poetry, wrote hymns, songs of triumph, and festal lyrics all his life with the greatest success, and died about 442.3 Coming from the territory of Thebes, which lay a little apart from the full current of Greek life and thought, he seems to belong to an age earlier than the busy, revolutionary, thought-searching fifth century. He is more, not less, intense. But his intensity is emotional and aesthetic; in his poems we see few of the struggles and triumphs of the intellect. His spiritual energy, however, is compellingly strong, his power to see visions and to make them intensely and permanently alive in a few speedy words is unsurpassed in any poetry, and the inexhaustible wealth of his vocabulary and sentence-structure makes readers (unless they prefer prose to poetry) as excited as though his subjects equalled his eloquence in greatness.
他现存的诗歌（除了最近发现的一些残篇）是四本合唱歌曲集，旨在庆祝运动员在每年于希腊各大神殿举行的全国体育节上的胜利。这些诗歌很少或根本不关注比赛本身，除非获胜者是一位伟大的统治者，否则也不会过多关注获胜者的个性；但它们颂扬了他的家族——既颂扬其过去的成就（胜利是其中的一部分），也颂扬与之相关的伟大传奇。最重要的是，它们颂扬了各种高贵品质，包括社会、身体、审美和精神方面的高贵品质。这些诗歌不是朗诵的，而是由一个大型合唱团演唱的，配以品达自己的音乐和优美复杂的舞蹈，以增强优美歌词的效果。
His surviving poems (apart from some fragments discovered very recently) are four books of choral songs intended to celebrate the victories of athletes at the national sports festivals held every year at the great shrines of Greece. They pay little or no attention to the actual contests, and not much more to the personality of the winner, unless he is a great ruler; but they glorify his family—both for its past achievements (in which the victory is a unit) and for the grand legends with which it is linked. Above all they exalt nobility of every kind, social, physical, aesthetic, spiritual. These poems were not recited, but sung by a large choir, with Pindar’s own music and a beautiful intricate dance to intensify the effect of the superb words.
理解品达的两大困难并非因为我们的无知，也不是因为我们与他的距离太远。它们一直存在。它们在古典时期困扰着他的读者。贺拉斯本人是一位技艺精湛、敏感的诗人，他也有同样的感受。
The two chief difficulties in understanding Pindar are not the results of our own ignorance, or of our distance from him. They have always existed. They troubled his readers in classical times. Horace, himself a skilful and sensitive poet, felt them too.
第一个困难是他的诗歌的实际结构——它们的韵律和模式。它们的长度各不相同，从短短的二十四行到将近三百行的巨作。作为舞曲，它们必须由重复和变化的节奏单元组成。但这些单元是什么？它们是如何重复的，又是如何变化的？
The first difficulty is the actual structure of his poems—their metre and their pattern. They are of every kind of length, from a trifle twenty-four lines long to a titan of just under 300. Being dance-songs, they must be built up of repeated and varied rhythmical units. But what are the units? How are they repeated and how are they varied?
这些颂歌都被分成几个部分——我们可以称之为诗节。
The odes are all divided into sections—groups of verses which we might call stanzas.
有几首诗的节都完全相同。显然，这里的舞蹈是一个单一而复杂的演变过程，不断重复。
In a few poems the stanzas are all exactly the same. Evidently the dance here was a single complex evolution, repeated again and again.
大部分颂歌都采用类似AZP 的形式：其中A和Z是两个几乎完全相同的诗节，而P是一个更短、更安静的诗节，安排不同但节奏相似。相同的AZP模式在整首诗中重复出现。在这里，舞者似乎表演了一个舞步（A），然后重新重复（Z），然后表演一个结束动作（P）以完成这部分诗。或者，在跳完A和Z之后，他们可能站着不动唱着结束的一组诗句（P）。在希腊语中，这些单位被称为 strophe ( A )、 antistrophe ( Z ) 和 epode ( P )。以单个诗节模式构建的诗称为单节诗；AZP诗称为三节诗。
Most of the odes are in a form like A-Z-P: where A and Z are two stanzas almost exactly equal, and P is a briefer, quieter stanza, differently arranged but on a similar rhythmical basis. The same A-Z-P pattern is then repeated throughout the poem. Here the dancers apparently performed one figure (A), then retraced it (Z), and then performed a closing movement (P) to complete that section of the poem. Or else, after dancing A and Z, they may have stood still singing the closing group of verses (P). These units are called, in Greek, strophe (A), antistrophe (Z), and epode (P). Poems built on a single stanza-pattern are called monostrophic; the A-Z-P poems triadic.
到目前为止，一切都很好。但是，这些诗节是否可以进一步细分为诗句或诗行，就像芭蕾舞不仅可以分解成动作，还可以分解成单独的元素和从属人物一样？学者们通常到此为止，直到十九世纪。他们看到了单节或三节诗节的划分（他们从希腊悲剧中知道这一点，其中合唱团以相似的模式唱歌和跳舞），但他们不能确定每个诗节的组成部分。在品达的初版中，诗节被分成一系列短诗行，或多或少是靠猜测，读者认为他写得“不规则”，随心所欲地改变诗行的长度和模式，只在诗节之间保持平衡。
So far, good. But can these stanzas be broken down further—into verses or lines—as a ballet can be dissected, not only into movements, but into separate elements and subordinate figures? At this point scholars usually stopped, until the nineteenth century. They saw the single or triple stanza-division (which they knew from Greek tragedy, where the choruses sang and danced in similar patterns), but they could not be sure of the component units of each stanza. In the first editions of Pindar the stanzas were chopped up into series of short lines, more or less by guesswork, and their readers assumed that he wrote ‘irregularly’, varying the length and pattern of his lines by caprice, and balancing only stanza against stanza.
然而，学者们现在知道，品达用喘息空间把他的诗节分成诗节，诗节是长度不等的节奏单位。和模式——不像现代诗的常规诗行，而像构成“浪漫”交响诗的各种乐句。每节的诗句几乎完全对应。在AZP模式中，组成A和Z节的单元在整首诗中是对应的； P节的单元在整首诗中是对应的。4
Scholars now know, however, that Pindar divided his stanzas by breathing-spaces into verses, rhythmical units of varying length and pattern—not so much like the regular lines of a modern poem as like the varying musical phrases that make up a ‘romantic’ symphonic poem. The verses in each stanza correspond to each other almost exactly. In the A-Z-P pattern, the units composing the A and Z stanzas correspond all through the poem; and the units of the P stanzas correspond all through the poem.4
结果比我们的大多数诗歌更复杂，更像我们的音乐。例如，一首十四行诗由十四行抑扬格诗行组成，每行诗行在一个音节内的长度相同，节奏也完全相同。诗行的多样性是由押韵格式产生的，押韵格式使诗行以如下模式交织在一起：
The result is more complex than most of our poetry, and much more like our music. For instance, a sonnet is made up of fourteen iambic lines, all of the same length within a syllable and all on exactly the same rhythmical basis. The variety is produced by the rhyme-scheme, which makes the lines interweave on a pattern like this:
另一方面，品达颂歌的诗节没有韵律，而且它们几乎没有两行以上形状相同的诗行，因此一节诗可能看起来像这样
The stanzas of Pindar’s odes, on the other hand, have no rhymes, and they hardly ever have more than two lines the same in shape, so that one stanza may look like this
然后，相同的模式会在下一节中得到呼应；a、b、c、d、e和f之间会存在节奏上的相似性，因此，尽管它们之间存在差异，但可以感觉到一些基本的舞蹈动作在它们之间跳动。如果你用强烈而流畅的节奏大声朗读品达的一首颂歌，你会感觉到它背后交织着合唱和芭蕾舞的节奏和音乐。现在，这些模式已经被虔诚的学者们研究出来，颂歌甚至可以配上音乐，可以唱歌和跳舞；但直到 19 世纪，人们对这些模式一无所知，只知道宽泛的节组AZP（偶尔出现AAAA），它由不规则的、长度和节奏看似杂乱无章的韵律单位构成。
And then the same pattern will be echoed in the next stanza; and there will be a rhythmical kinship running through a, b, c, d, e, and f, so that a few basic dance-movements can be felt pulsing through them all despite their differences. If you read aloud one of Pindar’s odes with a strong but fluent rhythmical beat, you will sense behind it the intricately interweaving rhythm and music of choir and ballet. The odes could even be set to music and sung and danced, now that these patterns have been worked out by devoted scholars; but until the nineteenth century nothing of them was known, except the broad stanza-grouping A-Z-P (with an occasional A-A-A-A), built up out of metrical units irregular and apparently haphazard in length and rhythm.
品达的第二个难题至今未解，即无人能跟上他的思路。冷静、克制、优雅、开明的伊壁鸠鲁学派的贺拉斯说，品达的诗歌就像从山上奔腾而下的洪流，雨水涨满山坡，翻滚咆哮。5我们感受到它巨大的力量，我们为它的速度和能量而激动、兴奋和震撼，争论和分析毫无用处，我们一读就被深深吸引。没错；但这有意义吗？6
The second difficulty in Pindar has not yet been solved. This is that no one can follow his train of thought. Horace, the calm, restrained, elegant, enlightened Epicurean, said Pindar’s poetry was like a torrent rushing down rain-swollen from the mountains, overrunning its banks, boiling and roaring.5 We feel its tremendous power, we are excited and exalted and overwhelmed by its speed and energy, it is useless to argue and analyse, we are swept away as soon as we begin to read. True; but does it make sense?6
在理性强于情感或想象力的时代，人们认为品达的写作就像一个有灵感的疯子。他和布莱克一样是个疯子，他看到了美好的幻想，却把它们毫无顺序、毫无连贯地拼凑在一起，或者用毫无意义的废话来填补空隙。马尔赫伯称他的诗是胡言乱语，galimatias。7布瓦洛视它们为“美丽的混乱”。8贺拉斯认为，这些是不受控制的想象力，他读过的品达作品比任何现代人都要多。当代学者构建了各种方案，使品达的思想看起来连贯一致。多伦多的吉尔伯特·诺伍德博士最近出版了一本令人钦佩的书，书中指出，每首诗都以一个视觉形象为主——竖琴、车轮、海上的船——象征着胜利者及其家人和环境。9其他人试图通过在关键点找到关键词和关键短语的重复来将诗节与诗节联系起来。我相信，我们不可能在品达的每一首颂歌中找到连续的思路、一个中心的想象符号或一系列暗示性的联系。每首诗的统一性都是由一个独特的时刻创造的为这个节日而写的。全国性的竞赛、长期的训练和渴望、激励胜利的城市或家庭的神话、同一城市或家庭中早期获胜者的荣耀、当代希腊历史的危机、神殿本身及其神——所有这些激动人心的事物融合成一道炽热的光芒，它射出一连串辉煌的形象，在白热的火花中跨越思想无法弥合的鸿沟，穿过一个平凡的地方，让它变得明亮透明，将一组异质的思想融化成一个短暂的统一体，然后像火焰一样突然熄灭。如果没有表演、舞台效果、合唱、舞蹈、大剧院和雅典观众的高度集中，就很难重新捕捉希腊悲剧或早期喜剧的全部意义。在阅读品达的凯旋颂歌时，除非我们同时在脑海中重现诗歌、音乐、舞蹈、欢腾的城市、光荣的胜利者、骄傲的家庭和高尚的传说所造成的高度和统一的激动，否则几乎不可能理解它们。我们只剩下文字和舞蹈的幽灵。品达诗歌中的思想和意象并不总是按照逻辑顺序接连出现。它们之所以被选中，是因为它们的美丽、强烈和大胆。它们通常通过类似自由联想的过程分组，并通过对比简单地联系在一起，这是因为诗人希望它们不是合乎逻辑的，而是高贵的不连贯性、神圣的惊人性，与凯旋的时刻一样独特。
In eras when reason was stronger than emotion or imagination, people thought Pindar wrote like an inspired lunatic. He was a madman like Blake, who saw fine visions and rammed them together without sequence or even coherence, or filled in the intervals with meaningless spouting. Malherbe called his poems balderdash, galimatias.7 Boileau saw them as ‘beautiful disorder’.8 Horace felt them to be imaginative energy uncontrolled, and he had read more of Pindar than any modern man. Contemporary scholars have constructed various schemes to make Pindar’s thought seem continuous. An admirable recent book by Dr. Gilbert Norwood of Toronto suggests that each poem is dominated by a single visual image—a harp, a wheel, a ship at sea—symbolizing the victor and his family and circumstances.9 Others have tried to link stanza to stanza by finding repetitions of key-words and key-phrases at key-points. I believe myself that it is not possible for us to find either a continuous train of thought or a central imaginative symbol or a series of allusive links in every one of Pindar’s odes. The unity of each poem was created by the single, unique moment of the festival for which it was written. The nation-wide contest, the long training and aspiration, the myth of city or family that inspired the victory, the glories of the earlier winners in the same city or family, the crises of contemporary Greek history, the shrine itself and its god—all these excitements fused into one burning glow which darted out a shower of brilliant images, leapt in a white-hot spark across gaps unbridgeable by thought, passed through a commonplace leaving it luminous and transparent, melted a group of heterogeneous ideas into a shortlived unity, and, as suddenly as a flame, died. It is difficult to recapture the full significance even of Greek tragedy or early comedy, without the acting, the scenic effects, the chorus, the dancing, the great theatre, and the intense concentration of the Athenian audience. In reading Pindar’s triumphal odes it is almost impossible to understand them unless, simultaneously, we revive in our own minds the high and unifying excitement created by the poetry and the music and the dancing and the rejoicing city and the glorious victor and the proud family and the ennobling legend. We have nothing left but the words and a ghost of the dance. The thoughts and images of Pindar’s poems do not always succeed each other in logical sequence. They are chosen for their beauty and their intensity and their boldness. They are often grouped by a process like free association, and linked simply by contrast, by the poet’s wish not to be logical, but to be nobly inconsequent, divinely astonishing, as unique as the triumphal moment.
最伟大的罗马抒情诗人贺拉斯 (公元前 65-8 年) 说过，试图与品达竞争太危险了。10他写作的时代，希腊罗马世界仍然因几代战争和内战的狂怒和疲惫而颤抖，不需要激动、大胆、过度，而是需要冷静、节制、思考和安宁。他的颂歌不是为某个独特的时刻而写的，而是为罗马及其漫长的未来而写的。它们都是精确排列的四行诗节，或（较少见）对句。与品达的抒情诗不同，它们属于传统行和诗节形式的相对较小的变体范围。贺拉斯喜欢的模式基于希腊抒情诗人阿尔凯奥斯和萨福创造的模型，他们创作于公元七世纪和六世纪，比品达早几代。他也从他们那里采纳了许多主题——尽管我们无法确定有多少，因为他们所写的东西几乎全部消失了。他无法复制萨福的深沉情感，也无法复制阿尔凯奥斯有时唱的充满强烈仇恨和狂欢的歌曲；但他复制并加深了阿尔凯奥斯的政治敏感性，阿尔凯奥斯和萨福都对大自然的热爱，他们大胆独立的个人主义，以及他们许多优雅的气质，这些都产生了令人惊讶的效果，其微妙之处不亚于品达的力量。
The greatest Roman lyricist, Horace (65-8 B.C.), said it was too dangerous to try to rival Pindar.10 He wrote at a time when the Greco-Roman world, still trembling with the fury and exhaustion of generations of war and civil war, needed no excitement, no audacity, no excess, but calm, moderation, thought, repose. His odes were not composed for a single unique moment, but for Rome and its long future. They are all in precisely arranged four-line stanzas, or (less often) couplets. Unlike Pindar’s lyrics, they fall into a comparatively small range of variations on traditional line- and stanza-forms. The patterns which Horace prefers are based on models created by the Greek lyric poets Alcaeus and Sappho, who worked in the seventh and sixth centuries, several generations earlier than Pindar. From them, too, he adopted a number of themes—although we cannot certainly tell how many, since nearly all they wrote has vanished. He could not copy Sappho’s deep intensity of emotion, nor the songs of fierce hatred and riotous revelry which Alcaeus sometimes sang; but he reproduced and deepened Alcaeus’ political sensibility, the keen love of nature felt by both Alcaeus and Sappho, something of their bold independent individualism, and much of their delicate grace, which produces effects as surprising in their subtlety as Pindar’s in their power.
在描述了模仿品达的活力所带来的危险之后，贺拉斯将品达比作天鹅。对于意大利人来说，天鹅并不是那种在湖面上昏昏欲睡的、沉默、平静、美丽的生物，而是那种翅膀强壮、声音洪亮、翱翔在高空、除了鹰之外一切事物之上的鸟。11为什么不直接用鹰，朱庇特之鸟来称呼他呢？可能是因为，虽然鹰是征服者，但它并不是歌手；它象征着令人畏惧的力量，而不是令人钦佩的美丽。不过，他的一位追随者更喜欢把品达想象成底比斯鹰。12无论是鹰还是天鹅，他飞得太高（贺拉斯说），我们无法用人造的翅膀跟随他，否则就会像伊卡洛斯一样坠入海中。
After describing the dangers of emulating the dashing energy of Pindar, Horace compares Pindar to a swan. For the Italians this did not mean the mute placid beautiful creature which floats somnolent on the lake, but the strong-winged loud-voiced bird which in flight soars high above everything but the eagle.11 Why not the eagle itself, the bird of Jove? Probably because, although a conqueror, the eagle is not a singer; it symbolizes power to be feared more than beauty to be admired. Still, one of his followers preferred to think of Pindar as the Theban eagle.12 Eagle or swan, he flies too high (says Horace) for us to attempt to follow him on man-made wings, without falling, like Icarus, into the sea.
贺拉斯继续说道，我就像一只蜜蜂，勤劳地在地面附近短途飞行，从无数不同的花朵中采集甜蜜。当然，天鹅更强壮、更杰出、更美丽；但蜜蜂酿造的蜂蜜是世界上独一无二的物质，散发着无数花朵的芳香，不仅是一种食物，还是永生的象征。很少有诗人能如此强烈地将自己的作品和性格与伟大的前辈进行对比。13这种对比很重要，因为它反映了现代文学中两种最重要的抒情诗理想的分歧。在有意无意地追随古典灵感的抒情诗人中，有些人是品达的后代，有些人是贺拉斯的后代。品达派欣赏激情、大胆和奢侈。贺拉斯的追随者则喜欢反思、适度和节俭。品达的颂歌不遵循任何预先设定的套路，而是随着风吹动翅膀而翱翔、俯冲和转向。贺拉斯的抒情诗采用平静、简短、均衡的体系。品达代表着贵族、无畏的勇气和慷慨的心的理想。贺拉斯是资产阶级，他推崇节俭、关怀、谨慎和自控的美德。甚至我们通过这两位诗人及其继承者的颂歌听到的音乐也不同。品达热爱合唱、节日和众足舞。贺拉斯是一位独唱歌手，他总是坐在舒适的房间或安静的花园里，弹奏着七弦琴。
I, Horace goes on, am like a bee, hard-working, flying near the ground on short flights, gathering sweetness from myriads of different flowers. Certainly the swan is stronger, more distinguished, more beautiful; but the bee makes honey, the substance which is unique in the world, fragrant of innumerable blossoms, and not only a food but a symbol of immortality. Rarely has one poet contrasted his work and character so emphatically with that of a great predecessor.13 The contrast is important, because it images the division between the two most vital ideals of formal lyric poetry in modern literature. Among the lyricists who follow classical inspiration, consciously or unconsciously, some are descendants of Pindar, some of Horace. The Pindarics admire passion, daring, and extravagance. Horace’s followers prefer reflection, moderation, economy. Pindaric odes follow no pre-established routine, but soar and dive and veer as the wind catches their wing. Horatian lyrics work on quiet, short, well-balanced systems. Pindar represents the ideals of aristocracy, careless courage and the generous heart. Horace is a bourgeois, prizing thrift, care, caution, the virtue of self-control. Even the music we can hear through the odes of the two poets and their successors is different. Pindar loves the choir, the festival, and the many-footed dance. Horace is a solo singer, sitting in a pleasant room or quiet garden with his lyre.
贺拉斯的诗作往往低估了自己的价值，这一点很典型。他的诗作简短、有序、宁静、沉思，虽然没有品达的诗作那样强烈和狂想，但比品达的诗作更深刻、更令人难忘。他的诗作冷静而动人，敏感而克制，难以捉摸而深刻，比欧洲文学中任何其他抒情诗组都包含更多令人难忘的雄辩和智慧短语。
Characteristically, Horace often undervalued his own poems. Brief, orderly, tranquil, meditative, they are less intense and rhapsodical but deeper and more memorable than those of Pindar. Cool but moving, sensitive but controlled, elusive but profound, they contain more phrases of unforgettable eloquence and wisdom than any other group of lyrics in European literature.
灵感与反思；激情与计划；兴奋与宁静；飞向天堂的飞行与在地面附近的平静巡航。这些不仅仅是两个个体或两个抒情诗流派之间的差异。它们是两种审美态度的显著标志，这两种审美态度表征了（有时过分强调了）两种不同的诗歌、音乐、绘画、演讲、散文小说、雕塑和建筑创作方式。将品达和贺拉斯从他们的背景中分离出来，将他们视为真正的诗人。品达，这位勇敢的胜利者，以与他自己的英雄一样的征服能量歌唱，他创造了自己的媒介，他以彗星般的瞬间强度主宰了过去和未来，难道他不是“浪漫主义者”吗？贺拉斯，这个在内战中逃亡的人，这个从前奴隶的儿子，通过自己的奋斗成为皇帝的朋友，这个像蜜蜂建造蜂巢一样精心地、一个音节一个音节地建造自己丰碑的诗人，这个思想、关怀、自我控制的使徒，难道他不是“古典的”吗？
Inspiration and reflection; passion and planning; excitement and tranquillity; heaven-aspiring flight and a calm cruise near the ground. These are not only differences between two individuals or two schools of lyric poetry. They are the distinguishing marks of two aesthetic attitudes which have characterized (and sometimes over-emphasized) two different ways of making poetry, music, painting, oratory, prose fiction, sculpture, and architecture. Detach Pindar and Horace from their background, and read them as poets in their own right. Pindar, the bold victor who sang with the same conquering energy that possessed his own heroes, who made his own medium, who dominated the past and future by the comet-like intensity of his moment, is he not ‘romantic’? Horace, the man who ran away in the civil war, the ex-slave’s son who worked his way up to become the friend of an emperor, the poet who built his monument syllable by syllable as carefully as bees build their honeycomb, the apostle of thought, care, self-control, is he not ‘classical’?
这种区别经常被误用。所有希腊罗马文学以及所有用现代语言模仿和改编的希腊罗马文学都被称为“古典文学”。现代文学回避了常规形式，被认为是对传统的反叛，充分而自由地表达了作家的个性，重视想象力胜过理性，重视激情胜过自我克制，被称为“浪漫主义”，而且常常被称为“反古典主义”。区分这两种艺术态度很有用，尽管它往往会让我们忘记还有许多其他的态度。但把一种称为“古典主义”，另一种称为“反古典主义”，并假设所有希腊罗马文学及其现代后裔都是这种意义上的“古典主义”，这是一个危险的错误。听到像雪莱这样的诗人被描述为“浪漫主义”是令人痛苦的，因为“浪漫主义”被理解为“背离希腊和拉丁文学传统”：因为很少有伟大的英国诗人更加热爱希腊罗马文学或对其有更深的理解。14这也破坏了我们对希腊罗马文学的欣赏，其中很大一部分重要作品充满情感张力，想象力丰富。古典这个词的意思只是“一流的”，“好到可以作为标准”；在文艺复兴时期，这个词衍生而来，成为所有希腊和拉丁文学的通用描述。在那些设有古典学教授席位或教授古典学的大学里，这个词仍然以这种意义使用；在这本书中，它被用来表示这个意思，仅此而已。15
The distinction has often been misapplied. All Greco-Roman literature and all its imitations and adaptations in modern languages have been called ‘classical’. Modern literature which shuns regular forms, which is conceived as a revolt against tradition, which gives full and free expression to the personality of the writer, which values imagination more than reason and passionate emotion more than self-restraint, has been called ‘romantic’ and very often ‘anti-classical’. The distinction between the two attitudes to art is useful enough, although it tends to make us forget that there are many others. But it is a dangerous mistake to call one ‘classical’ and the other ‘anti-classical’, and to assume that all Greco-Roman literature with its modern descendants is ‘classical’ in this sense. It is painful to hear such a poet as Shelley described as ‘romantic’, when ‘romantic’ is taken to mean ‘turning away from Greek and Latin literary tradition’: for very few great English poets have loved Greco-Roman literature more deeply or understood it better.14 And it ruins our appreciation of Greco-Roman literature, of which a large and important part is tensely emotional and boldly imaginative. The word classical simply means ‘first-class’, ‘good enough to be used as a standard’; and by derivation it came in the Renaissance to be a general description for all Greek and Latin literature. It is still employed in that sense at those universities which have a Chair of Classics or profess Études Classiques; and in this book it has been used to mean that, and nothing more.15
因此，品达和贺拉斯都是古典诗人——他们属于同一种文学传统，这种传统源于希腊，通过罗马发展起来。但是，他们在许多目标和方法上却截然不同；许多最伟大的现代抒情诗可以最好地理解为遵循了其中一种或另一种的做法。大胆、热情、自由模式的颂歌源自品达。简短、精致的抒情诗，严肃而沉思，或带有讽刺意味，欢快，源自贺拉斯。在一些诗人的作品中，我们会遇到这两种风格。弥尔顿既创作了品达式的颂歌，又创作了贺拉斯式的十四行诗。龙沙一开始与品达一起高飞，然后，与贺拉斯一起放松。这是可能的，因为这两者的态度并不是截然相反的。毕竟，品达和贺拉斯都是抒情诗人；品达尽管兴奋不已，却牢牢控制着自己的语言和思想；贺拉斯虽然通常比较克制，但有时也会爆发出悲痛的情绪或大胆的想象。因此品达和贺拉斯这两个流派并不是对手，而是互补，有时甚至是盟友。
Pindar and Horace, then, are both classical poets—in the sense that they belong to the same literary tradition, the tradition which sprang from Greece and grew through Rome. But in many of their aims and methods they are quite different; and much of the greatest modern lyric poetry can be best understood as following the practice of one or the other. There are bold exuberant free-patterned odes, which derive from Pindar. There are brief, delicately moulded lyrics, seriously meditative or ironically gay, which derive from Horace. And in the work of some poets we meet both styles. Milton produced both Pindaric odes and Horatian sonnets. Ronsard began by soaring up with Pindar, and then, with Horace, relaxed. This is possible because the two attitudes are not polar antitheses. After all, both Pindar and Horace were lyric poets; Pindar, for all his excitement, kept a firm control of his language and thought; Horace, though usually restrained, sometimes breaks into plangent grief or daring imagery. Therefore the two schools, Pindaric and Horatian, are not opponents, but complements and sometimes allies.
其他希腊诗人和另一位罗马诗人也受到现代抒情诗人的推崇，但远不及品达和贺拉斯。这些希腊诗人中最著名的是阿那克里翁，他在公元前六世纪歌颂爱情、美酒和欢乐。他的诗歌几乎全部失传了；但后来的模仿者创作的一定数量的关于同一主题的抒情诗幸存了下来，并在一段时间内以他的名字命名。这些抒情诗为我们描绘了许多关于生活中较轻松方面、脆弱的快乐或转瞬即逝的忧郁的愉快小形象：青春是一朵应该在它枯萎之前采摘的花，爱情不是压倒一切的恶魔，而是顽皮的丘比特。在形式上，阿那克里翁派（模仿者被称为）简单、轻松且易于歌唱。（《星条旗》是用一首现代阿那克里翁歌曲《天堂里的阿那克里翁》）。这些事情微不足道，但却很迷人。例如
Other Greek poets, and one other Roman, were admired by modern lyricists, but much less than Pindar and Horace. The most famous of these Greeks was Anacreon, who sang of love, wine, and gaiety in the sixth century B.C. Nearly all his poems have been lost; but a certain number of lyrics on the same range of subjects, written by later imitators, survived and for some time passed under his name. To them we owe many pleasant little images of the lighter aspects of life, frail pleasure or fleeting melancholy: youth as a flower which should be plucked before it withers, love not an overmastering daemon but a naughty Cupid. In form, the Anacreontics (as the imitators are called) were simple and easy and singable. (The Star-Spangled Banner was written to the tune of a modern Anacreontic song called Anacreon in Heaven). They are slight things, but charming. For instance
午夜时分，
当熊慢慢地
绕着光明守护者的手旋转时，
In the middle of the night-time,
when the Bear was turning slowly
round the hand of the bright Keeper,
一阵敲门声，一阵拍打声；当诗人打开门时，进来的不是乌鸦，而是一个拿着弓的小男孩。诗人给他取暖、遮风避雨；作为回报，他擦干了弓弦，装上一支锋利的箭，然后……16
came a knocking, came a tapping; and when the poet opened his door, there entered, not a raven, but a little boy with a bow. The poet warmed and sheltered him; in return, after he had dried his bowstring, he fitted a sharp arrow to it, and …16
还有《希腊文选集》，里面收集了希腊文学几乎所有时期的所有主题的警句和短篇抒情诗。它包含大量的垃圾、一些熟练的熟练工人的作品，以及数量惊人的真正的宝石：虽然很小，但却是钻石。我们的一些诗人在发展现代警句时受益匪浅，17它的许多主题被采纳，一部分通过文艺复兴时期的拉丁诗人，一部分直接进入法国、意大利、英国和其他国家的十四行诗和小抒情诗中。18
There was also the Greek Anthology, an enormous collection of epigrams and short lyrics on every conceivable subject, from almost every period of Greek literature. It contains a vast quantity of trash, some skilful journeyman work, and a surprising number of real gems: small, but diamonds. Some of our poets have been indebted to it in developing the modern epigram,17 and many of its themes were taken up, partly through the Renaissance Latin poets and in part directly, into the sonnets and lesser lyrics of France, Italy, England, and other countries.18
卡图卢斯属于贺拉斯之前的一代，他的一生和他的诗歌一样短暂而充满激情，他留下了一些爱情抒情诗，这些诗在感情的强烈程度和表达的直接性方面从未被超越。每个恋人都应该知道最伟大的：
Catullus, who belonged to the generation before Horace and lived a life as short and passionate as his own poems, left a handful of love-lyrics which have never been surpassed for intensity of feeling and directness of expression. Every lover should know the greatest:
我又恨又爱。你问我怎么会这样？
我不知道，但我感到很痛苦。19
I hate and love. You ask how that can be?
I know not, but I feel the agony.19
有些诗，比如关于莱斯比亚的宠物麻雀的诗，其中20 首诗欢快而通俗。其他诗句则是从炽热的痛苦和激情中锻造出来的警句和抒情诗，但技艺精湛。其中大部分诗句都太过精彩，难以复制，但现代诗人已经改编了其中的一些主题，有时还会通过模仿卡图卢斯的快速和真实来约束自己。
Some, like the poems on Lesbia’s pet sparrow,20 are buoyant and colloquial. Others are epigrams and lyrics forged out of white-hot pain and passion, yet with perfect craftsmanship. Most of them are too great to copy, but modern poets have adapted some of the themes, and sometimes disciplined themselves by emulating Catullus’ rapidity and his truth.
早在文艺复兴开始之前，欧洲就已经存在抒情诗了。普罗旺斯、法国、意大利、英国、德国、西班牙的诗人都创作了非常优美和复杂的歌曲模式。也许在最初，当地语言的歌曲是从教堂的拉丁赞美诗中发展出来的；但它们很快就与母语失去了联系。因此，当品达、贺拉斯和其他古典抒情诗人重新发现后，这一发现并没有创造出现代抒情诗。它不像戏剧，希腊和拉丁喜剧和悲剧的出现完全揭示了迄今为止从未梦想过的形式和创作可能性。已经掌握了皇家韵律、各种形式的十四行诗、八行诗节和许多更复杂的诗节形式的诗人几乎不需要从古典中借用许多模式。
Long before the Renaissance began, lyric poetry already existed in Europe. Provencal, French, Italian, English, German, Spanish poets had made song-patterns of much beauty and intricacy. Perhaps in the very beginning the songs of the vernacular languages had grown out of the Latin hymns of the church; but they soon left behind any link with the parent language. Therefore, when Pindar and Horace and the other classical lyric poets were rediscovered, the discovery did not create modern lyric poetry. It was not like the theatre, where the emergence of Greek and Latin comedy and tragedy was a complete revelation of hitherto undreamed-of forms and creative possibilities. Poets who already commanded the rhyme royal, the sonnet in its various shapes, ottava rima, and many more complex stanza-forms scarcely needed to borrow many patterns from the classics.
他们所借鉴的首先是主题材料。不是广泛的主题——爱情、青春、对死亡的恐惧和对生活的喜悦——而是对抒情诗主题的一系列清晰而令人难忘的态度、使它们更加生动的形象或思维转变；当然，还有希腊罗马神话提供的各种意象。更重要的是，他们以品达和贺拉斯的颂歌为模型丰富了他们的语言，使其远离了平淡的散文和传统的民歌措辞。为了与古典诗歌相媲美，他们使自己的抒情诗更加庄重，口语化和歌曲化程度较低（带有 tra-la-la 和 hey nonino），仪式化和赞美诗化程度较高。这是古典影响给现代抒情诗带来的最重要的变化：一种更严肃、更崇高的精神。为了标记这些传承及其与古典诗歌的普遍亲缘关系，文艺复兴时期的抒情诗人经常抄袭或改编品达、贺拉斯等人的诗歌形式；而对于更雄心勃勃、更严肃的抒情诗，他们选择了颂歌这个名字。
What they did borrow was, first of all, thematic material. Not the broad subjects—love and youth and the fear of death and the joy of life—but a number of clear and memorable attitudes to the subjects of lyric poetry, images or turns of thought that made them more vivid; and, of course, the whole range of imagery supplied by Greco-Roman myth. More important, they enriched their language on the model of Pindar’s and Horace’s odes, taking it farther away from plain prose and from conventional folk-song phraseology. And in their eagerness to rival the classics, they made their own lyrics more dignified, less colloquial and song-like (with a tra-la-la and a hey nonino), more ceremonial and hymnlike. This was the most important change that classical influence brought into modern lyric: a graver, nobler spirit. To mark these debts and their general kinship with the classics, the Renaissance lyric poets frequently copied or adapted the verse forms of Pindar, Horace, and the others; and, for more ambitious and serious lyrics, they chose the name ode.
它是一个希腊词，意为歌曲，通过其拉丁语形式oda引入现代语言。品达和贺拉斯都没有用它作为他们诗歌的名字，但它现在与他们紧密相连，并清楚地表明了诗歌的崇高和正式的品质，因此几乎不能被抛弃。许多现代抒情诗都是歌曲，为当下而写。颂歌是一首古典风格的歌曲，为永恒而写。
It is a Greek word, meaning song, brought into modern speech through its Latin form oda. Neither Pindar nor Horace used it as a name for their poems, but it is so firmly linked with them now, and so clearly indicates their qualities of loftiness and formality, that it can scarcely be abandoned. Many modern lyrics are songs, written for the moment. An ode is a song in the classical manner, written for eternity.
品达
PINDAR
贺拉斯在整个中世纪都广为人知，尽管在本土语言中很少被模仿。21品达不为人知，他的诗更奇特、更绚丽、更激烈。因此，当他被重新发现时，他对文艺复兴时期的诗人产生了更深远的影响。现代正式抒情诗变得比贺拉斯更像品达，而且一直如此。品达颂歌的第一版由伟大的出版商阿尔杜斯在威尼斯印刷1513 年。受过教育的人们早已知道贺拉斯对品达不可企及的崇高品格的赞赏。22这是一个挑战，文艺复兴时期的诗人们不会拒绝它。
Horace was known throughout the Middle Ages, although seldom imitated in the vernacular languages.21 Pindar was unknown; and his poetry was stranger, more brilliant and violent. Therefore, when he was rediscovered, he made a deeper impact on the Renaissance poets. The modern formal lyric became, and remained, more Pindaric than Horatian. The first edition of Pindar’s odes was printed at Venice by the great publisher Aldus in 1513. Educated men already knew Horace’s admiring reference to Pindar’s unapproachable loftiness.22 This was a challenge, and the Renaissance poets were not men to refuse it.
最早模仿品达的白话文是意大利语。路易吉·阿拉曼尼的赞美诗（1532-3 年在里昂出版）可能更早。23但几年后，对品达的风格和声誉的挑战最响亮、最大胆的回答来自法国，皮埃尔·德·龙萨的名字由此而来。
The earliest vernacular imitations of Pindar were in Italian. Probably the hymns of Luigi Alamanni (published at Lyons in 1532–3) have priority.23 But the loudest and boldest answer to the challenge of Pindar’s style and reputation came from France a few years later, and made the name of Pierre de Ronsard,
他是全法国第一个
将品达文化的人。24
the first who in all France
had ever Pindarized.24
龙萨于 1524 年出生于卢瓦尔河地区。和乔叟和埃尔西拉一样，25他是一名皇家侍从，成年后曾出国为国王服务。他的一位年轻同伴使他对维吉尔和贺拉斯产生了浓厚的兴趣，十几岁时他就开始创作以古典文学为主题的爱情诗。26但一场重病让他部分失聪，使他无法继续从事外交和宫廷事业。21 岁时，他决定转向诗歌和古典学习——因为在当时蓬勃发展的文艺复兴时期，这两者几乎是密不可分的。他已经很幸运地找到了一位优秀的老师让·多拉，并跟随他进入了巴黎大学的一个小学院科克雷学院。多拉（约1502-88 年）是众多优秀教师之一，他性格坚强而迷人，学识渊博，不断追求新的美，文学品味敏锐，帮助创造了文艺复兴及其文学。27他是这群反抗法国诗歌传统标准、宣扬理想和技术革命的诗人的形成性影响者，而龙沙和他的年轻朋友则是这群诗人的活力和素材。他们自称七星团，以七颗星汇聚成一道光芒命名。二十八
Ronsard was born in the Loire country in 1524. Like Chaucer and Ercilla,25 he was a royal page, and in his early manhood travelled abroad in the king’s service. One of his young companions infected him with enthusiasm for Vergil and Horace, and while still in his teens he began to write love-poems on themes drawn from the classics.26 But a serious illness, which made him partly deaf, debarred him from continuing a diplomatic and courtly career. Aged twenty-one, he determined to turn to poetry and classical learning—for the two were then, in the expanding Renaissance, almost indissolubly allied. He had already had the good fortune to find an excellent teacher, Jean Dorat, and followed him to the Collège de Coqueret, a small unit of the university of Paris. Dorat (c. 1502–88) was one of the many superb teachers, with a strong but winning personality, learning both wide and deep, a mind constantly in pursuit of new beauties, and a sensitive literary taste, who helped to create the Renaissance and its literature.27 He was the formative influence, while Ronsard and his young friends were the energy and the material, of the group of poets who rebelled against the traditional standards of French poetry and proclaimed revolution in ideals and techniques. They called themselves the Pléiade, after the group of seven stars which join their light into a single glow.28
七星社所宣扬的革命既不像他们所相信的那样暴力，也没有他们所希望的那样成功。然而，它却足够重要。简而言之，它相当于法国诗歌和希腊拉丁文学的更紧密的结合，两者在平等的基础上相遇。它的三个主要里程碑是：
The revolution preached by the Pléiade was neither so violent as they believed nor so successful as they hoped. It was, nevertheless, important enough. In a sentence, it amounted to a closer synthesis between French poetry and Greco-Latin literature, the two meeting on an equal basis. Its three chief landmarks were:
1549 年，龙沙的好友若阿尚·杜·贝莱出版了《法语的保卫与提升》 ；二十九
the publication of The Defence and Ennoblement of the French Language by Ronsard’s friend Joachim Du Bellay in 1549;29
the appearance of Ronsard’s The First Four Books of the Odes in 1550;
1552 年上演的若德尔的《被俘的克娄巴特拉与尤金》 。三十
the staging of Jodelle’s Captive Cleopatra and Eugene in 1552.30
和年轻人一样，七星团的成员们夸张地宣称自己独创，蔑视他们的前辈，并进行了大胆的实验，后来他们却退缩了。但总的来说，他们是正确的，而且是成功的。
As young men do, the Pléiade issued extravagant claims to originality, heaped contempt on their predecessors, and made daring experiments from which they later recoiled. But in the main they were right, and successful.
杜·贝莱的论点是这样的：法国人用拉丁文写作是不爱国的。法国人用法语写作而不试图与希腊和拉丁文学的最伟大成就相媲美，就等于承认自己低人一等。因此，法国诗歌应该“掠夺罗马城和德尔斐神庙”，通过引入希腊和罗马的主题、神话、文体手法和所有美丽的元素，将法国文学提升到更高的水平。31抛弃中世纪的神秘剧和道德剧。但也要抛弃用拉丁文写剧本的想法。用法语写出和古典剧作家一样精彩的悲剧和喜剧。抛弃老式的法语抒情诗，把它们留给地方节日和民间聚会：它们是“粗俗的”。32但也要放弃用拉丁语或希腊语写歌词的想法。33用法语写一首“法国缪斯女神仍未知晓的颂歌”，其中包含了品达的伟大之处。
Du Bellay’s thesis was this. It is unpatriotic for a Frenchman to write in Latin. It is an admission of inferiority for a Frenchman to write in French without trying to equal the grandest achievements of Greek and Latin literature. Therefore French poetry should ‘loot the Roman city and the Delphic temple’, raising the literature of France to a higher power by importing into it themes, myths, stylistic devices, all the beauty of Greece and Rome.31 Abandon the old medieval mystery-plays and morality-plays. But also abandon the idea of writing plays in Latin. Write tragedies and comedies as fine as those of the classical dramatists, but in French. Abandon the old-style French lyrics, leave them to provincial festivals and folk-gatherings: they are ‘vulgar’.32 But also abandon the idea of writing lyrics in Latin or Greek.33 Write ‘odes still unknown to the French muse’ containing all that makes Pindar great, but in French.
杜·贝莱说得对。民族主义使文化狭隘，极端的古典主义使文化枯竭。通过将其所属的遍布大陆、历经数个世纪的文化的力量融入民族文学，是让其永远伟大的最佳方式。这一点在文艺复兴时期既有正面的，也有负面的。正是这种民族和古典元素的综合，在英国产生了莎士比亚的悲剧以及斯宾塞和弥尔顿的史诗。在法国，经过一段时间的试验，也产生了龙沙的抒情诗、布瓦洛的讽刺诗，以及拉辛和高乃依以及莫里哀的戏剧。正是由于未能完成这种综合，德国人和其他某些国家在 16 世纪没有创作出任何伟大的文学作品，而是把精力花在模仿其他国家、创作民歌和民间故事，或者用褪色的拉丁语创作褪色的优雅作品上。
Du Bellay was right. Nationalism narrows culture; extreme classicism desiccates it. To enrich a national literature by bringing into it the strength of the continent-wide and centuries-ripe culture to which it belongs is the best way to make it eternally great. This can be proved both positively and negatively in the Renaissance. It was this synthesis of national and classical elements that produced, in England, Shakespeare’s tragedies and the epics of Spenser and Milton. It was the same synthesis in France that, after a period of experiment, produced the lyrics of Ronsard, the satires of Boileau, the dramas not only of Racine and Corneille but of Molière. It was the failure to complete such a synthesis that kept the Germans and certain other nations from producing any great works of literature during the sixteenth century, and made them spend their efforts either on imitating other nations, writing folk-songs and folk-tales, or composing faded elegances in faded Latin.
龙沙和他的朋友们声称他是第一位法国人写颂歌，甚至使用颂歌这个词。M. Laumonier 等人的出色调查已经清楚地表明，正如他的对手当时指出的那样，他既不是这个词的发明者，也不是这个词的创造者。在 Ronsard 开始写作之前，法语和拉丁语中就已经使用了颂歌这个词；法语颂歌的实际发明既归功于 Clèment Marot，也归功于 Ronsard。34甚至不清楚龙沙是否如他所宣称的那样，是他这个团体中第一个以品达风格创作颂歌的人。三十五
Ronsard and his friends claimed that he was the first Frenchman to write odes, and even to use the word ode. The brilliant investigations of M. Laumonier and others have made it quite clear that, as his opponents pointed out at the time, he invented neither the word nor the thing. The word ode had been used in both French and current Latin years before Ronsard started writing; and the actual invention of the French ode is due to Clèment Marot quite as much as to Ronsard.34 It is not even clear whether, as he declared, Ronsard was the first of his group to write odes in the manner of Pindar.35
可以肯定的是，龙沙是古典抒情诗的奠基人，不仅在法国，而且在整个现代欧洲都是如此。他大胆地出版了一部包含九十四首颂歌的巨作《颂歌前四卷》 ，以此实现了这一目标。他认为这一举动是与品达的竞争（品达留下了四本包含四十四首诗的胜利颂歌书）36和贺拉斯（他留下了四本颂歌集，总共 103 首诗，但平均比龙沙的短得多），并预示着法国诗歌的新潮流。虽然他不仅从品达那里汲取了这些诗的主题和模型，还从贺拉斯和阿那克里翁以及古典抒情诗内外的许多其他来源汲取了这些诗的主题和模型，但他最引人注目和最雄心勃勃的颂歌是与品达竞争而写的，37通过它们，我们可以开始对现代文学中的品达颂歌进行研究。
What is absolutely certain is that Ronsard was the founder of elevated lyric poetry on classical models, not only for France, but for all modern Europe. He achieved this by the bold step of publishing a huge single collection of ninety-four odes all at once, The First Four Books of the Odes. This act he conceived as rivalry with Pindar (who left four books of triumphal odes containing forty-four poems)36 and Horace (who left four books of odes, 103 poems in all, but on the average much shorter than Ronsard’s), and as the annunciation of a new trend in French poetry. Although he drew subjects and models for these poems not only from Pindar but from Horace, and Anacreon, and many other sources both within and without classical lyric, the most striking and ambitious of his odes were written in rivalry with Pindar,37 and with them we can begin a survey of Pindaric odes in modern literature.
贺拉斯说，追随品达的飞行就像乘着人造翅膀翱翔，很容易以惨败告终。38龙沙成功了吗？
Horace said that following Pindar’s flight was like soaring on artificial wings, and was apt to end in a spectacular failure.38 Did Ronsard succeed?
品达的颂歌讲述了奥林匹克运动会和其他国家运动会的胜利。龙沙试图寻找更崇高的主题。例如，第一卷中的第一首颂歌赞扬亨利二世国王与英国成功缔结和平，第六首颂扬弗朗索瓦·德·波旁在塞里索莱斯战役中的胜利。但大多数颂歌都是为朋友或赞助人写的，没有特别的庆祝场合，只是赞美之词。因此，品达胜利颂歌中弥漫的狂喜和即时的胜利感在龙沙的颂歌中经常缺失，取而代之的是精心设计但有时冷淡的礼节。
Pindar’s odes deal with victories at the Olympic and other national games. Ronsard tried to find subjects even nobler. The first one in book 1, for instance, praises King Henri II for concluding a successful peace with England, and the sixth glorifies Francois de Bourbon on the victory of Cérisoles. But most of them were written for a friend or a patron with no particular occasion to celebrate, and are merely encomia. Therefore the sense of exultation and immediate triumph which swept through Pindar’s victory odes is often absent from Ronsard’s, and is replaced by an elaborate but sometimes frigid courtesy.
就想象力和文笔丰富程度而言，龙沙远不及品达。他的句子直截了当，常常接近押韵的散文。它们的含义往往是晦涩难懂，因为他觉得，要成为像品达那样的诗人，就必须培养神谕的深奥。然而，他通常不是通过写出每个词都充满深刻含义、词序也有意义、整个短语包含许多不同层次的思想（读者必须慢慢理解）来实现这一点；而是通过使用高深的迂回句法和引用奇怪的神话，只要认出引用，所有这些都会变得非常清楚。这些句子本身比品达的句子简单得多，变化也少得多。39他的词汇明亮、巧妙、引人入胜，尽管也许过于沉迷于小词；但是，除了专有名词之外，它很少有任何东西能与品达的炽热的新造复合词和白热化的诗意词语相媲美。他引入的神话远非平淡和俗套。有些是故意弄得深奥难懂的。有些则像文艺复兴时期的挂毯一样丰富。《颂歌》第1 章第 10 节对缪斯的诞生、她们向父亲“朱宾”的介绍、她们对众神与提坦之战的歌唱以及朱庇特奖励她们的力量进行了精彩的、在很大程度上是原创的描述。这样的神话并不迂腐。但它们也不是英雄的。它们没有品达的炽热强度。它们不包含像品达的闪电般的景象那样的画面：少女昔兰尼在与狮子搏斗时一动不动地挣扎着；40我们觉得，龙沙之所以看不到这些事情，是因为他的眼睛还没有睁开。
In power of imagination and richness of style, Ronsard falls far below Pindar. His sentences are straightforward, often coming very close to rhyming prose. Often enough their meaning is obscure, because he felt that, to be a poet like Pindar, he must cultivate the dark profundity of an oracle. He usually achieved this, however, not by writing sentences in which every word is charged with deep significance, their order too is meaningful, and whole phrases contain many different layers of thought, through which the reader must slowly penetrate; but by using lofty periphrases and alluding to strange myths, all of which become quite clear as soon as one recognizes the reference. The sentences themselves are far simpler and less various than those of Pindar.39 His vocabulary is bright, ingenious, and attractive, although perhaps too much addicted to diminutives; but, apart from proper names, it seldom has anything comparable with the blazing new-forged compounds and the white-hot poetical words of Pindar. The myths he introduces are far from being flat and conventional. Some are deliberately abstruse. Some are as rich as a Renaissance tapestry. Odes, 1. 10 contains a fine, and largely original, description of the birth of the Muses, their presentation to their father ‘Jupin’, their song of the battle between the Gods and the Titans, and the power with which Jupiter rewarded them. Such myths are not pedantic. But they are not heroic. They have not Pindar’s burning intensity. They contain no pictures like Pindar’s lightning-flash vision of the maiden Cyrene straining motionless in combat with a lion;40 and we feel that Ronsard could not see such things, because his eyes were not opened.
龙沙的品达颂歌分为三节、四节和尾节。这本身就毫无用处，因为它们不是用来合唱和跳舞的。诗节由短行组成，每首诗的音节大多在 6 到 9 个音节之间变化。每节几乎都是统一的；没有品达的起伏。韵脚通常以对句的形式排列，穿插在四行诗之间。最重要的是：几乎每节都是密封的，形成一组没有延续的句子；并且每节中的意思几乎总是在行末停止，很少在其他地方停止。这比品达的风格要有限得多，也更受限制。品达的思想从一行流到另一行，从一节流到另一节，从三段流到三段，不必在任何不受意义支配的地方停顿，直到诗的结尾。显然，龙沙的脑海里仍然浮现着民间舞蹈的两前两后的节奏。这体现了他与品达的差异颂歌和品达的颂歌。龙沙的颂歌模仿的是丰富、复调、温暖的抒情作品，更简单、更天真、更单薄、旋律更平淡。
Ronsard’s Pindaric odes are divided into strophes, antistrophes, and epodes. In itself this is uselessly artificial, since they were not meant to be sung by a choir and danced. The stanzas are made up of blocks of short lines, mostly varying between six and nine syllables from poem to poem. Each stanza is practically uniform; there is none of Pindar’s ebb and flow. The rhymes are usually arranged in couplets interspersed among quatrains. What is most important is this: nearly every stanza is hermetically sealed off, to form one group of sentences without carry-over; and within each stanza the sense nearly always stops at the line-ending, and seldom elsewhere. This is far more limited and hampered than the style of Pindar, whose thought flows on from line to line, stanza to stanza, triad to triad, without necessarily pausing at any point not dictated by the sense, until the end of the poem. Evidently Ronsard still has the little two-forward-and-two-back rhythms of the folk-dance running in his head. That epitomizes the differences between his odes and those of Pindar. Ronsard’s are a simpler, more naive, thinner, less melodious imitation of a rich, polyphonic, warmly orchestrated lyrical work.
1551 年，龙萨放弃了与品达竞争的企图。事实上，他既没有性格，也没有环境使他成为第二个品达；他太软弱，他的读者群太肤浅。在颂歌中，他经常提到他试图在《埃涅阿斯纪》的石膏模型《法兰西亚德》中模仿荷马和维吉尔；41但他的心灵不够深沉，不够坚强，无法完成这样的任务，在写了四本书之后，他就放弃了。同样，他逐渐放弃了品达的风格和内容，回到了这位他曾自诩超越的诗人。42他放弃了A—Z—P 的诗节、对句和尾节的编排，开始用对句和四行、六行的小诗节写作。他的语调变得更安静，忧郁而不是英雄气概，轻浮而不是胜利。他不再吹嘘自己能演奏底比斯弦乐，而是转向更柔和、更亲切的贺拉斯、阿那克里翁的音乐，43和希腊文选集。
In 1551 Ronsard gave up the attempt to rival Pindar. In fact he had neither the character nor the environment which would enable him to become a second Pindar; he was too soft, and his public too shallow. In the odes he often refers to his attempt to copy Homer and Vergil in a plaster cast of the Aeneid, called The Franciad;41 but his soul was not deep enough and strong enough to enable him to complete such a task, and he abandoned it after four books. In the same way, he gradually dropped the manner and matter of Pindar, and returned to the poet whom he had once boasted of surpassing.42 He abandoned the A—Z—P arrangement in strophe, antistrophe, and epode, and took to writing in couplets and little four-line and six-line stanzas. His tone became quieter, melancholy instead of heroic, frivolous instead of triumphant. He boasted less often of playing a Theban string, and turned towards the softer, more congenial music of Horace, Anacreon,43 and the Greek Anthology.
然而，他的尝试和《七星诗》的辅助作品并非毫无用处。他将法国抒情诗从繁琐的诗节形式中解放出来，在这种诗节形式中，只有极少的韵脚，难以交织，限制了诗人的思维。44他摆脱了民歌的许多传统，这些传统原本是自然的，但现在已经变得陈腐而幼稚。他和七星团的兄弟们通过研究希腊和拉丁诗歌，为法语增添了许多有价值的词汇和文体手法。他表明，法国抒情诗可以是高尚的、深思熟虑的，其庄严程度可以与它所庆祝的最伟大事件相媲美。
Still, his attempt, and the supporting work of the Pleiade, were not useless. He set French lyric poetry free from the elaborate stanza-forms in which a very few rhymes, difficultly interwoven, confined the poet’s thought.44 He shook off much of the heritage of folk-song, which had originally been natural and had become conventional and jejune. He and his brother-stars in the Pleiade added many valuable words and stylistic devices to the French language, from their study of Greek and Latin poetry. He showed that French lyric could be noble, and thoughtful, and equal in majesty to the greatest events it might choose to celebrate.
意大利的龙沙——或者如他所希望的那样，意大利的品达——是加布里埃洛·基亚布雷拉（1552-1638），他的墓志铭由教皇乌尔班八世撰写，自夸他是“第一个将底比斯的节奏融入托斯卡纳的弦乐，以大胆的翅膀追随迪尔塞（品达）的天鹅，从未失败”的人，并且像他的伟大同乡哥伦布一样，他“发现了诗歌的新世界”。45基亚布雷拉年轻时与出版商阿尔杜斯的儿子保卢斯·马努提乌斯交往，听了马克·安托万的讲座，对古典文学的研究和模仿产生了浓厚的兴趣。米雷是龙沙的才华横溢的朋友和评论家。他的品达诗歌部分是独立创作的，但部分模仿了龙沙的诗歌和七星团的诗歌。46这些只是他大量作品中的一小部分，他的其他作品还包括几部史诗、戏剧、田园诗和“音乐剧”（旨在重现希腊悲剧中音乐与文字结合的真实效果的歌剧剧本）。他的《英雄诗》（Canzoni eroiche）包含大约一百首颂歌，其中十二首像品达的颂歌一样分为正节、对节和尾节。它们都是六行、八行、十行，有时甚至十行以上的诗节。诗行长度不一，有时只有三拍、四拍或五拍。韵律分布不均匀：典型的模式是abab cddc efef。47因此，节奏和韵律都是不规则平衡的；但第一节中划出的模式在所有其他诗节中都得到了精心保留。因此，总体效果与品达的颂歌非常相似，只是舞蹈的旋转三元组运动消失了。少数三元组诗的诗节更短、更简单。
The Italian Ronsard—or, as he hoped, the Italian Pindar—was Gabriello Chiabrera (1552–1638), whose epitaph, written by Pope Urban VIII, boasted that he was the ‘first to fit Theban rhythms to Tuscan strings, following the Swan of Dirce (Pindar) on bold wings which did not fail’, and that, like his great fellow-townsman Columbus, he ‘found new worlds of poetry’.45 In his youth Chiabrera was made enthusiastic for the study and emulation of classical literature by association with Paulus Manutius, son of the publisher Aldus, and by hearing the lectures of Marc-Antoine Muret, the brilliant friend and commentator of Ronsard. His Pindaric poems are partly independent creations, but partly modelled on those of Ronsard and the poetry of the Pleiade.46 They are only a small proportion of his large output, which includes several epics, dramas, pastorals, and ‘musical dramas’ (opera libretti written in an attempt to re-create the true effect of the combination of music and words in Greek tragedy). His Heroic Poems (Canzoni eroiche) contain about a hundred odes, of which twelve are divided like Pindar’s into strophes, antistrophes, and epodes. They are all composed in stanzas of six, eight, ten, and sometimes more than ten lines. The lines are uneven in length, sometimes having three beats, or four, or five. The rhymes are unevenly distributed: a typical pattern being abab cddc efef.47 So both rhythm and rhyme are irregularly balanced; but the pattern struck out in the first stanza is carefully preserved in all the others. The general effect is therefore quite like that of Pindar’s odes, except that the turning triadic movement of the dance is lost. The few triadic poems run in shorter, simple stanzas.
基亚布雷拉确实取得了胜利。他在海战之后写下了许多这样的诗篇，佛罗伦萨的战舰在与土耳其人的战斗中发挥了成功的作用，奴役了土耳其战俘，解放了基督教奴隶。然而，无论是在这些诗篇中，还是在他赞美意大利国家和教会各要员的众多诗篇中，他都没有达到品达火山般的火焰：只有一种温和而令人愉悦的温暖。巴洛克诗歌的根深蒂固的缺陷在他的诗篇中已经可见一斑——习惯于引入古典典故，不是为了支持和增加诗人自己的创作的美感，而是为了替代想象力。颂歌中充斥着希腊罗马的神灵和神话，阿波罗和缪斯，奥罗拉为门农流下的眼泪，明亮的福玻斯的光束，以及泰坦的咆哮；然而，基亚布雷拉把它们放进去，不是因为它们让他兴奋，而是因为它们是意料之中的。他的颂歌旋律非常迷人，因为他善于交织押韵和节奏，但这些颂歌听起来不像品达的凯旋颂歌，而更像优美而精致的意大利颂歌。与他所崇拜并努力效仿的龙沙一样，基亚布雷拉确实是一位歌手。
Chiabrera had genuine victories to celebrate. He wrote a number of these poems after naval battles in which the galleys of Florence played a successful part against the Turks, enslaving Turkish prisoners and liberating Christian slaves. However, neither in them nor in his numerous poems glorifying various Italian dignitaries of state and church did he achieve anything like Pindar’s volcanic blaze: only a mild and pleasing warmth. The besetting sin of baroque poetry is already traceable in his poems—the habit of introducing a classical allusion not to support and add beauty to the poet’s own invention, but as a substitute for imagination. The odes are crowded with Greco-Roman deities and myths, Apollo and the Muses, the tears of Aurora for Memnon, the beams of bright Phoebus, and the roars of the Titans; yet Chiabrera puts them in, not because they excite him, but because they are expected. The melody of his odes is very charming, for he is skilful at interweaving rhyme and rhythm, but they do not sound so much like Pindar’s triumphal odes as like gracefully elaborated Italian canzoni. Like Ronsard, whom he admired and strove to emulate, Chiabrera was really a songster.
颂歌这个词是在莎士比亚时代引入英语的。对莎士比亚来说，它的意思是一首情诗。他用它来描述一个是《爱的徒劳》，48在《皆大欢喜》中，罗瑟琳抱怨她的情人（忠于田园诗的惯例之一）在树干上刻上罗瑟琳，在山楂树上悬挂颂歌，在荆棘上悬挂挽歌。49斯宾塞的优美的《爱的颂歌》虽然韵律复杂，但并不是一首品达式的颂歌：显然，它是意大利颂歌与卡图卢斯婚礼诗的混合体。现存最早的真正被称为颂歌的英语诗是一首致缪斯的颂歌，印在托马斯·沃森的《激情的爱情世纪》序言中，署名为C. Downhalus (1582)：这是一首六行诗节的优美小诗，但与品达式的模式相去甚远。
The word ode was introduced into English in Shakespeare’s time. For Shakespeare it meant a love-poem. He used it to describe one in Love’s Labour’s Lost,48 and in As You Like It Rosalind complains that her lover (true to one of the conventions of pastoral) is carving ROSALIND on the tree-trunks, hanging odes upon hawthorns and elegies upon brambles.49 Spenser’s exquisite Epithalamion is not a Pindaric ode, despite its metrical complexity: apparently it is a blend of the Italian canzone with Catullus’ wedding-poems. The earliest extant English poem actually called an ode is an address to the Muses printed in the introduction of Thomas Watson’s ‘∊καroμπαϑlα, or Passionate Century of Love, and signed by one C. Downhalus (1582): it is a pleasant little piece in six-line stanzas, but very far from the Pindaric pattern.
两年后，英语中出现了第一部真正模仿品达的作品。它们出现在约翰·索森于 1584 年出版的《潘多拉》中。这本书包含三首颂歌和三首“小诗”。第一首颂歌是写给牛津伯爵的，它承诺要俘获“底比斯的俘虏”，并大喊道：
The first actual imitations of Pindar in English came two years later. They were in Pandora, published in 1584 by John Southern. The book contains three odes and three ‘odellets’. The first ode, addressed to the earl of Oxford, promises to capture ‘the spoyle of Thebes’ and cries:
我可以夸耀一下，以前从来没有人，
现在在英国，知道品达的绳索。50
Vaunt us that never man before,
Now in England, knewe Pindars string.50
然而，索森并不真正了解品达的弦乐，他只是粗略而无知地抄袭了龙沙。51他的颂歌只是有规律的四拍节奏的诗，以对句和四行诗的形式排列，并分为称为诗节、对句和尾节的诗节——但甚至没有保持龙沙理解和遵循的AZP品达模式。索森的唯一重要性是历史性的。即便如此，它也并不是很重要，因为他的“模仿品达”只是对另一位模仿者作品的无知复制。
However, Southern does not really know Pindar’s string; he is roughly and ignorantly copying Ronsard.51 His odes are merely poems in a regular four-beat rhythm, arranged in couplets and quatrains and divided into stanzas called strophes, antistrophes, and epodes—but not even keeping the A-Z-P Pindaric pattern which Ronsard understood and followed. Southern’s sole importance is historical. Even at that it is not very great, for his ‘imitation of Pindar’ was only an ignorant copy of the work of another imitator.
英文中第一首真正意义上的品达诗歌是最伟大的诗歌之一。这是弥尔顿的序曲和赞美诗《基督诞生之晨》，他于 1629 年圣诞节早晨开始创作。不久之前，他买了一本品达的作品：现在它藏于哈佛大学图书馆，从它的注释中可以看出他是多么仔细地阅读了它。52在一段简短的前奏之后——他祈求天上的缪斯将这首诗作为圣诞礼物送给耶稣——弥尔顿以连续的八行诗节，开始创作一首丰富、有力、优美的描述性赞美诗。诗行长度不规则，以aabccbdd押韵，最后以亚历山大体结尾。因此，这首赞美诗不像品达的大多数颂歌那样以三和弦写成。我们之所以称它为品达式的，是因为它舞动的韵律以其受控的不对称性、生动的意象，以及最重要的，神话的辉煌力量和生动性，既有希腊的，也有罗马的垂死之神：
The first truly Pindaric poem in English is one of the greatest. This is Milton’s prelude and hymn On the Morning of Christ’s Nativity, which he began on Christmas morning, 1629. Not long before, he had bought a copy of Pindar: it is now in Harvard University Library, and shows by its annotations how carefully he read it.52 After a short prelude—in which he calls on the Heavenly Muse to give the poem as a Christmas present to Jesus—Milton breaks into a rich, powerful, and beautiful descriptive hymn in a regular succession of eight-line stanzas. The lines are of irregular length, rhyming aabccbdd and rising to a final alexandrine. The hymn is therefore not written in triads like most of Pindar’s odes. What enables us to call it Pindaric is the dancing metre with its controlled asymmetry, the vivid imagery, and, most of all, the splendid strength and vividness of the myths, both the dying deities of Greece and Rome:
在神圣的土地上，
在神圣的炉边，
拉尔斯和勒莫里斯在午夜哀叹
In consecrated earth,
And on the holy hearth,
The Lars and Lemures moan with midnight plaint
以及基督教的光辉新精神，来到地球庆祝上帝的化身：
and the glorious new spirits of Christianity, visiting the earth to celebrate the incarnation of God:
头戴头盔的基路伯
和手持剑的六翼天使
排列成闪闪发光的队伍，展露出翅膀。
The helmèd cherubim
And sworded seraphim
Are seen in glittering ranks with wings displayed.
最后，品达的一位现代学生，通过对基督教思想中最伟大的主题的思考，运用古典时期和圣经学识所赋予他的雄辩和想象力，实现了比底比斯之鹰更为强大和崇高的飞翔。
At last, a modern pupil of Pindar, meditating on the greatest theme in Christian thought, and using all the eloquence and imagination with which both classical antiquity and biblical learning had endowed him, had achieved an even stronger and loftier flight than the eagle of Thebes.
本·琼森也尝试了品达风格，并取得了有趣而新颖的成果。弥尔顿在圣诞节创作品达风格赞美诗的同一年，琼森完成了《莫里森爵士之死颂》。53这首诗实际上是用三元组AZP形式创作的尽管在“转”和“反转”部分韵律以对句形式排列，而在“立”部分韵律没有更复杂，但诗行的长度变化很大，与意义的结合也很巧妙，因此其效果比 Chiabrera 的歌剧诗节更广泛、更像品达，比 Ronsard 的轻快颂歌更深刻。然而，这种深思熟虑、缓慢的节奏、频繁的警句（比品达的简短格言更宽广）实际上源自琼森最喜欢的诗人贺拉斯。一个著名的诗节将展示这种自由形式和沉思的语调：
Ben Jonson also attempted the Pindaric vein, with interesting and original results. In the same year as Milton wrote his Pindaric hymn on Christmas, Jonson completed his Ode on the Death of Sir H. Morison.53 This is actually built in the triadic form A-Z-P; and, although the rhymes are arranged in couplets in the ‘turn’ and ‘counter-turn’, and not much more elaborately in the ‘stand’, the lines are so widely varied in length and so skilfully married to the meaning that the effect is broader, more Pindaric, than the rather operatic stanzas of Chiabrera, and more thoughtful than the lilting odes of Ronsard. And yet, the thoughtfulness, the slow pace, the frequent epigrams (more spacious than Pindar’s brief aphorisms), are really derived from Jonson’s favourite poet Horace. One famous stanza will show the free form and the meditative tone:
它不像树木那样生长
得硕大，使人变得更好；
也不像橡树那样屹立三百年，
最后倒下，枯萎、秃顶、枯萎：
一朵白日百合
在五月更美丽，
虽然它在那天晚上凋零；
它是光明的植物和花朵。
在小规模中，我们只看到美丽；
而在短暂的尺度中，生命可以完美。
It is not growing like a tree
In bulk, doth make man better be;
Or standing long an oak, three hundred year,
To fall a log at last, dry, bald, and sere:
A lily of a day
Is fairer far in May,
Although it fall and die that night;
It was the plant and flower of light.
In small proportions we just beauties see;
And in short measures, life may perfect be.
这是众多伟大的现代颂歌中的第一首，其中融合了两位伟大的古典抒情诗人品达和贺拉斯的风格，形成了一种新的美。
This, then, is the first of many great modern odes in which the styles of the two great classical lyricists, Pindar and Horace, interpenetrate to form a new beauty.
现代颂歌的创作过程非常缓慢，经历了多次失败。在弥尔顿和琼森的这两首诗中，颂歌诞生了。我们现在可以尝试定义它。在现代文学中，颂歌是将个人情感与对广泛或公众感兴趣的主题的深刻思考相结合的诗。它足够短，可以在一个乐章中表达一种情感，但又足够长，可以发展这种情感的许多不同方面。它要么是写给一个人（人类或超人），要么是由一个特别重要的场合引起的。它的动力更多的是情感而不是智力；但情感的激动和表达都是通过智力反思来缓和的。颂歌的情感是由人类生活中一个或多个更崇高、更短暂的事件所激发和维持的，特别是那些暂时和物质的事实被精神和永恒所改变的事件。构成其素材的情感和反思的相互作用反映在其诗句形式的受控不规则性中。
The modern ode was created very slowly, after many failures. In these two poems of Milton and Jonson it was newly born. We can now attempt to define it. In modern literature an ode is a poem combining personal emotion with deep meditation on a subject of wide scope or broad public interest. It is short enough to express one emotion in a single movement, but long enough to develop a number of different aspects of that emotion. It is either addressed to one person (human or superhuman) or evoked by one occasion of particular significance. Its moving force is emotion more than intellect; but the emotional excitement is tempered, and its expression arranged, by intellectual reflection. The emotion of the ode is stirred and sustained by one or more of the nobler and less transient events of human life, particularly those in which temporary and physical facts are transfigured by the spiritual and eternal. The interplay of the emotions and reflections which make its material is reflected in the controlled irregularity of its verse-form.
“现在谁读考利的书？”波普问道，并补充道
‘Who now reads Cowley?’ asked Pope, adding
“忘记了他的史诗，不，品达的艺术。”54
‘Forgot his epic, nay Pindaric art.’54
亚伯拉罕·考利 (1618-67) 是一位早熟而有才华的诗人，他自称是英语品达颂歌的发明者，并在很长一段时间内将这一说法强加给公众。他的狂想颂歌 (发表于 1656 年) 确实是直接受到他对品达的研究的启发；他在序言中说，他试图写作，并不完全像品达那样，而是像他用英语写作时那样 (暗示是在 17 世纪)。他正确地决定不做石膏模型，而是重新创造和竞争。因此，他放弃了品达的三元组形式，用不规则诗句取而代之，甚至没有弥尔顿和琼森颂歌的诗节规则。如果它没有押韵，没有某种基本脉搏，我们现在应该称之为自由诗。然而，这并不是考利的发明。在他那个时代之前，自由不对称的牧歌模式很常见，只用模糊的押韵格式把他们连接起来；弥尔顿本人、沃恩和克拉肖已经出版了更严肃的形式同样自由的诗歌。55如果考利有任何创新，那就是他使用了自由形式，不是为了追随歌曲的起伏，而是为了表现情绪激动的涌动、消逝和膨胀。他的作品的真正效果是让英国诗人和他们的读者熟悉了品达颂歌的概念，在这种颂歌中，诗人的情感主宰着他，并在不规则的韵律中得到体现。他的诗本身微不足道。
Abraham Cowley (1618-67) was a precocious and talented poet who claimed to be the inventor of the English Pindaric ode, and for a long time imposed this claim upon the public. His rhapsodic odes (published in 1656) were indeed directly suggested by his study of Pindar; and he said in his preface that he tried to write, not exactly as Pindar wrote, but as he would have written if he had been writing in English (and, by implication, in the seventeenth century). He was rightly determined not to make a plaster cast, but to re-create and rival. Therefore he abandoned Pindar’s triadic form and replaced it by irregular verse, without even the stanzaic regularity of Milton’s and Jonson’s odes. If it had not been rhymed and had not possessed a certain basic pulse, we should now call it free verse. This, however, was not Cowley’s invention. Madrigals in free asymmetrical patterns, bound together only by vague rhyme-schemes, were common before his day; Milton himself, Vaughan, and Crashaw had already published more serious poems in equally free forms.55 If Cowley made any innovation, it was in using a free form, not to follow the ebb and flow of song, but to represent the gush and lapse and swell of emotional excitement. The real effect of his work was to make the concept of a Pindaric ode, in which the poet’s emotion masters him and is imaged in the irregular metre, familiar to English poets and their readers. His poems themselves are negligible.
颂歌的意思是“歌曲”。文艺复兴和巴洛克时期的诗人知道这一点：他们努力通过为颂歌配上音乐伴奏，或通过用文字再现音乐的运动和和谐来增强颂歌的美感。那些写贺拉斯抒情诗的人，如果他们想到音乐，通常会为一位歌手或最多一小群人设计他们的作品。56但是，由于品达颂歌气势磅礴、情感澎湃，它完全能够再现或唤起合唱团和管弦乐队的音乐。
Ode means ‘song’. Poets knew this, in the Renaissance and the baroque age: they endeavoured to enhance the beauty of their odes by having them set to a musical accompaniment, or by making them reproduce, in words, the movement and harmony of music. Those who wrote Horatian lyrics, if they thought of music, usually designed their work for one singer, or at most a small group.56 But with its broad sweep and surging emotion, the Pindaric ode was fully able to reproduce or to evoke the music of a choir and an orchestra.
弥尔顿在很早以前就强调过诗歌和音乐的结合：
In a very early ode of this kind Milton emphasizes the juncture of poetry and music:
幸福的一对塞壬，天堂欢乐的誓言，
天体诞生的和谐姐妹，声音和诗歌，
结合你们神圣的声音，运用混合的力量。
Blest pair of sirens, pledges of heaven’s joy,
Sphere-born harmonious sisters, Voice and Verse,
Wed your divine sounds, and mixed power employ.
他继续描述天堂的永恒音乐，那里有光明的六翼天使和基路伯，有福的灵魂永远地随着他们的音乐歌唱。然而，他并没有试图在自己优美的诗句中呼应音乐。57
And he goes on to describe the eternal music of heaven, where the bright seraphim and cherubim are the orchestra, and the blessed souls sing everlastingly to their music. He does not, however, attempt to echo musical sounds in his own beautiful lines.57
第一部英国歌剧（《罗得岛围城战》）于 1656 年上演，复辟之后，英国的音乐品味热切地转向新的意大利音乐——充满情感却又极其庄严，装饰华丽而且常常相当不真实。58 1683 年，伦敦音乐协会为纪念音乐的守护神圣塞西莉亚而举办了年度音乐颂歌表演。珀塞尔亲自开创了先河。1687 年，约翰·德莱顿创作了一部技术杰作，即《圣塞西莉亚节之歌》，由意大利作曲家德拉吉谱曲。该曲以对奥维德的回忆开始，然后结合了圣经和异教音乐，然后唤起小号、鼓、笛子、小提琴和管风琴的声音，最后以《最后审判》大合唱结束。
The first English opera (The Siege of Rhodes) was performed in 1656, and, after the Restoration, English musical taste turned eagerly towards the new Italian music—highly emotional yet extremely dignified, gorgeously decorative and often quite unreal.58 In 1683 the London Musical Society inaugurated annual performances of musical odes in honour of the patron of music, St. Cecilia. Purcell himself set the first. In 1687 John Dryden produced a technical masterpiece, his Song for St. Cecilia’s Day, to be set by the Italian composer Draghi. Beginning with a reminiscence of Ovid, proceeding to a combination of biblical and pagan musicology, then evoking the sound of trumpets, drums, flutes, violins, and the organ, it ends with a Grand Chorus on the Last Judgement.
这不过是一个巧妙的把戏；但十年后，德莱顿将技巧变成了艺术，为同一场合创作了《亚历山大的盛宴》。这首诗大获成功。德莱顿认为这是他写过的最好的诗；很久以后，亨德尔又对这首诗进行了精彩的改编。
This was little more than a skilful trick; but ten years later Dryden changed skill into art, and wrote, for the same occasion, Alexander’s Feast. It was a great success. Dryden thought it the best poem he had ever writ; and long afterwards it was splendidly reset by Handel.
这只是巴洛克时期众多品达音乐颂歌中的一首，尽管是其中最伟大的一首。这些颂歌的不规则性反映了它们与音乐的联系，当然还有很多其他方面——神话的使用、语言的崇高性等等，都是品达的风格；但是品达的诗歌是为舞蹈设计的，而这些颂歌是为管弦乐队和固定歌手而写的。 （我有时认为，贺拉斯颂歌及其音乐背景与赋格曲最为相似，品达颂歌，如亚历山大的盛宴，与巴赫为测试自己艺术实力而写的盛大托卡塔和恰空舞曲最为相似，革命时期的颂歌与交响曲最为相似。）最近有一位作家将这些作品区分为四类——神圣颂歌、康塔塔颂歌、“应酬”或桂冠颂歌、圣塞西莉亚节颂歌——并从当代批评和戏仿（如斯威夫特的康塔塔）中提炼出创作一首好的音乐颂歌所必需的特质。59显然，这是一门很难的艺术，但就像歌剧和清唱剧一样，它是一种人们寄予厚望并能获得丰厚回报的艺术。当代诗人很少尝试以这种方式将他们的诗歌与音乐结合起来，最近最动人的作品是将新音乐与已被接受的文学融合在一起：科普兰的《林肯肖像》和沃恩威廉斯的《音乐小夜曲》 。
This was only one, although the greatest, of the many musical Pindaric odes written in the baroque period. They are Pindaric in the studied irregularity which reflects their connexion with music (and of course in much else beside—in their use of myths, their loftiness of language, &c.); but where Pindar designed his poems for the dance, these odes are written for orchestra and stationary singers. (I have sometimes thought that the Horatian odes with their musical settings find their best parallel in the fugue, the Pindaric odes like Alexander’s Feast in the grand toccatas and chaconnes which Bach wrote to test the fullest powers of his own art, and the odes of the revolutionary period in the symphony.) A recent writer has distinguished four classes of these works—sacred odes, cantata odes, ‘occasional’ or laureate odes, and odes for St. Cecilia’s Day—and has worked out from contemporary criticisms and parodies (such as Swift’s Cantata) the qualities which were considered necessary to make a good musical ode.59 Clearly it was a difficult art, but—like opera and oratorio—an art in which success was much hoped for and highly rewarded. Contemporary poets have made few attempts to marry their poems to music in this way, and the most moving recent works have been made by blending new music with literature already accepted: Copland’s Lincoln Portrait and Vaughan Williams’s Serenade for Music.
十八世纪最伟大的抒情诗人并没有写一首品达式的音乐颂歌。相反，他写了一首包含音乐的品达式颂歌，不仅是管弦乐队的音乐，也是大自然的音乐：
The greatest lyricist of the eighteenth century did not write a Pindaric ode for music. Instead, he wrote a Pindaric ode which contained music, the music not only of the orchestra but of nature:
岩石和摇曳的树林随着这咆哮而咆哮——
The rocks and nodding groves rebellow to the roar—
灵魂的轻盈舞蹈和维纳斯本身的飘逸优雅。格雷的《诗的进步》以对品达的暗示开始和结束，并以真正的品达式尊严，将格雷本人与莎士比亚、弥尔顿和德莱顿并列为伟大诗人的直系后裔。也许，作为一名诗人，他可以预见他的继任者济慈、华兹华斯和雪莱。
the light dance of spirits and the floating grace of Venus herself. Gray’s Progress of Poesy begins and ends with an allusion to Pindar, and, with true Pindaric dignity, sets Gray himself in the direct line of mighty poets with Shakespeare, Milton, and Dryden. Perhaps, as a Bard, he could foresee his successors, Keats and Wordsworth and Shelley.
巴洛克时期的品达颂歌大部分不是音乐性的而是仪式性的。借助品达，诗人们庆祝贵族和绅士的出生、结婚和死亡；君主的登基、加冕、生日、庆典和胜利；社团的成立、发明的公布、公共建筑的建造，以及任何表达时代盛况的公共活动。结果正如贺拉斯所预言的那样——一系列壮观、浮夸的失败。为了与品达相媲美而创作的劣质诗比古典模仿的任何其他领域都要多。真正的诗人真正受到他们作品的启发：他们被注入了活力和雄辩，他们被激发、被控制、被支配，他们必须写作。他们的问题是控制自己的情绪，并引导他们达到最大限度的表现力。但平庸的诗人不会被他们的作品所淹没，甚至不会被它们所激发。因此，他们试图从其他深受感动、雄辩有力的诗人那里借用真正充满诗意的主题和表达方式。他们用最好的蜡和精选的高级羽毛制作人造翅膀，飞向蔚蓝的天空，追赶底比斯之鹰品达，然后扑通一声掉进深不见底的沼泽中。
Most of the Pindaric odes written in the baroque period were not musical but ceremonial. With the aid of Pindar, poets celebrated the births, marriages, and deaths of the nobility and gentry; the accessions, coronations, birthdays, jubilees, and victories of monarchs; the founding of a society, the announcement of an invention, the construction of a public building, any public event that expressed the pomp and circumstance of the age. The result was exactly as Horace had predicted—a series of spectacular, bombastic failures. More bad poems have been written in the intention of rivalling Pindar than in any other sphere of classical imitation. True poets are genuinely inspired by their subjects: energy and eloquence are breathed into them, they are excited, mastered, dominated, they must write. Their problem is to control their emotions, and to direct them to the point of maximum expressiveness. But mediocre poets are not overwhelmed by their subjects, not even excited by them. They try, therefore, to borrow the themes and expressions of true poetic excitement from some other poet who was deeply moved and memorably eloquent. With the best available wax, and selected high-grade feathers, they construct artificial wings, launch themselves off into the azure air in pursuit of Pindar, the Theban eagle, and fall into the deep, deep bog of bathos with a resounding flop.
在十七和十八世纪，要真正成为品达式的诗人尤其困难。品达生活在一个伟大诗人云集的时代，而散文和最能用散文表达的思想类型尚未完全发展。巴洛克时期是一个思想井然有序、散文有节制、诗句冷静对称的时代。即使是这样一个时代的抒情诗，通常也与教堂钟声的和谐相得益彰。当时，普通常识和情感激动（无论其原因如何）之间的区别是一条宽广的、几乎无法逾越的界限。因此，那些宣称自己被品达式的激动所陶醉的诗人既不能说服自己，也不能说服他们的听众，更不能说服后人。
It was particularly difficult to be truly Pindaric in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Pindar lived in an age abounding in great poets, where prose, and the type of thought best expressed in prose, were not yet fully developed. The baroque period was an era of orderly thought, measured prose, and cool, symmetrical verse. Even the lyrics of such an age usually chime with all the regularity and less than the harmony of church bells. The distinction between ordinary common sense and emotional excitement, whatever its cause, was then marked by a broad, almost impassable frontier. Therefore the poets who announced that they felt themselves transported by Pindaric excitement convinced neither themselves nor their audience nor posterity.
“多么明智和神圣的醉意
‘What wise and sacred drunkenness
这一天让我难以忍受吗？’
This day overmasters me?’
——布瓦洛喊道；但他很清楚，自己非常清醒，并决心写一首品达式的颂歌。60
—cries Boileau; but he knows perfectly well that he is stone sober, and determined to write a Pindaric ode.60
即使巴洛克诗人能够表达真正的热情，他们的品达颂歌的主题很少能激起人们的热情。这是“应景”诗的致命缺陷。品达喜欢大型运动会、英俊的青年们相互竞争、马匹、战车和欢呼的人群。无数巴洛克诗人个人对殿下的婚礼或在他的领地上建造一座新的美景宫漠不关心，但把这些主题的颂歌当作一种责任。布瓦洛厌恶战争，写了一首关于攻占那慕尔的颂歌。61诗人们在这类任务上费尽心机所造成的虚假兴奋，对文学爱好者来说是痛苦的，除非他有极强的幽默感。如果他有，他甚至可能收集一些更精彩的例子，比如爱德华·杨（《夜思》）对国际贸易的颂词：
Even if the baroque poets had been capable of and expressing genuine enthusiasm, the subjects of their Pindaric odes were seldom such as to generate it. That is the fatal defect of ‘occasional’ poetry. Pindar loved the great games, the handsome youths striving against one another, the horses and the chariots and the shouting crowds. Countless baroque poets were personally quite indifferent to the marriage of His Serene Highness or the erection of a new Belvedere in his lordship’s grounds, but made odes on such subjects as a matter of duty. Boileau, who detested war, wrote an ode on the capture of Namur.61 The results of the spurious excitement produced by poets labouring their wits on tasks like these are painful to the lover of literature, unless he has a hypertrophied sense of humour. If he has, he may even collect some of the finer examples, such as Edward (Night Thoughts) Young’s panegyric on international trade:
“商人”这个名字不光彩吗？
不，这个主题不适合品达；
对我来说太伟大了；我气喘吁吁。
如果我的声音像大海一样响亮，
如果言语和思想追求我的选择
比沙子多，我也无法达到它的顶峰。
国王、商人结盟并相爱，
地球的气味在上方散发出柔和的空气，
在丰饶的田野上空多产。
行星是商人；拿走，归还，
光泽和热量；通过交易燃烧；
整个造物是一个巨大的交换。62
Is ‘merchant’ an inglorious name?
No; fit for Pindar such a theme;
Too great for me; I pant beneath the weight.
If loud as Ocean were my voice,
If words and thoughts to court my choice
Outnumbered sands, I could not reach its height.
Kings, merchants are in league and love,
Earth’s odours pay soft airs above,
That o’er the teeming field prolific range.
Planets are merchants; take, return,
Lustre and heat; by traffic burn;
The whole creation is one vast Exchange.62
1688 年，沙德威尔被任命为桂冠诗人，并开始为国王创作年度生日颂歌，他开创了桂冠诗人诗歌的悠久、沉重的传统，在诗歌中，汗水取代了灵感。
When Shadwell was made Poet Laureate in 1688, and began the practice of producing annual birthday odes for the king, he initiated a long, heavy tradition of laureate poetry in which inspiration was replaced by perspiration.
真正伟大的品达颂歌将强劲而流畅的口才与真诚而深刻的情感融为一体。这是一种罕见的组合。巴洛克时代，尽管大谈诗歌的崇高性以及与品达相媲美的必要性，却很少实现这一点。尽管死亡、美德和年轻女性的主题曾经和现在都具有深远的意义，但德莱顿未能在他的颂歌《献给有成就的年轻女士安妮·基利格鲁夫人的虔诚记忆》中真正从中汲取任何感人之处。它被称为“语言中最精美的传记颂歌”；63但它包含了很多语言上的巧妙德莱顿显然对女孩的死没有太深的感受，或者不愿意自由地表达自己的情感。近一个世纪后，托马斯·格雷凭借他敏感的精神和对奇迹的热爱，找到了让自己和品达颂歌读者都兴奋的主题，不仅在文字和节奏的激情中，而且在诗人阴郁的预感和挑衅的挑战中，宣告了革命时代的到来。
Truly great Pindaric odes unite strong and rapid eloquence with genuine and deep emotion. It is a rare combination. The baroque era, for all its talk about the poetic sublime and the need of rivalling Pindar, seldom achieved it. Even although the themes of death and virtue and young womanhood were, and are, profoundly significant, Dryden failed to make anything really moving out of them in his ode To the Pious Memory of the Accomplished Young lady, Mrs. Anne Killigrew. It has been called ‘the finest biographical ode in the language’;63 but it contains so much verbal cleverness that Dryden clearly either did not feel deeply about the girl’s death, or was unwilling to give his emotions free expression. It was nearly a century later that Thomas Gray, with his sensitive spirit and his love of wonder, found subjects to excite both himself and the readers of his Pindaric odes, and, not only in the passion of the words and rhythms, but in the gloomy forebodings and defiant challenges of the Bard, announced the age of revolution.
贺拉斯
HORACE
追随贺拉斯比追随品达更困难，也更没吸引力。诗人们热衷于相信自己能飞越安第斯山脉，但很少愿意花七年时间去润色一首二十四行诗。因此，现代文学中贺拉斯的抒情诗比品达的颂歌少，但质量更高。
It is more difficult and less attractive to follow Horace than Pindar. Poets are eager to believe that they can soar above the Andes, but seldom willing to undertake to polish a twenty-four-line poem for seven years. There are, accordingly, fewer Horatian lyrics than Pindaric odes in modern literature; but their quality is higher.
贺拉斯的抒情诗在中世纪曾一度为人所知，但并未受到人们的喜爱。64彼特拉克发现了许多其他美，他是第一位热衷于这些美的现代人，这些美的谨慎而持久的魅力。但他有自己的抒情诗风格，虽然他在自己的诗中融入了贺拉斯的思想和优美的短语，但他并没有以贺拉斯的模式为蓝本。即使是他的热情也没能使贺拉斯重新受到完全的青睐。直到 15 世纪末，佛罗伦萨学者兰迪诺和他的大弟子波利蒂安才为贺拉斯建立了现代声誉。65
Horace’s lyrics were known in the Middle Ages, intermittently. They were not, however, greatly loved.64 Petrarch, who discovered so many other beauties, was the first modern enthusiast for their discreet and lasting charm. But he had his own style of lyric poetry, and although he incorporated thoughts and graceful phrases from Horace in his poems, he did not form them on the Horatian models. Even his enthusiasm failed to bring Horace back into full favour. It was late in the fifteenth century that the Florentine scholar Landino, and his greater pupil Politian, founded Horace’s modern reputation.65
意大利人是第一个欣赏贺拉斯的人。西班牙人是第一个在抒情诗中深入培养贺拉斯风格的人。他们从意大利人文主义者那里学会了欣赏贺拉斯（以及田园诗人和其他诗人），并在 16 世纪初开始模仿他的颂歌。他们使用现代韵律，短小的诗节，很容易适应贺拉斯的材料；结果是一种新的自然之美。
The Italians were the first to appreciate Horace. The Spaniards were the first to cultivate the Horatian manner intensively in their lyric poetry. Having learnt from the Italian humanists to appreciate Horace (with the bucolic poets and others), they began to emulate his odes very early in the sixteenth century. They used modern metres, in short stanzas which could easily be adapted to Horatian material; and the result was a new and natural beauty.
注定要失败的优雅的加西拉索·德·拉·维加（1503-36）用西班牙语写下了最早的贺拉斯抒情诗，66使用被称为“七弦琴”的诗节：三行七音节和两行十一音节的诗行，借用自贝尔纳多·塔索 (Bernardo Tasso)，它成为重现贺拉斯简洁的四行诗节的最受欢迎的媒介。
That doomed elegant Garcilaso de la Vega (1503–36) wrote the earliest Horatian lyrics in Spanish,66 using the stanza called ‘the lyre’: three seven-syllable and two eleven-syllable lines, borrowed from Bernardo Tasso, it became the favourite medium for the reproduction of Horace’s neat four-line stanzas.
费尔南多·德·埃雷拉（1534–97）通过贺拉斯获得了希腊神话素材和抒情冲动——因为很明显他不懂希腊语。67他写给奥地利的唐璜的诗实际上是一首凯旋颂歌，灵感来自贺拉斯为数不多的几首允许自己进行一场雄心勃勃的长途飞行的诗歌中的两首。68贺拉斯暗示屋大维通过征服马克·安东尼，成为了用智慧战胜泰坦尼克号残暴力量的诸神之一。埃雷拉也讲述了诸神与巨人之战的故事；他暗示唐璜通过征服叛军，获得了天堂；并且，像贺拉斯一样，他将歌神与自己——事件的诗人——进行了比较。
Fernando de Herrera (1534–97) received Greek mythological material and lyrical impulses through Horace—for it is clear that he knew no Greek.67 His poem to Don Juan of Austria is really a triumphal ode, inspired by two of the few poems in which Horace allowed himself to become airborne on a long ambitious flight.68 Horace implied that Octavian, by conquering Mark Antony, had become one of the gods whose wisdom overthrows Titanic brute force. Herrera also tells the story of the battle between the gods and the giants; he implies that Don Juan, by conquering the rebels, has merited heaven; and, like Horace, he compares the god of song to himself, the poet of the event.
西班牙最伟大的抒情诗人是路易斯·德·莱昂（Luis de León，约1527-91 年），他说他的诗歌是在年轻时“从他的手中掉下来的”。69这意味着，在他们之中，他对贺拉斯和其他诗人的模仿并不是任务（就像许多古典化作品一样），而是真实热情的自发表达。他出色地翻译了维吉尔的《田园诗》和《农事诗》的前两卷——他实际上称《所罗门之歌》为一首田园诗，两个恋人互相应答，就像维吉尔的作品一样。他从贺拉斯那里翻译了二十多首颂歌，有时（像许多文艺复兴时期的翻译家一样）翻译不正确，但总是优美自然；在中年被宗教裁判所监禁期间，他得到了品达并翻译了第一首奥林匹亚颂歌。但他自己的几首原创诗歌是以贺拉斯和维吉尔为原型的：尤其是著名的《塔霍河预言》，该诗的灵感来自《埃涅阿斯纪》中台伯河的预言和《颂歌》中涅柔斯的警告。70对他来说，就像对加西拉索和其他人来说一样，对乡村生活的田园诗般的描述始于
Greatest of the Spanish lyricists was Luis de León (c. 1527–91), who said that his poems ‘fell from his hands’ while he was young.69 This means that, among them, his emulations of Horace and other poets were not tasks (like so many classicizing works) but spontaneous expressions of real enthusiasm. He did fine translations of Vergil’s Bucolics and the first two books of the Georgics—he actually called The Song of Solomon a pastoral eclogue with two lovers answering each other, as in Vergil. From Horace he translated over twenty odes, sometimes (like many Renaissance translators) incorrectly, but always beautifully and naturally; and in middle life, while imprisoned by the Holy Inquisition, he got hold of a Pindar and translated the first Olympian ode. But several of his own original poems are modelled on Horace and Vergil: notably the famous Prophecy of the Tagus, which is inspired by the Tiber’s prophecy in the Aeneid and the warning of Nereus in the Odes.70 To him, as to Garcilaso and others, the idyllic description of country life beginning
远离事务的人是幸福的，
就像伊甸园里的亚当一样，
Happy the man who far from business cares
Like Adam in the Garden,
贺拉斯在《诗篇》中给出的这个比喻，不只是结尾那酸溜溜的讽刺；他们都在自己的诗歌中体现了它的田园魅力——对于当时好战的西班牙人来说，这是一种极大的解脱，就像 1600 年前对于疲惫不堪的罗马人来说一样。71
given by Horace in the Epodes, meant more than the sour satiric twist at the end; and they both embodied in poems of their own its pastoral charm—which for the warlike Spaniards was then as great a relief as for the exhausted Romans 1,600 years before.71
在意大利，第一首贺拉斯颂歌由塔索的父亲贝尔纳多于 1531 年出版。由于这些颂歌在形式上比公认的意大利抒情诗模式十四行诗和坎佐尼更纯粹古典，塔索引领了一场革命，几年后龙萨在法国掀起了一场革命。72之后有很多人，尤其是加布里埃洛·奇亚布雷拉 (Gabriello Chiabrera)，我们已经见过他是一位品达式的人物。73
In Italy the first Horatian odes were published in 1531 by Tasso’s father Bernardo. Since they were more purely classical in form than the sonnets and canzoni which were the accepted Italian lyrical patterns, Tasso was leading the same kind of revolution that Ronsard was to make in France a few years later.72 was followed by many others, notably Gabriello Chiabrera, whom we have already met as a Pindaric.73
意大利的奇亚布雷拉、法国的龙沙的一些朋友、英国的加布里埃尔·哈维等人试图走得更远，而不仅仅是使用贺拉斯的主题并模仿他的颂歌的结构和语调。他们试图重新创作他的韵律。有两种可能的方法可以做到这一点。第一种方法极其困难，几乎是不可能的。它与历史的进程背道而驰。这意味着不是用一种传统来强化另一种传统（就像最好的古典改编一样），而是用一种死的传统来取代一种活的传统。这是试图废除现代语言的重音，以便将按数量扫描行、计算长音节或短音节的系统强加给它们，该系统是在希腊语中创建的，并成功地被拉丁语所接受。这两个系统从根本上是不同的。即使在拉丁语中，它们也相互竞争。在那里，它们通过接受一系列复杂的规则而和解，只有受过教育、了解和感受希腊语节奏的人才能理解这些规则。当罗马人说出贺拉斯最著名的颂歌的第一句时，他说
Chiabrera in Italy, some of Ronsard’s friends in France, Gabriel Harvey and others in England attempted to go farther than using Horace’s themes and imitating the structure and tone of his odes. They tried to re-create his metres. There were two possible ways of doing this. The first was exceptionally difficult, virtually impossible. It was repugnant to the movement of history. It meant, not strengthening one tradition by another (as the best classical adaptations do), but substituting a dead one for a living one. It was an effort to abolish the stress accent of modern languages, in order to impose on them the system of scanning lines by quantity, counting syllables long or short, which was created in Greek and successfully taken over into Latin. The two systems are fundamentally different. Even in Latin they competed. There they were reconciled by the acceptance of a series of intricate rules, intelligible to few but the educated who knew and felt the rhythms of Greek. When the Roman spoke the first line of Horace’s best-known ode, he said
但当他唱这首歌或朗诵这首歌时，他会在长音节上停顿，并让它
but when he sang it or declaimed it as verse, he paused on long syllables, and made it
一种更慢、更复杂、更困难、更美丽的模式。74文艺复兴时期，严格的古典主义韵律学家的目标是尝试将第二种类型的韵律引入现代语言。音乐实际上是为这种类型的诗句而写的；但现在音乐和诗句都被遗忘了。75
a slower, more complex, difficult, and beautiful pattern.74 The aim of the strictly classicist metricians in the Renaissance was to try to introduce patterns of the second type into modern languages. Music was actually written for verses of this kind; but music and verses are both forgotten now.75
尽管不可能尝试让现代诗歌按数量进行排列，但采用贺拉斯抒情诗和其他古典韵律的模式并使其适应现代重音重音并非不可能。（朗费罗就是按照这个计划创作了伊万杰琳和歌德为人熟知的六音步诗，以及赫尔曼和多萝西娅的六音步诗。）76例如，在西班牙，维勒加斯采用了萨福诗节，并没有用太大的暴力，就将其长短模式融入重读和非重读音节的模型中；基亚布雷拉用意大利语进行了尝试，并将成果传给了 19 世纪更伟大的抒情诗人乔苏埃·卡尔杜奇；77龙沙在法语中也做了同样的事情。
Although it was impossible to try to make modern poetry scan by quantity, it was not out of the question to take the patterns of Horace’s lyrics, and other classical metres, and adapt them to modern stress-accent. (This is the plan on which Longfellow wrote the familiar hexameters of Evangeline and Goethe those of Hermann and Dorothea.)76 In Spain, for instance, Villegas took the Sapphic stanza, and, without too much violence, hammered its pattern of longs and shorts into the mould of stressed and unstressed syllables; Chiabrera managed it in Italian, and bequeathed the result to a greater lyricist in the nineteenth century, Giosuè Carducci;77 and Ronsard did the same in French.
在法国，七星诗使贺拉斯的诗歌本土化，其中主要是龙沙。但在龙沙发表他的颂歌之前，佩莱蒂埃于 1544 年将《诗歌艺术》改编成法语诗歌；然后，在 1547 年，他出版了自己的诗集，其中包含三种译文和十四首贺拉斯抒情诗的模仿作品。与在西班牙出版的贺拉斯诗歌一样，它们的形式不是模仿贺拉斯的阿尔卡或萨福诗节，而是采用本土模式，旨在产生类似的效果，78不像早期诗人那样强调押韵技巧和小优雅，而是重现了贺拉斯抒情诗的一些雕塑般的克制和经济性。
In France it was the Pleiade which naturalized Horace; and chiefly it was Ronsard. But before Ronsard published his odes, Peletier in 1544 turned the ‘Art of Poetry’ into French verse; and then, in 1547, brought out a collection of his own Poetic Works containing three translations and fourteen imitations of Horace’s lyrics. Like the Horatian poems published in Spain, they were not in a form modelled on Horace’s Alcaic or Sapphic stanzas, but in native patterns designed to produce a similar effect,78 to lay less emphasis on rhyming tricks and minor elegances than the earlier poets, and to reproduce something of the sculptural restraint and economy of Horace’s lyrics.
尽管龙沙自诩能与品达媲美，超越了贺拉斯，79他做不到，他知道这一点。他甚至不想这么做，而且想了很久。他从十七岁就开始模仿贺拉斯；80他开始创作颂歌集时所采用的诗歌的主要古典范本是贺拉斯，素材主要取自贺拉斯和维吉尔。81在 1545 年至 1550 年这一多产的年份里，正如他自己所声称的那样，他既是法国的贺拉斯，又是法国的品达。82然而，该集仅收录了 14 首品达颂歌；在前四本书出版后，他从高山上下来，在草地的花丛中与贺拉斯重聚，显然是如释重负。尽管他仍对希腊语保持兴趣，但从 1551 年开始，他就不再关注品达，而是转向了挽歌诗人和希腊文选集，尤其是《阿那克里翁诗集》。83他的语气变得更轻松，不那么咄咄逼人，更为轻浮快乐或略带忧郁。
Although Ronsard boasted that he rivalled Pindar and surpassed Horace,79 he could not do so, and he knew it. He did not even want to, for long. He had begun to imitate Horace when he was only seventeen;80 and the chief classical model for the poems with which he started to form his collection of Odes was Horace, the material being drawn mainly from Horace and Vergil.81 During the productive years 1545–50 he was, as he himself asserted, both the French Horace and the French Pindar.82 However, the collection contained only fourteen Pindaric odes; and, after the publication of the first four books, it was with obvious relief that he came down from yonder mountain height and rejoined Horace among the flowers of the meadow. Even although he maintained his interest in Greek, from 1551 onwards he turned away from Pindar towards the elegiac poets and the Greek Anthology, particularly the Anacreontics.83 His tone became lighter, less aggressive, more frivolously gay or mildly melancholy.
他为什么又转向贺拉斯？他可能抛弃了贺拉斯，就像抛弃品达一样。
Why did he turn again towards Horace? He might have abandoned him as he abandoned Pindar.
他真心爱着他。他们两人都富有同情心。两人都是异教徒。并不是说龙沙反基督教，贺拉斯也不信奉无神论，但他们都不认为宗教与道德息息相关，也不认为上天对他的私事有密切的兴趣。（这就是为什么龙沙在《颂歌》序言中将他的第一次诗歌实验与马洛的押韵版《诗篇》相吻合，并形成对比的主要原因。）84有趣的是，龙沙巧妙地借用了贺拉斯最喜欢的伊壁鸠鲁式安慰——“别担心，把一切都交给上帝”——并将其转移到基督教环境中，同时仍然允许他和他的朋友们同样的行动自由和生活乐趣。两人在生活乐趣方面最有共鸣。当龙沙写一首情诗或一首饮酒歌时，即使他引用了其中一首颂歌，他也不是在模仿贺拉斯。他写作是因为他爱女人和酒，他引用贺拉斯是因为他爱文学，尤其是贺拉斯。劳莫尼耶有一页关于旺多姆地区饮酒者的精彩文章，龙沙出生在那里，他在那里感到宾至如归。85这位身材丰满、头发花白、眼神疑惑的罗马人与他在一起会感到很自在。
He loved him sincerely. Their natures were genuinely sympathetic. Both were pagans. Not that Ronsard was anti-Christian, nor Horace atheistical, but neither felt that religion was deeply connected with morality, and neither believed that the powers of heaven were closely interested in his own personal affairs. (That is the main reason why Ronsard, in his preface to the Odes, dates his first poetic experiments to coincide, and contrast, with Marot’s rhymed version of the Psalms.)84 It is amusing to see how neatly Ronsard takes over Horace’s favourite Epicurean consolation—‘don’t worry, leave everything to the gods’—and transfers it to Christian surroundings, while still allowing himself and his friends the same freedom of action and enjoyment of life. It was in enjoyment of life that the two were most sympathetic. When Ronsard writes a love-poem or a drinking-song, he is not imitating Horace even if he quotes one of the odes. He is writing because he loves women and wine, and he is quoting Horace because he loves literature, Horace in particular. Laumonier has a fine page on the drinkers of the Vendôme country, where Ronsard was born, and where he felt at home.85 The plump grey-haired Roman with the quizzical eyes would have felt at home there with him.
在英国，在诗人们开始模仿之前，贺拉斯的抒情诗曾在学校里教授，并以拉丁语引用。86英国第一位贺拉斯派诗人是本·琼森，他欣赏并经常抄袭讽刺作品和书信，翻译了《诗歌的艺术》，并以此为基础建立自己的批评原则，并将他对颂歌的钦佩传递给他的诗歌“儿子们”。87我们已经看到（第 238 页），琼森自己的颂歌既有贺拉斯的风格，也有品达的风格。赫里克在自己献给克利普斯比·克鲁爵士的颂歌中表明，这些模仿并非是卖弄学问，而是基于真正的人类同情心：
In England Horace’s lyrics were taught in schools, and quoted in Latin, for some time before poets took to imitating them.86 The first Horatian in England was Ben Jonson, who admired and often copied the satires and letters, translated the ‘Art of Poetry’ and based his own critical principles on it, and transmitted to his poetic ‘sons’ his admiration for the odes.87 We have already seen (p. 238) that Jonson’s own odes are Horatian as well as Pindaric. Herrick, in his own ode to Sir Clipseby Crew, shows that these imitations were not pedantry but based on real human sympathy:
然后我们让贺拉斯朗读，
他唱着，或者说着，
一杯满溢
的抒情酒，既膨胀又加冕，我们
围着
他畅饮
Then cause we Horace to be read,
Which sung, or said,
A goblet to the brim
Of lyric wine, both swelled and crowned,
Around
We quaff to him
赫里克和琼森的作品中充满了贺拉斯的诗意，以至于不能说是模仿。一行接一行，一节接一节，对于诗歌爱好者来说，本身就很好，对于那些认出现在用英语讲的贺拉斯声音的人来说，更是如此。
Herrick’s and Jonson’s work is so penetrated with the poetry of Horace that it is inadequate to speak of imitation. Line after line, stanza after stanza, is good in itself for lovers of poetry, and better for those who recognize the voice of Horace, now speaking English.
安德鲁·马维尔的《克伦威尔从爱尔兰归来》经常被称为英语中最好的贺拉斯颂歌。它确实展示了如何简化像阿尔卡伊克这样的古典韵律，将其改为重音模式，同时又保留其原有的深思熟虑和尊严之美。但是，虽然其中有一些优美的诗节，但散文太多了，例如：
Andrew Marvell’s Upon Cromwell’s Return from Ireland has often been called the finest Horatian ode in English. Certainly it shows how a good classical metre like the Alcaic can be simplified, changed to a stress-pattern, and yet keep its original beauties of thoughtfulness and dignity. But although there are fine stanzas in it, there is too much prose, like:
现在爱尔兰人很惭愧，
他们一年内就被驯服了，
And now the Irish are ashamed
To see themselves in one year tamed,
以及太多的自负。
and too many conceits.
他的朋友弥尔顿将一首令人愉快的贺拉斯情诗翻译成了类似的、但韵律稍丰富一些的形式：
His friend Milton has one translation of a delightful Horatian love-poem, into a similar, but slightly richer metrical form:
是什么样的苗条青年，浑身散发着液体的香气，
在某个宜人的洞穴里，在玫瑰花丛中向你求爱？88
What slender youth, bedewed with liquid odours,
Courts thee on roses in some pleasant cave?88
尽管它显示出弥尔顿史诗中有时会出现的缺陷，89这有助于教会他压缩的艺术，即在最小的空间中表达最大的意义。他将这一教训带入了英国十四行诗。通过使十四行诗更强大、更丰富，他赋予了它新的生命。他的九首十四行诗以致辞开头，就像贺拉斯的颂歌经常做的那样；还有一首：
Although it shows signs of the fault which sometimes mars Milton’s epic poetry,89 it helped to teach him the art of compression, of getting the maximum of meaning into the minimum of space. This lesson he carried into the English sonnet. By making the sonnet stronger and richer, he gave it new life. Nine of his sonnets begin with an address, as Horace’s odes so often do; and one:
劳伦斯，有德之父，有德之子
Lawrence, of virtuous father virtuous son
实际上是模仿贺拉斯的
actually with a close imitation of Horace’s
哦，可爱的母亲有更可爱的女儿。90
O lovelier daughter of a lovely mother.90
贺拉斯的灵感贯穿了整首十四行诗，源自如下一个小小的喜剧技巧：
Horace’s inspiration goes throughout the sonnets, from a tiny comic trick like this:
有些人在 Stand 文件中
拼写错误，而人们可能会步行到 Mile
End Green；91
Some in file
Stand spelling false, while one might walk to Mile
End Green;91
深刻的道德、政治和教育目的激励着他们中最伟大的人物，而弥尔顿的榜样又将这些目的传递给了华兹华斯以及后来的许多英国诗人。92
to the deep moral, political, and educational purpose which inspires the greatest of them, and which Milton’s example transmitted to Wordsworth and many a later English poet.92
贺拉斯在巴洛克时期作为批评家备受尊敬，但作为抒情诗人却没有得到应有的赞赏；但是，当更优秀的诗人感受到一种深沉而平静的情感，而这种情感不会产生“品达式的愤怒”时，他们往往会转向贺拉斯的风格，有时甚至转向他的韵律。93蒲柏早期的《孤独颂》和柯林斯优美的《黄昏颂》和《简朴颂》表明了改编是多么自然。《牛津英语诗集》收录了同一时期的一首不那么自然的诗，采用贺拉斯诗体：瓦茨的《审判日》。它融合了现在被称为贺拉斯的萨福诗节的希腊抒情诗节，融合了中世纪对世界末日最可怕的想象：敞开的坟墓、尖叫的受害者、魔鬼，停在这里，我的幻想！虽然诗节看起来不合适，但从第一节开始就具有可怕的气势：
Respected as a critic in the baroque period, Horace was less admired as a lyric poet than he deserved; but when the better poets felt a deep but tranquil emotion, which could not issue in ‘Pindaric rage’, they often turned to Horace’s manner, sometimes to his very metres.93 Pope’s early Ode on Solitude and Collins’s beautiful odes To Evening and To Simplicity show how natural the adaptation was. The Oxford Book of English Verse contains a less natural blend from the same period, in a Horatian metre: Watts’s Day of Judgment. With the Greek lyric metre now known as Horace’s Sapphic stanza, it mingles the most fearful medieval imaginings of Doomsday: open graves, shrieking victims, devils, stop here, my fancy! Inappropriate as the metre appears, it has a terrifying momentum from the very first stanza:
当猛烈的北风带着它的空气力量
掀起波罗的海，使它怒不可遏；
当红色的闪电带着冰雹袭来
When the fierce North-wind with his airy forces
Rears up the Baltic to a foaming fury;
And the red lightning with a storm of hail comes
冲下去……
Rushing amain down… .
在小空间内，没有比这更好的例子来用纯粹的古典诗歌形式来表达基督教思想和神话了。
There could be no better example, in small space, of Christian thought and myth carried by a purely classical poetic form.
一两代人之后，随着革命时代的诗人，颂歌中唱出了新的活力和丰富，以及更强烈的自我主张。这两种风格仍然可以清晰地追溯到。贺拉斯有他的追随者，品达也有；当时最伟大的一些诗歌形成了一种新的综合体，两人都会钦佩。
A generation or two later, with the poets of the revolutionary era, a new vigour and richness, a stronger self-assertion sang through the odes. The two strains can still be clearly traced. Horace has his followers, and Pindar; some of the greatest poems of the period made a new synthesis which both would have admired.
这一时期品达的继承者包括歌德、雪莱、雨果、华兹华斯和荷尔德林。（我们再一次看到，称这一时期为反古典时期是多么错误。例如，维克多·雨果以一系列颂歌开始了他的职业生涯，在这些颂歌中，就像他的前辈一样，他呼唤缪斯，用他的英雄七弦琴歌唱，描述古典场景和风景。本质的区别在于他的风格和目的。）品达颂歌的形式变得非常自由。它的节奏更强，但更加多样化。它仍然是一种舞蹈，但舞者不再重复一个三重音节或一个复杂的交织动作，而是通过一系列仅由诗人的意志或他炽热的想象力控制的模式移动。
The heirs of Pindar in this epoch include Goethe, Shelley, Hugo, Wordsworth, and Hölderlin. (Once more we see how mistaken it is to call this period anti-classical. Victor Hugo, for example, began his career with a series of odes, in which, just like his predecessors, he calls on the Muses, sings to his heroic lyre, and describes classical scenes and landscapes. The essential differences are his style and his purpose.) The Pindaric ode became very free in form. Its rhythm was stronger, but more varied. It was still a dance, but the dancers, instead of repeating one triple figure, or one complex inwoven movement, moved through a series of patterns governed only by the will of the poet, or his fiery imagination.
尽管考利的颂歌很糟糕，但也许正是这些颂歌在英语中确立了这种颂歌形式。雪莱的《那不勒斯颂歌》有十个不规则的诗节，标有尾节、尾节和对节，偶数编号并用希腊字母书写；但名称和数字没有真正的顺序。94这是“古典”芭蕾舞和现代芭蕾舞的区别，也是海顿交响曲和现代交响诗的区别。品达的颂歌实际上一直追求自由即兴：诗人们知道他写的是“没有规律”的颂歌，渴望得到他的权威，获得一种既不含糊不清又绝对自由的表达方式。
Bad as Cowley’s odes are, perhaps it was they which established this dithyrambic form in English. Shelley’s Ode to Naples is in ten irregular stanzas, marked epode, strophe, and antistrophe, even numbered and Greek-lettered; but the names and numbers have no real sequence.94 It is the difference between a ‘classical’ and a modern ballet; between a Haydn symphony and a modern symphonic poem. The Pindaric ode has in fact always aspired towards free improvisation: poets knew that he had written dithyrambs ‘without law’, and yearned to have his authority for a mode of expression which would, without being incoherent, be absolutely free.
品达颂歌的内容一直都充满情感。现在它比巴洛克时期更加充满活力，其情感虽然没有减弱，但更加柔和和多变——因此更加希腊化。最后，随着十八世纪末精神的普遍解放，颂歌涵盖的主题范围变得更加广泛，其个人和社会抱负也更加崇高。
The content of the Pindaric ode had always been highly emotional. It now became more energetic than it had been during the baroque period, and its emotion, though not less intense, more supple and varied—and therefore more Greek. Finally, with the general liberation of the spirit that came with the close of the eighteenth century, the range of subjects which the ode covered became much wider, and its aspirations, both individual and social, loftier.
除了荷马以外，歌德最崇拜品达，而非其他任何一位非戏剧类的希腊诗人。95二十出头时，他开始阅读和翻译品达的作品。从 1772 年起，他开始用短小不规则的诗行创作充满活力的抒情诗，有时韵脚零散，有时完全不押韵，其特点是带有一种大胆反抗的活力，他自己也觉得这是品达式的。96席勒也留下了许多品达的诗，包括一首酒神颂和两首著名的颂歌，《希腊诸神》和《欢乐颂》（在贝多芬《第九交响曲》的最后乐章中被高举）；这些诗充满了对希腊神话和希腊真理的真挚热爱，但它们的节奏单调，有时措辞粗俗。不幸的荷尔德林是他那一代德国人中最真正的希腊人。他翻译了品达大约一半的抒情诗；尽管他没有完全理解这些韵律，有时还曲解了其中的含义，但它们却激励他创作了许多崇高而艰深的自由诗赞美诗，这些赞美诗直到他去世一个世纪后才被欣赏。97
Goethe admired Pindar more than any other non-dramatic Greek poet except Homer.95 He was reading and translating Pindar in his early twenties. From 1772 onwards he began to write spirited lyrics in short irregular lines, sometimes with scattered rhymes and sometimes entirely rhymeless, characterized by a tone of bold defiant energy which he himself felt to be Pindaric.96Schiller too left a number of Pindaric poems, including a Dithyramb and the two famous odes, The Gods of Greece and To Joy (exalted in the last movement of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony); they are full of genuine love for Greek myth and Greek truth, but they are monotonous in rhythm, sometimes cheap in phrasing. The unhappy Hölderlin was the truest Grecian of his generation in Germany. He translated about half of Pindar’s lyrics; and, although he did not fully understand the metres and sometimes strained the meanings, they stimulated him to produce a number of lofty and difficult hymns in free verse, which were scarcely appreciated until a century after he died.97
维克多·雨果在他的《颂歌》和《歌谣》中更多地体现了品达式的风格而非贺拉斯式的风格；98我们经常看到他以他特有的过度爱好，试图通过喊叫、唱歌和跳舞超越他的前辈和所有奥林匹克合唱团来超越品达。一连串的感叹变得单调乏味；但它们被精美的形象和不断变化、震撼的节奏所弥补。
Through his Odes and Ballads Victor Hugo is more often Pindaric than he is Horatian;98 and often we see him, with characteristic love of excess, attempting to surpass Pindar by outshouting, outsinging, and outdancing his predecessor and all the Olympian choirs. The strings of exclamations become monotonous; but they are redeemed by the fine imagery, and by the sweeping, constantly changing rhythms.
雪莱的《西风颂》虽然只是一小节，源自简单的意大利抒情诗模式，但却如此成功地将秋风描绘成强大而急躁的超人存在，并将大自然的诸多方面拟人化——从落叶到沉睡的地中海，从细小的种子和花蕾到广阔的云朵，“雨水和闪电的天使”，它比任何巴洛克或文艺复兴时期的前辈更能重新捕捉到一些本质上更具品达性和希腊性的东西。
Shelley’s Ode to the West Wind, although its form is a stanza derived from a simple Italian lyric pattern, succeeds so magnificently in making the autumn wind into a powerful and impetuous superhuman presence, and in personifying many aspects of nature—from the fallen leaves to the sleeping Mediterranean, from tiny seed and buds to vast clouds, ‘angels of rain and lightning’, that it recaptures something more essentially Pindaric, more Greek, than any of its baroque or Renaissance predecessors.
然而，最伟大的现代品达诗歌是华兹华斯的颂歌—— 《从童年回忆中暗示不朽》。乍一看，它似乎与品达的世界和清澈的活力相去甚远。然而，正如形式是品达的，适应了现代诗人思想的压力，精神也向内转，因现代性而变得阴暗。这首颂歌以欢欣鼓舞开始，以新的胜利结束。这是春天的节日：
The greatest modern Pindaric poem, however, is Wordsworth’s Ode—Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood. It seems at first to be far, far from Pindar’s world and Pindar’s clear energy. Yet, just as the form is Pindar’s, adapted to the stresses of the modern poetic mind, so, turned inwards and darkened with modernity, is the spirit. The ode opens with rejoicing, and closes with triumph renewed. It is the festival of spring:
陆地和海洋
都沉浸在欢乐之中，每一只野兽都怀着
五月的心情度假。
Land and sea
Give themselves up to jollity,
And with the heart of May
Doth every Beast keep holiday.
但诗人在欢欣鼓舞中，却孤独一人，心中充满悲伤。他一次又一次地宣称，他与欢快的鸟儿、风儿和孩子们融为一体；他一次又一次地停顿下来，怀疑而悲伤，寻找一种逝去的光辉，一种随青春而逝去的梦幻般的光芒。这首颂歌不是对胜利的颂扬，而是对一场痛苦冲突的描述，这场冲突逐渐得到解决。华兹华斯通过一系列不规则的诗节，一些舞蹈和抒情，一些沉思和沉思，最终宣告了胜利，从苦难中（正如埃斯库罗斯所写）可以学到智慧：
But the poet, within the rejoicing, is alone, with a thought of grief. Again and again he declares that he is one with the gay birds and winds and children; and again and again he pauses, doubtfully and sadly, looking for a lost radiance, the visionary gleam that has gone with his youth. The ode is not a glorification of triumph, but a description of a painful conflict, gradually resolved. Through a series of irregular stanzas, some dancing and lyrical, some brooding and meditative, Wordsworth moves on to the final proclamation of victory, out of the suffering which (as Aeschylus wrote) teaches wisdom:
又一场比赛已经结束，其他获胜者也已获得胜利。
Another race hath been, and other palms are won.
在革命时代，很少有人能欣赏贺拉斯的道德和政治思想。那是一个青春的时代，他看起来已是中年。然而，他是一位出色的文字艺术家，他热爱自然，他懂得美，他有一种精神深度和宁静，可以传达给那些不太关心他的社会信条的人。贺拉斯的传统比品达的传统改变得更深，但其中的一些仍然保留了下来。99沉思颂的诗节虽然仍然有规律，但变得更加复杂。思想虽然仍然平静，但往往变得更加私密。自然被观察得更加生动和细致。有时，品达的复杂性和狂喜被诗人融入自己的内心，并与贺拉斯抒情诗的深思深度融为一体。
Few in the age of revolution could admire Horace’s moral and political message. It was an era of youth; he seemed middle-aged. Yet he was a superb artist in words, he loved nature, he knew beauty, he had a spiritual depth and serenity that communicated themselves to some of those who cared little for his social creed. The Horatian tradition was altered much more deeply than that of Pindar, yet something of it survived.99 The stanza of the meditative odes became, although still regular, more intricate. The thought, while still tranquil, was often made more private. Nature was observed in more vivid and elaborate detail. Sometimes the complexity and exultation of Pindar were taken into the poet’s own heart, and blended with the thoughtful depths of Horace’s lyrics.
贺拉斯的传统在巴洛克时代最为丰富，产生了柯林斯精美的颂歌。100在这方面，柯林斯有一位更伟大的继承者。约翰·济慈的颂歌不像贺拉斯，因为它们不像任何人的作品，只像约翰·济慈本人。但它们是贺拉斯的直系后裔，贺拉斯的作品帮助它们得以诞生；而且它们超越了贺拉斯，达到了更年轻、更丰富的境界。最伟大的作品《夜莺颂》以贺拉斯声音的直接、明确的回响开篇，跨越了二十个世纪。101但在 1819 年所有出色的颂歌中，有一些相当新的东西，是济慈的思想和他那个时代的情感对贺拉斯从希腊传给他的遗产。品达的颂歌强烈地体现了公众胜利的时刻，一切都生动活泼，人头攒动，充满活力。欢欣鼓舞的城市包围着冠军的家人，游行队伍在舞蹈和音乐中前进，诗人为整个希腊发声，整个希腊都在倾听。在贺拉斯的作品中，虽然抒情诗通常是一首孤独的歌，但它是给朋友听的，是为了通过迷惑他人来影响他们，它是为罗马而唱的。但对于济慈来说，公众已经消失了。
The tradition of Horace was most fertile in the baroque age when it produced Collins’s exquisite odes.100 In this, Collins had a far greater successor. The odes of John Keats are not like Horace, because they are not like the work of anyone but John Keats himself. But they are in the direct line of descent from Horace, whose work helped to bring them into being; and they look back beyond him to reach something younger and richer. The greatest, the Ode to a Nightingale, opens with a direct, unmistakable echo of Horace’s voice, over twenty centuries.101 But in all the superb 1819 odes there is something quite new, a change made by the mind of Keats and by the sensibilities of his era upon the inheritance which Horace passed to him from Greece. The odes of Pindar had been intense realizations of the moment of public triumph, with everything vividly alive, crowded and active, ablaze with energy. The exultant city surrounded the family of the champion, the procession moved on with dance and music, the poet spoke for all Greece, and all Greece listened. In Horace, although the lyric was often a lonely song, it was to be heard by a friend, it was to influence others by charming them, it was uttered for Rome. But for Keats, the public has disappeared.
诗人孤身一人，沉默不语，悲痛多于欢乐。他凝视着一只希腊花瓶，半梦半醒地坐在“漆黑的树林中”，聆听一只孤独的鸟儿的鸣叫，他回忆起“两个美丽的生物并排躺着”的景象，或者唤起秋天的柔和季节，忧郁的云朵。从这种宁静和沉思中，他进入了一种与品达相似的想象中的兴奋状态。他看到花瓶上的人物栩栩如生，气喘吁吁，年轻有为；他听到他们的旋律，向灵魂传来。当夜莺从一棵树飞到另一棵树时，他展翅飞向它。秋天在他眼中呈现出一种与任何希腊神灵一样的人性和真实性，忧郁则像一个隐藏在她秘密神殿中的巨大面纱人物。兴奋并没有使他的感官变得迟钝，反而使他更加敏锐，使他更加敏锐地感知到上千个细节——麝香玫瑰上的露珠、蚊虫的鸣叫、沙滩上闪闪发光的涟漪。他的思想长成枝繁叶茂的树木，在空中低语。这些颂歌中只有华兹华斯在春节期间感受到的舞蹈。济慈和贺拉斯一样，成了一个孤独的歌手；但他没有听众，他的竖琴是鸟儿的歌声或夜风。
The poet is alone; silent; nearer to grief than to rejoicing. He contemplates a Greek vase; he sits ‘in embalmed darkness’, half in dream, listening to a lonely bird; he recalls a vision of ‘two fair creatures, couchèd side by side’, or evokes the mellow season of Autumn, the cloud of Melancholy. And out of this quietness and this reflection, he mounts into an imaginative excitement akin to Pindar’s. He sees the figures on the vase as alive, panting and young; he hears their melodies, piped to the spirit. As the nightingale moves from tree to tree, he takes wings to fly to it. Autumn appears to him in a shape no less human and real than any Hellenic deity, and Melancholy as a mighty veiled figure in her secret shrine. The excitement does not blur, but sharpens his senses, giving him keener perception of a thousand details—the dew in the musk-rose, the piping of gnats, the iridescent ripple on the sandy shore. His very thoughts grow into branching trees, and murmur in the air. Only the dance which Wordsworth felt around him in the festival of spring is absent from these odes. Keats, like Horace, has become a solitary singer; but he has no hearers, and his lyre is a bird’s song or the night wind.
在英国“浪漫”颂歌中，品达的初衷被完全颠覆，并通过与贺拉斯的微妙之处相融合而变得柔和。然而，希腊和罗马抒情诗的许多基本要素仍然存在，只是发生了变化。富有想象力的细节的生动性；超越日常生活的伟大超人愿景的创造；深刻的精神狂喜、对美的崇拜和对高尚理想的颂扬——所有这些诗歌元素都通过颂歌的传统从贺拉斯和品达传承到了现代诗人。歌曲和节日舞蹈已经消亡。在这些抒情诗中，颂歌的结构反映了孤独的人类灵魂的微妙兴奋。
In the English ‘romantic’ odes the original purpose of Pindar has been quite reversed and mellowed by blending with the subtleties of Horace. Yet many essentials of the Greek and Roman lyric remain, transfigured. Piercing vividness of imaginative detail; creation of great superhuman visions transcending ordinary life; profound spiritual ecstasy, the adoration of beauty and the exaltation of noble ideals—all these elements of poetry have been transmitted, through the tradition of the ode, from Horace and Pindar to modern poets. The song and the festal dance have passed away. In these lyrics, the structure of the ode reflects the subtler excitements of the lonely human soul.
自革命时代结束以来，已有数十、数百位诗人创作了颂歌，但无人能比这更优美。仅就十九世纪的颂歌，就可以写出一本感人的书，而且需要编纂一本优秀的颂歌选集。过去一百年创作的颂歌大多是品达式的，而非贺拉斯式的——有些是有意识的（哈特·克兰说“我觉得自己非常适合成为机器时代黎明时期的品达”）。102有些，比如沃尔特·惠特曼的，则是无意识的。尽管音乐颂歌的创作次数较少，但颂歌与音乐和舞蹈保持着天然的亲缘关系；斯温伯恩的技巧精湛和华彩舞曲的活力与李斯特的狂想曲非常相似。
Since the revolutionary era closed, dozens, hundreds of poets have composed odes: but none finer. A moving book could be written on the nineteenth-century odes alone, and a noble anthology of them needs to be made. Most of those produced in the last hundred years are Pindaric rather than Horatian—some consciously (Hart Crane said ‘I feel myself quite fit to become a suitable Pindar for the dawn of the machine age’)102 and some, like Walt Whitman’s, unconsciously. Although musical odes were composed less often, the ode kept its natural kinship with music and the dance; Swinburne’s technical virtuosity and corybantic energy are closely parallel to the rhapsodies of Liszt.
从十九世纪中叶开始，出现了一种日益壮大的运动，它打破了诗歌的常规模式，让诗歌听起来完全是自发的，就像即兴创作一样。这种运动很大程度上源于对原创性的渴望、对传统的憎恨、扭断雄辩的脖子的冲动，打倒一切花哨和虚假的东西，去掉你和你，废除帕纳索斯山和缪斯，诅咒一切崇高的东西，我无法忍受。103但大部分都是因为这样一种感觉而得到加强：真正的诗歌一直都是自由的，希腊艺术，在其最佳状态下，意味着自由。（在同一时期，出于同样的原因，伊莎多拉·邓肯的希腊即兴表演在很大程度上解放了现代芭蕾舞。）因此，当杰拉德·霍普金斯被迫写诗来记录欧律狄克号和德意志号的悲惨沉船时，他知道他是在用品达的方式写作——尽管他使用的词语、句法，甚至韵律都是前所未有的大胆。
From the mid-nineteenth century onwards there was a movement of growing strength to break the regular patterns of verse, to allow it to sound wholly spontaneous, like immediate improvisation. Much of this came from the desire for originality, the hatred of tradition, the urge to twist the neck of eloquence, down with everything fancy and artificial, away with thou and thee, abolish Parnassus and the Muses, damn anything that’s lofty, I cannot bear it.103 But much of it was strengthened by the sense that real poetry had always been free, that Greek art, at its best, meant freedom. (It was largely the Hellenic improvisations of Isadora Duncan which set the modern ballet free, during the same period and for the same reasons.) Thus, when Gerard Hopkins was impelled to write poems on the tragic shipwrecks of the Eurydice and the Deutschland, he knew he was writing in the manner of Pindar—although the words, the syntax, even the rhymes he used were boldly unprecedented.
霍普金斯的诗句像熔炉一样流淌，形成了一个奇怪的模子。一部分是他创造的，一部分是英语，一部分（因为他是一位训练有素的古典学者）是希腊和罗马的。自从他去世后，所有的模子都被打破了。一些现代抒情自由诗只是印刷上的巧妙。一些代表了内心戏剧中半听半懂的人物的对话。但就其余部分有节奏而言，它是酒神狂欢者兴奋歌曲的后代，品达是最早将其变成艺术的人之一，他的许多崇拜者从此就通过他胜利诗中不可抗拒的山洪能量听到了这些歌曲。
Hopkins’s verses flowed molten into a strange mould. Part of it he had made, part of it was English, part of it (for he was a trained classical scholar) was Greek and Roman. Since he died, all moulds have been broken. Some modern lyrical free verse is merely typographical cleverness. Some represents the dialogue of half-heard figures in an interior drama. But in so far as the rest is rhythmical, it is a descendant of the excited songs of the Bacchic revellers, which Pindar was one of the first to make into art, and which many of his admirers have since heard through the irresistible mountain-torrent energy of his poems of triumph.
13
过渡
13
TRANSITION
我们已经看到，在希腊和罗马文明几乎被野蛮的洪流淹没之后，它却以奇怪的变化但仍然强大的形式幸存下来；它的影响力如何在整个黑暗时代持续存在；它如何成为贯穿中世纪的强大潮流之一，并不断增强，直到最后成为我们所知的文艺复兴时期那股充满能量、情感和思想的浪潮中最强大的推动力之一。现在我们必须追溯它的力量，它有时减弱，有时增强，总是在变化，但从未消亡，贯穿现代欧洲和美国的文学。在这个时期内——从文艺复兴结束到现在——我们可以做一个粗略但有用的划分。第一部分，从大约 1600 年到大约 1770 年，可以称为君主制时代，或反宗教改革时代，或更广泛地说，巴洛克时代。第二部分是真正的现代，从美国革命、法国革命、工业革命一直到我们自己的时代。
WE have seen how, after Greek and Roman civilization was almost overwhelmed by repeated floods of barbarism, it managed to survive, in strangely altered but still powerful forms; how its influence continued to exist throughout the Dark Ages; and how it was one of the great currents which flowed with increasing strength through the Middle Ages, until at last it became one of the most powerful urges in that tidal wave of energy, emotion, and thought which we know as the Renaissance. We have now to trace its power, sometimes diminishing, sometimes increasing, always changing, and never dying, throughout the literature of modern Europe and America. Within this period-from the end of the Renaissance to the present day—we can make a rough but useful division. The first part, which ran from about 1600 to about 1770, can be called the age of monarchies, or the Counter-Reformation, or, comprehensively, the baroque age. The second part is the truly modern age, from the American and French revolutions and the industrial revolution down to our own times.
这种双重划分并非仅仅为了方便。它反映了我们文明的本质和古典文化对它施加的力量的真正变化。自 1850 年左右以来，文学的整个基调、大部分目的和许多方法都经历了一场重大的革命：不是突然的浅薄转变，而是强烈而永久的方向转变。这种变化伴随着并受到 19 世纪伟大创新的影响：
This twofold division is not merely a convenience. It reflects a real change both in the nature of our civilization and in the power exerted upon it by classical culture. Since about 1850 the whole tone, much of the purpose, and many of the methods of literature have undergone a revolution of great importance: not an abrupt shallow transformation, but a strong and permanent change of direction. This change accompanied and was conditioned by the great novelties of the nineteenth century:
工业主义和应用科学的兴起；
industrialism and the rise of applied science;
欧洲和美洲实际人口大幅增长；
a tremendous increase in the actual population of Europe and America;
摆脱特权继承制（君主制、贵族制、地产制、继承资本制）的政府，转向民治政府或通过人民治理政府（民主、社会主义、共产主义和法西斯主义）；
a move away from government by inherited privilege—monarchy, aristocracy, landed property, inherited capital—towards government by the people or through the people—democracy, socialism, communism, and fascism;
the abolition of serfdom and slavery (temporarily, in some countries);
为许多国家的广大人民提供更广泛的教育。
the provision of a much wider education for the mass of the people in many lands.
在文学中，这种变化有几种重要的形式：
In literature the change takes several important forms:
（a）文献产量大幅度增加。
(a) A huge increase in the amount of literature produced.
( b ) 重点转向大众可接受的文学标准和能够影响尽可能多的付费客户或宣传接受者的艺术类型。诗歌曾经、现在仍在让位于散文。诗剧非常罕见和特殊，而散文剧（在银幕和舞台上）却蓬勃发展。没有人写说教诗，而有成千上万本“严肃的非小说”书籍。史诗已经消失，小说过剩。同样，对风格的重视也越来越少；但对“力量”和“吸引力”的重视却非常大，这在实践中意味着在某些有限领域内的情感强度。有大量非常流行的新文学模式或新近再创造的文学模式，这些模式都不是严格的，但都是为了取悦文化标准相当低的广大公众而设计的：侦探电影和侦探故事、音乐喜剧、构成许多广播节目的一连串不相关的笑话、记者的短暂现场观察日记。自 1900 年左右以来，没有一种文学类型提高了自己的标准，但所有类型的标准都得到了拓宽。
(b) A shift in emphasis towards literary standards acceptable to large masses of people and types of art which would influence the greatest possible number of paying customers or recipients of propaganda. Poetry has been, and still is, losing ground to prose. Poetic drama is very rare and special, while prose drama (on the screen as well as the stage) flourishes. No one writes didactic poems, while there are thousands of books of ‘serious non-fiction’. Epics have disappeared, novels are superabundant. Similarly, there is less and less emphasis on style; but immense stress is laid on ‘power’ and ‘appeal’, which in practice mean emotional intensity within certain limited fields. There are a large number of very popular new, or newly re-created, literary patterns, none of them strict, but all designed to please a large public of fairly low cultural standards: the detective film and detective story, the musical comedy, the strings of unrelated jokes which compose many radio shows, the reporter’s diary of ephemeral on-the-spot observations. Since about 1900 no single literary type has raised its standards, but all have broadened them.
（c）对此的反应是，那些决心不追求大众效应的艺术家的作品中出现了极端的专业化和“同化”。TS艾略特就是最有名的例子，专业化的发展往往可以在一位艺术家的职业生涯中追溯到：例如乔伊斯、里尔克、毕加索、勋伯格。它从发明私人语言（乔伊斯、查拉）开始，通过使用难以理解的符号，到用纯粹私人的材料创作艺术作品：无法解释和不为他人所知的个人经历（奥登、乔伊斯、达利）、古怪的神话、令人难忘的引语、晦涩的符号、对深奥书籍或宗教习俗或几乎未观察到的事件的引用（艾略特的《荒原》、《论渔王》和《达塔·达亚德瓦姆·达米亚塔》的含义、庞德的《诗章》、崇拜勒芒凶手的法国超现实主义者）以及新的准宗教崇拜的基础（斯蒂芬·乔治）。
(c) As a reaction to this, extreme specialization and ‘coterization’ in the work of artists who are determined not to aim at mass effects. T. S. Eliot is the best-known example, and often the growth of specialization can be traced within the career of a single artist: for instance, Joyce, Rilke, Picasso, Schonberg. It goes all the way from the invention of a private language (Joyce, Tzara), through the use of unintelligible symbols, to the creation of works of art out of purely private material: personal experiences unexplained and unknown to others (Auden, Joyce, Dali), odd myths, haunting quotations, obscure symbols, references to abstruse books or religious practices or almost unobserved events (Eliot’s Waste Land, on the Fisher King and the meaning of Datta Dayadhvam Damyata, Pound’s Cantos, the French surrealists who admired the murderers of Le Mans), and the foundation of new quasi-religious cults (Stefan George).
（d）最后，至少在文学方面，有一个毋庸置疑的收获：活力大大增强，精神能量随着找到更多声音而倍增，作者的题材领域也得到了扩大和加深。
(d) And finally, in literature at least, one unquestioned gain: a great increase in vigour, spiritual energy multiplying as it finds more voices, and an enlarged and deepened field of subject-matter for the author.
在文学方面，这些是近代社会变革最深远的影响之一。只有第三个似乎与古典影响有很大关系。然而，希腊罗马文化的力量比人们最初想象的更具普遍性和渗透性。我们提到了教育的传播。这是过去三四百年文明中最重要的因素之一。直到最近，它才在任何国家普及；然而，从文艺复兴以来，教育并没有在任何地方减少，而是在整个西欧和美国缓慢但持续地传播。从这个时期的开始——比如 1600 年——直到 1900 年左右（在几个重要的国家则更晚），高等教育的重点是古典语言和文学的研究。直到我们记事以来，在美国、比利时、法国、德国、英国、荷兰、波兰和其他文明国家，除了“3R”课程外，没有必修的拉丁语和选修的希腊语课程的学校——更不用说学院或大学了，这都只是例外，而不是常态。1技术和职业学校是在工业大规模生产兴起之后才发明的。2直到第一次世界大战，人们对古典文学的了解才逐渐增加。人们对古典文学的了解越来越多，至少在 1900 年之前，越来越多的人开始了解古典文学。3
In literature, these are among the deepest effects of recent social changes. Only the third seems to have much to do with classical influence. However, the power of Greco-Roman culture is more pervasive and penetrative than one might at first imagine. We have mentioned the spread of education. This is one of the most important factors in the civilization of the last three or four hundred years. It was not by any means nation-wide in any country, until quite recently; yet education was diminishing nowhere, and spreading slowly but continuously, throughout western Europe and America, from the Renaissance onwards. And from the beginning of this period—say, 1600—until about 1900 (and in several important countries much later) the focus of higher education was the study of the classical languages and literatures. Until well within living memory it was the exception rather than the rule to find, in America, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, Holland, Poland, and other civilized lands, a school which went any distance beyond the three R’s without compulsory Latin and optional Greek—far less a college or a university.1 Technical and vocational schools were invented only after the rise of mass-production in industry.2 Until the First World War knowledge of the classics was increasing. More was discovered about them, and, until at least 1900, more people were learning about them.3
最后总结一下。从 1600 年到现在，古典主义的影响在法国对生活和文学产生了最直接、最强烈的影响；在英国文学中产生了最丰富的影响；在德国引发了最多的学术研究。
A final general remark. During the period from 1600 to the present, classical influence has affected life and literature most directly and intensely in France; it has produced the richest effects in literature among the English; and it has evoked the largest quantity of scholarship in Germany.
1600 年那一代人见证了文艺复兴的结束。说文艺复兴的结束听起来不太合理：因为古典文学和许多依赖它们的现代文明肯定在 15 和 16 世纪重生了；它们并没有消亡。然而，这种重生和再生只是更广泛的革命性变革的一个方面，其中包括新教改革和发现美洲等各种事件。关于文艺复兴最典型的一点是这种变化并不只是其具体效果，更是其情感和生命力：“在那个黎明，活着是一种幸福，但年轻才是天堂。”4
The generation which was alive in 1600 saw the end of the Renaissance. It sounds unreasonable to speak of the end of a rebirth: for surely the classical literatures and so much of modern civilization as depends on them were reborn in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and they did not die. Still, this rebirth and regeneration were only one aspect of a much broader revolutionary change which included events as diverse as the Protestant reformation and the discovery of America. The most characteristic thing about this change was not its concrete effects so much as its emotional, its vital qualities: ‘bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, but to be young was very heaven.’4
但结局却很悲惨。
But it ended sombrely.
十六世纪后半叶，一股冷风似乎吹袭了世界。诗人变得冷酷无情；英雄们死得不光彩；人们开始恨多于爱；有抱负的社会和高尚的作品因暴力而夭折；自由往往是奢侈或放荡的，被压制性的法律和组织所取代，有时愚蠢而残酷；甚至曾经意味着刺激和解放的古典书籍也变成了管制和法律以及规则的增加。也许这种反应是不可避免的；也许其中一些是必要的和有益的；但它是痛苦的。然而，文艺复兴之后的反应并不是到处都意味着人类精神的收缩，没有任何补偿。在一些国家（如西班牙），确实如此。在其他国家，这意味着，在停顿之后，文学、艺术和人类思想结束了一段疯狂的不协调扩张时期，进入了一段有规律的进步时期。如果管制较少，进步是否会更大，这是一个历史学家无法不猜测就回答的问题。
With the latter half of the sixteenth century a cold wind seems to blow in upon the world. Poets turn harsh; heroes die ingloriously; men begin to hate more than they love; aspiring societies and noble works are cut short by violence; freedom, often extravagant or licentious, is succeeded by repressive laws and organizations, sometimes stupid and often cruel; even the classical books which had once connoted stimulus and liberation come to mean regulation and law and the multiplication of rules. Perhaps this reaction was inevitable; possibly some of it was necessary and salutary; but it was painful. However, the reaction that followed the Renaissance did not everywhere mean a contraction of the human spirit, without any compensation. In some countries (such as Spain) it did. In other countries it meant that, after a pause, literature and the arts and human thought left a period of wild uncoordinated expansion and entered on a period of regulated progress. Whether the progress would have been greater if the regulation had been less is a question no historian can answer without guess-work.
反动时期确实发生过许多内战和国际战争的灾难，这些灾难堪称公共罪行。它见证了生命、财产、艺术品和学术成果的无谓浪费。这段 16 世纪晚期的历史充满了破碎的生活：学者们因为一些醉酒的士兵以为他们藏有钱财而被杀害，他们因为加入了错误的教派或党派而逃离祖国，他们像卡苏朋一样，不得不在山洞里学习希腊语，而他们的父母则躲避党卫军（我有时认为，有助于开启文艺复兴的手稿的发现并没有在 16 世纪结束——佩特罗尼乌斯的大部分作品于 1650 年在达尔马提亚出现——但它被战争、抢劫和政治压迫所阻碍，然后停止了。）《英国黑暗时代史》（第 39 页）和许多类似的故事表明，除非彻底的野蛮行径，否则学术几乎无法被消灭；但它可以被严重削弱，主要动脉被切断，少数未感染的区域被封堵，健康的交流被中断，腐朽蔓延到每一个部分，并且几代人、几个世纪以来一直停止生长。
Certainly the period of reaction saw a great number of those disasters of civil and international war which deserve the name of public crimes. It saw needless waste of lives, and property, and objects of art, and products of learning. This history of the late sixteenth century is full of broken lives: scholars who were murdered because some drunken soldier thought they had money concealed, who fled from their native country because they belonged to the wrong sect or party, who like Casaubon had to study Greek in a cave in the hills while their parents hid from the S.S. (I have sometimes thought that the discovery of manuscripts, which helped to start the Renaissance, did not come to any necessary end in the sixteenth century—most of Petronius turned up in Dalmatia in 1650—but that it was discouraged and then stopped, by war, looting, and political oppression.) The history of England in the Dark Ages (p. 39 f.) and many similar stories show that scholarship can scarcely be blotted out except by total barbarization; but it can be gravely weakened, the main arteries cut, the few uninfected areas tied off, the healthy interflow broken, decay creeping over every section, and growth discontinued for generations, for centuries.
这里是击退文艺复兴浪潮的逆流的顶峰。
Here are the peaks in the counter-wave which rolled back the tide of Renaissance.
1. 首先，也是最重要的——由于意大利一直是其他欧洲国家的主要刺激因素——1527 年罗马被两个尚未充分感受到文艺复兴影响的民族的军队洗劫：德国人和西班牙人。5根据卡托-康布雷西条约 (1559 年)，西班牙占领了意大利，这一举措的成效就此显现。
1. First, and most important—since Italy had been the chief stimulus to other European nations—the sack of Rome in 1527 by the armies of two peoples which had not experienced the full effects of the Renaissance: the Germans and the Spaniards.5 The effect of this was clinched by the Spanish occupation of Italy, according to the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559).
2. 宗教战争毁掉了许多宝贵的生命。其中一个关键日期是圣巴塞洛缪大屠杀（1572 年）。6
2. The wars of religion spoilt many a valuable life. One key-date is the massacre of St. Bartholomew (1572).6
3. 更可怕的是德国三十年战争，这场战争实际上粉碎了德国各州达到与邻国相同文明水平的一切机会。
3. Still more frightful was the Thirty Years war in Germany, which effectively crushed out any chance the German states had had of reaching the same level of civilization as their neighbours.
4. 应该记住，蛮族仍在向东方进发。自 1526 年的莫哈奇战役以来，他们使匈牙利与欧洲文明隔绝了数个世纪。巴尔干半岛被占领，部分地区被异教化，而波兰和奥地利则一直受到威胁。
4. It should be remembered that the barbarians were still pressing on in the east. They put Hungary out of European civilization for centuries, with the battle of Mohacs in 1526. The Balkans were occupied and partially paganized, while Poland and Austria were perpetually under threat.
5. 反宗教改革运动有很多好的影响，但也有一些坏的影响。西班牙宗教裁判所由费迪南和伊莎贝拉于 1480 年建立，是一个全国性组织，现在变得更加强大。宗教裁判所不仅反对新教和犹太教，而且扼杀或试图扼杀天主教的许多最活跃的冲动；它两次监禁圣依纳爵·罗耀拉，而圣女德肋撒则多次受到谴责，她的《爱上帝的概念》也被禁止。耶稣会是一个对善恶都伟大的机构，成立于 1540 年。在 1564 年特伦托会议之后，颁布了天主教徒禁止阅读的书籍目录，现代形式的审查制度从其法令开始。7
5. The Counter-Reformation had many good effects, but several bad ones. The Spanish Inquisition, established as a national organization by Ferdinand and Isabella in 1480, now became more powerful. The Inquisition was not only anti-Protestant and anti-Jewish, but deadened, or tried to deaden, many of the most active impulses of Catholicism; it twice imprisoned St. Ignatius Loyola, while St. Theresa was several times denounced, and her Conceptos del amor de Dios was prohibited. The Society of Jesus, an institution great for both good and evil, was founded in 1540. After the Council of Trent, in 1564, an index of books prohibited to Catholics was issued, and censorship in the modern manner began with its ordinances.7
6. 在英国、瑞士、德国和其他新教国家，清教徒和路德教徒的反应同样活跃。1642 年，英国剧院被禁止演出，这一禁令几乎一直持续到 1660 年；即使禁令取消后，其不良影响也影响了好几代人——首先是复辟时期的喜剧（其淫秽程度在英国文学史上是无与伦比的），然后是英国舞台设计和舞台管理的缩减，这种缩减一直持续到 19 世纪，并且可能持续到 19 世纪。导致英国戏剧未能产生马洛和莎士比亚的优秀继任者。8
6. In Britain, Switzerland, Germany, and other Protestant countries the puritan and Lutheran reaction was equally active. A ban was placed on the British theatre in 1642 which lasted virtually until 1660; and even after its removal its ill effects were felt for many generations—first in the Restoration comedies (whose lewdness was quite unparalleled in English literary history) and then in a cutback in British stage-design and stage-management which lasted until well into the nineteenth century, and may have been responsible for the failure of British drama to produce worthy successors to Marlowe and Shakespeare.8
其中一些反应纯粹是军事或政治性的。还有一种非常重要的精神反应，其反对者是诗人、学者和思想家。双方势均力敌，这场冲突持续了近一个世纪，至今仍未解决。这场冲突被称为“书籍之战”。
Some of these reactions were purely military or political. There was a very important spiritual reaction which found its opponents among poets, scholars, and thinkers. The conflict between the two sides, almost evenly matched, lasted for nearly a century, and is not yet solved. It was called the Battle of the Books.
14
书籍之战
14
THE BATTLE OF THE BOOKS
十七、十八世纪有一场非常著名且旷日持久的争论，它不仅激怒了文学界，还激怒了科学界、宗教界、哲学界、美术界，甚至古典学术界。这场争论从未有结果；它涉及一些相对琐碎的个人恩怨，男女之间的暂时争执，以及现在已经被遗忘的学究之间的争执；双方并不总是清楚地阐述问题；一些主角没有达到目标，就像演员王的普里阿摩斯一样，“打得太短了”；而且涉及的情绪太多，以至于整个争论都成了笑料，现在人们以讽刺的标题《古人与现代人的争斗》和《书籍之战》来回忆这场争论。1
THERE was a very famous and very long-drawn-out dispute in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which agitated not only the world of literature but the worlds of science, religion, philosophy, the fine arts, and even classical scholarship. It was never decided; it involved a number of comparatively trivial personal enmities, temporary feuds between men and women and pedants who are now forgotten; the issues were not always clearly stated on either side; some of the protagonists missed their aim, like the Player King’s Priam, ‘striking too short at shadows’; and there was far too much emotion involved, so that the entire dispute became a subject for laughter, and is now remembered under the satiric titles of LA QUERELLE DES ANCIENS ET DES MODERNES and THE BATTLE OF THE BOOKS.1
然而，这是一场重要的争论。首先，一场关于品味的争论竟然持续了多年，并引起了广泛关注，这很了不起，因为这意味着批评的标准，以及文学的标准，都非常高。其次，感兴趣的人物都是当时最伟大的人物：帕斯卡、布瓦洛、本特利、斯威夫特。第三，争论的问题意义深远，至今仍然意义重大。它们在几乎每一个当代关于教育、美学批评和文化传播的讨论中都会出现（尽管经常被掩盖或误解）。十七世纪之交在法国和英国发动的战争只是一场大战中的一场冲突，这场战争已经持续了 2000 年，至今仍在激烈进行。这是传统与现代主义之间的战争，是独创性与权威之间的战争。
Nevertheless, it was an important dispute. In the first place, it was remarkable that an argument about taste should have lasted many years and occupied much attention, for that meant that the standards of criticism, and therefore of literature, were pitched very high. In the second place, the personalities interested were among the greatest of the time: Pascal, Boileau, Bentley, Swift. In the third place, the issues debated were of deep significance, and continue to be significant at the present day. They recur (although often disguised or misunderstood) in nearly every contemporary discussion of education, of aesthetic criticism, and of the transmission of culture. The battle waged in France and England at the turn of the seventeenth century was only one conflict in a great war which has been going on for 2,000 years and is still raging. It is the war between tradition and modernism; between originality and authority.
事件的发生时间并不是最重要的。记录事件各个阶段的书籍也不重要。在小问题上发生了许多激烈的冲突；有时重要的胜利在当时看来是失败，失败者则建起奖杯，欢呼雀跃地离开。但作为对巴洛克时期欧洲各国品味活力的考验，值得注意的是，这场战斗始于意大利，或者更确切地说，始于早期边境冲突发生在那里；真正的战斗发生在法国；一场有趣但次要的斗争发生在英国；除了旁观者之外，没有其他欧洲或美国国家扮演任何角色。然而，尽管英国作家扮演的角色是次要的，但他们创作的作品比来自法国的任何作品都更有趣：因为其中包括本特利的《论法拉里斯书信》和斯威夫特的《书籍之战》。
The chronology of the affair is not of the chiefest importance. Nor are the books that marked its various stages. There were many violent skirmishes on minor issues; sometimes important victories seemed at the moment to be defeats, and the losers built a trophy and went away rejoicing. But as a test of the vitality of taste in various European nations during the baroque age it is worth observing that the battle started in Italy, or rather that the early frontier encounters occurred there; that the real fighting took place in France; that an interesting but secondary struggle went on in England; and that no other European or American country played any part except that of spectator. Yet though the part played by English writers was secondary, the works they produced were more permanently interesting than anything which came out of France: for they included Bentley’s Dissertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris and Swift’s Battle of the Books.
稍后我们将调查作为一方或另一方支持者出现的作者，并描述战斗的各个阶段。首先，必须分析正在辩论的问题以及双方使用的论点。
Later we shall survey the authors who appeared as champions on one side or the other, and describe the phases of the battle. First, it is essential to analyse the issues which were being debated and the arguments used on both sides.
问题是这样的。现代作家是否应该敬仰和模仿古代伟大的希腊和拉丁作家？还是古典的品味标准现在已经被超越和取代了？我们是否只能跟在古人后面，试图模仿他们，最多希望与他们平起平坐？或者我们能满怀信心地期望超越他们？这个问题可以更广泛地提出来。在科学、美术、文明方面，我们是否已经超越了希腊人和罗马人？还是我们在某些方面领先于他们，而在其他方面落后于他们？还是我们在各方面都不如他们，是半吊子的野蛮人，却使用着真正文明人的艺术？
The question was this. Ought modern writers to admire and imitate the great Greek and Latin writers of antiquity? or have the classical standards of taste now been excelled and superseded? Must we only follow along behind the ancients, trying to emulate them and hoping at most to equal them? or can we confidently expect to surpass them? The problem can be put much more broadly. In science, in the fine arts, in civilization generally, have we progressed beyond the Greeks and Romans? or have we gone ahead of them in some things, and fallen behind them in others? or are we inferior to them in every respect, half-taught barbarians using the arts of truly civilized men?
自文艺复兴以来，许多古典文学的崇拜者被希腊和罗马最优秀的作品的技巧、美感和力量所吸引，认为古典文学永远无法被超越，现代人应该满足于尊重它，而不指望创作出更好的作品。在重新发现希腊罗马建筑之后，这一假设被扩大到包括其他艺术；它涵盖了法律、政治智慧、科学、所有文化。现在现代人从许多方面对古典文学进行了攻击。他们使用的最重要的论点有四个。
Since the Renaissance many admirers of classical literature, charmed by the skill, beauty, and power of the best Greek and Roman writing, had assumed that it could never be really surpassed, and that modern men should be content to respect it without hope of producing anything better. After the rediscovery of Greco-Roman architecture this assumption was broadened to include the other arts; and it took in law, political wisdom, science, all culture. It was now attacked by the moderns on many grounds. The most important of the arguments they used were four in number.
1.古人是异教徒，我们是基督徒。因此，我们的诗歌受到更高尚的情感的启发，涉及更高尚的主题。因此，它是更好的诗歌。
1. The ancients were pagans; we are Christians. Therefore our poetry is inspired by nobler emotions and deals with nobler subjects. Therefore it is better poetry.
这个论点远没有听起来那么简单。用这些术语来表述，它似乎过于天真；然而，这是一个浅薄的人可能会毫无疑问地接受或否认的论点，而深思熟虑的人可能会思考多年。显然，一个糟糕的基督教作家并不能使他成为一个更好的作家，尽管这应该使他成为一个更好的人。虔诚的基督徒创作的一些充满虔诚情感的书籍、建筑和图片在艺术上是站不住脚的。JK Huys-mans 本人是一位虔诚的天主教徒，他认为 19 世纪的许多天主教艺术直接受到魔鬼的启发，目的是使敏感的灵魂远离真正的宗教。然而，在伟大的艺术作品中，基督精神的存在，以其强烈的心理敏感性，对人类如此多的卑劣和不足的拒绝，以及其道德高尚，必定会增加伟大；它的缺失留下了精神上的空白，这是任何艺术技巧都无法弥补或掩盖的。
This is a far less simple argument than it sounds. Stated in these terms, it appears excessively naïve; yet it is a thesis which shallow minds might well accept or deny without question, and deeper thinkers might ponder for years. Obviously the fact that a bad writer is a Christian does not make him a better writer, although it should make him a better man. Some books and buildings and pictures produced by devout Christians and full of devout feeling have been artistically indefensible. J. K. Huys-mans, himself an ardent Catholic, believed that much Catholic art of the nineteenth century was directly inspired by the Devil, in order to turn sensitive souls away from the true religion. And yet, in great works of art, the presence of the spirit of Christ, with its intense psychical sensitivity, its rejection of so much human un-worthiness and inadequacy, and its moral nobility, must add greatness; its absence leaves a spiritual lacuna which no artistic skill can compensate or conceal.
三部最伟大的现代英雄史诗都是异教思想和基督教思想的融合，受基督教理想的主导——但丁的《喜剧》、塔索的《解放耶路撒冷》和弥尔顿的《失乐园》。在所有这些作品中，基督教都是基本的推动因素。但是，如果没有异教媒介，基督教不可能在所有这些作品中得到如此好的体现。但丁发现没有一位基督教老师能够引导他穿越地狱的恐怖和炼狱的训诫，到天堂去见他的精神恋人贝阿特丽丝。引导他的是异教诗人维吉尔，除了异教哲学家亚里士多德之外，但丁的诗更多地归功于维吉尔。在《复乐园》中，弥尔顿让耶稣说，希腊的诗歌和音乐源自希伯来人；2但事实并非如此，弥尔顿本人也不相信这一点。在他自己的《失乐园》的开头以及后来的诗中，他召唤了一位天上的缪斯女神的帮助，这位缪斯女神实际上是基督教的精神，但以异教的形式体现出来。3大卫的诗篇和先知的歌中没有缪斯；除了一些小细节外，弥尔顿也从未抄袭过希伯来诗歌，而希腊和罗马文学却一直是他的灵感源泉。
The three greatest modern heroic poems are all blends of pagan and Christian thought, dominated by Christian ideals—Dante’s Comedy, Tasso’s The Liberation of Jerusalem, and Milton’s Paradise Lost. In them all, the Christian religion is the essential moving factor. But in none of them could Christianity have been so well expressed without the pagan vehicle. Dante found no Christian teacher able to conduct him through the terrors of hell and the disciplines of purgatory towards his spiritual love Beatrice in heaven. He was guided by the pagan poet Vergil, to whom his poem owes more than to any other mortal except the pagan philosopher Aristotle. Milton makes Jesus say, in Paradise Regained, that Greece derived its poetry and its music from the Hebrews;2 but that is not true, nor did Milton himself believe it. At the opening of his own Paradise Lost and again later in the poem, he summoned the aid of a Heavenly Muse, who was really the spirit of Christianity, but embodied in a pagan shape.3 There are no Muses in the psalms of David or the songs of the prophets; nor does Milton, except in minor details, ever copy Hebrew poetry, while Greek and Roman literature is a constant inspiration to him.
罗马天主教会和新教教会长期以来一直对这个问题存在内部分歧：异教诗人是否只教导邪恶，因此应该被驱逐？还是他们教导一些善，以便被接受并适应基督教教育的模式？圣奥古斯丁认为他们的美并不全是坏的，他们的智慧也不全是欺骗，因此他们可以用来拓宽基督徒的思想和扩大他们的灵魂。用亚里士多德的话来说，他的回答意味着一些异教徒可能是善良的，可以培养成真正的异教徒的文学通过基督教的用途而变得好。中世纪的许多教师就是这么认为的。其他人，比如圣杰罗姆，认为所有的异教徒都是坏的；他们是耶稣来毁灭的世界的声音；他们的魅力本身就是邪恶的，维吉尔是一个装满毒蛇的美丽花瓶。这种信念在现代历史中一再出现：在萨沃纳罗拉、特拉普派创始人兰塞神父和今天的许多原教旨主义传教士身上。（本质上，它可以追溯到柏拉图；而相反的观点至少可以追溯到亚里士多德。）然而，教会通常倾向于更广泛的观点，即许多异教作家都有潜在的价值。巴洛克时期以许多才华横溢的耶稣会教师的作品为标志，他们将古典作品用作“吸引灵魂的钩子”，以及新教国家古典教育的稳步扩张。
The Roman Catholic church and the Protestant churches have long been internally divided on the question: Do the pagan poets teach nothing but evil, so that they should be cast out? or do they teach some good, so that they can be accepted and fitted into the pattern of Christian education? St. Augustine thought their beauties were not all bad, and their wisdom not all deceit, so that they could be used to broaden the mind and enlarge the soul of Christians. In Aristotelian terms, his answer means that some of the pagans were potentially good, and could be formed into real good by being put to a Christian use. And that is how many medieval teachers took them. Others, like St. Jerome, thought all the pagans were bad; they were the voices of the world which Jesus came to destroy; their very charms were evil, and Vergil was a beautiful vase full of poisonous snakes. This belief recurs again and again throughout modern history: in Savonarola, in Father Rancé, founder of the Trappists, and in many a fundamentalist preacher to-day. (In essence, it goes back to Plato; and the counter-view goes back at least to Aristotle.) The churches, however, usually inclined towards the broader opinion, that many pagan writers were potentially valuable. The baroque period was marked by the work of many brilliant Jesuit teachers who used the classics as ‘hooks to draw souls’, as well as by the steady expansion of classical education in Protestant countries.
2. 第二个论点是当今最流行的论点。它是这样说的。人类的知识在不断进步。我们生活在比伯里克利时代的希腊人和奥古斯都时代的罗马人更晚的时代：因此我们更聪明。因此，我们所写或制作的任何东西都比古希腊人和古罗马人所写和制作的东西更好。
2. The second argument is the most popular nowadays. It is this. Human knowledge is constantly advancing. We live in a later age than the Periclean Greeks and Augustan Romans: therefore we are wiser. Therefore anything we write, or make, is better than the things written and made by the ancient Greeks and Romans.
在文艺复兴时期，人们强烈地感受到接受这一论点的压力，因为当时每一代人、每十年都会发现古人从未见过的世界：遥远的西方、对跖点、天空中的世界。但在文艺复兴时期，伟大的古典书籍的发现仍然太新，以至于人们无法吹嘘一种思想和意志的成就胜过另一种。所有的发现都同样令人惊叹：哥伦布发现的未知国家和奇怪动物的新世界、科学揭示的新世界、古代创造的微妙文字、尖锐的心理学和辉煌神话的新世界。另一方面，在巴洛克时代，古典文学越来越为人所熟知，尤其是拉丁古典文学，不像希腊人那样大胆。他们的思想流行已久，他们的威严已成为习惯，他们的大胆也已不相上下。与此同时，古代人的科学，建筑师维特鲁威、医生希波克拉底和其他少数人，都受到了检验、追平、超越和抛弃；而现代实验科学的自我延续的生产力则每年都更加有力地彰显自己。人们忘记了卢克莱修和他的老师伊壁鸠鲁以及伊壁鸠鲁的老师德谟克利特已经知道物质是由原子构成的；人们忘记了希腊人仅凭思想就推断出行星围绕太阳旋转；人们忘记了希波克拉底奠定了医学的基础。他们看到，通过以前从未设想过的实验，现代人发现了从未被证实或被认为可能被证实的东西。因此，他们得出结论，整个文明人类已经变得更好，他们的道德行为、艺术和政治智慧也得到了提高。这是现在对这个问题最常见的态度，看起来是最持久的态度。大多数欧洲和美国学童头脑中对人类历史的图表很简单。它是一条线，就像图表上的线一样，以 45° 角不断上升，从穴居人开始，经过古埃及，经过希腊和罗马，经过朦胧的中世纪，经过文艺复兴，向上，一直向上，直到今天的最终辉煌。然而，这种信念大部分是错误的。理查德·利文斯通爵士这样总结：我们认为我们比希腊人优秀，因为虽然我们写不出精彩的悲剧三部曲《奥瑞斯提亚》，但我们可以广播它。
The emotional pressure towards accepting this argument was strong in the Renaissance, when worlds which the ancients had never seen were being discovered every generation, every decade: worlds in the far west, in the antipodes, in the sky. But in the Renaissance the discovery of the great classical books was still too new to allow men to vaunt one achievement of thought and will above the other. All the discoveries were equally wonderful: the new world of unknown nations and strange animals found by Columbus, the new worlds revealed by science, and the new world of subtle writing and trenchant psychology and glorious myth created by antiquity. In the baroque age, on the other hand, the classics were growing familiar, especially the Latin classics, less daring than the Greeks. Their thoughts had so long been current that their majesty had become customary and their daring had been equalled. Meanwhile, the science of the ancients, Vitruvius the architect, Hippocrates the doctor, and the few others, had been examined, equalled, surpassed, and discarded; while the self-perpetuating fertility of modern experimental science was asserting itself more emphatically every year. Men forgot that Lucretius and his master Epicurus and Epicurus’ master Democritus had known that matter was constructed of atoms; men forgot that the Greeks had inferred, by thought alone, that the planets revolved round the sun; men forgot that Hippocrates had laid the foundations of medicine. They saw that, by experiments which had never been conceived before, modern men had found out things which had never been proved or believed possible of proof. They concluded therefore that civilized humanity as a whole had become better, and that their moral conduct, their arts, and their political intelligence had improved also. This is now the commonest attitude to the question, and looks like being the most persistent. The diagram of human history which most European and American schoolchildren have in their heads is simple. It is a line, like the line on a graph, rising continuously at a 45° angle, from the cavemen, through ancient Egypt, past Greece and Rome, through a nebulous Middle Age, past the Renaissance, upwards, ever upwards, to the ultimate splendour of to-day. Much of this belief, however, is false. Sir Richard Livingstone sums it up thus: we think we are better than the Greeks, because, although we could not write the superb tragic trilogy, the Oresteia, we can broad-cast it.
然而，现代乐观主义的一部分是真实而合理的。古人从不相信现代科学最崇高、最崇高的理想——人类可以改变和改善自然。疾病的消除、劳动的减少、身体疼痛的减轻、行星和行星间的距离的征服、高山和深渊、沙漠和极地的探索、超越我们感官极限的对自然的探究、以及制造机器继续探究并将答案转化为行动——这些伟大的成就赋予了现代人一种新的自由，使他高于动物，并让他有理由自夸比祖先更聪明。
Yet part of this modern optimism is true and justified. The ancients never believed in the noblest and most ennobling ideal of modern science—that man can change and improve nature. The abolition of disease; the curtailment of labour; the suppression of physical pain; the conquest of distance, planetary and interplanetary; penetration of the heights and the depths, the deserts and the poles; interrogation of nature far beyond the limits of our own senses, and the construction of machinery to continue that questioning and then change the answers into acts—these magnificent achievements have given modern man a new freedom which raises him higher above the animals, and allows him, with justice, to boast of being wiser than his ancestors.
但这个论点在应用于艺术时是错误的，在应用于文学时尤其错误。（在哲学上，这是非常值得怀疑的，在政治和社会科学中，如果不仔细研究，就不能接受。）伟大的艺术作品不是由那种可以随着时间的推移而积累、随着后代而变得更加丰富、然后可以被每一代人毫不费力地吸收的知识产生的。艺术的材料和媒介是人类的灵魂及其活动。人类的灵魂可能会改变，但它不会似乎一代又一代地变得更大或更复杂，我们对它的了解也并没有随着时代的变迁而显著增加。一个证据是，每个男人和女人所面临的日常生活问题，今天并不比 2000 年前更容易：尽管，如果科学进步的论据普遍正确，我们应该掌握足够的知识，使我们能够解决教育、政治、婚姻和道德行为等重大问题，而不会像我们的祖先那样感到困惑。在他最优秀的一首诗中，豪斯曼用同样悲伤的反思来安慰自己。4望着风暴吹过温洛克边缘，他想起罗马人曾在那里有一座城市。
But the argument is false when applied to art, and particularly false when applied to literature. (In philosophy it is highly questionable, and in politics and social science it cannot be accepted without careful examination.) Great works of art are not produced by knowledge of the type which can be accumulated with the lapse of time, can grow richer with succeeding generations, and can then be assimilated by each new generation without difficulty. The material and the media of art are the human soul and its activities. The human soul may change, but it does not appear to grow any greater or more complex from generation to generation, nor does our knowledge of it increase very markedly from age to age. One proof of this is that the ordinary problems of living, which have been faced by every man and woman, are no less difficult to-day than they were 2,000 years ago: although, if the argument from scientific progress were universally true, we ought to have enough knowledge at our disposal to enable us to solve the great questions of education, and politics, and marriage, and moral conduct generally, without anything like the perplexities of our forefathers. In one of his finest poems Housman comforts himself by the same sad reflection.4 Watching the storm blowing over Wenlock Edge, he remembers that the Romans once had a city there.
那时，那是在我的时代之前，罗马人
会凝视着那座起伏的山丘：
那里有温暖英国农民的血液，
有伤害他的思想。
Then, ‘twas before my time, the Roman
At yonder heaving hill would stare:
The blood that warms an English yeoman,
The thoughts that hurt him, they were there.
在那里，就像狂风穿过喧闹的森林，
生命之风从他身上高高吹过；
人之树从未平静：
过去是罗马人，现在是我。
There, like the wind through woods in riot,
Through him the gale of life blew high;
The tree of man was never quiet:
Then ‘twas the Roman, now ‘tis I.
而说今天我们的科学进步并没有使生活中的问题变得更容易，反而更加困难，这难道不是更正确吗？既然我们已经学会了改变世界，世界就变得不那么稳定了，因此更加难以理解：新问题不断出现，而这些问题并没有明确的先例。我们对应用科学的天真信心在一定程度上阻止了普通人像我们的祖先那样在交谈、公开辩论、冥想和祈祷中认真思考行为问题。
And is it not truer to say that to-day our scientific progress has made the problems of life not easier, but more difficult? Now that we have learnt to change the world, the world has become less stable, so that it is more difficult to understand: new problems are constantly arising, for which no clear precedents exist. And our naive confidence in applied science has to some extent dissuaded the common man from thinking out problems of conduct as earnestly as our forefathers did, in conversation, in public debate, in meditation, and in prayer.
对于人类通过积累科学知识而取得进步的说法，有一种反驳意见有时会被忽视。那就是，在过去的几个世纪里，许多艺术和工艺都被遗忘了，这些工艺具有很高的价值，因此我们的科学进步在一定程度上被有用知识的流失所抵消。有些这样的工艺是熟练工匠的财产，他们从未写下他们的秘密；其他一些是最近才消亡的大量民间传说的一部分；还有一些是几代人熟练的实践的结果，这些实践现在，人们用机器进行演讲，虽然演讲更加丰富，但效果并不总是令人满意。例如，如果能找到几代以前乡下人所知道的一些有价值的草药，药典的篇幅就会大大扩大，但许多草药已经失传了。古人研究演讲艺术已经有许多世纪了。在那段时间里，他们发现了数以千计关于应用心理学、宣传、思想、技巧和情感之间的关系、口语的使用的事实——这些事实成为了修辞训练的一般传统的一部分，并在中世纪失传了。今天，人们发表演讲，仍然能打动听众，但他们无法如此准确地计算演讲的结果，而且演讲本身的影响力比伟大的古典演说家的演讲要小，因为这门手艺的规则已经被遗忘了。5
To the assertion that man has progressed through the accumulation of scientific knowledge there is a counter-argument which is sometimes overlooked. This is that many arts and crafts have been forgotten during the past centuries, crafts of great value, so that our scientific advance has been partly offset by the loss of useful knowledge. Some such crafts were the property of skilled tradesmen, who never wrote their secrets down; others were part of the mass of folk-lore which has only recently perished; others again were the result of generations of skilled practice in work that is now done, more copiously but not always more satisfactorily, by machinery. For example, the pharmacopoeia could be greatly enlarged if some of the valuable herbal remedies known to country folk a few generations ago were available; but many have been lost. The art of oratory was studied by the ancients for many centuries. During that time they discovered thousands of facts about applied psychology, about propaganda, about the relation between thought, artifice, and emotion, about the use of spoken language—facts which became part of a general tradition of rhetorical training, and were lost in the Dark Ages. Men make speeches to-day, and still move their hearers; but they cannot calculate their results so surely, and the speeches themselves have a narrower influence than those of the great classical orators because the rules of the craft have been forgotten.5
即使我们比古人知道得更多，这能证明我们比古人更优秀吗？这难道不意味着他们做出了伟大的工作，而我们只是利用了这些工作，在这里或那里添加一点吗？十二世纪哲学家沙特尔的伯纳德（Bernard of Chartres）在其著名名言“我们是站在巨人肩膀上的侏儒”中非常有力地提出了这一反对意见。6然而，在“书籍之战”中，现代派的支持者巧妙地、错误地反驳了这一观点。他们指出，我们不应该称柏拉图和维吉尔为“古人”，也不应该认为自己是他们的年轻继承者。与我们相比，柏拉图、维吉尔和他们的同时代人都很年轻。我们才是古人。世界一直在成长。7
Even if we know more than the ancients, does that prove that we are better? Does it not mean that they did the great work, and that we only use it, adding a little here and there? This objection was put very forcefully by the twelfth-century philosopher Bernard of Chartres, in the famous phrase, ‘We are dwarfs standing on the shoulders of giants.’6 However, it was taken up and turned round, wittily though falsely, by the partisans of the modern side in the Battle of the Books. They pointed out that we ought not to call Plato and Vergil ‘ancients’ and think of ourselves as their young successors. Compared with us, Plato and Vergil and their contemporaries are young. We are the ancients. The world is growing up all the time.7
这是现代最常见的假设，也是最荒谬的假设。这种假设认为，整个人类文明可以比作一个人或一只动物的生命——是一个单一有机体逐渐成熟的连续过程。8斯宾格勒的伟大之处在于，他在《西方衰亡史》中指出，这种观点是错误的，因为它被过分简单化了。汤因比在他的《历史研究》中阐述并强化了斯宾格勒的观点。这种观点认为，全世界的文明，或者说欧洲的文明，不是一个连续的过程，而是许多不同的过程。不同的社会、种族群体在不同的时期成长，形成了不同的文明（他称之为“文化”，但他指的是我们称之为文明的一系列活动）。在任何特定时刻，可能会有三到四个不同文明同时存在，各个文明的时代各不相同。过去曾有过数个文明，它们已经消亡或被毁灭。一个文明可以与另一个文明接触，可以毁灭它，也可以模仿它，或者向它学习。但是，一个文明不会从另一个文明中生长出来并超越它，就像一棵完整的树不会从另一个文明的顶端树枝中长出来一样。斯宾格勒继续推断，所有不同文明的成长、成熟和衰落都遵循相同的节奏模式，并表现为类似的智力、社会和艺术现象。因此，他说，我们现在的时代正在为“战争凯撒时代”做准备——这个名字是他早在第一次世界大战时就想出来的，当时墨索里尼、希特勒等人还未出现——并说它与埃及的希克索斯时期（公元前1680 年左右）、希腊罗马文明的希腊化时期（公元前 300-100 年）和中国争霸时代的时代（公元前 480-230 年）是同时代的人。 （这个理论的一个较小但同样引人注目的方面是，它有助于解释一种文明的人常常对另一种文明的“同时代人”感到的同情，以及他们对太早或太晚的艺术或思想所抱有的排斥或缺乏理解，而这些艺术或思想是他们无法理解的。例如，塔西佗是一位伟大的历史学家；但我们还没有到达能够充分欣赏他的精神态度和奇特风格的时期，因为他属于一个比我们更晚的时代；而古代的神秘宗教、原始基督教的圣徒故事，以及摩门教创始人等较新的“原始人”的宗教信仰，对于我们大多数人来说，现在还太早了。）
Now, this is the commonest modern assumption, and it is one in which the deepest fallacy lies. The assumption is that the whole of human civilization can be compared to the life of a man or an animal—as a continuous process in which one single organism becomes steadily more mature.8 It is the great merit of Spengler to have shown, in The Decline and Fall of the West, that this is false, because it is over-simplified. Toynbee, in his Study of History, has elaborated and strengthened the view which Spengler stated. This view is that civilization all over the world, or for that matter civilization in Europe, is not one continuous process but a number of different processes. Different societies, groups of races, grow up at different times, forming separate civilizations (he calls them ‘cultures’, but he means the set of activities we call civilizations). At any given moment there may be three or four different civilizations alive at once, all of different ages. There have been several in the past, which have died or been destroyed. One civilization can come into contact with another, can destroy it or imitate it or learn from it. But one civilization does not grow out of another and surpass it, any more than one full-size tree grows out of the top branches of another. Spengler proceeds to infer that the growth, maturity, and decay of all the different civilizations follow the same rhythmic pattern, and manifest themselves in comparable intellectual, social, and artistic phenomena. Thus he says that our present time is preparing for ‘the era of warring Caesarisms’—a name he devised as early as the First World War, before the emergence of Mussolini, Hitler, and those others—and says it is contemporary with the Hyksos period in Egypt (c. 1680 B.C.), the Hellenistic period in Greco-Roman civilization (300–100 B.C.), and the age of the contending states in China (480–230 B.C.). (One of the smaller, but not less striking, aspects of this theory is that it helps to explain the sympathy which men of one civilization often feel for their ‘contemporaries’ in another, and the repulsion or lack of understanding with which they confront art or thought of a period too early or too late for them to grasp. For instance, Tacitus was a great historian; but we have not yet arrived at the period when we can fully appreciate his spiritual attitude and his strange style, because he belonged to an age later than ourselves; while the mystery religions of antiquity, the stories of the saints in primitive Christianity, and the religious beliefs of more recent ‘primitives’ such as the founders of Mormonism are too early for most of us to understand nowadays.)
如果这一理论是正确的，那么“书籍之战”中的现代人就错了，他们说自己比希腊人和罗马人晚，因此更聪明。他们在绝对时间上更晚，但在相对时间上却不是。斯宾格勒认为，在文明发展图表上，他们处于早期阶段。路易十四看起来像奥古斯都·凯撒；他的诗人读起来像奥古斯都诗人；卢浮宫与奥古斯都对罗马中心的重建相对应。但十七世纪法国的君主和艺术看起来都不如奥古斯都罗马的成熟。
If this theory is true, the moderns in the Battle of the Books were mistaken in saying that they were later than the Greeks and Romans, and therefore wiser. They were later in absolute time, but not in relative time. Spengler holds that, on the chart of the growth of civilizations, they were at an earlier stage. Louis XIV looks like Augustus Caesar; his poets read like the Augustan poets; and the Louvre corresponded to Augustus’ reconstruction of central Rome. But both the monarch and the arts of seventeenthcentury France look less mature than those of Augustan Rome.
除了理论之外，历史的冷酷事实足以推翻这一论点。自希腊罗马文化繁荣以来，文明的发展就不是连续的。它被打断了。它被倒退了许多世纪，因为战争、野蛮人和瘟疫。公元十世纪的欧洲人并不比公元前一世纪的欧洲人领先十个世纪，而是在除宗教以外的所有方面都落后了他们许多个世纪。
And apart from theories, the cold facts of history are enough to disprove the argument. The development of civilization has not been continuous since the flourishing of Greco-Roman culture. It has been interrupted. It has been set back many centuries by wars, savages, and plagues. The European of the tenth century A.D. was not ten centuries in advance of the European of the first century B.C., but, in everything but religion, many centuries behind him.
3. 一些参与争论的人提出了第三个论点，与第二个论点相吻合。佩罗用一句话简洁地表达了这一论点：自然不会改变。9今天的狮子并不比奥古斯都·恺撒时代的狮子凶猛，玫瑰的香味也丝毫不逊色，人类也并不比古代高大或矮小。因此，今天人类的成就与古典时代一样优秀。
3. Some of the participants in the battle used a third argument, which dovetails with the second. It was put succinctly by Perrault, in the sentence Nature does not change.9 The lions of to-day are no less fierce than those of the days of Augustus Caesar; roses smell no less sweetly; men are no taller nor shorter. Therefore the works of men are as good to-day as they were in classical times.
这种说法至少有一半是正确的。生活中的伟大事物——艺术的起源——几乎不会改变：爱情、罪恶、对荣誉的追求、对死亡的恐惧、对权力的渴望、感官的愉悦、对自然的赞美和对上帝的敬畏。然而，这并不能证明，在任何时候和任何地方，人们都同样擅长用这些材料创作艺术品。艺术是社会的功能。人们能否用这些普遍的主题创作出艺术品，在很大程度上取决于他们所生活的社会的特点：他们的经济结构、他们的智力发展、他们的政治历史、他们与其他文明的接触、他们的宗教和道德、他们的人口在不同阶级、职业和居住地类型之间的分布，甚至他们所喜欢的气候。每个人都有声音，都能唱歌；人们总是在唱歌；但歌曲艺术以及独唱或合唱音乐的创作技巧需要很长时间才能发展起来，只有在特殊的时期和地方才能达到很高的水平。纵观历史，男人喜欢看美女（美女也喜欢被人看）。但在伊斯兰教中，描绘任何生物都是违反先知的律法的，所以没有阿拉伯艺术家能与乔尔乔内或鲁本斯相比。在殖民地美国，画裸体是不雅的，钱也不足以支持艺术学校，生活往往很艰难：所以殖民地美国没有女性画像能与当代法国画家布歇和弗拉戈纳尔的作品相媲美。男人在任何时候都能创作出伟大的艺术作品；但有时缺乏冲动，而且往往缺乏必要的社会条件和技能，没有这些就不可能创作出伟大的艺术作品。因此，这一论点既不能证明也不能反驳古典艺术和文学的首要地位。
This argument also is at least half-true. The great things of life, out of which art arises, change very little: love, sin, the quest for honour, the fear of death, the lust for power, the pleasures of the senses, the admiration of nature, and the awe of God. Yet that does not prove that, in all times and places, men are equally skilful at making works of art out of this material. Art is a function of society. The ability of men to create works of art out of these universal subjects depends largely on the character of the societies in which they live: their economic structure, their intellectual development, their political history, their contacts with other civilizations, their religion and their morality, the distribution of their population between various classes and occupations and types of dwelling-place, even the climate they enjoy. Everyone has a voice and can sing; people are always singing; but the art of song, and the craft of writing solo or choral music, take long to develop, and reach a high level only in special periods and places. Throughout history men have enjoyed looking at beautiful women (and beautiful women have enjoyed being looked at). But in Islam it is against the law of the Prophet to make a representation of any living thing, so there are no Arabian artists comparable to Giorgione or Rubens. In colonial America it was indecent to paint nudes, money was not plentiful enough to support schools of art, and life was often hard: so there are no colonial American pictures of women comparable to those by the contemporary French painters Boucher and Fragonard. At all times men can produce great works of art; but sometimes the impulse and often the necessary social conditions and skills are absent, and without them it is impossible. The argument therefore neither proves nor disproves the primacy of classical art and literature.
4. 第四个论点是品味论证。许多现代主义者在捍卫当代艺术的同时，也反驳了这一指控并攻击经典作品，称它们写得很糟糕并且根本不合逻辑。
4. The fourth argument is the argument from taste. Many modernists, as well as defending contemporary art, reversed the charge and attacked the classics, saying that they were badly written and fundamentally illogical.
这是对古典文学过度崇拜的结果和自然反应。荷马绝对无可挑剔，维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》是完美的诗歌，这样的断言总是会引起反抗。早在公元四世纪，柏拉图就打破了荷马的教义永远正确、永远高尚的信念。10正统的希腊思想家宣称荷马是所有已知智慧的宝库（这一理论被斯威夫特在《桶的故事》中戏仿了）；他们之中出现了佐伊罗斯，他把《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》撕成碎片，称其品味低下且不合情理。这种反应的常见表现就是戏仿。戏仿在古代很常见，特别是在怀疑论者和犬儒主义哲学家中，他们通过戏仿荷马最伟大的诗句来攻击他的权威，并通过他来攻击传统和惯例的不可侵犯性。史诗戏仿在文艺复兴时期又开始了，当时人们刚刚真正熟悉《埃涅阿斯纪》，并一直持续到最近。最早对古典文学权威的攻击之一是塔索尼的《杂想》，引发了书籍之战。现在，塔索尼 (1565-1635) 是一部优秀而著名的史诗模仿作品《被抢的水桶》（La secchia rapita）的作者，这是一首模仿英雄的诗，讲述了 13 世纪爆发的摩德纳和博洛尼亚之间的战争，而这场战争实际上是由于博洛尼亚人的一个水桶被盗而引起的。布瓦洛在《讲台》中抄袭了这首诗，然后蒲柏又通过他抄袭了这首诗，创作了《夺发记》 。就在法国战役开始前，斯卡隆凭借两部这样的模仿作品获得了相当大的成功，即《堤丰或巨人之战》（1644 年）和《维吉尔的戏仿》（1648-53 年，以意大利为原型），后来其他人也效仿了他。争论期间产生的两本最有趣的书都是类似的史诗模仿作品：弗朗索瓦·德·卡利埃的《古代人与现代人之间最近宣布的战争的诗史》（1688 年）和乔纳森·斯威夫特的《书籍之战》（1697-8 年，出版于 1704 年）。
This is a consequence of, and a natural reaction to, an exaggerated admiration of the classics. It is painful to be told that Homer is absolutely above criticism, that Vergil’s Aeneid is the perfect poem; and such assertions always provoke a revolt. As early as the fourth century Plato was breaking down the belief that Homer’s teachings were always right and always noble.10 Orthodox Greek thinkers declared Homer to be a repository of all known wisdom (a theory amusingly burlesqued by Swift in A Tale of a Tub); and among them up rose Zoilus, who tore the Iliad and the Odyssey to pieces for bad taste and improbability. A common expression of this reaction is parody. Parody was common in antiquity, particularly among the Sceptic and Cynic philosophers, who used, by parodying Homer’s greatest lines, to attack his authority, and through him the inviolability of tradition and convention. Epic parody began again in the Renaissance as soon as men became really familiar with the Aeneid, and has continued until very recently. One of the earliest -attacks on the authority of the classics, introducing the Battle of the Books, was Tassoni’s Miscellaneous Thoughts. Now, Tassoni (1565–1635) was the author of a good and celebrated epic parody, The Ravished Bucket (La secchia rapita), a mock-heroic poem about a war between Modena and Bologna which broke out in the thirteenth century, and which was actually caused by the theft of a bucket belonging to a Bolognese. This was copied by Boileau in The Lectern and then through him by Pope in The Rape of the Lock. Just before the battle began in France, Scarron had a considerable success with two such parodies, Typhon or the Battle of the Giants (1644) and Vergil travestied (1648–53, on an Italian model), and he was followed by others. Two of the most amusing books produced during the dispute were similar epic parodies: Francois de Calliéres’s Poetic History of the War lately declared between the Ancients and the Moderns (1688), and Jonathan Swift’s The Battle of the Books (1697–8, published in 1704).
这种对古典文学的攻击主要有两个方面，有时会让人混淆。简而言之，它就是说希腊和罗马作家要么愚蠢，要么粗俗，有时两者兼而有之。
This attack on the classics has two chief aspects, which are sometimes confused. Briefly, it consists in saying that the Greek and Roman writers are either silly, or vulgar, sometimes both.
比如，他们戏剧惯例（比如将神灵引入人类冲突）被描述为愚蠢的。卢坎早在公元一世纪就这么认为，并且（为了超越维吉尔）写了一部没有使用神灵人物的史诗。我们还记得，伪造《达列斯·弗里吉乌斯》的伪造者说它是真实的，因为没有神灵出现并干预行动（第 51-2 页）。在这一部分争论中，现代人似乎占有优势。但是，如果不引入超自然现象就很难写出崇高的主题，而在批判时代，有形和可听见的神灵的出现总是会显得荒谬可笑。现代创作的这种规模的最雄心勃勃的作品已经看起来相当破旧：哈代的《王朝》和瓦格纳的《尼伯龙根的指环》。
For example, their dramatic conventions’such as the introduction of gods into human conflicts—are described as stupid. Lucan thought so as early as the first century A.D., and (to outdo Vergil) wrote an epic which makes no use of divine characters. It will be recalled that the forger who produced ‘Dares Phrygius’ said it was authentic because no gods appeared and intervened in the action (pp. 51–2). In this part of the argument the moderns seem to have the advantage. Still, it is difficult to write on sublime subjects without introducing the supernatural, and in a critical age the appearance of tangible and audible divinities can always be made to look ridiculous. The most ambitious works on this scale produced in modern times already look a good deal the worse for wear: Hardy’s The Dynasts and Wagner’s The Ring of the Nibelungs.
此外，如果脱离历史和想象的角度来阅读希腊和罗马的早期历史和传说，就会发现其中有许多荒谬的矛盾之处。在神话时代，当一个异常勇敢的男人或美丽的女人出名时，其他人的生活故事很快就会与英雄或女英雄的名字联系在一起，不管它们是否符合其他事实。随着时间的推移，当地的小神灵与著名的男神和女神联系在一起，因此他们获得了许多不同且常常自相矛盾的性格。当所有的传说都被写下来时，其中一些显然是矛盾的。因此，严格的理性主义者很容易得出结论，它们都是胡说八道。皮埃尔·贝尔就是持这种观点的人之一。他计算出（假设所有关于特洛伊海伦的传说都是真实的），在特洛伊战争时，她一定至少有 60 岁，可能 100 岁——几乎不值得为她而战。11
Again, the early history and legends of Greece and Rome, when read without historical and imaginative perspective, contain many absurd inconsistencies. In an age of myths, when an exceptionally brave man or beautiful woman becomes famous, stories from the lives of other people are soon attached to the name of the hero or heroine, whether they fit in with the rest of the facts or not. Little local deities are, through time, identified with well-known gods and goddesses, who thus acquire many different and often paradoxical characters. When all the legends are written down, some of them are obviously contradictory. It is easy for a strict rationalist to conclude therefore that they are all nonsense. Pierre Bayle was among those who took this view. He calculated that (on the assumption that all the legends about Helen of Troy were true) she must have been at least sixty, and probably 100, at the time of the Trojan war—scarcely worth fighting for.11
同样，古典诗人的文体风格也值得批评：佩罗和他的朋友们过去常常以戏仿荷马式长篇明喻和不相关的结论为乐。古典诗歌中的思想顺序有时可以被描述为幼稚或不合理。佩罗在《古人与现代人之间的对比》中12讲述了一个精彩的故事，一位古典文学的崇拜者以极大的热情赞美品达，并用希腊语满怀深情地背诵了第一首奥林匹克颂歌的前几行。他的妻子问他这是什么意思。他说翻译过来会失去所有的高贵之处，但她坚持要他这样做。于是他翻译道：
Similarly, the stylistic mannerisms of the classical poets can be criticized: Perrault and his friends used to have great fun parodying the long Homeric similes, with their irrelevant conclusions. And the sequence of ideas in classical poetry can sometimes be described as naive or unreasonable. Perrault in his Parallel between the Ancients and the Moderns12 tells an excellent story about an admirer of the classics who was praising Pindar with enormous enthusiasm, and recited the first few lines of the first Olympian ode, with great feeling, in Greek. His wife asked him what it was all about. He said it would lose all its nobility in translation, but she pressed him. So he translated:
“水确实很好，而在夜晚像熊熊烈火一样闪闪发光的金钱比所有让人骄傲的财富都要好得多。但是，我的灵魂，如果你想歌唱比赛，就不要在空旷的天空中寻找任何比白天的太阳更明亮的星星，也不要让我们歌唱任何比奥林匹亚更辉煌的比赛。’
‘Water is indeed very good, and geld which shines like blazing fire in the night is far better than all the riches which make men proud. But, my spirit, if you desire to sing of contests, do not look for any star brighter than the sun during the day in the empty heavens, nor let us sing any contest more illustrious than Olympia.’
她听了这些话，然后说道：“你在取笑我。你编造了这些无稽之谈来开玩笑；但你无法轻易愚弄我。”尽管她的丈夫一直试图解释说他只是给她一个简单的直译，但她坚持认为古人不会愚蠢到写出这样的东西。
She listened to this, and then said ‘You are making fun of me. You have made up all this nonsense for a joke; but you can’t fool me so easily.’ And although her husband kept trying to explain that he was giving her a plain literal translation, she insisted that the ancients were not so stupid as to write stuff like that.
但古人是否粗俗？争论的第二个方面非常有趣和重要。简而言之，就是这个。古典诗人粗俗，因为他们描述普通事物并使用不体面的词语；他们的英雄和女英雄情绪激动，甚至用双手工作。路易十四时代的现代诗人不会写这样的事情：因此现代诗人更优秀。佩罗嘲笑荷马描述一位公主和她的宫女一起去河边为她哥哥洗衣服；13切斯特菲尔德勋爵是一位非常绅士的人物，他对于“荷马笔下的英雄们那种像门房一样的语言”感到惊讶；14具有高雅品味和贵族情怀的读者在提到家畜和家用器皿这样的东西时，都会深深地、真正地感到震惊——或者，用荷马式的直白的说法，牛和煮锅。15最受反对的段落之一是荷马史诗中一个著名的比喻，英雄埃阿斯在特洛伊人的猛烈攻击下缓慢撤退，被比作一头误入田地、顽固地吃着谷物的驴，而男孩们则用棍子抽打它，迫使它继续前进。16现代主义者认为，英雄诗中不能出现“驴”这个词；把王子比作驴子简直是粗俗至极。《奥德赛》的诗人甚至更糟糕，他把奥德修斯的宫殿描述为门口有一堆粪。17这些批评家的总体态度很像维多利亚时代的那位老太太，她去看《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》中的莎拉·伯恩哈特，在看到她因爱而憔悴、因激情而暴怒、因绝望而狂怒之后，喃喃道“这与我们亲爱的女王的家庭生活多么不同啊！”
But are the ancients vulgar? The second aspect of the argument is one of much interest and importance. In brief it is this. The classical poets are vulgar, because they describe common things and use undignified words; their heroes and heroines give way to violent emotions, and even work with their hands. Modern poets, of the age of Louis XIV, do not write of such things: therefore modern poets are superior. Perrault scoffs at Homer for describing a princess going down to the river with her maids-of-honour to do her brothers’ laundry;13 Lord Chesterfield, a most gentlemanly personage, raised his eyebrows at ‘the porter-like language of Homer’s heroes’;14 readers of refined taste and aristocratic sensibilities were deeply and genuinely shocked at the very mention of such things as domestic animals and household utensils—or, to put it with Homeric bluntness, cows and cooking-pots.15 One of the passages most generally objected to was the famous simile in Homer where the hero Ajax, slowly retreating under heavy Trojan attacks, is compared with a donkey which has strayed into a field and is stubbornly eating the grain, while boys beat it with sticks to make it move on.16 The very word ‘donkey’, said the modernists, could not be admitted into heroic poetry; and it was ineffably vulgar to compare a prince to an ass. The poet of the Odyssey was even worse when he described Odysseus’ palace as having a dunghill at its gate.17 The general attitude of these critics resembled that of the old Victorian lady who went to see Sarah Bernhardt in Antony and Cleopatra, and, after watching her languish with love, storm with passion, and rave with despair, murmured ‘How unlike the home life of our own dear Queen!’
对此论点的回答是双重的。首先（正如塔索所观察到的），“那些习惯于当今精致生活的人鄙视这些习俗，认为它们过时且过时”。18一位公主监督洗衣其实并没有什么可耻的——尤其是因为娜乌西卡并没有被描述为不像做任何脏活，而是带着她的少女们去河边享受一次快乐的野餐，这比阿卡迪亚更真实，也同样迷人。荷马史诗中的风俗习惯确实很原始，但它们是高贵的原始，只有非常有限的心智才能鄙视它们粗俗。
The answer to this argument is twofold. In the first place (as Tasso observed), ‘those who are accustomed to the refinements of the present day despise these customs as old-fashioned and obsolete’.18 There is really nothing disgraceful for a princess in superintending the washing—particularly since Nausicaa is not described as doing any dirty work, but rather making a trip to the riverside with her maidens as a sort of gay picnic, more real and not less charming than Arcadia. The manners and customs of the Homeric epics are indeed primitive, but they are nobly primitive, and only a very limited mind can despise them as gross.
另一方面，古典文学中有时会使用取自日常生活的词语和图像，尽管并非全部。（例如，历史学家塔西佗刻意避免直言不讳，而是使用“地球被提取的东西”这样的迂回说法；他甚至不会使用“酒馆”这个常用词来指代尼禄夜间出游的酒吧，而是称之为“度假胜地”或“餐馆”19）但巴洛克批评家没有意识到，即使在荷马史诗中，他们所反对的粗俗词语也是经过精心选择和谨慎使用的。例如，“驴”这个词在所有的荷马史诗中只出现过一次，是在埃阿斯撤退的形象中；而在它出现之前，诗人把埃阿斯比作一头陷入困境的狮子——尽管他很少使用双重比较。因此，荷马的意思是埃阿斯像狮子一样勇敢，像驴子一样固执；他的勇敢和固执是他性格中紧密相连的方面。这是滑稽的。荷马的意思是这样的。但这却是真实的。在一首关于战争的诗中省略掉这样勇敢而固执的士兵，就是在歪曲这首诗。埃阿斯是一个喜剧英雄，是史诗中唯一的一个——尽管涅斯托和帕里斯都有幽默的一面。至于奥德修斯，他归来的冒险远远超出了《伊利亚特》中的任何内容。奥德修斯极其聪明，意志坚定。无论面临什么样的诱惑和考验，他都会回到家；他将重新拥有自己的房子、妻子和财富，尽管它们都被年轻的对手夺走了。要做到这一点，他必须受苦。他赤身裸体地漂流在一个陌生的岛上。他靠挂在一只公羊的腹部逃脱了一个食人巨人的追捕。为了靠近自己的家，他不得不伪装成一个衣衫褴褛的乞丐，并让别人把骨头扔到他的头上；但他坚持了下来。有时在这些考验中，他很可怜，有时他很可怕——比如，在一个焦虑的不眠之夜，他被比作一块在熊熊燃烧的火前翻来覆去的黑布丁。但是，他所遭受的屈辱和残酷也是他所经受的考验的一部分，他必须忍受这些考验，才能成为真正意义上的英雄。
On the other hand, words and images drawn from ordinary life are sometimes used in classical literature; although not in all of it. (The historian Tacitus, for instance, deliberately avoids calling a spade a spade, and uses the periphrasis ‘things by which earth is extracted’; he will not even use the common word ‘taverns’ for the pubs where Nero went on his night excursions, but calls them ‘resorts’ or ‘restaurants’19). But what the baroque critics did not realize is that, even in Homer, the vulgar words to which they objected were carefully chosen and sparingly used. For instance, ‘donkey’ occurs only once in all the Homeric epics, in the image of Ajax retreating; and immediately before it the poet compares Ajax to a lion at bay—although he seldom uses double comparisons. What Homer meant, therefore, was that Ajax was as brave as a lion and as stubborn as an ass; that his bravery and his stubbornness were closely connected aspects of his personality. This is comic. Homer meant it to be so. But it is true to life. To omit such brave stubborn soldiers from a poem about war would be to falsify the poem. Ajax is a comic hero, the only one in the epic—although both Nestor and Paris have a humorous side. As for Odysseus, his adventures during his return go far beyond anything in the Iliad. Odysseus is extremely clever, and utterly determined. He will get home in spite of every kind of temptation and trial; he will regain possession of his own house, wife, and wealth, although they are all claimed by younger rivals. To do this, he has to suffer. He is shipwrecked naked on a strange island. He escapes from a cannibal giant by hanging on to the underside of a ram. In order to get near his own house, he has to disguise himself as a ragged beggar, and have bones thrown at his head; but he endures. Sometimes during these trials he is pathetic, and sometimes he is grotesque—as when, during a sleepless night of anxiety, he is compared to a black-pudding which is being turned over and over before a blazing fire. But his humiliation and grotesquerie are part of his trials, and his endurance of them is necessary, to make him more truly heroic.
归根结底，问题在于幽默和英雄主义是否能够并存。崇高情感能否在不被削弱的情况下容纳喜剧效果？如果不能，但丁的《喜剧》、莎士比亚的《麦克白》和《哈姆雷特》、托尔斯泰的《战争与和平》以及许多其他伟大作品都必须被净化或抛弃。而且必须记住，在荷马史诗的至高点，除了那些最崇高的图像和文字外，没有其他图像和文字。
At bottom, the question is whether humour and the heroic can go together. Can the sublime emotions admit comic relief without being weakened? If they cannot, Dante’s Comedy, Shakespeare’s Macbeth and Hamlet, Tolstoy’s War and Peace, along with many other great works, must be purified or discarded. And it must be remembered that at the supreme crises in the Homeric epics, there are no images and no words except those of the utmost nobility.
在这些对古典诗人艺术的攻击背后，存在着许多值得研究的先入之见，因为参与这场斗争的人并不总是意识到这些先入之见。
Behind these attacks on the art of the classical poets lay a number of preconceptions, which deserve examination, since the participants in the battle were not always aware of them.
第一个假设是，当代的品味——巴洛克时代的品味，或者更确切地说是法国的品味，或者更确切地说是法国贵族的品味，或者更确切地说是法国贵族中一小部分人的品味——是所有艺术的最高评判者。它是一位和路易一样专制的君主。它甚至可以评判艺术领域之外的事物。据说卢森堡元帅在战栗地看了一眼《圣经》后惊呼道：“这是什么风俗！多么可怕的风俗！真可惜圣灵竟然没有这么低的品味！”20然而，尽管人们认为这种品味无可挑剔，但它还是有一定的局限性。它的标准部分是由女性制定的，而且是由那些不太用心读书的女性制定的：因此，如果一本书或一部戏剧没有太多关注爱情，她们就会说它很野蛮，甚至最重要的作品也会被她们说成乏味。21再次，品味被理性所主导，几乎忽视了诗歌的非理性之美。它认为诗歌只是一种复杂的表达方式，用散文表达可能更清楚，因此期望散文翻译能够包含诗歌原文的所有美。最重要的是，它非常势利。它几乎不能容忍任何低于侯爵头衔的人。它认为，任何值得写的人都不会做任何工作，也不会经历任何除了最伟大的情感之外的事情。从这一点很容易就走向语言的限制，以至于不可能提到日常事物，因为普通意味着普通，普通意味着粗俗。很久以后，法国剧院里发生了一场骚动，因为《奥赛罗》的译本竟然用mouchoir这个词来指代情节的关键对象；而一位巴洛克诗人则避免使用chien这个词，而是称动物为
The first was the assumption that contemporary taste—the taste of the baroque age, or rather of France, or rather of the French aristocracy, or rather of a small group within the French aristocracy—was the supreme judge of all art. It was a monarch as absolute as Louis. It could judge even things beyond the province of art. The Maréchale de Luxembourg is said to have exclaimed, after a shuddering glance at the Bible, ‘What manners! what frightful manners! what a pity that the Holy Spirit should have had so little taste!’20 Yet, although believed impeccable, this taste had certain limitations. Its standards were partly made by women, and by women who did not read with much care: so that they were apt to pronounce a book or a play barbarous if it did not pay much attention to love, and they could damn even the most important work by calling it tedious.21 Again, taste was overwhelmingly dominated by reason, and almost ignored the irrational beauties of poetry. Assuming that poetry was merely an elaborate method of saying what might be clearer in prose, it expected a prose translation to contain all the beauties of the poetic original. And, most important, it was fearfully snobbish. It could scarcely bear the mention of anyone beneath the rank of marquis. No person worth writing about (it held) ever does any work, or experiences anything but the grandest emotions. From this it is an easy step to a limitation of language that makes it impossible even to mention everyday things, because ordinary means common, and common means vulgar. There was an uproar once in a French theatre, long after this, when a translation of Othello actually used the word mouchoir for the object which is the key of the plot; while a baroque poet avoided the word chien by calling the animal
de la fidélité le respectable appui。22
de la fidélité le respectable appui.22
这种习惯在很大程度上导致了对诗歌陈词滥调的崇拜，这种崇拜毁掉了十八世纪的法国诗歌：它把冷漠带到了更高层次，甚至爱情听起来也变得平淡无奇，最好说是火或火焰。这在一定程度上最初归因于西班牙的影响，因为在贵族脱离普通世界方面，没有人（至少在西方文明中）能超越十七世纪的西班牙贵族。当然，它极大地限制了法国戏剧的词汇和句法，并帮助扼杀了一种有前途的文学形式。毫无疑问，这些惯例是雨果和其他攻击它们的革命作家所认为的旧社会制度的一部分；但它们的毁灭比君主制本身花费的时间更长。它们比革命和恐怖统治更持久：直到一代人之后
This habit was largely responsible for the growing cult of poetic clichés which ruined French poetry in the eighteenth century: it carried the chill upward, and upward, until even love began to sound common, and it was better to say fires or flame. Some of this was originally attributable to Spanish influence, for in aristocratic detachment from the ordinary world no one (at least in western civilization) has ever excelled the Spanish nobles of the seventeenth century. Certainly, it produced a drastic limitation of the vocabulary and syntax of French drama, and helped to kill a promising literary form. Doubtless these conventions were, as Hugo and the other revolutionary writers who attacked them believed, part of the old social system; but they took longer to destroy than the monarchy itself. They outlasted the revolution and the Terror: it was a generation later that
九位缪斯女神袒露胸膛，唱起了《卡尔马尼奥勒》 (Carmagnole)。23
with breasts bare, the nine Muses sang the Carmagnole.23
现代攻击背后的第二个假设是民族主义。从英国的阿尔弗雷德时代，到意大利的但丁时代，我们看到每个国家的国语都被用作加强爱国主义的滋补品。渴望增强本国人民团结的政治家和思想家吹嘘自己的语言与希腊语和拉丁语相等或更胜一筹。这是但丁的《论本土风格》一文的灵感来源。24法语版早已出现在杜贝莱的《保卫与提升法语》一书中。25在他之后，马莱伯（虽然他是一个纯粹主义者和“古典主义者”，但他鄙视古典文学中的许多优秀作品）重新阐述了这一观点，1683 年，弗朗索瓦·夏庞蒂埃（Francois Charpentier）在其论文《论法语的优越性》中指出，崇拜希腊人和罗马人会阻碍法国人培养自己的语言。当时，这似乎很合理。不可能预见到这是 19 世纪和 20 世纪走向民族主义的普遍运动的一部分，而这种运动不仅在政治上，而且在文学上，有时在艺术和音乐上也产生了如此灾难性的后果。如果任何欧洲或美国国家误以为它有自己的文学和文化，那将是一片黑暗。政治家可以是民族主义者——尽管最伟大的政治家不仅仅是民族主义者。但艺术家和科学家一样，他们的工作传统涵盖了许多国家和历史，超越了所有国家和历史。最优秀的创意艺术家是这些人既可以在自己的国家和时代中生活得最充实，也可以在更广阔的文明文化潮流中生活得最充实，而即使是最强大的国家也只不过是其中的一条小渠道、一个支流而已。
The second assumption behind the modern attack was nationalism. From the time of Alfred in England, from the time of Dante in Italy, we have seen that the national language of each country is used as a tonic to strengthen patriotism. Statesmen and thinkers who are eager to increase the solidarity of their own people vaunt their language as equal or superior to Greek and Latin. This was the inspiration of Dante’s essay On Vernacular Style.24 In French it had already appeared in Du Bellay’s Defence and Ennoblement of the French Language.25 After him it was restated by Malherbe (who, although a purist and a ‘classicist’, despised much of the best of classical literature), and then in 1683 by Francois Charpentier, who argued in his treatise On the Excellence of the French Language that to admire the Greeks and Romans would keep the French from cultivating their own tongue. At the time this seemed reasonable enough. It was impossible to foresee that it was part of the general movement towards nationalism which, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, was to have such disastrous results, not only in politics but in literature, and occasionally in art and music. It would be a darkening of the light if any European or American country were to fall victim to the delusion that it has its own literature and its own culture. Politicians can be nationalists—although the greatest are something more. But artists, like scientists, work in a tradition which covers many countries and histories, transcending them all. The finest creative artists are those who live most fully both within their own nation and time, and within the much larger cultural stream of civilization, to which even the most powerful state is only a small channel, a single tributary.
现代主义者发起攻击的第三个动机是反对传统权威。26他们认为古人的威望是一只死手，它阻止了新兴时代充分发挥其力量，阻止了人们清晰而大胆地思考，挫伤了人们的抱负和发明。在这一点上，他们代表了文艺复兴，他们代表了文艺复兴精神的精华。当古典古代的伟大成就首次被发现并得到正确使用时，它们就是对慷慨竞争的挑战，而不是对辛苦模仿的命令。在革命时代，即十九世纪初，它们又变成了这样。但在这一时期，它们常常成为想象力的沉重负担。科学家和哲学家们尤其攻击他们这种麻醉状态，并吹嘘自己在推进自己的工作时无视所有传统。培根是这方面的第一个侵略者。他的一些继任者，皇家学会的支持者，“甚至表达了这样的观点，即除非拒绝所有古代艺术，否则什么也做不成……所有披着古代外衣的东西都应该被连根摧毁”。27笛卡尔以能够独立思考哲学而自豪，他夸口说他已经忘记了所有的希腊语；尽管他实际上用拉丁语写了两部著作，但后来他将它们仔细地翻译了出来。
A third impulse behind the modernists’ attack was their opposition to traditional authority.26 They felt that the prestige of the ancients was a dead hand, which kept the rising age from developing its full power, kept men from thinking clearly and boldly, discouraged aspiration and invention. In this they were speaking for the Renaissance, and they represented the best of its spirit. When first discovered and when properly used, the great achievements of classical antiquity were challenges to generous rivalry, not commands to laborious imitation. In the age of revolution, early in the nineteenth century, they became so again. But in this period they too often acted as a chilling weight on the imagination. The scientists and philosophers in particular attacked them for this narcosis, and boasted of ignoring all tradition in the advance of their own work. Bacon had been the first aggressor here. Some of his successors, supporters of the Royal Society, ‘went so far as to express the opinion that nothing could be accomplished unless all ancient arts were rejected … everything that wore the face of antiquity should be destroyed, root and branch’.27 Descartes, who prided himself on thinking out philosophy on his own account, boasted that he had forgotten all his Greek; and although he actually wrote two of his works in Latin, he had them carefully translated later.
现代主义者还希望主张自然主义，以反对古典文学中传统的崇高感和高度风格化的不真实感。现代主义的领袖之一是夏尔·佩罗，他为我们提供了西方世界最著名的一些童话故事：穿靴子的猫、小红帽、蓝胡子和灰姑娘。在这一点上，现代主义者的正确之处多于错误之处。巴洛克文学最伟大的作品是那些即使语言正确、背景正式对称，也能够最直接、最完整地表达人类心灵的永恒现实的作品。这种冲突在莫里哀的《厌世者》中的一个著名场景中永垂不朽，阿尔赛斯特严厉批评了一首正式的挽歌爱情诗，并说他更喜欢一首优美的小民歌，因为它更接近自然。二十八
The moderns also wished to assert naturalism, as opposed to the conventional loftiness and highly stylized unreality of classicizing literature. One of the leaders on the modern side was Charles Perrault, who gave us some of the most famous fairy-tales in the western world: Puss in Boots, Little Red Riding Hood, Bluebeard, and Cinderella. In this also the modernists had more right than wrong on their side. The greatest works of baroque literature are those in which, even when the language is correct and the setting formal and symmetrical, the eternal realities of the human heart find their most direct and complete expression. This conflict has been immortalized in a famous scene from Moliere’s Misanthrope, where Alceste bitterly attacks a formal elegiac love-poem, and says he far prefers a pretty little folk-song because it is closer to nature.28
（然而，在同一部戏剧中，关于盲目的一段令人钦佩的演讲《恋人的故事》由受过良好古典教育的莫莱尔翻译，几乎逐字逐句地翻译了卢克莱修的原文。二十九
(And yet, in the same play, an admirable speech on the blindness of lovers is translated by Molèere—who had an excellent classical education—practically word for word from Lucretius.)29
现代主义者最薄弱的先入之见是第五个。大多数现代人对希腊语知之甚少或一无所知。他们都认为翻译足以让他们评价古代最好的作品——翻译往往是散文，而且往往（正如我们现在所知）完全不正确。佩罗本人写了一本四卷本的古今比较书，尽管他完全不懂希腊语，而且除了西塞罗、贺拉斯、奥维德和维吉尔的作品外，他对拉丁文学知之甚少。30确实，古典书籍的优秀译本很少，但这并不意味着我们可以将糟糕的译本作为权威，就像我们不应该通过模糊的黑白照片来判断照片一样。还有一点可以争论，即现代人有意或无意地主张他们更偏爱拉丁语而非希腊语传统。荷马受到的攻击比维吉尔多几十倍；古代人的主要捍卫者（拉辛、达西埃、布瓦洛）都是优秀的希腊学者；当古典研究在十八世纪末复兴时，这是通过对希腊语的深入理解实现的。到那时（见第 20 章），一场新的书籍之战即将开始。
The weakest of the modernist preconceptions was the fifth. Most of the moderns knew little or no Greek. And they all assumed that translations were amply sufficient to allow them to estimate the best works of antiquity—translations which were often in prose, and often (as we now know) positively incorrect. Perrault himself wrote a four-volume comparison of the ancients and the moderns although he could not read Greek at all, and knew little Latin literature outside the works of Cicero, Horace, Ovid, and Vergil.30 It is true that good translations of classical books are few, but that does not mean we can take bad ones as our authority, any more than we should judge a picture by a blurred monochrome photograph. It is also arguable that, consciously or unconsciously, the moderns were asserting a preference for the Latin over the Greek tradition. Homer was attacked dozens of times more often than Vergil; the chief defenders of the ancients (Racine, Dacier, Boileau) were good Greek scholars; and when the regeneration of classical studies came, in the late eighteenth century, it was through a deepened understanding of Greek. By that time (see Chapter 20) a new Battle of the Books was about to begin.
战斗阶段
Phases of the Battle
就像荷马史诗中的任何一场战役一样，法国的古今之争充满了混乱、喧嚣、虚张声势、失手和意外的失败，很难用任何容易理解和记忆的顺序来描述。它被以下事实所复杂化：无关紧要的个人恩怨，例如布瓦洛和耶稣会之间的恩怨，以及那些让高乃依的支持者反对拉辛的恩怨，经常使问题变得模糊；二流人物有时会提出一流的论点来证明错误的结论；而真正重要的批评家，如布瓦洛，从未充分公正地对待自己和他们的事业。然而，如果能清楚地看到主要论点，实际战斗的进程将更容易理解。
As full of confusion, uproar, false boasts, missed blows, and unexpected defeats as any Homeric battle, the Dispute of the Ancients and Moderns in France is difficult to describe in any easily intelligible and memorable sequence. It was complicated by the facts that irrelevant personal feuds, such as that between Boileau and the Jesuits, and those which set the supporters of Corneille against Racine, often clouded the issues; that second-rate men sometimes brought out first-rate arguments to prove wrong conclusions; and that really important critics such as Boileau never did themselves and their cause full justice. However, if the chief arguments are kept clearly in view, the course of the actual battle will be easier to follow.
第一次打击发生在十七世纪初的意大利。荷马和他的希腊崇拜者遭到了才华横溢的亚历山德罗·塔索尼的攻击，他是讽刺史诗《被抢劫的水桶》的作者。在他的《杂想》 （1620 年）中，他以无情敏锐的智慧和高雅的巴洛克风格将论点 4 应用于《伊利亚特》 。31后来批评家们提出的大多数反对意见——不合情理的事件、薄弱的结构、庸俗的形象、缺乏一个宏大的主题、诸神的干预以及英雄的前后矛盾——都归咎于荷马。塔索尼继续积极论证说，事实上，现代人在生活和艺术的几乎每一个领域都远远优于古希腊和古罗马人。
The first blows were struck in Italy at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Homer and his Greek admirers were attacked by the brilliant Alessandro Tassoni, author of the mock-epic, The Ravished Bucket. In his Miscellaneous Thoughts (1620), he applied argument 4 to the Iliad with ruthlessly sharp intelligence and lofty baroque taste.31 Most of the objections raised by later critics—improbable incidents, weak structure, vulgar imagery, the absence of a single grand subject, the interventions of the gods and the inconsistencies of the heroes—all these and many more were heaped on Homer’s white head. And Tassoni went on to the positive argument that in fact modern men are far superior to the ancients of Greece and Rome in nearly every sphere of life and art.
冲突在法国愈演愈烈。冲突的第一阶段集中在 1635 年成立的法兰西学院。这个机构的名称本身就暗示着 17 世纪的法国在思想上至少与希腊一样先进：因为学院不是柏拉图研究机构的翻版，而是竞争对手——甚至希望是进步。我们现在认为，法兰西学院在语言和品味问题上是一个相当独裁的权威机构，是一个封闭的团体，擅长不选出最伟大的作家。但我们必须谨慎地认为，当它成立时，它要么是统一的，要么是保守的。相反，其早期成员中的大多数是我们现在所说的先进进步人士；布瓦洛崇尚传统，在他的整个成员生涯中都是少数派；而混淆古今之争的一个次要问题是争夺学院的控制权和制定学院规章的权力。
The conflict became hotter in France. Here its first phase centred in the French Academy, which was founded in 1635. The very name of this institution implied that seventeenth-century France was intellectually at least as far advanced as Greece: for the Academy was not a mirror-copy of Plato’s research institution, but a rival—and even, it was hoped, an improvement. We now think of the French Academy as a rather dictatorial authority on questions of language and taste, a closed corporation with a talent for not electing the greatest authors. But we must beware of thinking that, when it was founded, it was either unified or conservative. On the contrary, the majority of its early members were what we should now call advanced progressives; Boileau, who admired tradition, was in the minority throughout his career as a member; and one of the side-issues that confused the Dispute of Ancients and Moderns was a struggle for the control of the Academy and the power to write its regulations.
1635 年 2 月 26 日，剧作家布瓦罗伯特在学院会议上发表了第四次演讲，抨击古典文学。他还使用了第四个论点：他的目的是证明自己的剧作之所以失败，仅仅是因为观众错误地崇拜希腊罗马诗人，而古人虽然无疑受到天才的启发，但在品味和优雅方面却不如他和他同时代的人。据说，这次演讲的语气非常激烈，但没有立即引起反应（这证实了学院倾向于“现代”方面），现在已丢失。
The fourth speech delivered before the Academy, at its meeting on 26 February 1635, was an attack on classical literature by the dramatist Boisrobert. He also used argument 4: for his purpose was to prove that his own plays had failed merely because his audiences had a mistaken admiration for the Greco-Roman poets, and that the ancients, though no doubt inspired by genius, were inferior in taste and grace to his contemporaries and himself. The speech is stated to have been bitterly combative in tone, but provoked no immediate reaction (which confirms that the Academy was inclined towards the ‘modern’ side), and is now lost.
一代人之后，黎塞留手下最有权势的公务员之一让·德马雷·德·圣索林 (Jean Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin，1596-1676) 对古典文学发起了更为持久和猛烈的攻击，布瓦洛称他为“先知德马雷”。此人与弥尔顿是同一时代的人物；他在中年时皈依天主教，成为一名坚定而热情的天主教徒；他的抱负与弥尔顿一样，是写一部基督教的伟大诗歌，其技巧与古代异教史诗相媲美，主题也超越了古代异教史诗。他做了两次主要尝试：克洛维，关于异教法兰克国王皈依基督教（1657 年，1673 年重新出版，附有辩论性序言）；玛丽·玛格德莱娜（1669 年），关于犹太妓女皈依基督教并成为圣人。虽然这些诗不是伟大的艺术作品，但它们的写作理论是值得称赞的，布瓦洛谴责它是一种错误。32不仅《失乐园》证明了这一点，高乃依和拉辛的悲剧也证明了这一点，其中一些是圣经或基督教主题（《波吕克特》、《以斯帖记》、《阿塔莉》），而另一些（ 《菲德拉》中的王后忏悔， 《伊菲革涅》中的殉道者辞职）则具有基督教精神。但是，弥尔顿、塔索、拉辛和其他伟大的基督教诗人都承认古人的作品是高尚的，然后试图超越它们。先知德马雷犯了一个错误，他试图证明他自己和他同时代的作品一定是好的，因为古人的作品是坏的。（这又是论点 4。）他的一篇批判论文坚持现代作品的优越性，这一论点以两个希腊名字为 Eusébe 和 Philédon 的人物之间的柏拉图式对话的形式提出，这充分证明了他的自欺欺人。33在他去世前，他庄严地呼吁夏尔·佩罗继续斗争：
A more sustained and violent attack on the classics was delivered a generation later by one of Richelieu’s most powerful civil servants, Jean Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin (1596–1676), whom Boileau called ‘the prophet Desmarets’. This man was an exact contemporary of Milton; he was converted in middle life, to become a fiery and resolute Catholic; and his ambition, like Milton’s, was to write a great poem of Christianity which would equal by its technique and surpass by its subject the epics of pagan antiquity. He made two chief attempts: Clovis, on the conversion of the pagan Frankish king to Christianity (1657, republished with a polemical preface 1673), and Marie-Magdeleine (1669), on the conversion of the Jewish harlot to Christianity and her attainment of sainthood. Although these poems are not great works of art, the theory on which they were written is admirable, and it was a mistake of Boileau to condemn it.32 It is justified not only by Paradise Lost, but by the tragedies of Corneille and Racine, some of which are on biblical or Christian subjects (Polyeucte, Esther, Athalie), while others (Phèdre in the queen’s repentance, Iphigénie in the martyr’s resignation) are Christian in spirit. But Milton, Tasso, Racine, and other great Christian poets acknowledged that the works of the ancients were noble, and then tried to surpass them. The prophet Desmarets made the mistake of trying to prove that his own and his contemporaries’ works must be good because the works of the ancients were bad. (This is argument 4 again.) It is an amusing proof of his self-deception that one of his critical treatises maintains the superiority of the moderns, in an argument set out as a Platonic dialogue between two characters with the Greek names of Eusébe and Philédon.33 Before his death he solemnly called on Charles Perrault to continue the struggle:
来吧，佩罗，保卫你的祖国，
加入我，对抗这支叛乱队伍，
这帮弱者和叛变者赞美罗马人，
用嘲笑来迎接我们的工作……三十四
Come, Perrault, and protect your fatherland,
Join in my fight against this rebel band,
This gang of weaklings and of mutineers Who praise the Romans,
greet our work with jeers …34
然后，就像哈米尔卡向汉尼拔发誓永远憎恨罗马之后一样，安然入睡了。
and then, like Hamilcar after dictating to Hannibal his oath of eternal hatred for Rome, fell asleep in peace.
1683 年，机智的伯纳德·勒博维耶·德·丰特内尔（Bernard Le Bovier de Fontenelle，1657-1757 年）出版了他的《死者对话录》，这是另一次示威。这些虚构对话的主要思想是对论点 3 的扩展，因为它们将古人和现代人放在了完全相同的水平上：蒙田与苏格拉底对话，医生埃拉西斯特拉图斯与外科医生哈维对话。但它们也强调了论点 2。丰特内尔认为，艺术和科学的进步不是一种可能性，而是一种不可避免的“规律”；他最多用自己开明的玩世不恭来限定它，就像哈维和蒙田在解释现代科学和物质进步所带来的后果，承认虽然人类比祖先学到了更多，但并没有变得更好。论点 4 中也有几个尖锐的断言：在与小寓言家伊索的对话中，荷马因其神和英雄的荒唐行为而受到嘲笑。丰特奈尔在《论田园诗的性质》中进一步对古人进行了侧翼攻击，他通过宣称忒奥克里托斯粗俗和维吉尔矫揉造作来为自己极其虚假的田园诗辩护；在他的《论古人和今人》中；以及在他的《论希腊戏剧》中，他称埃斯库罗斯为“一种疯子”，毫无疑问，在那种平静而心胸狭窄的智慧面前，他就是疯子。
There was another demonstration in 1683, when the witty Bernard Le Bovier de Fontenelle (1657–1757) published his Dialogues of the Dead. The main idea of these imaginary conversations is an expansion of argument 3, for they place ancients and moderns on exactly the same level: Montaigne talks with Socrates, and Erasistratus the physician with Harvey the surgeon. But they also emphasize argument 2. Fontenelle believes that progress in the arts and sciences is not a possibility, but an inevitable ‘law’; and at most he qualifies it by his own enlightened cynicism, as when both Harvey and Montaigne, after explaining modern scientific and material progress, concede that, although men have learnt more than their ancestors, they have not become any better. There are also several trenchant assertions of argument 4: in a conversation with the little fable-teller Aesop, Homer is ridiculed for the absurd conduct of his gods and heroes. Fontenelle delivered further flank-attacks on the ancients in his Discourse on the Nature of the Eclogue, where he defended his own atrociously artificial pastorals by declaring Theocritus vulgar and Vergil affected; in his Digression on the Ancients and Moderns; and in his Remarks on the Greek Theatre, which called Aeschylus ‘a sort of lunatic’, as he no doubt was to that serene and narrowly focused intelligence.
这些都是小规模冲突。主战于 1687 年 1 月 27 日由查尔斯·佩罗发起，他在学院面前朗读了一首关于路易大帝时代的诗。这首诗主要基于论点 3 和 4，抨击了荷马史诗的低俗趣味，并列出了一些当代法国人，佩罗说，这些人最终会和伟大的希腊人和罗马人一样出名。他的名单包括家喻户晓的梅纳德、贡博尔德、戈多、拉坎、萨拉赞、沃蒂尔、罗特鲁和特里斯坦，以及稍微出名一点的雷尼埃和马勒伯，以及真正是世界级人物的莫里哀；他没有提到拉辛和布瓦洛。
These were skirmishes. The main battle was launched on 27 January 1687 by Charles Perrault, who read before the Academy a poem on The Age of Louis the Great. This work was based mainly on arguments 3 and 4, attacked the bad taste of the Homeric epics, and listed a number of contemporary Frenchmen who, said Perrault, would in due time be just as famous as the great Greeks and Romans. His list includes such household words as Maynard, Gombauld, Godeau, Racan, Sarrazin, Voiture, Rotrou, and Tristan, together with Régnier and Malherbe, who are slightly better known, and Moliere, who really is a world figure; it omits Racine and Boileau.
读这首诗的时候，布瓦洛皱着眉头，恼怒不已，喃喃自语，就像阿尔塞斯特听十四行诗一样。诗还没读完，他就走了出去，说这是学院的耻辱。然而，很长时间里，他没有系统地回答。他写了几句警句，把佩罗和他的同情者比作北美和南美的野人和疯子；35他建议学院应该以一群猴子在清澈的井中自娱自乐作为其标志，并配上座右铭sibi pulchri，即“自视甚高”；但看起来他似乎太生气了，无法给出真正的答案。
While the poem was being read Boileau was scowling and chafing and muttering, like Alceste listening to the sonnet. Before it was finished he went out, saying that it was a disgrace to the Academy. For a long time, however, he made no systematic reply. He wrote a few epigrams comparing Perrault and his sympathizers to the savages of North and South America and to lunatics;35 and he proposed that the Academy should adopt as its symbol a group of monkeys admiring themselves in a clear well, with the motto sibi pulchri, ‘beautiful in their own eyes’; but it looks as though he had been too angry to construct a real answer.
佩罗在自己的成功和对手的沉默的鼓舞下，继续更全面地报道这一领域，出版了一系列当代人物（其中一个人以自己为人格）之间的对话，称为《古人与现代人的平行》。这些对话在 1688 年至 1697 年间间歇出版，涉及建筑、雕塑、绘画、演讲、诗歌、科学、哲学和音乐。它们还包括这是对自己希腊文和拉丁文知识的非常不明智和不准确的辩护。所有四个主要论点都在不同的地方使用过；但论点 4 只用于文学讨论，而佩罗则很明智地将论点 2（“进步是持续的”）用于建筑和科学等学科。
Encouraged by his own success and his opponents’ silence, Perrault went on to cover the ground more completely, by publishing a series of dialogues between contemporary characters (one of them personifying himself), called Parallel between the Ancients and the Moderns. These came out at intervals between 1688 and 1697, and dealt with architecture, sculpture, painting; oratory; poetry; and science, philosophy, and music. They also included a very injudicious and inexact defence of his own knowledge of Greek and Latin. All four of the chief arguments were used in various places; but argument 4 was employed only in the discussion of literature, while Perrault was wise enough to keep argument 2 (‘progress is continuous’) for subjects like architecture and science.
还没等斯威夫特做出任何回答，一位名叫德·卡利埃的外交官就拿出了一篇有趣的戏仿作品，名为《古今之争的诗史》，这本戏仿作品在一定程度上平息了这场争论。斯威夫特后来愤怒地否认抄袭了这部作品——尽管它与斯威夫特的《书籍之战》的关系，就像布瓦洛的《讲经台》与蒲柏的《愚人记》的关系一样。就像斯威夫特的戏仿作品一样，它以古人的胜利和他们最伟大的现代支持者的荣耀而告终：德·卡利埃指的是布瓦洛和拉辛。三十六
Before any answer could be composed, a diplomat called de Calliéres produced an amusing parody, A Poetic History of the War lately declared between the Ancients and the Moderns, which drew off some of the heat from the contest, and which Swift later indignantly denied copying—although it bears the same relationship to his Battle of the Books as Boileau’s The Lectern does to Pope’s Dunciad. Like Swift’s parody, it ended with the victory of the ancients, and the glorification of their greatest modern supporters: by which de Calliéres meant Boileau and Racine.36
然而，古典学派并没有试图做出系统的回应。布瓦洛因为支持帕斯卡而与耶稣会士发生争执（尽管耶稣会士致力于古典教育，应该站在布瓦洛一边），因此他的胜算进一步被削弱。与此同时，贝尔将佩罗和他自己的现代主义思想融入他的《哲学词典》中——尤其是所有论据中最薄弱的论据，即品味论据：例如，他说，阿喀琉斯因失去布里塞伊斯（和他的荣誉）而愤怒，就像一个孩子哭着要一个洋娃娃一样。37 1692 年，于埃在给佩罗的信中回答了这一论点，1694 年，布瓦洛在其颇为不快的《对朗吉努斯的批判性思考》中也回答了这一论点。尽管布瓦洛对佩罗无知错误的批评完全有道理，但这些批评的语气却因刻薄的学究气而大打折扣。我们将在下一代英国看到类似的现象。
Still, no systematic reply was attempted from the classical side. Boileau got involved in a feud with the Jesuits (although, as devoted to classical education, they should have been on his side) because he had supported Pascal: so that the odds were further shifted against him. Meanwhile, Bayle was incorporating Perrault’s and his own modernist ideas in his Philosophical Dictionary—particularly the weakest of all the arguments, the argument from taste: he said, for instance, that Achilles raging for the loss of Briseis (and his honour) was like a child crying for a doll.37 This argument was answered in 1692 by Huet, in a Letter to Perrault, and in 1694 by Boileau, in his rather ill-humoured Critical Reflections on Longinus. Although Boileau’s criticism of Perrault’s ignorant blunders were perfectly justified, their effect was diminished by the tone of sour pedantry in which they were written. We shall see a similar phenomenon in Britain in the next generation.
不久之后，伟大的詹森派和反耶稣会的阿诺德给佩罗写了一封信，建议两派反对者为了理性和基督教慈善而和解。布瓦洛随后给佩罗写了一封慷慨的信，在信中他放弃了许多最强硬的立场。他同意十七世纪是人类最伟大的时代，并承认他那个时代的人在悲剧、哲学、抒情诗、科学和小说写作方面超越了奥古斯都，而奥古斯都则在史诗、挽歌、演说和他自己的讽刺领域保持着主导地位。双方正式和解，战斗的这个阶段结束了，现代军占据了非常明显的优势。
Soon afterwards the great Jansenist and anti-Jesuit Arnauld addressed a letter to Perrault, suggesting a reconciliation between the two groups of opponents, for the sake of reason and of Christian charity. Boileau followed this up by a handsome letter to Perrault, in which he abandoned many of his strongest positions. He agreed that the seventeenth century was the greatest age of mankind, and conceded that the men of his own day surpassed the Augustans in tragedy, philosophy, lyric poetry, science, and novel-writing, while the Augustans retained the primacy in epic, elegy, oratory, and his own field of satire. There was a formal reconciliation, and this phase of the battle closed, leaving the moderns with a very marked advantage.
这场战役的法国第一阶段与英国阶段之间的桥梁是查尔斯·德·马格特·德·圣丹尼斯，圣埃夫勒蒙德领主，他生于 1610 年，富凯倒台后于 1661 年流亡，在伦敦（他的女儿在那里开了一家沙龙）声名显赫了四分之一个世纪：他于 1703 年去世，葬于威斯敏斯特大教堂。里戈在关于这个主题的章节开头尖刻地描述了法国和英国之间的文化关系：“正如她的一般习惯一样，”他说，“英国从我们这里拿走的比她给予我们的要多。”38或许，他还带着一丝想象，讲述了圣埃夫雷蒙德如何坐在威尔的咖啡馆里，教导野蛮的英国人——德莱顿、沃顿、坦普尔等人——阅读原版经典作品而不是翻译作品的必要性。巴洛克时期，英国文学界与法国的关系非常密切和丰富，因此，尽管圣埃夫雷蒙德无疑建立了联络，但他肯定不是唯一的思想渠道。
The bridge between the first French phase of the battle and the English phase was Charles de Marguetel de Saint-Denis, Seigneur de St. Évremond, born in 1610, exiled in 1661 after Fouquet’s fall, and prominent in London (where his daughter had a salon) for a quarter of a century: he died in 1703 and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Rigault begins his chapter on the subject with an acid description of the cultural relations between France and England: ‘True to her general habits,’ he says, ‘England has taken a little more from us than she has given us.’38 And, with perhaps a touch of imagination, he relates how St. Evremond sat in Will’s coffee-house and instructed the barbarian English—Dryden, Wotton, Temple, and such—in the necessity of reading the classics in the original rather than in translation. The relations between English literary society and France during the baroque age were very close and rich, so that, although St. Évremond no doubt created a liaison, he was certainly not the only channel of ideas.
在英国，战争的第一枪是由有文化、聪明、最重要的是谨慎的外交家威廉·坦普尔爵士打响的，他是乔纳森·斯威夫特的赞助人。1690 年，他出版了一本献给他母校剑桥的小书，名为《古今学问》。这是对古典学首要地位的荒谬夸张的断言。它引用了论点 2 和论点 3，并将它们颠倒过来。是的，它说，我们进步了；但大多数真正重要的发现都是古人做出的；我们几乎没有增加什么：让我们尊重我们的长辈。而且，尽管现代人断言自然不会改变，但这只能证明，如今我们更难超越古人，因为古人已经说了所有值得说的话。“天文学中没有什么新东西可以与古人相媲美，除非是哥白尼体系；物理学中也没有什么新东西可以与古人相媲美，除非是哈维的血液循环。”和佩罗一样，他列出了他认为值得永垂不朽的现代人名单；如果说有什么不同的话，那就是这份名单比佩罗的更糟糕。例如，意大利的不朽者有薄伽丘、马基雅维利和弗拉·保罗·萨皮；英国的不朽者有西德尼、培根和塞尔登。他的名单表明他是二流作家的坚定崇拜者。然后，在一段非常著名的文字中，他宣称最古老的书籍也是最好的：
The first shot of the battle in England was fired by the cultured, intelligent, and above all discreet diplomat Sir William Temple, patron of Jonathan Swift. In 1690 he published a little book dedicated to his alma mater, Cambridge, called An Essay upon the Ancient and Modern Learning. This is a ridiculously exaggerated assertion of the primacy of the classics. It takes up arguments 2 and 3, and inverts them. Yes, it says, we have progressed; but most of the really important discoveries were made by the ancients; we have added little: let us respect our superiors. And, although the moderns assert that nature does not change, that merely proves it is more difficult for us nowadays to surpass the ancients, who have already said everything worth saying. ‘There is nothing new in astronomy to vie with the ancients, unless it be the Copernican system; nor in physic, unless Harvey’s circulation of the blood.’ Like Perrault, he gives a list of the moderns whom he thinks worthy of lasting fame; and it is worse, if anything, than Perrault’s. The Italian immortals, for instance, are Boccaccio, Machiavelli, and Fra Paolo Sarpi; and the English are Sidney, Bacon, and Selden. His list proclaims him a determined admirer of the second-rate. And then, in one very celebrated passage, he declared that the oldest books were also the best:
“在我所知的那些被我们称为世俗作家的散文中，最古老的两部作品是《伊索寓言》和《法拉里斯书信》。……正如前者自古以来就被公认为同类作品中最伟大的大师……所以我认为法拉里斯书信比我见过的任何其他作品都更优雅、更有灵气、更有智慧和天才。”
‘The two most ancient that I know of in prose, among those we call profane authors, are Aesop’s Fables and Phalaris’s Epistles. … As the first has been agreed by all ages since for the greatest master in his kind, … so I think the Epistles of Phalaris to have more grace, more spirit, more force of wit and genius than any others I have ever seen.’
他补充说，有些人质疑这些信件的真实性，但品味和辨别力足以证明它们是真实的。
He adds that some have questioned the authenticity of these letters, but that taste and discernment are enough to show they are genuine.
法拉里斯是西西里岛一位强大的君主，他在公元前六世纪实行专制统治，据说统治手段野蛮残忍。在他死后 700 多年，一名伪造者编撰了一本书信集，以法拉里斯的名义出版。这又是一个谜团，就像“达雷斯”和“狄克提斯”对特洛伊战争的目击者描述一样。39称其为伪造也许不公平。也许应该称其为想象力的演绎，就像许多以第一人称讲述的现代历史浪漫小说一样。但它产生的效果与伪造相同：它欺骗了一代又一代的读者，掩盖了历史的真相。坦普尔的文章的主要优点是它最终使真实的事实为人所知。
Phalaris was a powerful Sicilian monarch who reigned despotically and, it is said, with savage cruelty in the sixth century B.C. More than 700 years after his death a forger composed a collection of letters and published them under Phalaris’ name. This was another of these mystifications like the eyewitness accounts of the Trojan war by ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’.39 Perhaps it is unfair to call it a forgery. Perhaps it should be called an imaginative exercise, like many a modern historical romance told in the first person. But it produced the same results as if it had been a forgery: it deceived generations of readers, and obscured the truth of history. The chief merit of Temple’s essay was that it caused the real facts to be made known at last.
然而，与此同时，另一位剑桥人回应了坦普尔。他就是才华横溢的威廉·沃顿：“他曾是神童，对古典文学的了解比坦普尔想象的还要多。他的《古今学习反思》（1694 年）是直接涉及这场争论的最好的一本书。它将进步的科学与不进步的艺术和哲学区分开来；它回答了论点 1，证明利用异教文学的精华来改造和超越基督教信仰对基督教信仰有利。沃顿的朋友是不仅在剑桥而且在整个英国，不仅在英国而且在全世界都是最好的学者。这个人就是理查德·本特利。
Meanwhile, however, another Cambridge man replied to Temple. This was the brilliant William Wotton: ‘he had been an infant prodigy, and knew more about the classics than Temple had ever dreamt of. His Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning (1694) is the best book directly concerned with the dispute. It distinguishes the sciences, which progress, from the arts and philosophy, which do not; and it answers argument 1 by proving that it is to the advantage of the Christian faith to use the best of pagan literature, to transform and transcend it. Wotton was a friend of the man who was the best scholar not only in Cambridge but in all England, and not only in England but in the whole world. This was Richard Bentley.
现在，由于坦普尔的评论给《法拉里斯书信》带来了宣传，人们要求出版希腊文版的新版本。该书于 1695 年由牛津基督教堂的一群博士和本科生出版，由院长奥尔德里奇领导；但根据惯例，每本新书都由奥雷里伯爵的次子、杰出科学家的亲戚查尔斯·博伊尔阁下签名，按照惯例，学院出版的每本新书都归属于该小组之一。序言中尖刻地提到了本特利，他是圣詹姆斯图书馆的图书管理员图书馆拒绝让手稿在外面存放超过几天。和他的弟子豪斯曼一样，本特利从不忘记或躲避攻击。
Now, because of the advertisement given to the ‘Letters of Phalaris’ by Temple’s remarks, a new edition of their Greek text was called for. It was published in 1695, by a group of the dons and undergraduates of Christ Church, Oxford, headed by the dean, Aldrich; but signed, according to a convention by which each new book produced in the House was attributed to one of the group, by the Hon. Charles Boyle, second son of the earl of Orrery and a kinsman of the distinguished scientist. The preface contained a tart reference to Bentley, who, as librarian of St. James’s Library, had refused to allow a manuscript of the letters to be kept out more than a few days. Like his disciple Housman, Bentley never forgot or evaded an attack.
1697 年，他发表了一篇关于伊索和法拉里斯的论文，该论文发表在沃顿书的第二版中。波义尔和他的朋友们对此进行了机智而又业余的回应。1699 年，本特利发表了他的论文的扩充版和最终版，尽管它并没有立即令人信服（因为其标准非常高），但它“标志着学术史上的一个新纪元”。40这是任何现代学者都无法企及的科学性。通过对这些信件本身进行清晰而明智的分析，通过对它们进行历史、语言学和文学研究，他证明了这些信件是用错误的希腊方言写的，它们指的是真正的法拉里斯死后很久才繁荣起来的人和城市，它们引用了比西西里暴君年轻几个世纪的诗人的话。他补充了所有最好的论据，即精神上的论据。他说，这些信件不是充满活力、生动活泼、美第奇式的，而是虚假而幼稚的：
In 1697 he produced a Dissertation on Aesop and Phalaris, which was published in the second edition of Wotton’s book. Boyle and his friends replied, wittily and amateurishly. In 1699 Bentley issued an enlarged and final version of his Dissertation, which, although it did not at once carry conviction (because of the very loftiness of its standards), ‘marked an epoch in the history of scholarship’.40 It was as scientific as any modern savant could desire. By clear and sensible analysis of the letters themselves, by subjecting them to historical, philological, and literary examination, he proved that they were written in the wrong dialect of Greek, that they referred to men and cities that flourished long after the death of the real Phalaris, and that they contained quotations from poets centuries younger than the Sicilian tyrant. He added the best of all culminatory arguments, that from spirit. The letters, he says, are not vigorous, vivid, Medicean, but artificial and jejune:
“从它们的空虚和死寂中，你会感觉自己是在与某个将手肘撑在桌子上、做梦的书呆子交谈，而不是与一个手握宝剑、指挥着百万臣民、积极进取、野心勃勃的暴君交谈。”
‘You feel, by the emptiness and deadness of them, that you converse with some dreaming pedant with his elbow on his desk; not with an active, ambitious tyrant, with his hand on his sword, commanding a million of subjects.’
在同一篇论文中，本特利揭露了其他三本同类的伪造品，即《地米斯托克利书信》、《苏格拉底书信》和《欧里庇得斯书信》；他还揭示了所谓《伊索寓言》的真实出处。
In the same treatise Bentley exposed three other forgeries of the same type, the ‘Letters of Themistocles’, ‘Letters of Socrates’, and ‘Letters of Euripides’; and he gave the true descent of the so-called ‘Fables of Aesop’.
然而，《论说文》有一个严重的缺陷，这源于本特利自己的性格。他辩论时态度傲慢、激烈，他的语气引起了许多真正热爱古典文学的读者的反对。例如，蒲柏并不傻，他本想把基督教会团体写进他的《愚人记》，但他却把本特利作为迂腐的典型来介绍。41（豪斯曼本人用“没品味、武断的书呆子”来形容他。42 ) 复仇女神阿伽门农式的悲剧不可避免地随之而来。本特利出版了弥尔顿《失乐园》的一个版本，其中几乎所有的诗歌都被修改以适应他自己的品味和当代风格的标准。他声称这首诗包含太多难以理解的短语，以至于——是弥尔顿在盲目的情况下口述的——一定是被粗心的编辑扭曲了：就像许多希腊和拉丁经典作品被扭曲了一样。因此，
Nevertheless, the Dissertation had one serious fault, which stemmed from Bentley’s own character. He argued so haughtily and violently that his tone created opposition in many readers who were genuine lovers of the classics. For instance, Pope, who was no fool, might have wished to put the Christ Church group into his Dunciad, but instead he introduced Bentley as an example of Pedantry.41 (Housman himself pinned him in the phrase ‘tasteless and arbitrary pedant’.42) The nemesis, the Agamemnonian tragedy, followed inevitably. Bentley produced an edition of Milton’s Paradise Lost, in which nearly all the poetry was altered to suit his own taste and the criteria of contemporary style. He asserted that the poem contained so many unintelligible phrases that—having been dictated by Milton in his blindness—it must have been deformed by a careless editor: just as a number of the Greek and Latin classics have been deformed. Thus,
没有光亮，只有黑暗43
No light, but rather darkness visible43
显然是荒谬的，因为黑暗什么也看不见。弥尔顿的意思一定是“在黑暗中仍然可以看见东西”；正确的版本是什么呢？——我知道：
was obviously ridiculous, since darkness reveals nothing. Milton must have meant ‘darkness in which it is still possible to see’; what could the correct version be?—I have it:
没有光亮，只有一片透明的阴暗。
No light, but rather a transpicuous gloom.
因此，由于将自己时代的标准和自己想象力的局限性应用于弥尔顿的诗歌，本特利犯下了与“现代人”批评荷马时完全相同的错误和愚蠢行为。44这并不是傲慢的教授最后一次破坏伟大的诗歌，因为他们认为，虽然诗人是盲人，但他自己却能看得清清楚楚。
And thus, by applying the standards of his own age and the limitations of his own imagination to Milton’s poetry, Bentley fell into exactly the same faults and follies as the ‘moderns’ had committed in criticizing Homer.44 This was not the last time that an arrogant professor was to spoil great poetry in the belief that, while the poet had been blind, he himself could see perfectly.
斯威夫特是坦普尔的秘书，他一直在关注这场冲突。他对双方都抱有一定同情，因为他是一位优秀的古典学者，但欣赏和培养原创性；他以自己内心的蔑视看待双方，因为他讨厌学究和博学，他厌恶暴发户和无知的人，他鄙视导致人类分裂真理并为其残缺不全的身体争吵不休的琐碎之事。1704 年，他出版了两部早期讽刺作品，《桶的故事》和《书籍之战》。其中，第一部除了对人类无数愚蠢行为进行多次侧击外，还对本特利和沃顿进行了多次猛烈抨击。第二部是对这场战斗的描述，以荷马的风格讲述。尽管斯威夫特有些激烈地宣称他从未听说过卡利埃的《战争诗史》……但古代人和现代人之间确实存在着一些相似之处；45尽管如此，作为史诗般的模仿作品，它还是足够有趣和新颖。
Swift, who was Temple’s secretary, had been watching this conflict. He had a certain amount of sympathy for both sides, for he was a good classical scholar, but admired and cultivated originality; and he viewed both sides with his own ingrowing contempt, for he hated pedants and polymaths, he loathed upstarts and ignoramuses, and he despised the pettiness which causes mankind to divide Truth and squabble over her mangled body. In 1704 he published two of his earliest satires, A Tale of a Tub and The Battle of the Books. The first of these contained, among many side-blows at the innumerable species of human folly, several savage cuts at Bentley and Wotton. The second was a description of the battle, told in the manner of Homer. Although Swift declared with some violence that he had never heard of de Callières’s Poetic History of the War … between the Ancients and the Moderns, there are some close parallels;45 still, it is amusing enough and original enough, as epic parodies go.
它包含一个比各种模仿英雄的冒险更有趣的情节：一个寓言（部分以史诗风格讲述46）蜘蛛和蜜蜂之间的争执。蜘蛛责备蜜蜂，因为蜜蜂弄坏了它的网，是无家可归、一无所有、靠掠夺为生的流浪汉；它还夸口说，自己是城堡的建筑师，城堡的设计者，材料也是自己用身体纺出来的。（这是现代人对古人的责备，称他们为抄袭者、小偷）蜜蜂回答说，完全依靠自己的天才是可能的，但是任何这样做的创造性艺术家都只能生产出巧妙的蜘蛛网，并带有自私和虚荣的毒药；而蜜蜂则在整个自然界中劳作，带回家蜂蜜和蜂蜡，为人类提供甜蜜和光明。
It contains one episode more interesting than the various mock-heroic adventures: a fable (told partly in epic style46) of a dispute between a spider and a bee. The spider reproaches the bee, who has broken his web, with being a homeless vagabond with no possessions, living on loot; and he boasts that he himself is the architect of his own castle, having both designed it and spun the material out of his own body. (This was the reproach which the moderns aimed at the ancients, calling them copyists, the thieves of others’ thoughts, while they themselves claimed to be entirely original in all they wrote.) The bee replies that it is possible to rely exclusively on one’s own genius, but that any creative artist who does so will produce only ingenious cobwebs, with the addition of the poison of selfishness and vanity; while the bee, ranging with infinite labour throughout all nature, brings home honey and wax, to furnish humanity with sweetness and light.
斯威夫特用这句优美的诗句（后来成为马修·阿诺德的最爱）明确表明自己是“古人”的拥护者，相信希腊罗马文化是创造性艺术和思想的必要准备。虽然他没有提到贺拉斯，但他肯定想到了贺拉斯将自己比作勤劳的蜜蜂，从无数花朵中采集甜蜜的诗句。47他很熟悉贺拉斯的诗歌；或许他更喜欢他的诗歌是因为他自己无法像品达那样写颂歌。48然而——然而斯威夫特本人，在他最好的作品中，更像是现代人而非古代人。与布瓦洛和蒲柏的作品相比，他的讽刺作品大胆而独创，相对较少地受到讽刺前辈的影响；有时，就像他自己的蜘蛛一样，他的讽刺作品带有“一种傲慢自大，它以自己为食，自生自灭，把一切都变成排泄物和毒液”。
By this fine phrase (which later became a favourite of Matthew Arnold) Swift stood out unequivocally as a partisan of the ‘ancients’, a believer in Greco-Roman culture as the essential preparation for creative art and thought. Although he did not mention Horace, he was surely thinking of the poem in which Horace compared himself to the hard-working bee, gathering sweetness from innumerable flowers.47 He knew Horace’s poetry well; and perhaps he liked it better because of his own crushing failure to write odes in the manner of Pindar.48 And yet—and yet Swift himself, in his own best work, was far more of a modern than an ancient. Compared with those of Boileau and of Pope, his satires are boldly original, owing relatively little to his satiric predecessors; and sometimes, like his own spider, they are marked by ‘an overweening Pride, which feeding and engendering on itself, turns all into Excrement and Venom’.
正如本特利因冲突的偶然性和性格的曲折而被摆到似乎在捍卫现代人的错误立场上一样，我们认为斯威夫特错误地站在了古人一边，他无疑钦佩古人，但无法追随古人。这种失调很大程度上是由于本特利自己独特的攻击性性格，以及他的对手所展现的智慧和魅力，尽管框架很脆弱。49古人与今人的本质区别，其实并不在于礼貌与迂腐的对比，而在于争论的尘埃和个性的冲突。
Just as Bentley, by the chances of conflict and the twists of character, was manoeuvred into the false position of seeming to defend the moderns, so we feel that Swift misplaced himself on the side of the ancients, whom he doubtless admired but could not follow. This maladjustment was largely due to Bentley’s own singularly offensive character, and to the wit and charm displayed, although on a flimsy framework, by his opponents.49 The essential distinction between ancients and moderns was really not summed up in the contrast of Politeness and Pedantry: it had been obscured by the dust of dispute and the clash of personalities.
多年以后，在 1742 年，蒲柏先生才姗姗来迟地参与了这场战斗，并将本特利的漫画带入了《愚人记》 。50本特利本人将此归因于他对蒲柏翻译的《伊利亚特》的批评的直接性（和公正性） ：‘这是一首非常优美的诗，但你不能称它为荷马。’此时，原版《书籍之战》几乎已不复存在；但蒲柏攻击的观点——没有广泛人性的学术是令人厌恶的——仍然成立。
Many years afterwards, in 1742, Mr. Pope took a belated part in the battle, bringing a caricature of Bentley into The Dunciad.50 Bentley himself put this down to the directness (and justice) of his own criticism of Pope’s translation of the Iliad: ‘a very pretty poem, but you must not call it Homer’. At this juncture scarcely anything of the original Battle of the Books was left; but the point of Pope’s attack, that scholarship without broad humanity is repellent, still holds good.
战争的第三阶段将我们带回到法国，但由于战争几乎发生在相同的地形上，我们不需要详细跟踪所有的行动。这一次，古人采取了攻势。达西尔夫人（1654-1720）是一位高贵而博学的女士，她于 1699 年出版了《伊利亚特》的法语散文译本，在书中，她努力最大限度地展现其他译本所掩盖的美。她添加了一个赞美性的序言，在其中她重新提出并推翻了论点 4。几年后，在 1714 年，她的工作被推翻，安托万·乌达尔·德·拉莫特在《伊利亚特》的删节版中重申了这一论点，他对译本进行了修改、缩写和删节，以省略那些令人厌烦的演讲、粗俗的词语、令人厌恶的激情以及无用或令人不快的超自然效果，这些都冒犯了巴洛克时代的品味。51达西尔夫人在《论品味堕落的原因》 （1714 年）一文中作出了回应，该文不仅攻击了当代文学品味，而且谴责了当代文明的某些标准。作为回应，胡达尔·德拉莫特准备了一套《批评反思》（1715 年）。这场争论与布瓦洛和佩罗之间的争论一样，在 1716 年通过调解人的善意调解得以和解；但并未解决。直到今天，它几乎没有得到解决。
The third phase of the war takes us back to France, but since it was fought over nearly the same terrain we need not follow all the operations in detail. This time the ancients took the offensive. Madame Dacier (1654–1720), a lady as noble as she was learned, published in 1699 a translation of the Iliad into French prose, in which she endeavoured to do the fullest possible justice to the beauties obscured by other translations. She added a laudatory preface, in which she took up and destroyed argument 4. Some years later, in 1714, her work was undone and the argument reasserted by Antoine Houdar de la Motte, in an abridged translation of the Iliad, which he altered, abbreviated, and bowdlerized so as to omit the boring speeches, vulgar words, disgusting passions, and useless or unpleasant supernatural effects which offended the taste of the baroque age.51 Madame Dacier replied in a treatise On the Causes of the Corruption of Taste (1714), which was not only an attack on contemporary taste in literature but a denunciation of some of the standards of contemporary civilization. In reply, Houdar de la Motte prepared a set of Reflections on Criticism (1715). This argument, like that between Boileau and Perrault, was reconciled in 1716 by the kind offices of mediators; but not solved. It has scarcely been solved to this day.
这场伟大的战争就这样结束了。此后，战争又重新开始，但战场和对手都不尽相同。虽然战争没有沃邦和其他巴洛克战略家的棋盘战争那么干净利落，但结果却大体相同：一方获益有限，另一方获益较少，但兵力有所缩减，双方都损失了不少，外交上的权衡和平衡也得到了普遍调整。“古人”认为，伟大的希腊和罗马作家的美德并非全都浮于表面，需要仔细、博学地欣赏，不能仅凭一代人或一个国家的品味来认可或否定。从 16 世纪开始，批评标准不断提高，而“书籍之战”在很大程度上完善和提高了批评标准。古典文学的捍卫者因此为洛可可风格和类似琐碎风格的消亡做好了准备，并帮助人们在 18 世纪末对希腊诗歌有了更深入的理解。他们捍卫并弘扬了文艺复兴的最高传统。
So ended the great Battle. It has been resumed since, but not on exactly the same ground, or by the same opponents. Although it was less neatly conducted than the chessboard wars of Vauban and other baroque strategists, its results were similar: a limited gain on one side, a smaller gain and a retrenchment of forces on the other, a certain amount of loss for both, and a general readjustment of diplomatic weights and counterweights. The ‘ancients’ won their contention that the virtues of the great Greek and Roman writers were not all on the surface, required careful and well-informed appreciation, and could not be approved or denied by the taste of one generation and one country alone. Critical standards were constantly improving from the sixteenth century onwards, and the Battle of the Books did a great deal to refine and sharpen them. The defenders of the classics thus prepared the death of rococo and similar trivialities, and helped to create the deeper understanding of Greek poetry which came with the end of the eighteenth century. They defended, and expanded, the highest traditions of the Renaissance.
这场争斗造成的主要损害是，它造成了或扩大了学者与普通大众之间的隔阂。它巩固了某些学究的排他性；它鼓励人们相信普通人无需经过任何有意识的品味和知识训练，就能判断什么是好的艺术作品，什么不是。
The main damage done by the battle was that it created, or widened, a gap between scholars and the general public. It confirmed certain pedants in their exclusiveness; and it encouraged the belief that the man in the street is capable, without any conscious training of his taste and knowledge, of deciding what is and what is not a good work of art.
另一方面，“现代派”则坚持一个基本观点——他们的对手从未真诚地争论过这一点——即现代书籍可以与希腊和罗马的任何作品一样优秀。他们未能成功说服任何人，即使受到基督教教义的推崇，现代文学也一定比古典文学更好。但双方的真正利益在于，它阻止了对传统的盲目尊重，并使未来的作家更难创作出古典杰作的“中国副本”，在这种副本中，一丝不苟的模仿应该是一种美德，而独创是一种罪恶。（如果在罗马，传统意义的扩展是可能的，那么后来帝国的文学将更有价值。）进步的观念有时可能是一种危险的毒品，但它往往是一种有价值的兴奋剂；我们最好接受挑战，尽最大努力超越我们的前辈，而不是被告知比赛没有希望。
The ‘moderns’, on the other side, carried the essential point—which their opponents had never sincerely disputed—that modern books can be just as good as anything written in Greece and Rome. They did not succeed in convincing anyone that modern literature, even if elevated by Christian doctrine, must be better than the classics. But the real benefit of the battle for both sides was that it discouraged slavish respect for tradition, and made it more difficult for future writers to produce ‘Chinese copies’ of classical masterpieces, in which exact imitation should be a virtue and original invention a sin. (Had some such broadening of the significance of tradition been possible in Rome, the literature of the later empire would be far more valuable.) The idea of progress may sometimes be a dangerous drug, but it is often a valuable stimulant; and it is better for us to be challenged to put forth our best, in order to surpass our predecessors, than to be told the race is hopeless.
15
巴洛克风格注释
15
A NOTE ON BAROQUE
“巴洛克”一词源于西班牙语barroco，意为“一颗不规则的大珍珠”。规则的珍珠是完美的球体；不规则的珍珠是球体在某一点向外拉伸，鼓起并几乎破裂，但不会破裂成碎片。因此，“巴洛克”的意思是“压缩但几乎突破控制界限的美”。1
THE word ‘baroque’ comes from the Spanish barroco, ‘a large irregular pearl’. A regular pearl is a perfect sphere; an irregular pearl is a sphere straining outwards at one point, bulging and almost breaking, but yet not bursting into fragments. Therefore ‘baroque’ means ‘beauty compressed but almost breaking the bounds of control’.1
文艺复兴时期的艺术是一颗完美的珍珠。十七、十八世纪的艺术，即文艺复兴与革命时代之间的时期，是巴洛克风格的珍珠。这个词的本质含义是强烈的情感与更强烈的社会、美学、智力、道德和宗教约束的相互作用。如今，我们在巴洛克艺术和文学中通常看到的是它的形式、对称和冷淡。巴洛克时代的男人和女人在其中看到的是热烈的激情与坚定、冷静的控制之间的张力。这种冲突出现在他们自己的生活和性格中。它集中体现在大君主身上，从性感的蒙特斯潘变成了宁静而精神的曼特农。麦考利在威廉三世的角色中对此进行了精彩的描述：
Renaissance art is the perfect pearl. The art of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, during the period between the Renaissance and the age of revolutions, is the baroque pearl. The essential meaning of the word is the interplay of strong emotion and stronger social, aesthetic, intellectual, moral, and religious restraints. What we, nowadays, usually see in baroque art and literature is its formality, its symmetry and frigidity. What the men and women of the baroque era saw in it was the tension between ardent passion and firm, cool control. This conflict appeared in their own lives and characters. It was epitomized in the Grand Monarch himself, turning from the voluptuous Montespan to the serene and spiritual Maintenon. It has been finely described by Macaulay in his character of William the Third:
“他生来就激情四射、敏感多变，但世人却不怀疑他情绪的强烈。在众人眼中，他的喜悦和悲伤、爱和怨都隐藏在一种冷静的宁静中，这使他成为人类中最冷血的人。那些给他带来好消息的人很少发现他有任何快乐的迹象。那些在失败后见到他的人徒劳地寻找他有任何恼怒的迹象。他以莫霍克酋长的严厉平静态度赞扬和斥责、奖励和惩罚；但那些熟悉他并在附近见过他的人都知道，在这片冰冷之下，有一团熊熊的烈火不断燃烧。愤怒很少使他失去控制权。但当他真的被激怒时，他的第一次爆发是可怕的。接近他确实几乎不安全。然而，在这些罕见的情况下，一旦他恢复了自我控制，他就会对他所伤害的人做出如此充分的补偿，以至于他们希望他再次勃然大怒。他的感情和他的愤怒一样冲动。他爱的地方，他用他坚强的心灵的全部能量去爱。当死亡让他和他所爱的人分离，目睹他痛苦的少数人为他的理智和生命而颤抖。’2
‘He was born with violent passions and quick sensibilities: but the strength of his emotions was not suspected by the world. From the multitude his joy and his grief, his affection and his resentment, were hidden by a phlegmatic serenity, which made him pass for the most coldblooded of mankind. Those who brought him. good news could seldom detect any sign of pleasure. Those who saw him after a defeat looked in vain for any trace of vexation. He praised and reprimanded, rewarded and punished, with the stern tranquillity of a Mohawk chief; but those who knew him well and saw him near were aware that under all this ice a fierce fire was constantly burning. It was seldom that anger deprived him of power over himself. But when he was really enraged the first outbreak of his passion was terrible. It was indeed scarcely safe to approach him. On these rare occasions, however, as soon as he regained his self-command, he made such ample reparation to those whom he had wronged as tempted them to wish that he would go into a fury again. His affection was as impetuous as his wrath. Where he loved, he loved with the whole energy of his strong mind. When death separated him from what he loved, the few who witnessed his agonies trembled for his reason and his life.’2
巴洛克艺术家和作家的作品也具有同样的张力。
That same tension characterizes the work of the baroque artists and writers. It can be seen
在他们的讽刺和警句中，恶毒但有礼貌；
in their satires and epigrams, venomous but polite;
在他们的悲剧中，充满激情但却生硬而形式化；
in their tragedies, passionate but stilted and formalized;
在女性圣人和神秘主义者的雕像中，她们渴望、昏厥、几乎要死去、几乎要飞上天堂，但却穿着华丽而传统的衣服，姿势优雅；
in the statues of female saints and mystics, yearning, swooning, almost expiring, almost flying up to heaven, but richly and conventionally draped and elegantly posed;
在庄严、严格对称的教堂、大教堂和宫殿中，宏伟而朴素的设计与柔和迷人的装饰（花叶图案、优美的雕像和肖像头像）融为一体，色彩华丽，有深红色、紫色和金色，有精心弯曲的柱子和倾斜的拱门，有明亮的灯光和丰富的织物；
in the solemn, strictly symmetrical churches, cathedrals, and palaces, where a grand and austere design is blended with soft, charming decoration—flower-and-leaf motives, graceful statuary and portrait-heads—with sumptuous colours, crimson, purple, and gold, with elaborately curving pillars and swooping arches, with brilliant lighting and rich fabrics;
在音乐上，在自由而富有情感的巴赫前奏曲或托卡塔与紧随其后并主导双重作品的严格形式和智力训练的赋格曲之间的对比中；再次，在令人难以置信的复杂华彩乐段中，歌剧演唱者的声音像一只挣扎着逃跑的小鸟，振翅向上，翱翔，最后沉没，回到基调和等待的管弦乐队中，完成正式的咏叹调。3
in music, in the contrast between the free and emotional Bach prelude or toccata, and the rigidly formal and intellectually disciplined fugue which follows and dominates the dual composition; and again, in the unbelievably intricate cadenzas through which the voice of the opera-singer, like a bird struggling to escape, fluttered upwards, soared, and sank at last, returning to the keynote and the waiting orchestra, to complete the formal aria.3
最伟大、最能体现其时代特征的巴洛克艺术家有：
The greatest baroque artists, who most intensely characterize their age, are these:
在这么多国家、这么多不同艺术家的作品中，希腊和罗马的影响起到了什么作用？
In the work of all these diverse artists, in so many countries, what part did Greek and Roman influence play?
首先，它提供了主题，从悲剧故事到花瓶、墙壁或橱柜上的微小装饰图案，无所不包。尽管遭到“现代人”的抵制，罗马还是在华丽的宫殿、巨大的教堂、笔直的长路和几何设计的城镇中重生，这些在那个时代遍布欧洲。（一些“现代人”，如建筑师佩罗，实际上帮助了重生。）拉辛最伟大的女主角是一位史前希腊公主。普塞尔最好的歌剧是关于狄多和埃涅阿斯的。亨德尔最著名的歌曲来自一部关于薛西斯的歌剧。蒲柏和布瓦洛都努力在自己身上重现贺拉斯，并部分成功了。吉本一生都在用罗马的节奏书写后期罗马帝国的历史。
First, it supplied themes, which ranged all the way from tragic stories to tiny decorative motifs on a vase, a wall, or a cabinet. Despite the resistance of the ‘moderns’, Rome was reborn in the gorgeous palaces, the immense cathedrals, the long straight roads and geometrically designed towns which grew up all over Europe during that era. (Some of the ‘moderns’, like the architect Perrault, actually helped in the rebirth.) Racine’s greatest heroine was a prehistoric Greek princess. Purcell’s finest opera is about Dido and Aeneas. Handel’s best-known song comes from an opera about Xerxes. Pope and Boileau both strove to reincarnate Horace in themselves, and partially succeeded. Gibbon spent his life writing the history of the later Roman empire, in cadences which themselves were consciously Roman.
其次，它提供了形式——悲剧、喜剧、讽刺、人物素描、演说、哲学对话、品达和贺拉斯颂歌的形式等等。
Secondly, it supplied forms—the forms of tragedy, comedy, satire, character-sketch, oration, philosophical dialogue, Pindaric and Horatian ode, and many more.
更重要的是，激情起到了约束作用。因此，它受到了欢迎。那个时期的男人和女人感受到了激情的危险，并寻求一切适当的手段来控制它。宗教是其中之一：最重要的。社会声望是另一个：表现出极端的情绪是不绅士的。希腊罗马道德（特别是斯多葛主义）和希腊罗马艺术的例子同样有力，它们结合了尊严和纯洁。希腊和罗马艺术很少像中世纪艺术那样怪诞和卑鄙。（将古典冥界中被诅咒者的惩罚与但丁地狱中被诅咒者的更可怕但往往卑鄙和肮脏的折磨进行比较。）因此，它的例子可以帮助现代男人和女人忽视或尽量减少每个人心中的卑鄙，甚至不惜牺牲个性，以实现高尚。耶稣会士那些敏锐的心理学家知道，如果得到适当的教导，古典文学将净化心灵，提升灵魂；他们成为现代世界最伟大的古典教师群体。以下是他们培养的学生的名单古典学派包括了数量惊人、风格各异的天才：塔索、莫里哀、笛卡尔、伏尔泰……
More important, it acted as a restraining force. As such, it was welcomed. The men and women of that period felt the dangers of passion, and sought every proper means of controlling it. Religion was one: the greatest. Social prestige was another: to display extreme emotion was ungentlemanly. No less powerful was the example of Greco-Roman morality (particularly Stoicism) and of Greco-Roman art, with its combination of dignity and purity. Greek and Roman art is very, very rarely grotesque and ignoble, as much medieval art is. (Compare the punishments of the damned in the classical underworld, with the more terrible but often mean and filthy tortures of the damned in Dante’s hell.) Therefore its example can help modern men and women to ignore or minimize the baseness which lies in every human heart, and, even at the apparent sacrifice of individuality, to achieve nobleness. Those subtle psychologists the Jesuits knew that, properly taught, classical literature will purify the heart and raise the soul; and they became the greatest group of classical teachers the modern world has seen. A list of the pupils whose minds they developed through the classics would include an astonishing number and variety of geniuses: Tasso, Moliére, Descartes, Voltaire.…
用古典文学和美术作为道德约束是明智之举。将其用作审美控制最初也是明智之举，但后来被夸大，直到它不再是一种塑造原则，而是一种麻木和瘫痪的力量。例如，巴洛克悲剧以亚里士多德的名义，服从于许多亚里士多德从未设想过的规则，并且作为同一约束运动的一部分，服从于许多其他可能令他感到有趣或震惊的规则。这种夸张有时被称为古典主义，这在英语中是一个相当好的名字，只要它不被理解为一般意义上的“使用古典模型”。4后来，革命时代发现，希腊罗马文学与思想不仅意味着克制，也意味着解放；当它摆脱巴洛克时代的古典主义时，并不是抛弃希腊和罗马，而是对它们进行更深入的探索。
To use classical literature and fine art as a moral restraint was well judged. Its use as an aesthetic control was at first well judged, too, and then was exaggerated until it became, not a moulding principle, but a numbing and paralysing force. For instance, baroque tragedy subjected itself, in the name of Aristotle, to a number of rules which Aristotle had never conceived as rules, and, as part of the same restraining movement, to many others which would have amused or appalled him. This exaggeration is sometimes called classicism, which is a good enough name in English, provided it is not taken to mean ‘the use of classical models’ in general.4 Later, the revolutionary era was to discover that Greco-Roman literature and thought can mean not only restraint, but liberation; and when it cast off the classicism of the baroque age it was not discarding Greece and Rome, but exploring them more deeply.
最后，古典文学、神话、艺术和思想有助于欧洲和美洲的思想统一。在十七和十八世纪，它们提供了一个共同的想象和讨论领域，在这里，语言、距离和信仰不同的人可以平等地交流。它超越了国籍，弥合了宗教鸿沟。就像中世纪和中世纪的罗马天主教会一样，它是希腊和罗马文化的精神重生，因此也是更持久的重生，以西方人灵魂中的帝国形式出现。
Lastly, classical literature, myth, art, and thought helped to produce the intellectual unity of Europe and the two Americas. Through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they provided a common realm of imagination and discussion in which minds separated by language, distance, and creed could meet as equals. It transcended nationality and bridged religious gulfs. Like the Roman Catholic church in the Dark Ages and the Middle Ages, it was a spiritual, and therefore a more lasting, rebirth of Greek and Roman culture in the form of an empire in the souls of western men.
16
巴洛克悲剧
16
BAROQUE TRAGEDY
在诗歌方面，巴洛克时期最可观的作品（不包括文艺复兴时期最新的史诗《失乐园》）是英语、法语和意大利语的悲剧。其中最优秀的是皮埃尔·高乃依（创作于 1635 年至 1674 年）、让·拉辛（创作于 1664 年至 1677 年，后来创作了两部圣经题材的作品）和约翰·德莱顿（创作于 1664 年至 1694 年）的作品。此外还有许多有趣的单行本，如弥尔顿的《力士参孙》、艾迪生的《加图》和约翰逊的《艾琳》；梅塔斯塔西奥有大量的歌剧作品；还有成千上万部现已被遗忘的平庸之作——比如伏尔泰的悲剧，要不是利顿·斯特雷奇在《书与人物》中将它们发掘出来并瞬间赋予它们荒诞的生命，它们现在可能仍然被埋没。所有这些悲剧的形式都与希腊罗马悲剧非常相似，许多悲剧，包括最伟大的悲剧，都是以希腊神话或罗马历史为主题的。有些悲剧，如拉辛的《菲德拉》，实际上是以希腊和罗马剧作家已经创作好的主题为主题，并使用了古典剧作家的创意。1巴洛克悲剧就是斯宾格勒所说的“伪形态”：在一种文化中重新创造另一种在时间或空间上相距遥远的文化所创造的形式或活动。
IN poetry the most considerable production of the baroque age (excluding the latest of the Renaissance epics, Paradise Lost) is a body of tragedies in English, French, and Italian. The finest of these are the work of Pierre Corneille (producing from 1635 to 1674), Jean Racine (producing from 1664 to 1677, with two later works on biblical subjects), and John Dryden (producing from 1664 to 1694). There are also a number of interesting singletons such as Milton’s Samson Agonistes, Addison’s Cato, and Johnson’s Irene; there is a large body of operatic dramas by Metastasio; and there were thousands of mediocrities now forgotten—such as Voltaire’s tragedies, which would still be buried had they not been disinterred and momentarily galvanized into ludicrous life by Lytton Strachey in Boohs and Characters. All these tragedies are in a form very closely resembling that of Greco-Roman tragedy, and many, including the greatest, are on subjects taken from Greek mythology or Roman history. Some, such as Racine’s Phèdre, are actually on themes already worked out by Greek and Roman dramatists, and use ideas originated by classical playwrights.1 Baroque tragedy was what Spengler calls a pseudo-morphosis: the re-creation in one culture of a form or activity created by another culture distant in time or space.
巴洛克悲剧比几乎所有其他类型的现代文学都更具古典色彩。当然，它比大部分英国、法国和西班牙文艺复兴时期的戏剧更依赖希腊罗马文学和神话。这有几个原因：所有这些都很重要，因为它们标志着西欧社会和文明的重大变化。
Baroque tragedy was more intensely classical than almost any other type of modern literature. Certainly it depended much more on Greco-Roman literature and mythology than the great bulk of English, French, and Spanish Renaissance drama. There were several reasons for this: all important, because they mark significant changes in the society and civilization of western Europe.
与文艺复兴时期悲剧的创作者相比，这些作家受过更为完善的教育，甚至在完成学业之后，他们仍然沉浸在古典文学之中。
The authors were much more thoroughly educated than those who produced Renaissance tragedy, and even after the end of their schooling they continued to steep themselves in the classics.
高乃依受过耶稣会的教育，这意味着他受过良好而富有同情心的古典训练。虽然他是三位主要悲剧作家中读书最少的，但他对古代文学的了解远比莎士比亚广泛：正是他抓住了法国古典悲剧的精髓，开创了法国古典悲剧并抛弃了希腊罗马悲剧中无法使用的元素。虽然我们无法用诗人学识的丰富程度来衡量他的天赋和成就，但有趣的是，拉辛比高乃依更有学识。拉辛可以说是一位熟练的希腊学家，而高乃依和他的许多同时代人一样，拉丁语学得很多，希腊语学得很少。高乃依甚至在性格上也像一个罗马人，骄傲、单纯、不太善言辞，而拉辛则是一个敏感、深思熟虑、复杂的希腊人。
Corneille was educated by the Jesuits, which means that he had a sound and sympathetic classical training. Although he was the least well read of the three chief tragedians, his knowledge of ancient literature was far wider than that of Shakespeare: it was he who founded French classical tragedy by seizing the essentials and discarding the unusable elements in Greco-Roman tragedy. Although we cannot measure a poet’s gifts and achievements by the quality of his learning, still it is interesting to know that Racine was much more learned than Corneille. Racine could be called a skilled hellenist, whereas Corneille, like many of his contemporaries, had much Latin and small Greek. Even in character Corneille was a Roman, proud, simple, rather inarticulate, while Racine was a sensitive, thoughtful, and complex Greek.
拉辛在 Port-Royal 的詹森派教徒的精心教育下长大。詹森派教徒在 17 岁时才收留他，但他们在使他理解和热爱古典文学方面做得非常出色。我们听说他独自一人带着欧里庇得斯在 Port-Royal 的树林里漫步，并学习赫利奥多罗斯的《Aethioptca》2背诵下来。这个壮举听起来非常不可思议，然而这本书必定深深地影响了他。书中讲述了一个骄傲的国王考虑牺牲自己的女儿（如《伊菲革涅亚》）和一位继母爱上她的继子（如《淮德拉》）：他的早期戏剧之一就是从它那里借用的主题。我们说过，高乃依是罗马人，拉辛是希腊人。这种差异反映了他们所受教育的差异，耶稣会士很少鼓励希腊研究，而詹森派则专攻希腊研究。奇怪的是，现代悲剧作家通过最新的悲剧诗人塞涅卡开始理解古典悲剧，并逐渐从河口回到源头，从罗马回到希腊。高乃依早期的《美狄亚》是法国巴洛克悲剧中唯一一部来自塞涅卡的作品，除了耶稣会剧作家创作的拉丁悲剧外，塞涅卡的影响在这一时期迅速消退。但即使是拉辛也没有比欧里庇得斯更深入地融入到这个时期。
Racine was educated very well and carefully by the Jansenists at Port-Royal. They got him late, at the age of seventeen, but they did a remarkable job of making him understand and love the classics. We hear of his roaming the woods of Port-Royal alone with his Euripides, and learning Heliodorus’ Aethioptca2 off by heart. The feat sounds very improbable; yet the book, which contains a story of a proud king meditating the sacrifice of his own daughter (as in Iphigénie) and another of a stepmother in love with her stepson (as in Phèdre), must have affected him deeply: one of his early plays was on a theme frankly borrowed from it. We have said that Corneille was the Roman, Racine the Greek. The difference reflects the difference in their education, for the Jesuits did little to encourage Greek studies while the Jansenists specialized in them. It is strange to see how the tragedians of the modern world, having started to understand classical tragedy through the latest of all the tragic poets, Seneca, gradually work their way back from the estuary to the source, from the Roman back to the Greeks. Corneille’s early Médée is the only baroque tragedy in French which comes from Seneca, and except in the Latin tragedies written by Jesuit playwrights Senecan influence shrinks rapidly in this period. But even Racine did not penetrate farther upstream than Euripides.
当时只有一位诗人了解并吸收了这三位希腊悲剧作家的才华。他就是约翰·弥尔顿，他给我们留下了一部悲剧，讲述了一位像他一样的英雄，双目失明，被非利士人包围的故事。与巴洛克时期的其他戏剧不同， 《力士参孙》是纯粹的希腊悲剧的再现。像《失乐园》一样，它将古典技巧和情感与希伯来和基督教思想融为一体。虽然它与弥尔顿自己的生活以及他所服务的事业的明显失败有明显的相似之处，但它在感觉上远不如高乃依和德莱顿等专业剧作家的剧作那么具有时代感。它的戏剧性也较弱；而且它远不如比希腊模型更有效。3与埃斯库罗斯的《被缚的普罗米修斯》（弥尔顿的主要原型）相比，这部剧中的冲突不那么紧迫，次要人物也更加模糊，索福克勒斯的作品中有一种弥尔顿几乎无法达到的微妙之处。尽管这部剧的构思宏伟，参孙这个单一角色也十分伟大，几段台词和合唱包含着不朽的诗意，但这部作品是为书房而写的，而不是为剧院而写的，因此它缺乏希腊戏剧和所有真正戏剧的张力。
Only one poet of the period knew and assimilated all three Greek tragedians. This was John Milton, who has left us one tragedy on a hero like himself, blind and surrounded by Philistines. Samson Agonistes, unlike the other dramas of the baroque era, is a pure re-creation of Greek tragedy. Like Paradise Lost, it blends classical technique and emotion with Hebrew and Christian thought. While its parallelism to Milton’s own life and to the apparent defeat of the cause which he served is clear, it is far less contemporary in feeling than the plays by professional dramatists like Corneille and Dryden. It is also less dramatic; and it is far less effective than its Greek models.3 The conflicts are less urgent and the subordinate characters more shadowy than in Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound (which was Milton’s chief pattern), and there is a subtlety in Sophocles which Milton could scarcely achieve. Although the conception of the play is majestic, and the single character of Samson is grand, and several speeches and choruses contain immortal poetry, the work was written for the study and not for the theatre, so that it lacks the tension of Greek drama, and of all true drama.
约翰·德莱顿曾就读于威斯敏斯特学校和剑桥大学三一学院。他的序言和散文风格以及其中不加修饰的频繁引用都表明他对古代文学了如指掌，并对其十分珍视。他翻译的罗马和希腊经典作品的纯度在任何时候都罕见，而且范围之广是当今许多专业学者无法比拟的。
John Dryden was educated at Westminster School and Trinity College, Cambridge. Both the style of his prefaces and prose writings, and the frequent quotations in them, made without affectation, show that he knew ancient literature familiarly and held it dear. His translations from Roman and Greek classics are of a purity rare at any time, and of a range which many professional scholars could not now equal.
约翰逊和高乃依一样，是个希腊文水平很差的人，但他是个优秀的拉丁文学者。他经常在父亲的书店里自学，到牛津大学彭布罗克学院时已经受过良好的教育，本科时将蒲柏的《弥赛亚》改编成拉丁文诗。他最早的文学计划之一是编辑文艺复兴时期人文主义者波利提安的诗歌，并编写一部现代拉丁诗歌史；他因改编尤维纳尔的第三部讽刺作品而出名。
Johnson, like Corneille, was a poor Grecian; but he was an excellent latinist. He read a great deal by himself in his father’s bookshop, was well educated by the time he reached Pembroke College, Oxford, and as an undergraduate turned Pope’s The Messiah into Latin verse. One of the earliest of his many literary plans was to edit the poems of the Renaissance humanist Politian and to produce a history of modern Latin poetry; and he made his name with an adaptation of Juvenal’s third satire.
艾迪生就读于查特豪斯公学，后来又去了牛津大学，在那里他成为了玛格达伦学院的一名成员，并写出了令人钦佩的拉丁文诗歌。他在古典文学领域的早期作品包括翻译维吉尔《农事诗》第四卷，以及他在意大利之旅期间撰写的一篇关于奖章的考古论文。
Addison went to Charterhouse, and then to Oxford, where he became a fellow of Magdalen and wrote admirable Latin verse. Among his early work in the field of classics are a translation of the fourth book of Vergil’s Georgics and an archaeological Essay on Medals written during his tour of Italy.
至于杰出的梅塔斯塔西奥（1698-1782），他在十二岁时将《伊利亚特》翻译成意大利诗歌，并在十四岁时以塞涅卡的风格创作了一部原创悲剧。
As for the phenomenal Metastasio (1698–1782), he translated the Iliad into Italian verse at the age of twelve, and wrote an original tragedy in the manner of Seneca at fourteen.
这些人的渊博学识不仅体现在戏剧中，也体现在他们的散文作品中：德莱顿的《戏剧诗论》、高乃依的《戏剧诗论》、拉辛对品达和荷马的细致评论、艾迪生关于弥尔顿的论文集以及弥尔顿的杰作《论出版自由》 。
This mass of learning comes out not only in the plays these men wrote but also in their prose works: Dryden’s Essay on Dramatic Poesy, Corneille’s Trots discours sur le poème dramatique, Racine’s careful commentaries on Pindar and Homer, Addison’s essays on Milton, and Milton’s superb Areopagitica.
但观众虽然比文艺复兴时期的观众受教育程度高，但远不如他们的诗人受教育程度高。很少有女士的品味与一部作品的成功如此相关，剧作家，了解他们的经典作品。很少有绅士是业余学者，比如查尔斯·佩罗，阅读范围非常有限。巴洛克悲剧不是第一个也不是最后一个受古典影响导致采用对当代观众来说太高的艺术标准的文学类型。
But the audiences, although better educated than those of the Renaissance, were not nearly so well educated as their poets. Few of the ladies, whose taste had so much to do with the success of a play, knew their classics. Few of the gentlemen were more than amateur scholars, like Charles Perrault, with a strictly limited range of reading. Baroque tragedy is not the first literary type, nor the last, in which classical influence has led to the adoption of artistic standards too high for a contemporary audience.
另一方面，观众们也并非毫无同情心。如今，社会已经失去了文艺复兴时期许多生动活泼的品质，但它获得了、或保留并增强了那些适合鼓励新戏剧风格的品质。在法国，以及英国、意大利和其他地方，社会现在变得更加城市化。自罗马帝国灭亡以来，西欧社会首次围绕大首都城市组织起来，每个首都的中心都有一个王宫。在没有这样的城市的地方，就必须创建它们——就像普鲁士君主创建柏林一样，就像彼得大帝既建造了圣彼得堡，又将其作为政府中心一样。这些城市的有闲阶级为剧作家提供了热心而永久的观众。
On the other hand, the audiences were far from unsympathetic. Society had now lost many of the vivid, vital qualities of the Renaissance; but it acquired, or retained and enhanced, those which were suited to encourage the new style of drama. In France, and to a less extent in England, Italy, and elsewhere, society was now becoming much more urbanized. For the first time since the fall of Rome, western European societies were organized around great capital cities, each with a regal court at its heart. Where such cities did not exist, it was necessary to create them—as the Prussian monarchs created Berlin, as Peter the Great both built St. Petersburg as a city and inaugurated it as the centre of government. The leisured classes in these cities provided a keen and permanent audience for the dramatists.
宏伟是西欧的理想。那是一个富丽堂皇的时代。我们在建筑上可以看到这一点——不仅有像凡尔赛宫和布伦海姆宫这样的宏伟建筑，还有精心设计的正式花园和大公园，整个城市区域，甚至整个城镇都以前所未有的规模布局，让人想起罗马。我们在室内装饰上也看到这一点。凡尔赛宫镜厅的宏伟构思和规模足以让任何一位文艺复兴时期的王子感到震惊。社交和外交仪式也展示了这一点，服装也是如此，那里有许多非功能性的附属品，如假发、蕾丝和礼服剑。它出现在音乐中：这是管风琴的时代，巴赫的对位法为上帝的荣耀建造了一个看不见的凡尔赛宫，这是训练有素的合唱团的时代。舞台设计也展示了这一点：制作、装饰和服装达到了精致和奢华的新高峰。如今我们很容易认为，在所有这些华丽的背后，在假发和珠宝的装饰之下，人们只是一具空壳。有些人的确如此，但当时的信件、回忆录和肖像仍向我们展示，许多人仍然深感痛苦——也许他们周围的压抑使他们的痛苦更加强烈。正是这种形式上的宏伟和激情的结合，使得悲剧和歌剧，以及它们所有的传统，成为巴洛克时代最真实的表达。
Grandeur was the ideal of western Europe. It was an era of magnificent display. We see this in architecture—not only great buildings like Versailles and Blenheim but elaborate formal gardens and vast parks, entire sectors of cities, even whole towns were laid out on a hitherto-unexampled scale which recalled Rome. We see it in interior decoration. The grandiose conception, the very size, of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles would have staggered any Renaissance prince. Social and diplomatic ceremony also show it, and so does costume, where there were many nonfunctional adjuncts such as wigs, lace, and dress swords. It appeared in music: this was the age of the organ, when the counterpoint of Bach built an invisible Versailles to the glory of God, and it was the age of the enormous trained choirs. Stage design, too, showed it: production, décor, and costumes reached a new peak of elaboration and opulence. Nowadays we are apt to think that, behind all this magnificence, beneath the periwigs and the jewelled orders, people were empty shells. Some were; but the letters and memoirs and portraits of the time remain to show us that many still felt and suffered deeply—perhaps all the more intensely for the repressions that surrounded them. It was this combination of formal grandeur and passionate emotions which made tragedy and opera, with all their conventions, the truest expression of the baroque era.
（悲剧与歌剧之间的关系一直很密切，现在变得更加密切。德莱顿与珀塞尔共同创作了《亚瑟王》。梅塔斯塔西奥的作品作为纯悲剧来看时，其精彩程度丝毫不逊于作为歌剧演唱时。法意作曲家吕利与莫里哀密切合作，他本人也认为他的作品与剧作家的作品有着相似之处：他说，“如果你想好好唱我的音乐，就去听听 la Champmeslé 吧”——她是喜剧界最受喜爱的女演员，曾师从拉辛本人学习演讲和表演。）
(Always close, the kinship between tragedy and opera now became closer still. Dryden joined Purcell in writing King Arthur. The works of Metastasio were scarcely less fine when viewed as pure tragedies than when they were sung as operas. The Franco-Italian composer Lully collaborated closely with Moliere, and himself felt that his work was allied to that of the dramatists: he said, ‘If you want to sing my music properly, go and hear la Champmeslé’—a favourite actress of the Comedie who had received lessons in speech and acting from Racine himself.)
巴洛克悲剧在当时备受推崇。它的演员和著名的歌唱大师几乎将舞台提升到了一个职业的尊严。它在舞台设计和制作方面的成就至今无人能及。它引发了一些有趣的批评讨论、几部精彩的戏剧和许多精彩的演讲。但我们能说它是成功的吗？它能与希腊悲剧或文艺复兴时期的悲剧相媲美吗？
Baroque tragedy was, in its day, greatly admired. Its actors and actresses, together with the famous virtuosi singers, almost raised the stage to the dignity of a profession. Its achievements in stage-design and production are still unequalled. It produced some interesting critical discussions, a few marvellous plays, and many fine speeches. But can we say that it was a success? Can it be equalled with Greek tragedy, or with the tragedy of the Renaissance?
显然不能。不是整体而言。在法国，巴洛克悲剧家创作的剧作比任何法国文艺复兴时期的剧作家都更优秀；但我们必须审视的不是一个国家的悲剧，而是整个时代的悲剧。这个类别不仅未能创作出足够多的好剧来抵消由此产生的大量糟糕剧作；不仅其作品中只有极少数在今天的舞台上演出；而且其诗人，从梅塔斯塔西奥到德莱顿，在结束职业生涯之前就放弃了舞台，陷入了一种承认失败感的沉默之中。
Clearly it cannot. Not as a whole. In France, the baroque tragedians did produce finer plays than any of the French Renaissance playwrights; but we must survey the tragedy, not of one country, but of the entire epoch. Not only did the genus fail to produce a sufficient number of good plays to offset the enormous bulk of bad plays born from it; not only do few of its products hold the stage today; but its own poets, from Metastasio to Dryden, abandoned the stage before finishing their careers, and sank into a silence which confessed a sense of failure.
失败的原因有两个。第一个是社会和文化方面的原因，第二个是美学方面的原因；但它们是相互联系的。
Two reasons can be assigned for this failure. The first is social and cultural, the second aesthetic; but they connect.
从社会和文化角度看，巴洛克悲剧作家的错误在于他们面向的观众太少，而他们自己又进一步限制了观众。最伟大的戏剧通常都吸引并汲取其力量，而这正是产生它的国家的广大民众。这并不意味着它不能具有贵族气质。通常它确实如此，但它也吸引中产阶级，有时也吸引工人阶级；真正赋予它丰硕成果的是大量有文化、有品位的公众。但巴洛克悲剧的观众（意大利歌剧除外）仅限于上层阶级、“宫廷和首都”，而不是所有这些人。4它的主题是更高尚的社会层面，涉及王子、国王、皇帝以及他们忠实的随从。有人认为，这是对亚里士多德关于只有伟人才适合成为悲剧主题的建议的误解或夸大，但更容易相信这是君主制社会结构的反映。尽管如此，也不能说巴洛克悲剧的问题都是普遍问题。相反，许多情节涉及专制君主的王朝斗争。想想拉辛的《伊菲革涅亚》。有些父亲确实牺牲了女儿的幸福，到目前为止，这个问题是一个普遍问题；但很少有父亲需要决定是否要将自己的女儿作为政治和军事行动的一部分消灭。德莱顿的《奥伦-泽贝》讲述了莫卧儿宫廷中错综复杂的阴谋和权力政治的故事，每个主要角色都有一群值得信赖的哑巴或一支私人军队。
Socially and culturally, the error of the baroque tragedians was that they addressed too small an audience, and that they themselves limited the audience still further. The greatest drama has usually appealed to, and drawn its strength from, a broad section of the nation that gives it birth. That does not mean that it cannot be aristocratic in tone. Usually it is, but it appeals to the middle class and sometimes to the working class as well; and what gives it real fertility is a large literate public with good taste. But the audience of baroque tragedy was (except for Italian opera) confined to the upper classes, ‘the court and the capital’, and not all of those.4 And its themes were on an even loftier social plane, moving among princes, kings, emperors, and their faithful attendants. It has been suggested that this was due to a misunderstanding or exaggeration of Aristotle’s advice that only great men should be made the subjects of tragedies, but it is easier to believe that it was a reflex of the monarchical structure of society. Nor can it be said that, in spite of this, the problems of baroque tragedy are all universal problems. On the contrary, many of the plots concern the dynastic struggles of autocratic monarchs. Consider Racine’s Iphigénie. Some fathers, it is true, do sacrifice the happiness of their daughters, and so far the problem is a universal one; but very few fathers have to decide whether to have their daughters liquidated as part of a political and military operation. Dryden’s Aureng-Zebe is an intricate story of intrigue and power-politics in the Mogul court, and every major character has a band of trusty mutes or a private army.
巴洛克剧作家所展现的学识也疏远了部分观众。尽管他们的作品很少是迂腐的，但他们确实要求观众对古典文学有比贵族观众中的一些男人和几乎所有女人更丰富的了解。学者写的诗有一个不可避免的弱点，即使它们是好的，也会让那些没有受过古典教育的人感到不舒服甚至怨恨。这种感觉背后的基本冲突是艺术作为教育和艺术作为娱乐之间的冲突。大多数巴洛克悲剧的观众在看古典戏剧时，都觉得它很高级，但有变得迂腐的危险。奎诺特的抒情剧和托马斯·高乃依的浪漫主义作品《蒂莫克拉特》是那个时代最成功的，他们实际上比伟大的皮埃尔·高乃依和微妙的让·拉辛更受欢迎。
The learning which the baroque playwrights displayed also alienated some of their audiences. Although their works are rarely pedantic, they do presuppose a knowledge of the classics more considerable than that possessed by some of the men and nearly all the women in the aristocratic audiences. Poetry written by scholars has this inevitable weakness, that even when it is good it creates a feeling of discomfort and even resentment among those who are not classically educated. The basic conflict which lies beneath this feeling is the conflict between art as education and art as amusement. Most of the audiences of baroque tragedy felt, when they saw a classical play, that it was elevated, but in danger of becoming pedantic. Quinault, with his lyrical dramas, and Thomas Corneille, whose romantic Timocrate was the greatest success of the era, were really more popular than the great Pierre Corneille and the subtle Jean Racine.
巴洛克悲剧失败的第二个原因，即美学原因，是一个特殊的原因。现代批评家常常误解它。他们倾向于认为，十七世纪和十八世纪的悲剧家因服从希腊和罗马的形式规则而受到束缚和限制。但事实是，他们给自己施加的限制比古典戏剧中的任何限制都复杂得多，严格得多。
The second, or aesthetic, reason for the failure of baroque tragedy is a peculiar one. It is often misunderstood by modern critics. They are apt to think that the seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century tragedians were hampered and limited by their obedience to Greek and Roman rules of form. But the truth is that they imposed limitations on themselves which were far more complex, far more rigid, than anything to be found in classical drama.
这些限制与其说是希腊罗马时期传统的再现，倒不如说是对文艺复兴的奢侈。巴洛克时代鄙视文艺复兴时期的戏剧，认为它们品味低下：情节混乱、事件难以置信、滑稽粗俗、演说夸张、人物古怪而难以置信；道德败坏——充斥着淫秽的笑话、折磨、欲望和背叛；荒谬绝伦，不仅侮辱了学术，也侮辱了普通的常识——例如麦克白的门房（生活在公元1055 年）就对伊丽莎白时代的伦敦开了最新的玩笑。但更重要的是，巴洛克惯例是社会限制。创作一部好戏剧就是创作一件艺术品。遵守礼貌就是遵守贵族的社会准则。巴洛克剧作家必须两者兼顾。不做后者就无法做到前者。关于他的艺术成功，人们可能有不同的看法；因此，他的任务过于困难，甚至没有必要，除了最伟大的天才，甚至连他们自己也难以完成。
These limitations were not so much a reproduction of the conventions of the Greco-Roman stage as a reaction against the extravagances of the Renaissance. The baroque era despised the Renaissance drama for bad taste: for its wildly confused plots, unbelievable incidents, vulgar buffoonery, ranting speeches, eccentric and incredible characters; for offensive morality—with its obscene jokes and its tortures, lusts, and treacheries; and for improbabilities which insulted not merely scholarship but ordinary common sense—as when Macbeth’s porter (who lived in A.D. 1055) made up-to-the-minute jokes about Elizabethan London. But, more important than that, the baroque conventions were social restrictions. To make a good play is to create a work of art. To observe les bienséances is to conform to an aristocratic social code. The baroque playwright had to do both. He could not do the former without doing the latter. About his artistic success opinions might differ; but if his work was socially offensive he was surely damned. His task was therefore excessively, unnecessarily difficult: and, except for the greatest geniuses, and not seldom even for them, impossible.
妨碍巴洛克剧作家创作的主要社会限制之一是不能使用“低俗”词汇的规定。如果这意味着避免使用淫秽或令人厌恶的词汇，那么这将是一个可以接受的限制。（它伴随着对哈姆雷特的谴责
One of the chief social limitations which interfered with the work of the baroque playwrights was the rule that ‘low’ words could not be used. Had this meant the avoidance of obscene or repulsive words, it would have been a limitation possible to accept. (It carried with it the condemnation of Hamlet’s
我会把内脏拖到隔壁的房间，5
I’ll lug the guts into the neighbour room,5
他对格特鲁德的谴责，6以及许多伟大的演讲，不仅在戏剧中，而且在其他类型的诗歌中，如罗马讽刺诗中。）希腊和罗马的悲剧家和史诗诗人也总体上避免使用这样的词，尽管荷马和埃斯库罗斯、塞涅卡和卢坎都允许自己使用一两个词来达到特殊效果。但在巴洛克时代，词汇量远远超出了伟大古典文学所想象的必要范围，因为排除了工人阶级的词汇。约翰逊博士反对麦克白夫人的夸张祈祷：
of much of his denunciation of Gertrude,6 and of many great speeches not only in drama but in other kinds of poetry such as Roman satire.) The Greek and Roman tragedians and epic poets on the whole avoided such words too, although Homer and Aeschylus, Seneca and Lucan, all permit themselves to employ one or two for special effects. But in the baroque age the vocabulary was limited much further than the great classics had ever imagined necessary, by the exclusion of working-class words. Dr. Johnson objected to Lady Macbeth’s tremendous invocation:
浓浓的夜色啊，
将你笼罩在地狱最昏暗的烟雾之中，
让我的锐刀看不见它所造成的伤口！
Come, thick night,
And pall thee in the dunnest smoke of hell,
That my keen knife see not the wound it makes!
—理由是刀是“屠夫和厨师在最卑微的工作中使用工具”。7莎士比亚很清楚屠夫会用它。但他不认为麦克白夫人拉辛本人也承认，在这一点上，他同代人的语言比希腊罗马诗人的语言要狭窄得多，后者并不觉得听到“牛”或“狗”这些词会令人震惊。8
—on the ground that a knife was ‘an instrument used by butchers and cooks in the meanest employments’.7 Shakespeare well knew that it was used by butchers. Yet he did not think Lady Macbeth any less a queen for saying the word. Racine himself recognized that in this the language of his contemporaries was much more confined than that of the Greco-Roman poets, who did not find it shocking to hear the word ‘cow’ or ‘dog’.8
读者如果将巴洛克戏剧与希腊或伊丽莎白时代的悲剧进行比较，就会发现另一个奇怪的限制：避免使用生动的形象。有时，这可以归结为避免使用令人反感的词语——例如，埃斯库罗斯将攻打特洛伊的希腊舰队比作一只老鹰袭击一只怀孕的野兔9在十七、十八世纪是不可能做到的。部分原因是不想落入文艺复兴的浮夸；部分原因是想完全专注于人物的性格和情感。然而，即使是那些确实出现的隐喻也常常令人不安地像陈词滥调：眉头阴沉，温柔凝固，时不时地，一个令人吃惊的形象被证明几乎没有真正的想象力，只是两个公认隐喻的笨拙混合。王冠火焰是一个奇怪而令人回味的想法，可能来自但丁；但在拉辛那里，它只意味着“爱情胜利”。10
The reader who compares baroque drama with the tragedies of the Greeks or the Elizabethans will notice another strange limitation: the avoidance of vivid imagery. Sometimes this may be put down to the avoidance of objectionable words—for instance, Aeschylus’ comparison of the Greek fleet attacking Troy to an eagle striking a pregnant hare9 would be impossible in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Part of it was due to the wish not to fall into the extravagance of the Renaissance; and part to the desire for complete concentration on the character and emotions of the personages. Still, even those metaphors which do occur are uncomfortably often like clichés: brows are clouded, tendernesses are frozen, and every now and then a startling image proves to have little real imaginative force, but to be a clumsy mixture of two accepted metaphors. A crowned flame is a strange and evocative idea, which might come from Dante; but in Racine it only means ‘love triumphant’.10
巴洛克悲剧的韵律比希腊、拉丁或文艺复兴时期的悲剧受到更严格的限制。它有其优点：紧凑和紧张。但它不允许角色发表长篇、丰富、连续的演讲，情感起伏不定，回落又向上涌动：因为每行都必须在中间停顿，在行末停顿，在对句末停顿。总的来说，英国悲剧家比法国悲剧家更自由，但仍然不如他们的前辈流利。法语还有另一种限制。两行阳性押韵的诗行后面必须跟一个阴性押韵的对句——这样，听众的耳朵就会把每句长篇演讲分解成整齐的四行诗句。剧作家们竟然能用这样的韵律产生如此强烈的效果，真是令人惊讶。它是一种绝佳的表达手段，可以表达人物内心目的的快速变化和动机的冲突（前提是这些目的和冲突能够被清楚地认识和描述出来）；也可以表达争吵的快速攻防；但它永远无法达到自由移动的无韵诗所能达到的富有想象力的修辞高度，就像《阿伽门农》中克吕泰墨涅斯特拉的引路演说，克拉伦斯在《理查三世》中的梦境，普洛斯彼罗在《暴风雨》中对幽灵的驱散；它永远无法描绘出一个饱受折磨的灵魂在疯狂边缘的语无伦次的徘徊，就像哈姆雷特的独白，或者李尔王在呼唤雷霆毁灭人类时的胡言乱语。在许多段落中，它变成了直白的散文，甚至没有散文可能具有的复杂性：
Then the metre of the baroque tragedies was far more strictly limited than anything in Greek, Latin, or Renaissance tragedy. It has its virtues: tautness and tension. But it never allows a character to make a great, long, rich, continuous speech, with emotion surging and welling and falling back and urging upwards again: because every line must hesitate for the caesura in the middle, and pause at the end of the line, and halt at the end of the couplet. On the whole, the English tragedians are freer than the French, but still less fluent than their predecessors. In French there is another constriction. Two lines with a masculine rhyme must be followed by a couplet with a feminine rhyme—so that every long speech is broken down, by the listener’s ear, into neat four-line packets. It is astounding that the playwrights managed to produce such powerful effects as they did with such a metre. It is a splendid vehicle for expressing rapid changes of purpose and conflict of motives (provided they are clearly realized and described) within the mind of one character; and for giving the rapid thrust-and-parry of altercation; but it can never rise to the heights of imaginative rhetoric that are possible to freely moving blank verse, as in Clytemnestra’s beacon-speech in Agamemnon, Clarence’s dream in Richard III, Prospero’s dismissal of the spirits in The Tempest; and it can never portray the incoherent wanderings of a tormented soul on the edge of madness, as in Hamlet’s soliloquies, or the ravings of Lear when he calls on the thunder to destroy mankind. In many passages it becomes straight prose, without even the complexity which is possible for prose:
Clytemnestre：Ma fille，il faut partir，sans que rien nous retienne，
Et sauver，en fuyant，votre gloire et la mienne。
我不想再阻止和打扰
您，但我们很遗憾：
我会冒犯您的同事，
并拒绝您的信函。 ……11
Clytemnestre: Ma fille, il faut partir, sans que rien nous retienne,
Et sauver, en fuyant, votre gloire et la mienne.
Je ne m’étonne plus qu’interdit et distrait
Votre père ait paru nous revoir à regret:
Aux affronts d’un refus craignant de vous commettre
Il m’avait par Areas envoyé cette lettre. …11
希腊悲剧和文艺复兴时期的悲剧都充满了各种情感。两者都有人群场景；希腊人有合唱歌曲和舞蹈；伊丽莎白时代的悲剧有喜剧效果。塞内加比他们俩都更受限制，仍然保留了合唱，并引入了鬼魂和愤怒。与他们相比，巴洛克悲剧家的作品单调乏味，强烈的单调性反映了他们所服务的宫廷社会的狭小。他们弥补这一局限性的技巧是使用华丽的装饰、服装和舞台效果；但这些在他们的诗歌中几乎没有留下来。
Greek tragedy and Renaissance tragedy are full of varied emotion. There are crowd scenes in both; the Greeks have choric songs and dances; the Elizabethans have comic relief. Seneca, more restricted than either, still kept a chorus and introduced ghosts and furies. Compared with them all, the baroque tragedians are monotonous, with an intense monotony which reflects the smallness of the court society for which they worked. The technique by which they compensated this limitation was the use of magnificent décor, costumes, and stage effects; but of all that little survives in their poetry.
巴洛克悲剧的对称性是希腊人所不知道的。在欧里庇得斯的一部已失传的戏剧中，几乎不可能猜出谁是主角，谁是次要人物，更不用说埃斯库罗斯的悲剧了。但在读过或看过几部巴洛克悲剧之后，人物的分组，以及他们精心平衡的爱与恨、知己与对手，就变得熟悉甚至显而易见了。
The symmetry of baroque tragedy was a thing unknown to the Greeks. It is virtually impossible to guess who were the chief and who the subordinate characters of a lost play by Euripides, far less of an Aeschylean tragedy. But after one has read or seen a few baroque tragedies, the grouping of the characters, with their carefully balanced loves and hates, confidants and rivals, becomes familiar and even obvious.
最后，规则。最重要的是统一性。再三强调，这些不是希腊人制定的法律。几乎没有任何法律来限制希腊诗人。只有习俗，而习俗经常被打破。亚里士多德说，戏剧必须有动作的统一性，因为任何文学作品都必须如此；但他很少关心时间的统一性，更不关心地点的统一性，除非它们有助于戏剧。文艺复兴时期的意大利理论家首先将这些原则确立为法律：12那个本质上是二流人物的斯卡利杰长老，最终被证明是但他的判断（比如认为维吉尔比荷马更优秀）不是基于古典时代的观点，而是基于他自己的偏见。诚然，正如一位当代学者指出的那样，13纪律对于艺术家来说是必要的，而伟大的天才所接受和克服的局限则净化并强化了他的作品。但是巴洛克学究们的规则远不止于此。许多伟大的悲剧一上映就遭到了严厉的批评——有时纯粹出于社会和个人的原因——这些规则起初阻碍了悲剧作家的发展，最终使他们噤声，而悲剧作家本应得到他们的帮助。作为法律法规，这些规则在希腊和罗马并不存在。它们是从亚里士多德的暗示中提取、阐述和夸大而来的；赋予它们立法力量的不是古典的训诫或榜样，而是对无政府状态的恐惧以及对社会和政治秩序的热爱，而这正是巴洛克时代的主导动机。
Lastly, the rules. The Unities, above all. It cannot be too often repeated that these were not laws laid down by the Greeks. There were few if any laws restricting the Greek poets. There were only customs, and the customs were often broken. Aristotle says that a play must have unity of action, because any work of literature must; but he cares little for the unity of time, and still less for the unity of place, except in so far as they assist the drama. It was the Italian theorists of the Renaissance who first established these principles as laws:12 that essentially second-rate character, the elder Scaliger, proved to be ultimately the most influential among them; yet his judgements (as that Vergil was superior to Homer) were not based on the opinion of classical antiquity but on his own prejudices. It is true that, as a contemporary scholar has pointed out,13 discipline is necessary for the artist, and the limitations which a great genius accepts and surmounts purify and intensify his work. But the rules of the baroque pedants went much farther than this. Combined with the savage criticism which—sometimes for reasons purely social and personal—was levelled at many great tragedies on their appearance, the rules at first hampered and finally silenced the tragedians whom they ought to have assisted. As a code of laws, these rules did not exist in Greece and Rome. They were extracted, elaborated, and exaggerated from hints in Aristotle; and what gave them their legislative force was not classical precept or example but the fear of anarchy and the love of social and political order which were the ruling motives of the baroque age.
这些就是巴洛克悲剧相对失败的原因。它不是由“对古典模式的过度崇拜”或“亚里士多德的法则”造成的，而是由社会和政治的限制造成的。巴洛克诗人比他们所崇拜的希腊剧作家受到的限制要多得多；他们的古典主义没有得到大多数读者的赞赏。即便如此，它对他们的作品也产生了有益的影响。我们可以通过比较高乃依和拉辛（在拉辛身上，古典主义很强）与德莱顿（在德莱顿的戏剧中，古典主义不那么强烈）来看到这一点；通过将这三个人与他们受教育程度较低的同时代人为了转移斯库德里浪漫冒险故事的崇拜者的注意力而大肆宣扬的胡言乱语进行对比，我们可以看出这一点。路易十四曾经问过布瓦洛谁是当代最伟大的法国诗人。布瓦洛给了他一个名字。路易回答说：“真的吗？我永远也不会相信！”但布瓦洛是对的。巴洛克舞台最优秀的作品来自法国。在这个流派中，古典形式的精确性是无价的，古典学究式的过度繁琐从定义上就被排除在外。这就是莫里哀的喜剧。
These, then, are the reasons for the comparative failure of baroque tragedy. It was not caused by ‘excessive admiration for classical models’ or ‘the laws of Aristotle’, but by social and political limitations. The baroque poets were far more limited than the Greek playwrights they admired; and their classicism was unappreciated by most of their public. Even at that, it was a wholesome influence on their work. We can see that by comparing Corneille and Racine, in whom it was strong, with the shallower Dryden, in whose dramas it was less strong; and by contrasting these three with the balderdash which was poured out by their less educated contemporaries to divert the admirers of Scudéry’s romantic adventure-stories. Louis XIV once asked Boileau who was the greatest contemporary French poet. Boileau gave him a name. Louis replied ‘Really? I should never have believed it!’ But Boileau was right. The finest product of the baroque stage came from France. It was in a genre where classical precision of form is invaluable and where the excesses of classicizing pedantry are excluded by definition. That was the comedy of Molière.
17
讽刺
17
SATIRE
“讽刺”一词与萨蒂尔无关，但与“饱和”来自同一个词根，意思是“杂糅”，充满了各种不同的东西。最初，它并没有我们现在所联想到的谩骂之意。它只是一个统称，就像“讽刺剧”或“杂糅”或“闹剧”一样。1尽管讽刺文学的名称可能不太准确，但它却是罗马人发明的唯一的文学形式；而罗马讽刺作家则赋予了它现代的意义和目的。
THE word ‘satire’ has nothing to do with satyrs, but comes from the same root as ‘saturate’, and means ‘a medley” full of different things. Originally it had none of the sense of invective which we now associate with it. It was simply a catch-all term like ‘revue’, or mélange, or ‘farce’.1 Imprecise as its name might be, satire was the only literary form invented by the Romans; and it was a Roman satirist who gave it its modern sense and purpose.
拉丁语中，有两大主要讽刺作家群体。
In Latin there were two main groups of satirists.
（a）讽刺诗人更为重要，他们通常擅长对明显可辨认或稍加掩饰的人物进行谩骂。（在所有存世的完整诗歌中，诗节都是六音步诗——拉丁文学中最灵活、最有趣的六音步诗。）这种诗风的发明者是卢西利乌斯（公元前150-102年），不幸的是，他的作品未能在黑暗时代流传下来。紧随其后的是贺拉斯（公元前65-8 年），他一开始是相当尖刻的社会批评，逐渐变得温和，转向哲学和美学的散漫；在他生命的中期，他放弃了讽刺诗，转而创作更为温和的书信。2下一位现存的罗马讽刺作家是佩尔修斯（公元34-62 年），他是一位年轻富有的清教徒，是斯多葛学派的狂热崇拜者，他用一种奇怪、生动、粗俗、粗俗的风格创作了非常现实的讽刺作品。最后一位也是最伟大的讽刺作家是尤维纳尔（约公元55-130年，出版于约公元100-130 年），他创作了有史以来最辛辣、最雄辩的社会讽刺作品：他最著名、最常被模仿的作品是讽刺作品 3，描绘了大都市生活的恐怖，讽刺作品 6，对女性进行了彻底无情的攻击，以及讽刺作品 10，对人类希望的虚荣进行了严肃而高尚的沉思。
(a) The more important were the satiric poets, usually specializing in invective against clearly identifiable or thinly disguised personalities. (The verse, in all the complete poems that have survived, is hexameter—the most flexible and interesting hexameter in Latin literature.) The inventor of this vein was Lucilius (fl. 150–102 B.C.), whose works unfortunately did not survive the Dark Ages. He was followed by Horace (65–8 B.C.), who began with rather sour social criticism and gradually mellowed into philosophical and aesthetic discursiveness; towards the middle of his life he gave up satires for his gentler epistles.2 The next extant Roman satirist is Persius (A.D. 34–62), a rich young puritan who was a passionate admirer of Stoicism, and wrote remarkably realistic satires in a strange, vivid, crabbed, slangy style. The last and greatest is Juvenal (c. A.D. 55–130, publishing c. 100–130), who produced the most bitter and eloquent social satires ever written: his best-known and oftenest-imitated works are Satire 3, on the horrors of megapolitan life, Satire 6, a thoroughly relentless attack on women, and Satire 10, a sombre but noble meditation on the vanity of human hopes.
( b ) 其他是梅尼普斯讽刺作家，他们用散文写作，中间穿插一些短小的诗句，这些诗句往往是戏仿性的。这种风格是由希腊（或更确切地说是叙利亚）犬儒哲学家格拉达拉的梅尼普斯（公元前290年）发明的，他显然用它来取笑他的哲学对手。西塞罗的朋友瓦罗（公元前116-27 年）把它带入拉丁语，但他的作品已经丢失。一部完整的梅尼普斯讽刺作品流传至今，即塞涅卡（公元前 4 年 - 公元 65 年）的《克劳狄斯之死的玩笑》或《南瓜化》，这是一部残酷但非常对流口水的老皇帝克劳狄斯的神化的滑稽模仿。3我们还有一部以流浪汉传奇形式出现的大型伊壁鸠鲁讽刺作品的片段，这是尼禄的朋友佩特罗尼乌斯 (死于公元66 年)的讽刺诗；4但它的主要部分直到1650年才被发现，因此对现代讽刺文学影响不大。
(b) The others were the Menippean satirists, writing in prose, with short interludes of verse which are often parodic. This style was invented by the Greek (or rather Syrian) Cynic philosopher Menippus of Gadara (fl. 290 B.C.), who apparently used it for making fun of his philosophical opponents. Cicero’s friend Varro (116–27 B.C.) brought it into Latin, but his work is lost. One whole Menippean satire survives, the Joke on the Death of Claudius or Pumpkinification by Seneca (c. 4 B.C.–A.D. 65), a cruel but very funny parody of the deification of the drooling old emperor Claudius.3 We also have a fragment of a huge Epicurean satire in the form of a picaresque romance, the Satirica of Nero’s friend Petronius (d. A.D. 66);4 but the main part of it was not discovered until 1650, so that it has had little effect on modern satire.
显然，两种类型的罗马讽刺作品在功能上没有本质区别：尽管据我们所知，梅尼普讽刺作品比诗歌讽刺作品更松散，更粗俗，更少严肃和雄辩。
Apparently there was no essential difference of function between the two types of Roman satire: although as far as we can see the Menippean satire is looser, more slangy, less often serious and eloquent than satire in verse.
在这种罗马形式上，我们可以追溯到某些希腊的影响，这种影响在现代讽刺作品中仍然活跃。
On this Roman form, it is possible to trace certain Greek influences which are still active in modern satirical works.
通过攻击臭名昭著的傻瓜和恶棍来改善社会并清除弊端的愿望是罗马人从雅典古喜剧中汲取的，雅典古喜剧中唯一幸存的代表人物是才华横溢、无所畏惧的阿里斯托芬。这是诗歌的自然功能。由于罗马人没有适合实现这一功能的戏剧，他们用讽刺（最初是半戏剧性的）来达到这一目的。
The desire to improve society and purge its abuses by attacking notorious fools and villains was taken by the Romans from Athenian Old Comedy, whose only surviving representative is the brilliant and fearless Aristophanes. This is a natural enough function of poetry. Since the Romans had no drama suitable to fulfil it, they used satire (which was originally semi-dramatic) for the purpose.
罗马人还借用了希腊街头传教士（通常是犬儒主义者和怀疑论者）的许多手段来吸引和留住注意力。这些人过去常常就他们自己的教义中的主题发表表面上即兴的布道（称为“长篇大论”）——通常是关于能够吸引人群的悖论；他们用轶事、人物速写、寓言、与想象中的对手的对话、时事引用、严肃诗歌的模仿、淫秽笑话和俚语来说明和装饰这些布道。
The Romans also borrowed many devices used by the Greek street-preachers, usually Cynics and Sceptics, to attract and hold attention. These men used to give ostensibly improvised sermons (called ‘diatribes’) on themes drawn from their own doctrines—usually on paradoxes which would attract a crowd; and they illustrated and decorated them with anecdotes, character-sketches, fables, dialogues against imaginary opponents, topical references, parodies of serious poetry, obscene jokes, and slang phrases.
然而，讽刺作品的道德严肃性、直接暴力和残酷性更多的是罗马性的而非希腊性的，并且在最具罗马风格的讽刺作家的作品中表现得最为明显。
However, the moral seriousness, the direct violence, and the cruelty of satire are rather more Roman than Greek, and come out most emphatically in the most Roman of the satirists.
从公元二世纪开始，有一位用希腊散文写作的哲学讽刺作家的作品流传了下来。他名叫卢西安，约公元125 年出生于叙利亚。他的语气中带着一种好笑的幻灭感。“上帝！”他说道，“这些凡人真是愚蠢！”——但与他的罗马前辈相比，他的声音更温柔，内心更善良。他的作品与希腊罗马文学中流传下来的几乎所有其他作品都不一样。它在柏拉图等富有创造力的哲学家的对话、阿里斯托芬的幻想和讽刺作家的负面批评之间架起了一座桥梁。他是拉伯雷最喜欢的希腊作家。斯威夫特在写格列佛时可能回忆起了他精彩的旅行故事；而当西拉诺·德·贝尔热拉克登上月球时，他确实做到了这一点。卢西安有如此杰出的后代，他赢得了“不朽”这个称号，这个称号会让他感到好笑。
From the second century A.D. there survives the work of one philosophical satirist writing in Greek prose. He was born in Syria about A.D. 125, and his name is Lucian. His tone is one of amused disillusionment. ‘Lord!’ he says, ‘what fools these mortals be!’—but there is more gentleness in his voice and kindness in his heart than we feel in his Roman predecessors. His work is unlike nearly everything else that survives from Greco-Roman literature. It forms a bridge between the dialogues of creative philosophers like Plato, the fantasy of Aristophanes, and the negative criticism of the satirists. He was Rabelais’s favourite Greek author. Swift may have recalled his fabulous travel-tales when he wrote about Gulliver; and Cyrano de Bergerac certainly did when he went to the moon. With such distinguished descendants, Lucian has earned the right to be called by the title which would have amused him, ‘immortal’.
罗马讽刺文学的定义在很大程度上适用于现代讽刺文学，因为它本身仍然是一种形式，其定义如下：
A definition of Roman satire, largely applicable to modern satire in so far as that is still a form in itself, would be:
讽刺诗是一首连贯的诗，或一首散文，篇幅很长，风格和主题多种多样，但通常具有以下特点：自由使用对话语言，经常插入作者的个性，偏爱机智、幽默和讽刺，描述生动具体，主题和语言淫秽得令人震惊，语气即兴，主题贴近时事，总体意图是通过揭露社会的邪恶和愚蠢来改善社会。其本质可以用 op σπovδoγέλ0ωv = ridentem dicere uerum =“认真开玩笑”来概括。
Satire is a continuous piece of verse, or of prose mingled with verse, of considerable size, with great variety of style and subject, but generally characterized by the free use of conversational language, the frequent intrusion of its author’s personality, its predilection for wit, humour, and irony, great vividness and concreteness of description, shocking obscenity in theme and language, an improvisatory tone, topical subjects, and the general intention of improving society by exposing its vices and follies. Its essence is summed up in the word op σπovδoγέλ0ωv = ridentem dicere uerum = ‘joking in earnest’.
就像歌舞天赋一样，嘲笑愚人和恶棍的冲动始终存在于各种野蛮、半野蛮和完全文明的社会中。尽管中世纪的人既不了解古典讽刺作家的模式，也不了解他们的一些重要手法，但他们还是写了许多讽刺作品。有时，他们把材料放在不适当的形式中，从而破坏了材料。例如，《玫瑰传奇》的第二部分充满了讽刺的思维和讽刺的表达，甚至还有罗马讽刺作品的翻译；但作为一部梦幻爱情故事的题外话，它们显得格格不入。5在中世纪，用拉丁语写的讽刺作品比用白话文写的多——显然是因为博学的牧师更有可能拥有敏锐的批判性思维，也因为拉丁语经典为他们提供了现成的思维和表达方式。十二世纪产生了一些非常出色的此类诗歌。有史以来对社会道德腐败最有力的谩骂之一是克吕尼僧侣伯纳德·莫瓦尔的《论对世界的蔑视》（ fl . 1150）。我们仅从几段被翻译成赞美诗演唱的简短段落中知道它（金色的费鲁萨勒姆就是其中之一），但就情感的强度和语言的灵巧而言，它是一部不应被忽视的杰作。6但这些作品的作者并没有明确讽刺和说教之间的区别，他们以为自己在布道，却漫无目的地用长篇描述和离题的话来分散讽刺的力量。中世纪的白话讽刺几乎总是临时的讽刺，或者伪装成人们自己喜欢的形式：像《泰尔·尤伦斯皮格尔》中的轶事集，或者像《列那狐》中的动物寓言集。
Like the gift of song and dance, the urge to make fun of fools and scoundrels always exists in all kinds of barbarian, half-savage, and fully civilized societies. Although the men of the Middle Ages understood neither the pattern nor some of the important devices of the classical satirists, they wrote many satirical works. Sometimes they spoilt their material by putting it in inappropriate forms. For example, the second part of The Romance of the Rose is full of satirical thinking and satirical expressions, even of translations from Roman satires; but they are painfully out of place as digressions in a visionary love-story.5 During the Middle Ages there was more satire written in Latin than in the vernacular languages—evidently because learned clerks were more likely to possess a sharp critical intellect, and because the Latin classics provided them with ready-made turns of thought and expression. The twelfth century produced some very remarkable poems of this type. One of the most powerful invectives against the moral corruption of society ever written is the poem On the Contempt of the World by Bernard of Morval, a monk of Cluny (fl. 1150). We know it only from a few brief passages which have been translated to be sung as hymns (ferusalem the Golden is one), but in intensity of feeling and deftness of language it is a masterpiece which does not deserve its neglect.6 But the authors of these works do not draw a clear distinction between satire and didacticism, they think they are preaching sermons, and wander off into long descriptions and digressions which weaken the force of their satire by dispersing it. Vernacular satire, during the Middle Ages, is almost always either temporary lampoon or else disguised in the people’s own favourite forms: as a collection of anecdotes, like Tyl Ulenspiegel, or a group of animal-fables, like Reynard, the Fox.
正如我们所见，文艺复兴时期古典文学的重新发现的主要影响之一是，人们更多地了解了各种文学类型的确切特征，以及适合每种类型的方法。他们意识到，如果将讽刺作品与其他不赞同讽刺作品的写作类型（例如爱情诗或高深的哲学论证）混在一起，就会破坏预期的效果。他们比以往任何时候都更清楚地看到——部分是通过研究罗马讽刺作家，部分是通过阅读马夏尔的警句（类似于讽刺作品，尤其是尤维纳尔的讽刺作品），部分是通过他们自己对风格微妙之处的不断积累——讽刺作家用大声而冗长的谴责所造成的伤害，可以用简短、尖刻、令人难忘的警句来超越。尤维纳尔本人在用纯酸蚀刻人类心灵方面无人能及。他创造了许多如今已家喻户晓的短语，例如“面包和马戏团”、“panem et circenses”。7他的作品中有数百句这样的话语：它们具有伟大铭文的永恒性和真诚完美的诗歌的韵味。他对生活的态度具有悲剧性的讽刺，他用三四个词就能评论一个永恒问题的高超风格，已经影响到了许多从事完全不同媒介的现代诗人。例如，在多恩的诗中可以找到这种讽刺：“骨头上戴着一圈亮发”可能直接出自尤维纳尔。在豪斯曼的抒情诗中，这一点当然很明显（豪斯曼因仔细编辑尤维纳尔的文本而获得了学术声誉）。例如，在《什罗普郡少年》第 62 首诗中，他建议读者消化他那些苦涩的诗歌，以使自己免受生活的苦涩——就像亚洲国王米特里达梯一样，他
As we have seen, one of the main effects of the rediscovery of classical literature in the Renaissance was that men learnt much more about the precise character of the various literary types, and about the methods appropriate for each. They came to realize that it spoilt the desired effect if they mixed up satire and other types of writing unsympathetic to it—love-poetry, for instance, or high philosophical argument. And they saw more clearly than ever before—partly through study of the Roman satirists, partly through reading the epigrams of Martial (which are akin to satire and in particular to Juvenal’s satires), and partly through their own increased experience of the subtleties of style—how the damage a satirist can do with a loud and long denunciation can be exceeded by a short, biting, and memorable epigrammatic sentence. Juvenal himself has never been surpassed in the craft of etching on the human heart with pure acid. It was he who created many phrases which are now household words, such as ‘bread and circuses’, panem et circenses.7 There are hundreds of such utterances in his work: they have the permanence of a great inscription and the ring of sincere and perfect poetry. The tragic irony of his attitude to life, and the superb style that enables him to comment on an eternal problem in three or four words, have reached many modern poets who have worked in quite different media. It is traceable, for instance, in Donne: ‘a bracelet of bright hair about the bone’ could come straight out of Juvenal. It is certainly obvious in the lyrics of Housman (who made his scholarly reputation in part by a careful edition of Juvenal’s text). For instance, in the sixty-second poem of A Shropshire Lad he recommends his readers to digest his bitter poems, in order to immunize themselves against the bitterness of life—like the Asiatic king Mithridates, who
聚集了这充满毒素的地球上 一切新生的生物；
从一点，到更多，
他品尝了她所有的杀戮储备；
国王吃饱后，他们又笑脸盈盈，声音老练，心情舒畅。
他们往他的肉里放了砒霜
，惊恐地看着他吃；
他们往他的杯子里倒了士的宁
，摇摇晃晃地看着他喝光：
他们摇摇晃晃，眼睛瞪得像衬衫一样白：
他们被毒药伤害了。——
我讲的是我听到的故事。
米特里达梯斯，他死时很老。
gathered all that springs to birth
From the many-venomed earth;
First a little, thence to more,
He sampled all her killing store;
And easy, smiling, seasoned sound,
Sate the king when healths went round.
They put arsenic in his meat
And stared aghast to watch him eat;
They poured strychnine in his cup
And shook to see him drink it up:
They shook, they stared as white’s their shirt:
Them it was their poison hurt.
—I tell the tale that I heard told.
Mithridates, he died old.
这个故事在很多地方都有讲述，但正是尤维纳尔在讽刺女人背叛的最后几句话中，把它讲给了这个不幸的小伙子。8在他另一首最有力的诗中，他希望死亡，大喊道
The tale is told in many places, but it was Juvenal, in the last words of his satire on women’s treachery, who gave it to the luckless lad.8 In another of his most powerful poems he wishes for death, crying that
所有撕裂心灵的想法都在这里，但一切都是徒劳的；
恐怖、蔑视、仇恨、恐惧和愤慨——
哦，我为何醒来？我何时才能再次入睡？9
All thoughts to rive the heart are here, and all are vain;
Horror and scorn and hate and fear and indignation—
Oh why did I awake? when shall I sleep again?9
愤慨是上述情感中最后一种，也是最强烈的一种，是尤维纳尔自己所说的使他成为诗人的驱动力，而斯威夫特在自己的墓前写下了这种愤慨，作为他最痛苦的折磨。10
That indignation, the last of the emotions mentioned and the most constantly powerful, is the driving force which Juvenal himself says made him a poet, and which Swift wrote on his own tomb as the worst of his torments.10
然而，我们特别感兴趣的是罗马前辈对现代讽刺作家的直接影响。首先要注意的是，韵文讽刺的影响是主要的，散文讽刺的影响只是次要的。已知的古典散文讽刺作品并不足以吸引许多现代作家去效仿；而且无论如何，形式本身似乎过于模糊和松散，无法提供真正的技术标准来适应。因此，用散文写成的现代讽刺作品通常采用其他文学分支的形式，并将讽刺的内容和精神注入其中：就像之前的卢西安所做的那样。例如，斯威夫特的《格列佛游记》是对旅行者故事的戏仿；他的《书籍之战》假装是英雄史诗片段的散文翻译。伏尔泰的《老实人》是一部流浪汉旅行浪漫小说， 《简单冒险家》也是；拉伯雷的作品是一部扭曲的骑士浪漫史，以对圣杯探索的戏仿而告终。这样做的好处是，它为讽刺作家提供了极大的自由和多样性。缺点是，它倾向于分散讽刺精神，使其与奇特的态度相混淆以及其他文学类型的方法；所以现在很少有作家用散文写出完整的讽刺作品，而是倾向于创作像《荒凉山庄》和《布瓦尔和佩库歇》这样的小说，这些小说包含一些讽刺元素，但并没有完全融入讽刺。
However, our special interest is the influence directly exerted on modern satirists by their Roman predecessors. The first thing to observe is that the effect of verse satire was primary, the effect of prose satire only secondary. There was not enough classical prose satire known to tempt many modern writers to emulate it; and in any case the form itself seems to have been too vague and loose to provide real technical standards to adapt. Therefore modern satires written in prose have usually adopted the form of some other branch of literature, and injected satiric matter and spirit into it: as Lucian did before them. For example, Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels is a parody of the traveller’s tale; his Battle of the Books pretends to be a prose translation of a fragment of heroic epic Voltaire’s Candide is a picaresque travel-romance, and so is Der abenteurliche Simplicissimus; Rabelais’s work is a distorted romance of chivalry, ending in a parody of the Grail quest. The advantage of this is that it gives great freedom and variety to the authors of satire. The disadvantage is that it tends to diffuse the satiric spirit, so that it becomes confused with the peculiar attitudes and methods of other literary types; and so nowadays few authors write complete satires in prose, but tend to produce novels like Bleak House and Bouvard et Pécuchet which contain some satiric elements but are not completely transfused with satire.
最有活力的现代讽刺散文作家之一是一位传教士，他的布道代表了古典讽刺精神与基督教精神的有趣结合，其中古典讽刺精神具有深刻的玩世不恭，基督教精神具有终极的乐观主义，罗马讽刺作家使用的许多方法也与现代手法相结合，这些手法同样引人注目，而且真实可信，因为这些手法都源自取之不尽的民间语言宝库。他就是亚伯拉罕·圣克拉拉（1644-1709），一个来自巴伐利亚村庄的农民男孩，在学校里非常聪明，被培养成赤脚奥古斯丁会的天主教传教士，并在很小的时候就被任命为维也纳帝国宫廷的宫廷传教士。在这样的职位上，人们可能会认为这样的人会像博须埃和其他巴洛克风格的传教士一样庄重、博学、声音洪亮。相反，亚伯拉罕只有在最严肃的时刻才会严肃——那时他给人留下了压倒性的印象。但在其余时间，他是一位爱笑的哲学家，一个才华横溢的才子，他（像希腊哲学传教士一样）使用各种手段来吸引、激起、留住和控制他的听众：双关语、有趣的故事、方言笑话、谜语、诗歌、医疗处方甚至基督教仪式的模仿，经常引用他广泛阅读的古典文学和教会文学，巧妙的节奏模式，像他这样优秀的演说家可以使这些模式绝对扣人心弦、令人着迷。他的听众一定一直被逗乐和刺激，但他们一直在受到教化：也许这是教导奥地利人的唯一方法。今天他几乎不为人知。然而，席勒在《华伦斯坦的集中营》中卡普齐纳修道士的布道中模仿了他的风格，皮亚韦在威尔第的《命运之力》的剧本中也采用了他的风格。尽管遭到了不公正的忽视，他是一位令人难忘的才华横溢的作家，是巴洛克时代的重要代言人，他所采用的“认真开玩笑”的教学体系完全符合希腊和罗马讽刺文学的传统。11
One of the most vigorous of modern satiric writers working in prose was a preacher whose sermons represent an interesting synthesis of the spirit of classical satire, with its profound cynicism, and the spirit of Christianity, with its ultimate optimism, and of many of the methods used by the Roman satirists with modern devices, equally striking and genuine because derived from the inexhaustible treasury of popular language. This was Abraham a Sancta Clara (1644–1709), a peasant boy from a Bavarian village who was outstandingly clever at school, was trained as a Catholic preacher in the order of Barefooted Augustinians, and at a remarkably early age was appointed court preacher to the Imperial Court of Vienna. In such a post one might think such a man would be solemn, learned, and orotund, like Bossuet and other baroque preachers. On the contrary, Abraham is serious only at the most serious moments—and then he is overpoweringly impressive. But for the rest of the time he is a laughing philosopher, a brilliant wit, who (like the Greek philosophical preachers) uses every device to attract, interest, hold, and dominate his audience: puns, funny stories, dialect jokes, riddles, parodies of poetry and of medical prescriptions and even of Christian rituals, frequent quotations from his vast reading in both the classics and the literature of the church, ingenious rhythmical patterns, which a good speaker, as he was, could make absolutely gripping and enthralling. His audience must have been constantly amused and stimulated, and yet they were being edified all the time: perhaps that is the only way to teach Austrians. He is almost unknown to-day. There is, however, an imitation of his style by Schiller, in the Capuchin monk’s sermon in Wallensteins Lager, taken over by Piave in his libretto for Verdi’s Forza del Destino. Unjustly neglected, he is a memorable and brilliant writer, an important voice of the baroque era, and, in his use of the system of teaching through ‘joking in earnest’, solidly within the tradition of Greek and Roman satire.11
讽刺诗
Verse satire
大多数现代讽刺散文几乎不直接受任何古典讽刺作家的影响，除了卢西安。间接地，其自然的愤慨作家们从研究希腊罗马讽刺作品中获得了额外的力量和表达多样性。大多数现代讽刺作家的作品流传至今，他们都是受过良好教育的人；大多数人读过古典讽刺作家的作品，被他们巨大的道德能量所激励，并鼓励他们模仿他们的讽刺娱乐、他们有力的简洁、他们精雕细琢的努力。
Most modern satirical prose owes little directly to any classical satirist except Lucian. Indirectly, the natural indignation of its writers gained additional force and variety of expression from the study of Greco-Roman satire in general. Most of the modern satirists whose work has lived were well-educated men; and most, having read the classical satirists, had been stimulated by their immense moral energy, and encouraged to emulate their ironic amusement, their vigorous brevity, their surgical economy of effort.
另一方面，大多数现代诗歌讽刺直接受到罗马诗歌讽刺作家的形式或内容（或形式和内容）的启发。这可能是文艺复兴高峰期诗歌讽刺相对稀少的原因，也是西班牙和德国等部分未参与文艺复兴的国家缺乏伟大的讽刺作家的原因。希腊罗马戏剧、挽歌、颂歌、田园诗和浪漫诗很早就被研究和理解；这些文学类型在西欧文学中的首次出现紧随每个古典模式的首版出版之后。但讽刺是一种难以理解且古怪的形式，它与萨蒂尔戏剧混在一起，直到 1605 年伊萨克·卡苏朋 (Isaac Casaubon) 在其《波斯人》版本中附上对其历史和含义的阐述后，人们才完全理解。12
Most modern verse satire, on the other hand, was directly inspired by the form, or the matter, or both the form and the matter, of the Roman verse-satirists. Probably this is the reason for the comparative scarcity of verse satires in the high Renaissance, and for the absence of great satiric writers in countries which were partly outside the Renaissance, like Spain and Germany. Greco-Roman drama, elegy, ode, pastoral, and romance were studied and understood fairly early; the first appearance of these literary types in western European literature closely follows the publication of the first editions of each classical model. But satire is a difficult and eccentric form, which was mixed up with the satyric play, and not fully understood until Isaac Casaubon in 1605 published an elucidation of its history and meaning, attached to his edition of Persius.12
意大利人发现了大部分古典作品，也早在卡苏朋创作讽刺作品之前就发现并效仿了古典讽刺作品。这很符合他们的天性：他们涌现出许多才华横溢的讽刺作家，从高级古典主义到即兴和通俗，无所不包。我们听说的最早的韵文讽刺作品是安东尼奥·文西格拉 (1440-1502) 的六首一般道德反思诗。路易吉·阿拉曼尼 (1495-1556) 在他的托斯卡纳歌中收录了十三首关于意大利苦难和罪恶的尤维纳尔讽刺作品。阿里奥斯托本人在 1517 年至 1531 年间写了七篇关于社会腐败的讽刺文章——内容涉及粗鲁的赞助人和邪恶的女人、腐败的牧师和不道德的人文主义者——并将贺拉斯的甜言蜜语与尤维纳尔的酸话混合在一起。紧随其后的是洛多维科·帕特诺，他是第一位使用无韵诗的现代讽刺作家。然而，文艺复兴时期最成功的意大利讽刺作家无疑是弗朗西斯科·贝尔尼（1498-1535），他不是古典文学的模仿者，而是使用了中世纪创作的诗歌形式。他擅长通过准确描述令人难以置信的肮脏地方、物体、冒险和人物来获得滑稽效果；擅长模仿，甚至模仿但丁的《喜剧》等伟大诗歌；擅长描绘极其怪异的主题——例如，悼念鳗鱼。他严酷的现实主义态度是对文艺复兴时期有时过于膨胀的贵族气度的有益纠正，实际上，这是中世纪遗留下来的一种风气。
The Italians, who discovered most of classical antiquity, also discovered and emulated classical satire long before Casaubon wrote on it. It suits their nature: they have produced many brilliant satirists, working in every key from the high classical to the improvisatory and popular. The earliest verse satires we hear of are six poems of general moral reflection by Antonio Vinciguerra (1440–1502). Luigi Alamanni (1495–1556) included thirteen Juvenalian satires on the woes and vices of Italy in his Opere Toscane. Ariosto himself, between 1517 and 1531, wrote seven satiric discourses on social corruption—covering boorish patrons and wicked women, corrupt priests and immoral humanists—and blended the honey of Horace with Juvenal’s acid. He was followed by Lodovico Paterno, the first modern satirist to use blank verse. However, the most successful Italian satirist of the Renaissance was certainly Francesco Berni (1498–1535), who was not an imitator of the classics, but used verse-forms worked out during the Middle Ages. He specialized in farcical effects obtained by the accurate description of incredibly sordid places, objects, adventures, and people; in parodies, even of such great poetry as Dante’s Comedy; and in wildly bizarre subjects—for instance, a eulogy of eels. His harsh realistic attitude, which made a valuable corrective to the sometimes hypertrophied nobility of the Renaissance, was really a survival from the Middle Age.
另一位主要研究中世纪的讽刺作家是阿尔萨斯学者塞巴斯蒂安·布兰特 (Sebastian Brant, 1458–1521)。他出生于斯特拉斯堡，在巴塞尔接受教育，并接受律师培训。他是一位流利的拉丁诗人，也是神圣罗马帝国的狂热支持者，和拉伯雷一样，他一只脚踏在中世纪，另一只脚踏在文艺复兴时期。他的主要作品是《愚人船》，该书于 1494 年出版，在他有生之年共发行了六版，并被翻译成包括拉丁语在内的几种其他欧洲语言。13这是一本散漫、断断续续、毫无计划的短篇人物速写集，描述和谴责了世界上各种类型的傻瓜。尽管大量翻译的拉丁讽刺诗和其他诗人的警句表明布兰特了解这些警句的主题，但他并没有掌握它们的形式。14甚至把所有傻瓜放在一条船上的想法也只是在结尾时才出现，并没有贯彻到底。《愚人船》让读者想起彼得·布鲁盖尔的巨幅目录画，其中有几十个小人物和团体在玩不同的游戏或举例说明不同的谚语，遍布整个画布，除了他们共同的属和框架的四边之外没有任何统一的原则。但是，正如人们可以花很长时间看这些画一样，人们也可以享受阅读《愚人船》的乐趣，因为它清晰逼真地展示了遥远时代的风俗习惯。
Another largely medieval satirist was the Alsatian scholar Sebastian Brant (1458–1521). Born in Strasbourg, he was educated in Basle and trained as a lawyer. A fluent Latin poet and a fervent supporter of the Holy Roman Empire, he stood, like Rabelais, with one foot in the Middle Ages and one in the Renaissance. His chief work was The Ship of Fools, which was published in 1494, went into six editions during his lifetime, and was translated into several other European languages, including Latin.13 It is a rambling, staccato, planless collection of short character-sketches, describing and denouncing the various types of fools in the world. Although numerous translations of epigrams from Latin verse-satirists and other poets show that Brant knew their subject-matter, he had not mastered their form.14 Even the idea of putting all the fools in one boat appears only towards the end, and is not carried through. The Ship of Fools reminds the reader of the huge catalogue-pictures by Pieter Brueghel, in which dozens and dozens of little figures and groups are engaged in playing different games or exemplifying different proverbs, all over the canvas, with no principle of unity except their one common genus and the four sides of the frame. But, as one can spend long hours looking at these pictures, so one can enjoy reading The Ship of Fools for its crisp and lifelike photographs of the manners of a distant age.
1509 年，苏格兰牧师亚历山大·巴克利 (Alexander Barclay) 将这首讽刺作品译成英文并改编成同名作品；斯克尔顿 (Skelton) 和其他人从中汲取了灵感；同样在 1509 年，伊拉斯谟创作了他优秀的拉丁讽刺作品《愚人颂》，其中包含一长串与布兰特所描述的愚人相似的情节，但用更强的核心计划将他们联系在一起，包括更多重要类型，并以更优雅、更机智的方式处理整个主题。由于伊拉斯谟用国际语言拉丁语创作了这部作品，因此它不在本书的讨论范围之内——这个想法肯定会让伊拉斯谟非常开心。
An English translation and adaptation of this satire, under the same name, was made in 1509 by a Scots priest, Alexander Barclay; Skelton and others took ideas from it; and, also in 1509, Erasmus wrote his fine Latin satire, The Praise of Folly, containing a long procession of fools like those described by Brant, but binding them together with a stronger central plan, including many more important types, and treating the whole subject with far more grace and wit. Because Erasmus wrote it in the international language, Latin, it falls outside the scope of this book—an idea which would have amused Erasmus greatly.
罗马风格的讽刺诗传到英国很晚，因为当时很少有人知道它的典范。托马斯·怀亚特爵士（1503-42 年）受阿拉曼尼的启发，写了三篇讽刺诗（在他死后出版），讽刺野心和宫廷生活的得不偿失以及退休后的回报。贺拉斯、珀耳修斯、在这些颇为不成熟但又轻松真诚的诗歌中，尤维纳尔和阿拉曼尼的风格融为一体，没有一丝浮夸或迂腐。15不久之后，乔治·加斯科因出版了《钢铁玻璃》，这是第一部英国无韵诗讽刺作品——一篇对各种罪恶和愚蠢行为的长篇大论，其中同样缺乏古典影响和形式感。16突然之间，就在卡苏朋发表他的权威论文之前，一小群年轻的英国人开始创作彻底的当代讽刺诗，他们受到罗马讽刺文学的启发。他们的主要榜样是一个像他们一样古怪的年轻人——珀耳修斯——但和他一样，他们也从贺拉斯那里吸取了很多东西；其中一人认识并追随尤维纳尔。现在最著名的是约翰·多恩，他在 1593 年写了三部怪诞扭曲、讽刺挖苦的讽刺作品，几年后又写了其他几部。还有约瑟夫·霍尔——据他自己称，他是英国第一位讽刺作家——他出版了六本名为《维吉德米亚鲁姆》的书，三本于 1597 年出版，是模仿贺拉斯和珀耳修斯的“无牙讽刺作品”，三本于 1598 年出版，是模仿尤维纳尔的“尖刻讽刺作品”，与他的作品有许多共鸣。这些都是很好的诗，只不过由于年轻时过度的苦涩而变得有些尖锐，但很久以后，弥尔顿等人都认为有必要对此进行斥责。17约翰·马斯顿的《恶行的惩罚》（1598 年）对霍尔等人的攻击更为激烈。但 1599 年 6 月，坎特伯雷大主教下令“此后不得再印刷任何讽刺作品或警句”；由此结束了现代英国讽刺文学的第一个时期。18
Verse satire in the Roman style reached England rather late, because the models were little known. Sir Thomas Wyat (1503–42) was moved by Alamanni’s example to write three satires (published after his death) on the thanklessness of ambition and court life and the rewards of retirement. Reminiscences from Horace, Persius, Juvenal, and Alamanni are blended, without any trace of ostentation or pedantry, in these rather immature, but easy and sincere, poems.15 Not long afterwards, George Gascoigne published The Steel Glass, the first English blank-verse satire—a long tirade against many varieties of vice and folly, from which classical influence and the sense of form are equally absent.16 Then suddenly, just before Casaubon published his definitive essay, a small group of young Englishmen began to write thoroughly contemporary satiric poems, stimulated by their discovery of Roman satire. Their chief model was an eccentric youngster like themselves—Persius—but, like him, they also took much from Horace; and one of them knew and followed Juvenal. The most famous now is John Donne, who wrote three grotesquely warped and wry-mouthed satires in 1593 and several others a few years later. Then there was Joseph Hall—according to his own claim, the first satirist in English—who published six books called Virgidemiarum, three issued in 1597 being ‘toothless satires’ modelled on Horace and Persius, and three in 1598 ‘biting satires’ modelled on Juvenal, with many resounding echoes from his work. These are good poems, suffering only from a youthfully excessive bitterness which becomes a little shrill, but which long afterwards no less a man than Milton thought fit to reprimand.17 John Marston’s Scourge of Villainy (1598), an attack on Hall and others, was even more bitter. But in June 1599 the archbishop of Canterbury ordered that ‘no satires or epigrams be printed hereafter’; and so closed the first period of modern British satire.18
文艺复兴时期的法国曾爆发过几次激烈的讽刺文学。我们已经认识了法国最伟大的讽刺作家拉伯雷，并讨论了他对希腊罗马作家的影响。19宗教战争产生了两篇针对罗马天主教徒的谩骂，一篇有趣，一篇极其严肃，两篇都有效。第一篇是梅尼普讽刺诗，由亨利四世的一群支持者于 1594 年撰写，反对天主教联盟。该书的名称指的是散文和诗歌的混合，实际上是语言的混合：教皇使节会说拉丁语和意大利语。它的许多时事典故使其主要关注历史。20一部更出色的作品是1616 年出版的阿格里帕·德奥比涅的《悲剧》：这是一位非凡的天才成功地将讽刺精神提升到更高的层次，并将其与英雄主义相融合的尝试。以及史诗的神圣精神：这首诗太过崇高，以至于我们不能称其为真正的讽刺诗。
In France of the Renaissance there were several spirited outbreaks of the satiric spirit. We have already met the greatest French satirical writer, Rabelais, and discussed his debt to the Greco-Roman writers.19 The religious wars produced two invectives against the Roman Catholics, one amusing, one deadly solemn, both effective. The first was the Menippean Satire, written in 1594 by a group of supporters of Henri IV against the Catholic League. The name refers to the fact that it is a mixture of prose and verse, and indeed of languages: the papal legate speaks both Latin and Italian. Its many topical allusions make its interest mainly historical.20 A much finer work is Les Tragiques of Agrippa d’Aubigné, published in 1616: a successful attempt by a very remarkable genius to raise the satiric spirit higher and blend it with the heroic and divine spirit of epic: the poem is too lofty to allow us to call it a true satire.
法国第一位定期创作的诗歌讽刺作家是马图林·雷尼埃 (1573-1613)。21他本人也曾夸耀过这一点，这些话让我们想起了龙沙：
The first regular French verse-satirist was Mathurin Regnier (1573–1613).21 He himself, in phrases which remind us of Ronsard, boasts of it:
许多诗人曾踏足过这条大道，
但法国押韵诗人却从未涉足过；
我踏上这条大道，紧随贺拉斯之后，
追寻人类的各种幽默。22
This highway has felt many poets’ tread,
but by French rhymers is unvisited;
I enter it, following Horace close behind,
to trace the various humours of mankind.22
他是一位能力强、有趣的诗人，比同时代的多恩更擅长讽刺，更了解生活，幽默感十足。五种不同的兴趣相结合，丰富了他的作品，使其既反映了他的性格，也反映了他的教育，也反映了他的时代。23
He is a competent and interesting poet, much better at satire than his contemporary Donne, knowing more of life, and owning a sparkling sense of humour. Five different interests combine to enrich his work, making it reflect both his character, his education, and his era.23
最重要的是他对人性的了解：他是一位朝臣、一位旅行者，也是一位多才多艺的情人。他笔下的浮士德、无聊之徒和伪君子是莫里哀喜剧中的先驱人物。
Most important is his knowledge of human nature: he was a courtier, a traveller, and a versatile lover. His portraits, of fops bores, and hypocrites are predecessors of those in the comedies of Molière.
他的哲学是一种绅士自由主义，很像蒙田的哲学，但不太成熟，最终可以追溯到贺拉斯和伊壁鸠鲁学派。
His philosophy is a gentlemanly liberalism, rather like that of Montaigne, though less mature, and traceable ultimately to Horace and the Epicureans.
他熟知拉丁文学，尤其是讽刺文学：他引用拉丁文学，自由、不拘泥、自然地吸收拉丁文学的思想。谁能想到，当他抱怨“我在宫廷里找不到工作，因为
Latin literature, particularly satire, he knows well: he quotes from it and assimilates its ideas freely and unpedantically and naturally. Who could guess that, when he complains ‘I am unemployable at court, because
我不知道行星的运行轨迹；
我猜不到其他廷臣的秘密...’
I do not know the courses of the planets;
I cannot guess another courtier’s secrets …’
他正在翻译和改编《尤维纳尔》吗？24他的许多最生动的短语，例如
he is translating and adapting Juvenal?24 Many of his most vivid phrases, such as
他们是这个时代的宠儿，是白母鸡的儿子，
the darlings of their age, sons of the white hen,
都是毫不费力地借用过来的；而他的第三、第七、第八、第十二、第十三和第十五部讽刺作品的主要思想则取自罗马。25虽然他曾经称贺拉斯太谨慎，并表示他将追随自由的尤文纳尔，26他的性格，具有与生俱来的幽默感和友善，以及他的风格都更让人联想到贺拉斯；总体而言，他更多地引用了贺拉斯的话。
are just as effortlessly borrowed; while the main ideas of his third, seventh, eighth, twelfth, thirteenth, and fifteenth satires are taken from Rome.25 Although once he calls Horace too discreet, and says he will follow the free Juvenal,26 both his character, with its innate drollery and friendliness, and his style are much more reminiscent of Horace; and on the whole he quotes Horace more extensively.
他曾六次访问意大利，随行的是法国驻梵蒂冈代表乔伊斯枢机主教。显然他确实他并不比杜·贝莱更喜欢这部作品，但这部作品更能激发他的灵感。他对贝尔尼对令人厌恶的人和事的滑稽而生动的描述以及贝尔尼的追随者卡波拉利的作品印象深刻。他的第十部讽刺作品是对一顿可怕的晚餐的贝尔尼式描述，开头就像贺拉斯的糟糕晚餐，然后继续描述这样的细节：
He visited Italy six times, in the retinue of the cardinal de Joyeuse, French representative at the Vatican. Evidently he did not like it much better than Du Bellay, but it stimulated him more. He was very struck by Berni’s comically photographic descriptions of repulsive people and things, and by the work of Berni’s follower Caporali. His tenth satire is a Bernesque description of a frightful dinner, which begins by being like the bad meal in Horace, and then goes on to such details as this:
接下来，一大盘汤端了上来，
饥饿的苍蝇在汤里游来游去。二十七
Next, an enormous plate of soup arrives,
where famished flies are swimming for their lives.27
接下来是对当晚糟糕住宿环境的同样有趣的描述，其中遇见的一个人是一位老妇人，瘦得可怕，令人难以置信：
This is followed by an equally amusing description of a terrible lodging for the night, where one of the people he meets is an old woman fearfully, unbelievably thin:
因此，
我们可以透过她的骨骼，清楚地看到她内心
的想法是如何促使她说出所有话的。二十八
so that through her bones
we saw quite clearly right inside her head
how her ideas prompted all she said.28
他带着难以置信的恐惧详细描述了他在房间里发现的所有肮脏的东西，包括
And with incredulous horror he details all the squalid things he found in his room, including
从尸体嘴里取出的三颗牙齿，包裹在空白的羊皮纸里。二十九
three teeth from a corpse’s mouth, wrapped in blank parchment.29
最后，雷尼耶是一位真正的法国人，他对《爱》有着深刻的思考。他写的关于爱的诗比任何其他现代讽刺作家都多；他开辟了一条新路线，将他首先在拉丁爱情挽歌中发现的主题融入讽刺传统中。值得注意的是，《玫瑰传奇》第二部分的作者让·德·默恩也做了类似的创新，将拉丁讽刺诗的主题引入了一首关于理想爱情的诗中；事实上，雷尼耶借用了让·德·默恩的一些想法，因此，这些想法反过来又回到了讽刺诗的本源。三十
Lastly, Régnier was a true Frenchman, and thought a great deal about l’Amour. He wrote more about it than any other modern satirist; he struck out a new line by incorporating into the satiric tradition themes which he first found in Latin love-elegy. It is significant that Jean de Meun, the author of the second part of The Romance of the Rose, made a similar innovation by introducing themes from Latin satire into what was fundamentally a poem about ideal love; and in fact Regnier borrowed some of Jean de Meun’s ideas, which thus, at second hand, returned to their original home in satiric poetry.30
大部分优秀的巴洛克讽刺诗都是在古典传统中创作的，并吸收了古典传统之外的现代思想。法国的文化优势显而易见；但英国的道德和智力活力以及优越的热情也同样明显。
Most of the good baroque satires in verse were written within the classical tradition, enriched by ideas from modern sources outside it. The cultural predominance of France is obvious; but no less obvious is the moral and intellectual vigour, the superior gusto, of Britain.
雷尼埃之后，法国涌现出了许多讽刺作家。雷尼埃和他强大的继任者布瓦洛之间没有断层。像弗雷蒂埃和布瓦洛的哥哥吉尔斯这样的人，在整个十七世纪上半叶，都在以不懈的热情和过度的暴力创作讽刺作品。但最伟大的讽刺诗人是尼古拉斯·布瓦洛，又名德斯普雷奥，他的讽刺作品以贺拉斯和尤维纳利斯的作品为原型（主要强调前者），大多发表于 1657 年至 1667 年之间。后来出现了一些类似贺拉斯风格的书信和三部较大的讽刺作品；他最杰出的成就是他的《贺拉斯诗艺》和他关于教会争论的模仿英雄的诗《讲台》（均于 1674 年完成）；但他以早期的讽刺作品而闻名，从未超越它们。
After Régnier there came many satirists in France. There was no gap between Regnier and his formidable successor Boileau. Men like Furetiere and Boileau’s own elder brother Gilles were writing satire with unremitting zest and, if anything, with excessive violence, through the first half of the seventeenth century. But the greatest of all was Nicolas Boileau, called Despréaux, whose satires, modelled closely on those of Horace and Juvenal (with the main emphasis on the former), were mostly published between 1657 and 1667. Some epistles in the manner of Horace and three larger satires appeared later; and his most considerable achievement was his Horatian Art of Poetry and his mock-heroic poem on an ecclesiastical dispute, The Lectern (both 1674); but he made his reputation by his earlier satires, and never surpassed them.
德莱顿在中年之前，迅速创作出了许多讽刺作品，使他跻身世界最佳讽刺作品之列。《押沙龙与阿奇托菲尔》（第一部分）于 1681 年 11 月问世；第二部分（主要由纳胡姆·泰特创作）一年后问世；《奖章》于 1682 年 3 月出版，《麦克弗莱克诺》于 1682 年 10 月出版。此后，他不再写直接的讽刺作品；但在他人的帮助下，他创作了《尤维纳尔》（1693 年）的最佳英文版，31以一篇写得很好且富有启发性的序言为首，该序言主要基于卡苏朋的论文。巴洛克讽刺作家与罗马讽刺作家之间的关系非常密切，以至于现代人不仅模仿和改编，而且经常翻译他们的典范。然而，德莱顿的讽刺诗比通常的巴洛克讽刺诗创作得更快，处理的是特殊主题，而且比布瓦洛和蒲柏的讽刺诗更具原创性。
Dryden was middle-aged before, in quick succession, he produced the satires that place him high among the world’s best. Absalom and Achitophel (part 1) appeared in November 1681; part 2 (mostly by Nahum Tate) a year later; The Medal was published in March 1682 and MacFlecknoe in October 1682. Thereafter he wrote no more straight satire; but, with some assistance, he did produce the best English version of Juvenal (1693),31 headed by a well-written and instructive preface based mainly on Casaubon’s essay. The relation between the baroque satirists and the Roman satirists was so close that the moderns not only imitated and adapted but often translated their models. However, Dryden’s satiric poems were more quickly produced than the usual baroque satire, dealt with exceptional subjects, and were more original than those of Boileau and Pope.
（a）《押沙龙》、《阿奇托弗尔》和《麦克弗莱克诺》都是模仿史诗，以可识别的人物作为模仿英雄。这是新的。模仿英雄的情节确实出现在罗马讽刺作品中，但它们只有几十行——只有一个例外，即尤维纳尔对图密善就一个荒谬而琐碎的话题举行的帝国会议的描述，以适合荷马或维吉尔英雄的宏大措辞来描述。32但德莱顿所知道的古典文学中，没有一部如此规模的模仿史诗，涉及像押沙龙这样的政治罪犯或像麦克弗莱克诺这样的笨蛋。德莱顿本人告诉院长洛克尔，他受益于塔索尼的《被劫掠的水桶》和布瓦洛的《讲台》。可以毫不夸张地推测，他之所以被史诗的力量所吸引，无论是严肃的还是喜剧的，都是因为他几年前试图改编成歌剧：弥尔顿的《失乐园》。
(a) Absalom and Achitophel and MacFlecknoe are mock epics, with identifiable characters as their mock heroes. This is new. Mock-heroic episodes do occur in Roman satire, but they are only a few dozen lines long—with one exception, Juvenal’s description of an imperial council held by Domitian on a ridiculously trivial subject, related in grandiose terms appropriate to Homeric or Vergilian heroes.32 But there is no mock epic on this scale in classical literature known to Dryden which deals with political criminals like Absalom or dunces like MacFlecknoe. Dryden himself told Dean Lockier he was indebted to Tassoni’s Ravished Bucket and Boileau’s Lectern. It may not be extravagant to conjecture that he had been attracted to the powers of epic, serious or comic, by that which he had tried, some years before, to turn into an opera: Milton’s Paradise Lost.
（b）古典讽刺诗，特别是尤维纳利斯的诗，包含许多人物素描；但没有一个像德莱顿的讽刺诗那样独立和完整，紧随其后的是蒲柏绘制的更尖锐、尽管不那么大胆的肖像。这些人物素描的来源很复杂。首先，它们是由德莱顿自己创作的，他了解并且不喜欢他的主题。在文学传统中，它们可以追溯到中世纪晚期的幽默，以及文艺复兴时期作家（例如蒙田）对心理学的兴趣。在讽刺作品中，这样的人物画像既出现在多恩的作品中，也出现在巴特勒的《哈迪布拉斯》中；在心理论文中，它们在巴洛克时代得到了完美的体现，如厄尔的《微观世界志》（1628 年）和拉布吕耶尔的《人物》（1688 年）——它们本身基于亚里士多德的学生泰奥弗拉斯托斯的作品。也许这些是英语讽刺作品对世界文学的最大贡献。在其他古代或现代语言中，没有什么能像德莱顿的奥格和蒲柏的斯波鲁斯（画中的泥土之子）那样散发着恶臭和刺痛。
(b) Classical satire, particularly the poems of Juvenal, contains a number of character-sketches; but none so independent and full as those in Dryden’s satires, which were followed by the more sharply incised, if less bold, portraits drawn by Pope. The ancestry of these character-sketches is complex. To begin with, they were created by Dryden himself, who knew and disliked his subjects. In literary tradition they go back to the humours of the late Middle Ages, and to the interest in psychology shown by the writers of the Renaissance (e.g. Montaigne). In satire, such character-portraits appear both in Donne and in Butler’s Hudibras; in psychological essays, they are beautifully exemplified in the baroque age by Earle’s Microcosmographie (1628) and La Bruyère’s Characters (1688)—themselves based on the work of Aristotle’s pupil Theophrastus. Perhaps these are the greatest contribution of English satire to the literature of the world. There is nothing in other languages, ancient or modern, like Dryden’s Og and Pope’s Sporus, the painted child of dirt, that stinks and stings.
亚历山大·蒲柏 (Alexander Pope) 创作了最优美的模仿英雄讽刺作品，也是最早的洛可可风格诗歌之一，即《夺发记》(1712 年)。这比布瓦洛的《讲台》晚了四十年。蒲柏的《夺发记》受到了奥泽尔 (Ozell) 翻译的《被抢劫的水桶》的启发。33他的《群愚记》是一部篇幅较大、更为粗糙的模仿史诗，改编自德莱顿的著作，由斯威夫特于 1728 年出版；34以及1730 年以后不同时期的《模仿贺拉斯》35与布瓦洛一样，蒲柏也创作了许多较为温和的说教书信，以及探讨文学和人生原则的诗篇。
Alexander Pope produced the prettiest of all mock-heroic satires, and one of the earliest of rococo poems, in The Rape of the Lock (1712)—forty years after Boileau’s Lectern, which, with hints from Ozell’s translation of The Ravished Bucket, had inspired it.33 His Dunciad, a larger and coarser mockepic, out of Dryden by Swift, appeared in 1728;34 and the Imitations of Horace at various times from 1730 on.35 Like Boileau, Pope also produced a number of milder didactic Epistles, as well as poetic Essays on the principles of literature and life.
十八世纪中叶，塞缪尔·约翰逊创作了两部出色的模仿尤维纳尔的作品：1738 年创作的《伦敦》改编自尤维纳尔的都市讽刺作品 3，1749 年创作的《人类愿望的虚荣》改编自尤维纳尔的 10。36前者，出版商付给他十几尼；后者，出版商付给他十五几尼。
Samuel Johnson’s two fine imitations of Juvenal appeared towards the middle of the eighteenth century: London, adapted from Juvenal’s megapolitan satire 3, in 1738, and The Vanity of Human Wishes, built on Juvenal 10, in 1749.36 His publisher paid him ten guineas for the former, and, for the latter, fifteen.
随着这个时代结束，一位意大利人创作了最精彩的讽刺作品之一。它完整地描述了一位意大利年轻花花公子的日常生活，对每个细节都极为准确，并且对无用的绅士阶层表现出一种恶毒的敬畏和钦佩。这就是朱塞佩·帕里尼 (1729—1799) 的《白天》，这是一首社会革命诗。第一部分《早晨》于 1763 年出版，第二部分《中午》于 1765 年出版，其他部分在他死后出版。帕里尼博览群书，出版了不少出色的古典颂歌，但他的名声还是靠这部杰出的讽刺作品打响的。它与罗马讽刺作品的关系尚未得到充分研究，但它似乎受到了尤维纳尔对客户一天生活的简短按时间顺序的记述，以及珀尔修斯对一位懒惰的年轻贵族的讽刺性言论的启发。37这灵感并没有削弱它的震撼力和本质的原创性，这使它与伟大的现实主义者克拉布和荷加斯的作品处于同一水平。
As the era closed, an Italian produced one of its finest satires. It was a complete description of the daily routine of a young Italian dandy, done with cruelly accurate attention to every detail and a venomous pretence of awe and admiration for the useless gentry. This was The Day, by Giuseppe Parini (1729—99), a social revolutionary poem if ever there was one. Part 1, Morning, came out in 1763, part 2, Midday, in 1765, and the others after his death. Parini was well read in the classics, and published a number of competent classicizing odes, but his reputation depends on this remarkable satire. Its relation to the Roman satires has not yet been fully examined; but it appears to have been inspired by Juvenal’s brief chronological account of a day in the client’s life and by Persius’ ironical address to a lazy young nobleman.37 This inspiration does not lessen its striking force and essential originality, which put it on the same level as the work of those great realists Crabbe and Hogarth.
布瓦洛、德莱顿、蒲柏和其他巴洛克讽刺作家被普遍称为“古典”讽刺诗人，是罗马人的继承者。人们认为，他们的弱点和优点很大程度上都源于他们模仿罗马模式。这是一个危险的半真半假的说法。他们的作品与罗马讽刺作家的作品差异很大，两者之间的关系与巴洛克悲剧作家和希腊罗马悲剧之间的关系基本相同。这在他们的诗歌的几个方面都很明显。
Boileau, Dryden, Pope, and other baroque satirists are universally known as ‘classical’ satiric poets, heirs of the Romans. It is held that both their weaknesses and their virtues derive largely from the fact that they imitated Roman models. This is a dangerous half-truth. The differences between their work and that of the Roman satirists are very considerable, and the relation between the two is substantially the same as that between the baroque tragedians and Greco-Roman tragedy. This is apparent in several aspects of their poetry.
首先，以韵律为例。所有罗马讽刺诗作家都使用大胆、自由的六音步诗体写作，这种诗体的范围之广，除了英语无韵诗最充分的发展之外，是任何其他诗体都无法比拟的。他们几乎可以用它做任何事情，从滑稽的轻松对话到持续而高调的朗诵。但巴洛克时代的讽刺诗作家（帕里尼除外）使用停顿对句写作——这种诗体能够表达出极度的细腻和机智，但完全无法达到广泛的情感范围或丰富的效果。因此，与他们的古典模式相比，巴洛克讽刺作家在媒介选择上受到了严重限制。
First, take metre. All the Roman verse-satirists write in a bold, free-running hexameter, which has a range unequalled by that of any other metre except perhaps English blank verse at its fullest development. They can make it do almost everything from comical light conversation to sustained and lofty declamation. But the verse satirists of the baroque age (except Parini) write in the stopped couplet—a metre capable of great delicacy and wit, but quite unable to attain a wide range of emotion, or a copious variety of effects. Compared with their classical models, therefore, the baroque satirists are severely limited in their choice of medium.
罗马人确实在某些诗歌中使用对句，其目的与讽刺相差不远：尤其是用于谩骂警句。尤维纳尔的朋友马夏尔将韵律和诗类发展得近乎完美。但这类诗歌比真正的讽刺诗范围要狭窄得多，讽刺诗应该总是能够沦为粗俗的闹剧，爆发出精湛的音效，或上升到傲慢而阴郁的悲观主义。停顿对句与拉丁挽歌对句有许多共同之处，其使用可能部分受到奥维德、普罗佩提乌斯和马夏尔的例子的认可，他们在 17 和 18 世纪很流行。但诗人们自己有时也感觉到它的局限性。布瓦洛抱怨说，他最困难的任务是处理过渡。38他用对句思考，并骑着飞马在马衔上。
The Romans did use couplets for certain poems which had a purpose not far removed from satire: notably for invective epigram. Juvenal’s friend Martial developed the metre and the genus almost to perfection. But such poems have a much more constricted field than that of satire proper, which ought always to be able to sink to coarse farce, to burst out into virtuoso sound-effects, or to rise to proud and sombre pessimism. The stopped couplet has so much in common with the Latin elegiac couplet that its use was probably authorized in part by the example of Ovid, Propertius, and Martial, who were popular in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the poets themselves sometimes felt its limitations. Boileau complained that his most difficult task was managing the transitions.38 He thought in couplets, and rode Pegasus on the snaffle.
停顿对句的另一个尴尬之处在于，它不可避免地会让使用者过度沉迷于某些思维安排。它的逻辑模式是一对天平。第一行中的陈述与第二行中的陈述完全平衡：这两个是连在一起的，第二个句子通过押韵而深入人心。然后在每一行中都有一个停顿，它或多或少地将单行分成两半：在法语亚历山大体中分成精确的两半。结果是，第 1 行和第 2 行之间的对立，以及每行两半中表达的思想之间的对立，比任何其他风格和逻辑模式都使用得更多——以至于“要点”几乎成为对立的同义词，讽刺成为寻找压倒性或刺穿性对立对比的艺术。这是蒲柏：
Another awkwardness of the stopped couplet is that it inevitably makes its users over-indulge in certain arrangements of thought. Its logical pattern is a pair of balances. The statement made in line 1 is exactly balanced by the statement made in line 2: the two are linked and the second is driven home by the rhyme. Then within each line there is a caesura, which more or less divides the single line into halves: into precise halves in the French alexandrine. The result of this is that antithesis between line 1 and line 2, and antithesis between the ideas expressed in the halves of each single line, are used far more than any other stylistic and logical pattern—so much so that ‘point’ becomes almost synonymous with antithesis, and satire becomes the art of finding crushing or piercing antithetical contrasts. Here is Pope:
他一碰，牛就立刻变成果冻，
大野猪也缩成了瓮；
他把似是而非的奇迹装进木板，
把野兔变成云雀，把鸽子变成蟾蜍。三十九
Beeves, at his touch, at once to jelly turn,
And the huge boar is shrunk into an urn:
The board with specious miracles he loads,
Turns hares to larks, and pigeons into toads.39
以下是 Boileau 的话：
Here again is Boileau:
这是一种动物，他的儿子默默无闻，
在冬天里征服了它。
Mais on ne la voit point d'une humeur inconstante,
Paresseuse au printemps, en hiver diligente,
Affronter en plein champ lesfueurs de Janvier,
Ou demeurer oisive au retour du Bélier.
Mais l'homme，sans arrêt，dans sa course insensée，
Voltige incessamment de pensée en pensée：
Son coeur，toujours flottant entre mille embarras，
Nesait ni ce qu'il veut ni ce qu'il ne veut pas。
今天是令人憎恶的一天，是一个令人厌恶的日子。40
Cet animal, tapi dans son obscurité,
Jouit l’hiver des biens conquis durant l’été.
Mais on ne la voit point d’une humeur inconstante,
Paresseuse au printemps, en hiver diligente,
Affronter en plein champ les fureurs de Janvier,
Ou demeurer oisive au retour du Bélier.
Mais l’homme, sans arrêt, dans sa course insensée,
Voltige incessamment de pensée en pensée:
Son coeur, toujours flottant entre mille embarras,
Ne sait ni ce qu’il veut ni ce qu’il ne veut pas.
Ce qu’un jour il abhorre, en l’autre il le souhaite.40
以下是约翰·德莱顿 (John Dryden) 的精彩言论：
And here is vigorous John Dryden:
从此，这个阴谋开始了，这个国家的祸害，
本身就很坏，但代表着更坏的东西；
在极端情况下被提出，在极端情况下被谴责；
誓言被肯定，临终誓言被否定；
没有被大众衡量或筛选；
而是被大众吞噬，未经咀嚼和粗暴。
有些真理是存在的，但却被谎言粉碎和酿造，
以取悦愚人并迷惑所有智者。41
From hence began that Plot, the nation’s curse,
Bad in itself, but represented worse;
Raised in extremes, and in extremes decried;
With oaths affirmed, with dying vows denied;
Not weighed or winnowed by the multitude;
But swallowed in the mass, unchewed and crude.
Some truth there was, but dashed and brewed with lies,
To please the fools and puzzle all the wise.41
一副对句的两半并非对立的，它们往往由重复的陈述组成。只要诗句受到如此严格和单调的控制，它就无法再现人类思想和情感的多样性、活力和灵活性。
Where the two halves of a couplet are not antithetical, they are too often composed of a statement redoubled into a tautology. As long as verse is subject to such strict and monotonous control it cannot reproduce the full variety, energy, and flexibility of human thought and emotion.
转向词汇问题。罗马讽刺作家并不回避“低俗词汇”。相反，他们使用的词汇在拉丁文学中无处不在，只有在普通人俚语的实际回响中、在私人信件中、在墙上潦草的铭文中、在诅咒和笑话中才会出现。他们的词汇量确实非常大，非常多样化：它充满了出乎意料的魅力，即使令人震惊，也会引起人们的兴趣。在巴洛克讽刺作家中，布瓦洛拒绝这样做。他不会使用粗俗的词语。事实上，他可能认为使用“兔子”和“锤子”这样的普通词语是在大胆地生动表达。在他的《诗歌艺术》中，在调查了拉丁讽刺作家和他的前辈雷尼埃之后，他得出结论，雷尼埃和罗马人的语言都太自由了。
Turn to the question of vocabulary. The Roman satirists did not shrink from ‘low words’. On the contrary, they all used words which can be found nowhere else in Latin literature, only in actual echoes of the slangy talk of the common people, in private letters, in inscriptions scrawled on walls, in curses and jokes. Their vocabulary is very large indeed, very varied: it is full of the charm of the unexpected, it interests even when it shocks. Among the baroque satirists, Boileau refused to do this. He would not use a vulgar word. Indeed, he probably thought that by using ordinary words like ‘rabbit’ and ‘hammer’ he was being daringly vivid. In his Art of Poetry, after surveying the Latin satirists and his predecessor Regnier, he concluded that both Regnier and the Romans were too free with their language.
Le latin dans les motsbrave l'honnêteté,
Mais le le lecteur français veut être respecté;
Du moindre sens impur la liberté l'outrage,
Si la pudeur des mots n'en adoucit l'image。四十二
Le latin dans les mots brave l’honnêteté,
Mais le lecteur français veut être respecté;
Du moindre sens impur la liberté l’outrage,
Si la pudeur des mots n’en adoucit l’image.42
将这种优雅与布瓦洛对喜剧的态度进行比较是有意义的：他说，如果莫里哀不是那么“人民的朋友”，将彬彬有礼的泰伦斯与滑稽的塔巴兰融合在一起，他本应成为最伟大的喜剧演员。43值得注意的是，通过厌恶地看待罗马讽刺作家的粗俗词汇并在自己的实践中避开它，他实际上是默认了现代人在书籍之战中使用的论点 4：他同意古人是粗俗的。44同样地，虽然他对巴黎恐怖的描述是以尤维纳利斯对罗马恐怖的描述的为蓝本，但他却淡化了整个画面：他没有逐字逐句地描述醉汉的侮辱，而只是提到“两个走狗互相辱骂”和强盗喊着“你的钱包！”四十五
It is significant to compare this refinement with Boileau’s attitude to comedy: he said that Molière would have been the greatest of comedians if he had not been so much ‘a friend of the people’, blending the polite Terence with the farcical Tabarin.43 And it is worth observing that, by looking with distaste at the vulgar vocabulary of the Roman satirists and shunning it in his own practice, he is in fact making a tacit admission of argument 4 used by the moderns in the Battle of the Books: he is agreeing that the ancients are vulgar.44 Similarly, although his picture of the horrors of Paris is modelled on Juvenal’s description of the horrors of Rome, he tones the whole picture down: instead of giving a drunkard’s insults verbatim, he merely mentions ‘two lackeys abusing each other’ and bandits shouting ‘Your purse!’45
然而，德莱顿和蒲柏（部分受斯威夫特的影响）都使用了一些低俗的词汇，而且非常有力和有效。德莱顿称奥格
Dryden, however, and (partly under Swift’s influence) Pope, both used a certain number of low words with great vigour and effectiveness. Dryden calls Og
那是一团巨大的、恶臭的、腐败的物质，
就像所有的魔鬼喷吐出来的一样。四十六
A monstrous mass of foul corrupted matter,
As all the devils had spewed to make the batter.46
蒲柏先生则更加文雅，实际上，他的粗俗之语也变得悦耳动听：
Mr. Pope is more refined, and actually makes his vulgarities melodious:
然而让我扇动这只长着镀金翅膀的虫子，
这只涂满污垢、散发着恶臭和刺痛的孩子。四十七
Yet let me flap this bug with gilded wings,
This painted child of dirt, that stinks and stings.47
然而，巴洛克时期的所有“古典”讽刺作家都避免使用古罗马讽刺作家喜欢的古怪、新词、韵律和语言技巧，而这些技巧在现代被巴特勒和拜伦等讽刺作家所培养。德莱顿和蒲柏的作品中确实有音效，布瓦洛的作品中偶尔也有，但这种情况很少见，而且没有什么比这句诗（众多诗句中的一句）更能打动人心的了，在这句诗中，珀修斯重现了灵魂沉入泥沼中发出的潺潺声，就像但丁地狱里的忧郁一样：
However, all the ‘classical’ satirists of the baroque period avoided the oddities, the neologisms, the metrical and verbal tricks which the Roman satirists enjoyed, and which were cultivated in modern times by satirists like Butler and Byron. Sound-effects do occur in Dryden and Pope, and occasionally in Boileau, but they are rare, and there is nothing so effective as the line (one among many such) in which Persius reproduces the bubbling sound made by a soul sunk, like the melancholy in Dante’s hell, deep in the mud:
demersus summa rursus 在unda 中不是废话。四十八
demersus summa rursus non bullit in unda.48
巴洛克诗歌词汇的限制不仅使讽刺作家过于礼貌。有时，他们强迫巴洛克讽刺作品抽象化，而不是具体和真实，从而使其变得乏味。通过将许多模仿的段落与罗马原作进行比较，可以看出这一点。在布瓦洛最长、最现实的讽刺作品中，即第十部关于女性的讽刺作品中，他警告丈夫要等到妻子卸妆后再做决定：
It is not only that the baroque limitations on the vocabulary of poetry made the satirists too polite. Sometimes they made baroque satire dull, by compelling it to be abstract instead of concrete and real. This can be seen by comparing the many imitative passages with their Roman originals. In Boileau’s largest and most realistic satire, the tenth, on women, he warns the husband to wait until his wife takes off her makeup:
Dans sachambre，crois-moi，n'entre point tout le jour。
卢克雷丝 (Lucrèce) 参加巡演时，
出席了，谨慎的玛丽，在小号上
度过了美好的夜晚，在盥洗室
上涂抹了四件化妆品，将美丽的
玫瑰献给了她。49
Dans sa chambre, crois-moi, n’entre point tout le jour.
Si tu veux posséder ta Lucrèce à ton tour,
Attends, discret mari, que la belle en cornette
Le soir ait étalé son teint sur la toilette,
Et dans quatre mouchoirs, de sa beauté salis,
Envoie au blanchisseur ses roses et ses lis.49
这里最低音的词是cornette、blanchisseur、salis和臭名昭著的mouchair。但是请听 Juvenal 对同一主题的看法，在 Boileau 改编的段落中：
Here the lowest words are cornette, blanchisseur, salis, and the infamous mouchair. But listen to Juvenal on the same subject, in the passage which Boileau is adapting:
与此同时，一幕又丑又滑稽的画面，她的脸上
鼓起面包，或冒着波帕
奶油的蒸汽，弄脏了她可怜丈夫的嘴唇。
（她会把它们擦干净，去拜访她的通奸者。）
告诉我，那个东西，上面涂满了
药物，上面覆盖着一团团潮湿的
新烤面团——那是一张脸，还是一个溃疡？50
Meanwhile, a foul and funny show, her face
bulges with bread, or steams with fat Poppaean
creams, that smear the lips of her poor husband.
(She’ll clean them off to visit her adulterer.)
Tell me, that thing, so overlaid and dosed
with drugs and medicines, covered with lumps of moist
newly baked dough—is that a face, or an ulcer?50
与这种可怕的生动性形成对比的是布瓦洛的抽象和礼貌：动词étaler、salir、envoyer与bulge、steam、smear、dose；名词teint、toilette、beauté、roses、lis与bread、dough、lumps、ulcer！这种保留一次又一次地毁掉了现代讽刺，尤其是法国的讽刺。Juvenal说
With this fearful vividness, contrast Boileau’s abstractions and politenesses: the verbs étaler, salir, envoyer with bulge, steam, smear, dose; the nouns teint, toilette, beauté, roses, lis with bread, dough, lumps, ulcer! Again and again this reserve ruins modern satire, particularly that of the French. Juvenal says
这个罪犯上了绞刑架，
This criminal gains the gallows, that a crown,
L'un est justicié, l'autre aura recompence。51
L’un est justicié, l’autre aura recompence.51
在这种必然是残酷现实主义诗歌类型的词汇的人为限制中，布瓦洛和其他巴洛克讽刺作家可能是“古典主义者”，但他们并没有效仿罗马人的例子。
In this artificial limitation of the vocabulary of what must be a brutally realistic type of poetry, Boileau and other baroque satirists may have been ‘classicists’, but they were not following the example of the Romans.
最后，让我们来看一下巴洛克讽刺作品的主题。德莱顿只写了少数几篇，主题相当有限，也比较特殊。雷尼尔写了更多，但他的领域仍然不广泛。布瓦洛是一位职业讽刺作家，但他的主题并不涵盖整个生活，甚至巴黎社会，他对傻瓜和恶棍的攻击也不包括他同时代的许多人物。他可能选择的主题令人着迷。我们怎么能不为蒙特斯潘和曼特农为争夺路易十四的爱而进行的模仿英雄式的描述而感到高兴呢——就像埃阿斯和赫克托尔争夺帕特洛克勒斯的尸体一样！或者为孔代举办的晚宴的描述，厨师瓦泰尔因为鱼迟到而自杀；或者，与其写一篇抽象的反耶稣会论文《模棱两可》，不如写一篇52对一位耶稣会高级官员日常生活的真实记录；或是一部宫廷讽刺作品，将柯尔伯特和卢瓦描绘成为法国灵魂而战的善与恶的精灵；或是一部讽刺国王及其贵族的建筑狂热的作品，结尾处将凡尔赛宫描述为比天堂本身还要宏伟，让全能者羡慕不已：
Consider, lastly, the subject-matter of the baroque satires. Dryden wrote only a few, on rather limited and special subjects. Regnier wrote more, but still his field was not broad. Boileau was a professional satirist; yet his themes do not cover the whole of life or even of Parisian society, nor do his attacks on fools and knaves include very many of his contemporaries. The subjects he might have chosen are fascinating to think of. What would we not give for a mock-heroic description of the contest for Louis XIV’s love, between Montespan and Maintenon—like Ajax and Hector fighting over the body of Patroclus! or an account of the dinner given by Conde, where the chef Vatel killed himself because the fish was late in arriving; or, instead of the abstract disquisition against Jesuitry called Equivocation,52 a factual account of a day in the life of a high Jesuit official; or a court-satire, showing Colbert and Louvois as good and evil spirits fighting for the soul of France; or a satire on the building-mania of the king and his nobles, ending with a description of Versailles as being grander than heaven itself and making the Almighty envious:
愿凡尔赛宫的光环
在天空中绽放，向路易致敬！
et bientôt le bon Dieu lui-même aura bâti
sa Versailles au ciel, pour imiter Louis!
将布瓦洛的有限范围与上一代拉伯雷和奥比涅的绝对无畏形成对比，或者与他同时代的圣西门的冷酷无情形成对比。只有蒲柏更有勇气，生活在一个更自由的国家，并且是斯威夫特的朋友，他像伟大的罗马人一样肆无忌惮地抨击；甚至蒲柏也感染了抽象道德化的疾病，这种疾病战胜了布瓦洛，麻痹了他最初尖刻的智慧。53
Contrast the limited range of Boileau with the absolute fearlessness of Rabelais and d’Aubigné in an earlier generation; or with the ruthlessness of his own contemporary Saint-Simon. Only Pope, who had more courage, who lived in a freer country, and who was a friend of Swift, lashed out as freely as the great Romans did; and even Pope became infected by the disease of abstract moralizing which overcame Boileau and paralysed his initially mordant wit.53
因此，除了蒲柏之外，巴洛克诗歌的主要讽刺作家风格狭隘，主题有限。他们错失机会；他们避免描述罪行和指名道姓；他们回避强烈的主题：正如蒲柏对艾迪生所说的那样，他们“愿意伤害，却又害怕打击”。54他们使用了极其狭窄的韵律方案，音域狭窄，诗歌和情感效果，以及过于平淡和抽象的词汇，无法处理相对较少的材料。这些局限性并不是他们模仿古典讽刺作家的直接结果，因为罗马讽刺作品更加大胆和丰富。它们是由两种相当复杂和困难的情况造成的。
So then, with the exception of Pope, the chief baroque verse satirists were narrow in style and limited in subject. They missed opportunities; they avoided describing crimes and naming criminals; they shrank from strong themes: as Pope said of Addison, they were ‘willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike’.54 They used a painfully constricted metrical scheme, a narrow gamut of poetic and emotional effects, and too often a tame and abstract vocabulary, to deal with a relatively small range of material. These limitations were not the direct result of their imitation of the classical satirists, since Roman satire is much bolder and richer. They were created by two rather complex and difficult situations.
第一个是文艺复兴时期的诗人，尤其是巴洛克时期的诗人，意识到希腊和罗马诗人为他们设定的标准非常高；这些高标准是通过惊人的微妙的诗体、挑剔的词语选择以及思想和情感的典型压缩来实现的。为了达到类似的标准，巴洛克诗人专注于形式的规则性和严谨性以及语言的纯粹性，并且经常（如讽刺诗）将这种规则性和纯粹性引入到对诗歌有害的文学形式中。
The first of these was the realization on the part of poets in the Renaissance, and still more, much more, in the baroque era, that the standards set for them by the poets of Greece and Rome were extremely high; and that those high standards were achieved by amazingly subtle versification, fastidious choice of words, and quintessential compression of both thought and emotion. In the effort to attain similar standards, the baroque poets concentrated on regularity and tightness of form and purity of language, and often (as in the case of satire) introduced that regularity and purity into literary forms where they were deleterious to the poetry.
第二个原因是巴洛克时期的贵族专制社会结构。这使得讽刺语言在英国很难发挥足够的力量，在法国更是不可能。这也使得讽刺作家攻击贵族是不明智的，而攻击君主则是不可能的。德莱顿于 1679 年被罗切斯特的暴徒殴打。伏尔泰于 1717 年被关进巴士底狱，1725 年被罗汉的暴徒殴打，一生大部分时间都在流放中度过。蒲柏多次受到威胁，也许只是因为他是个残疾人才救了他。布瓦洛在年轻时遭受了很多痛苦，从严酷的成长环境到 14 岁时痛苦的手术，他是一个胆小的人，
The second was the aristocratic and authoritarian structure of society in the baroque age. This made it difficult for the language of satire to be suitably forceful in England, and impossible in France. It also made it unwise for a satirist to attack the nobility and impossible for him to attack the monarch. Dryden was cudgelled by Rochester’s thugs in 1679. Voltaire was put in the Bastille in 1717, was cudgelled by Rohan’s thugs in 1725, and lived much of his life in the safety of exile. Pope was threatened several times, and perhaps only his being a cripple saved him. Boileau, who had suffered much in youth, from his harsh upbringing and from his painful operation at the age of fourteen, was a timid soul,
Assez faible de corps, assez doux de Visage。55
assez faible de corps, assez doux de visage.55
德莱顿在进入讽刺文学领域短暂成功后便放弃了讽刺文学，并将晚年的时间都用在了翻译上。布瓦洛也放弃了讽刺文学，花了很多年时间撰写路易十四的历史。
Dryden gave up satire after his brief triumphant excursion into the field, and spent the end of his life on translations. Boileau abandoned it too, and spent many years on writing a history of Louis XIV.
巴洛克艺术的形式感源自其试图模仿希腊罗马艺术的尊严和张力。巴洛克艺术的局限性是十七世纪社会独特特征的产物。大多数巴洛克君主的肖像画都显示他们戴着希腊桂冠、罗马盔甲和假发。罗马人也将他们的统治者描绘成神灵或装甲战士；但直到巴洛克时代，才发明并尊重卷曲、有角和染色的假发。
The formality of baroque art comes from its attempt to emulate the dignity and the tension of Greco-Roman art. The limitations of baroque art are products of the peculiar character of seventeenth-century society. Most portraits of baroque monarchs show them wearing the Greek laurel, Roman armour, and a wig. The Romans too portrayed their rulers as divinities or armoured warriors; but it took the baroque age to invent, and to respect, the curled, horned, and dyed periwig.
18
巴洛克散文
18
BAROQUE PROSE
十七、十八世纪被称为“散文时代”。当然，当时的散文在质量上（尽管可能不在数量上）优于西欧成千上万的业余和专业诗人所写的诗歌。认识到这一点，费内隆建议废除韵文。巴洛克散文优越的原因很简单，可能听起来过于简单化；但没有更好的解释。这是因为在当时的生活中，智力压倒了情感和想象，并控制着它们：散文是智力的语言。在这个时代，一本畅销的爱情小说以一张温柔之地的清晰地图开始；1书中，切斯特菲尔德勋爵一生只笑过两三次，而丰特奈尔从来没有笑过；年轻的爱德华·吉本被勒令放弃他的爱人，他“像情人一样叹息，但像儿子一样顺从”。
THE seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have been called ‘the age of prose’. Certainly the prose then written was superior in quality (although probably not in quantity) to the poetry produced by thousands of amateur and professional poets throughout western Europe. Recognizing this, Fénelon suggested that verse should be abolished. The reason for the superiority of baroque prose is plain, and may sound like an over-simplification; but no better has been suggested. It is that intellect predominated over emotion and imagination in the life of the time, and controlled them: prose is the language of the intellect. This is the age in which a best-selling love-romance began with a neat map of the Land of Tenderness;1 in which Lord Chesterfield laughed only twice or thrice in his life and Fontenelle never; in which young Edward Gibbon, ordered to give up his sweetheart, ‘sighed as a lover but obeyed as a son’.
我们讨论了巴洛克悲剧和巴洛克讽刺诗与它们所模仿的古典诗歌之间的关系，并努力表明它们实际上比它们的原型要有限得多。巴洛克时期的散文也模仿和效仿了希腊罗马散文，但限制更少、种类更多、成功更显著。首先，它的作者更熟悉他们要与之竞争的书籍；他们的读者也是如此。然后，这些原型往往是拉丁文而不是希腊文。希腊散文有许多美之处——灵活、微妙、精确、简洁，能够从普通的对话或逻辑分析上升到诗意的兴奋，而不会显得做作和紧张。但西欧语言的结构与拉丁语比希腊语更接近：因此，拉丁语为现代散文的形成提供了主要模型，这是很好的。
We have discussed the relation of baroque tragedy and baroque verse-satire to the classical poems they were emulating, and have endeavoured to show that they were in fact much more limited than their models. The prose of the baroque era also imitated and emulated Greco-Roman prose, but with fewer limitations, more variety, and more marked success. To begin with, its authors were more familiar with the books they set out to rival; and so were their audiences. Then the models were much more often Latin than Greek. Greek prose has many beauties—flexibility, subtlety, precision, brevity, and the power to rise from ordinary conversation or logical analysis to poetic excitement without the appearance of artificiality and strain. But the structure of western European languages is very much more closely akin to that of Latin than to Greek: it was well, therefore, that Latin provided the principal models on which modern prose was formed.
散文风格2
PROSE STYLE2
巴洛克时期有两种不同的散文风格流派。两者都转向古典模式寻求灵感，转向古典理论寻求权威。两者都在散文中得到延续十九世纪和二十世纪的散文流派；两者实际上都是在雅典、亚历山大帝国、罗马和早期基督教会中盛行的对立散文流派的再创造。欧洲散文史也许比任何其他文学艺术分支的历史更清楚地表明，除非当代文学被视为一种连续且永久充满活力的传统的一部分，否则它既无法被理解，也无法被实践。
There were two different schools of prose style in the baroque age. Both turned to classical models for inspiration and to classical theories for authority. Both were continued in the prose of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; and both were actually re-creations of rival schools of prose-writing which had flourished in Athens, in the empire of Alexander, in Rome, and in the early Christian church. The history of European prose demonstrates perhaps more clearly than that of any other branch of literary art that contemporary literature can be neither understood nor practised unless it is seen as part of a continuous and permanently vital tradition.
这些风格之一当然是建立在有史以来最伟大的散文大师——罗马人西塞罗（公元前106-43 年）的作品之上。他本人有多种风格——私人信件中的口语化、哲学和批判论文中的半正式对话以及演讲中各种各样的演说方式。但他最有力、最能体现他自己的风格是一种完整、华丽、华丽的话语，其中情感不断涌现，并不断受到高超的智力控制的约束和约束。
One of these styles was of course founded on the work of the greatest master of prose who ever wrote: the Roman Cicero (106-43 B.C.). He himself had a number of styles—colloquialism in his private letters, half-formal dialogue in his philosophical and critical treatises, and a tremendous variety of modes of oratory in his speeches. But the style in which he is most powerful and most fully himself is a full, ornate, magnificent utterance in which emotion constantly swells up and is constantly ordered and disciplined by superb intellectual control.
即便西塞罗是罗马最伟大的演说家，他的风格也受到了朋友和批评家的攻击。他们指出，这是雅典演说家伊索克拉底风格的发展，其严谨的对称性往往让人觉得很痛苦；伊索克拉底的技巧已被希腊演说家和小亚细亚修辞学派所吸收、发展和灌输，甚至充满了更加虚假的情绪化。他们称其为“亚洲风格”，并以“雅典风格”的简洁、简单、真诚为标准与之相对。3
Even while Cicero was reigning as the greatest orator in Rome, his style was attacked by his friends and critics. They pointed out that it was a development of the manner of the Athenian orator Isocrates, which in its careful symmetry is often painfully affected; and that the tricks of Isocrates had been taken over and elaborated and pumped full of even more artificial emotionalism by the Greek orators and rhetorical schools of Asia Minor. They called it ‘Asiatic’, and set up against it their standard of ‘Attic’ brevity, simplicity, sincerity.3
西塞罗死后，罗马的作家和演说家意识到，他们无法再进一步阐述他那平衡的、夸张的、典型的风格，于是转向了雅典主义的理想。句子现在变得简短。小节简短，节奏经常不连贯。连接词被删除，平衡被避免；思想内容变得更加密集；西塞罗把他的段落构建成一个声音的高潮，而早期帝国的作家们则忽视了和谐，培养警句的才华，喜欢悖论而不是高潮。这不是纯粹的雅典主义。雅典演说家和散文家的作品中几乎没有或根本没有类似的东西。但在短句、简单的词汇、明显的非正式性方面，它完全是雅典的：它不那么讨人喜欢的夸张是在帝国修辞学派和文学沙龙的激烈竞争中强行产生的。它最伟大的大师是塞涅卡（约公元前 4 年-公元65 年）；在他的侄子卢坎的诗歌中也可以看到一些痕迹，卢坎拒绝了维吉尔悦耳的和声，就像塞涅卡拒绝了西塞罗的管风琴音色一样。一代人之后，历史学家塔西佗（约公元55 年-约120 年）在同一学派中创立了一种更奇怪的风格，以精心设计的不对称惊喜为基础。在早期教父的著作中也出现了同样对比鲜明的学派——一派铿锵有力、复杂多变、对称流畅、内容丰富，另一派简洁有力、思想深刻、常常古怪，有时晦涩难懂。拉克坦提乌斯是基督徒的西塞罗，另一个学派的领袖是才华横溢的德尔图良。
After Cicero’s death the writers and orators of Rome, realizing that they could go no farther in elaborating his characteristic style of balanced orotundity, turned towards the ideals of Atticism. Sentences now became brief. Clauses were curt, often jolty in rhythm. Connectives were dropped, balance avoided; the thought content became denser; where Cicero built up his paragraphs to a crescendo of crashing sound, the writers of the early empire ignored harmony, cultivating epigrammatic brilliance and preferring paradox to climax. This was not pure Atticism. There was little or nothing like it in the work of the Athenian orators and prosateurs. But in its short sentences, its simple vocabulary, its apparent informality, it was quite Attic: its less likeable exaggerations were force-grown in the hot competition of the rhetorical schools and the literary salons of the empire. Its greatest master was Seneca (c. 4 B.C.–A.D. 65); and something of it can be seen in the poetry of his nephew Lucan, who turned away from Vergil’s mellifluous harmonies as Seneca had turned away from Cicero’s organ-tones. A generation later the historian Tacitus (c. A.D. 55– c. 120) worked out an even stranger style, within the same school, based on the calculated surprises of asymmetry. And in the writings of the early church fathers the same contrasting schools appeared—one sonorous and complex, symmetrical and smooth and richly nourished, the other brief, vigorous, thought-loaded, often eccentric, sometimes obscure. Lactantius was the Christian Cicero, and the other school was headed by the brilliant Tertullian.
随着文艺复兴的开始，西塞罗文风的惊人力量和灵活性再次得到认可。几乎所有主题的拉丁散文作家都模仿了这种风格。几个世纪以来，欧洲各国的外交活动不仅依靠西塞罗的语言，而且依靠他演讲中精确的词汇、词序和节奏。学者们之间发生了长期而激烈的争论，他们认为西塞罗是不容置疑的“权威”，现代作家不能使用他作品中没有的拉丁语单词或结构；而更自由的学者则指出拉丁语仍然是一种活的语言，现代作家可以根据自己的需要对其进行扩展和修改。由于这是一场关于拉丁语使用的争论，因此不属于本书的讨论范围。但它与另一场争论密切相关。
With the beginning of the Renaissance, the amazing strength and flexibility of Cicero’s style was recognized once more. It was copied by writers of Latin prose on almost every subject. For centuries the diplomacy of the European chanceries was carried on not only in the language, but in the precise vocabulary, and word-order, and cadences of Cicero’s speeches. There was a long and fierce dispute between scholars who held that Cicero was an unchallengeable ‘authority’ and that no modern writer could use Latin words or constructions not found in his works, and those, more liberal, who pointed out that Latin was still a living language which modern authors could expand and alter to their own needs. Since this was a dispute about the use of the Latin language, it does not come within the scope of our book. But it was closely connected with another dispute which does.
许多白话文作家认为，那种“大呼小叫”的说话和写作风格是假的。毫无疑问，所有风格都是人为的；但他们认为散文至少应该给人一种自然的感觉。因此，他们抛弃了西塞罗和他所发展的大部分手法，选择了塞涅卡和塔西佗作为现代散文的典范。他们中的一些人追溯到更早的德摩斯梯尼和柏拉图。他们所有人的目标都是个性化，避免形式主义。他们以塞涅卡的道德散文和塔西佗的历史为典范——在较小程度上，德摩斯梯尼的更直白的演讲和柏拉图的更平静的对话——创作了大多数现代散文和人物素描的散文，一些伟大的现代布道文就是用这种散文写成的。
Many writers in the vernacular languages felt that the ‘big bow-wow’ style of speaking and writing was bogus. All style is artificial, no doubt; but they held that prose should at least give the appearance of being natural. They therefore turned away from Cicero and most of the devices he had developed, and, as models for modern prose, picked Seneca and Tacitus. Some of them went farther back, to Demosthenes and Plato. The aim of them all was to be personal, to avoid formalism. On the models of Seneca’s moral essays and Tacitus’ histories—and, to a much smaller extent, Demosthenes’ plainer speeches and Plato’s quieter dialogues—they created the prose of most modern essays and character-sketches, the prose in which some great modern sermons have been written.
Of this second style the chief masters were:
弗朗西斯·培根（1561-1626）
Francis Bacon (1561–1626)
托马斯·布朗爵士（1605-82）
Sir Thomas Browne (1605–82)
罗伯特·伯顿， 《忧郁的解剖学》作者
（1577-1640）
Robert Burton, author of The Anatomy of Melancholy
(1577–1640)
让·德拉布鲁耶尔 (1645–96)
Jean de La Bruyere (1645–96)
约翰·弥尔顿（1608–74）
John Milton (1608–74)
米歇尔·德·蒙田 (1533–92)
Michel de Montaigne (1533–92)
布莱斯·帕斯卡（1623-62）。
Blaise Pascal (1623–62).
该流派的散文又细分为两种类型 - 一种是松散型，其中短小的从句通过轻松、非正式的连接构成较大的句子和段落，几乎没有对称性；另一种是简洁型，其中根本没有任何连接，一个又一个的想法在形成时就从作者的脑海中消失了。4读者提供链接。
The prose of this school has again been subdivided into two types—the loose manner, in which short clauses are built up into larger sentences and paragraphs by light and informal connexions, with little symmetry; and the curt manner, where there are no connexions whatever, and thought after thought is dropped from the writer’s mind as it is formed.4 The reader supplies the links.
这是伯顿的《忧郁的解剖学》中关于松散方式的一个美丽例子。5伯顿正在谈论建造空中楼阁的危险和乐趣，以及沉迷其中的人如何养成这种习惯：
Here is a beautiful example of the loose manner, from Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy.5 Burton is talking about the dangers and delights of building castles in the air, and how the habit grows on those who indulge in it:
“这些玩具起初是如此令人愉快，他们可以整天整夜不睡觉，甚至整年独自沉浸在这种沉思和奇异的冥想中，就像做梦一样，他们几乎不会从中抽身，也不会心甘情愿地打断它们，它们的虚荣心是如此令人愉快，以至于妨碍了它们的日常工作和必要的事务，它们无法专注于这些工作，几乎无法专注于任何学习或工作，这些奇异而迷人的想法如此隐蔽地、如此感性地、如此迫切地、如此不断地出现，潜入、暗示、占有、征服、分散和拘留它们，我说，它们不能去做它们更必要的事情，不能阻止或解脱自己，而是一直在沉思、忧郁和随波逐流，就像（他们说）一个人在晚上被一只冰球牵着在荒野周围转悠，它们在这种焦虑和忧虑的忧郁冥想的迷宫中认真奔跑，不能很好地或心甘情愿地克制自己，也不能轻易停止，蜿蜒曲折并像许多时钟一样放松自己，仍然取悦他们的心情，直到最后，场景突然被一些不好的事物所改变，而他们现在已经习惯了这种徒劳的冥想和孤独的地方，无法忍受任何陪伴，只能反复思考严酷和令人厌恶的话题。'
‘So delightsome these toys are at first, they could spend whole days and nights without sleep, even whole years alone in such contemplations, and fantastical meditations, which are like unto dreams, and they will hardly be drawn from them, or willingly interrupt, so pleasant their vain conceits are, that they hinder their ordinary tasks and necessary business, they cannot address themselves to them, or almost to any study or employment, these fantastical and bewitching thoughts so covertly, so feelingly, so urgently, so continually set upon, creep in, insinuate, possess, overcome, distract, and detain them, they cannot, I say, go about their more necessary business, stave off or extricate themselves, but are ever musing, melancholizing, and carried along, as he (they say) that is led round about a heath with a Puck in the night, they run earnestly on in this labyrinth of anxious and solicitous melancholy meditations, and cannot well or willingly refrain, or easily leave off, winding and unwinding themselves, as so many clocks, and still pleasing their humours, until at last the scene is turned upon a sudden, by some bad object, and they being now habituated to such vain meditations and solitary places, can endure no company, can ruminate of nothing but harsh and distasteful subjects.’
这是一种风格，不是用来说话的，而是用来阅读和孤独沉思的：它给人一种偷听伯顿——或者忧郁症患者的真实想法，它们漫无目的，相互生长，越来越错综复杂地融入自己的世界。现代的继承者是马塞尔·普鲁斯特的深刻沉思、华丽动人的风格。
It is a style, not for speaking, but for reading and lonely brooding: it gives the impression of overhearing Burton’s—or the melancholiac’s—actual thoughts as they ramble on and grow out of one another and become ever more intricately involved in a world of their own. Its modern descendant is the profoundly meditative, luxuriantly evocative style of Marcel Proust.
简短的方式更加简洁，更加激烈：
The curt manner is more pithy, more drastic:
“在全世界的大蚁丘中，我是一只蚂蚁；我为创造贡献一份力量，我是一个生物；但其中有卑微的生物。上帝离我更近；在人类和人类所造就的那片巨大的粘土和红土地上，我是一块泥土；我是一个人，我为人类贡献一份力量；但人类比再次灭绝还要糟糕。”6
‘In the great Ant-hill of the whole world, I am an Ant; I have my part in the Creation, I am a Creature; But there are ignoble Creatures. God comes nearer; In the great field of clay, of red earth, that man was made of, and mankind, I am a clod; I am a man, I have my part in the Humanity; But Man was worse than annihilated again.’6
然而，大多数反西塞罗主义的作者根据他们所讨论的主题，相当自由地从一种风格转换到另一种风格，有些人并不反对偶尔使用西塞罗主义的修辞手法，只要他们能回到坚实的基础上。
However, most of the anti-Ciceronian authors passed fairly freely from one of these manners to the other, according to their subject-matter, and some were not averse to an occasional flight of Ciceronian rhetoric, provided they could return to firm ground after it.
这种风格有两种发展，一种是“松散的”，一种是“简洁的”，这不仅是一种词语排列方法，也是一种思维方式，具有强烈的道德和政治含义。西塞罗风格是教会、大学、耶稣会、外交部和正统派的风格，而塞内加和塔西佗的风格则与非正统派甚至放荡主义有关。这是斯多葛派塞内加的声音，他勇敢独立，只服从上帝的意志，是一位被暴君逼死的哲学家。这是塔西佗的声音，塔西佗是一位愤世嫉俗的历史学家，他通过描述暴政来谴责暴政，他的书经常被用来掩盖马基雅维利主义的政治理论。7帕斯卡反对耶稣会士的出色信件部分模仿了爱比克泰德的斯多葛学派论述，在这些论述中，思想就像一位运动员，脱光衣服，准备比赛。十七个世纪前，一位斯多葛学派的学生反对西塞罗，主张文风简朴，反对凯撒，主张公民权利：他就是布鲁图斯，共和国的捍卫者。
This style, in its two developments, ‘loose’ and ‘curt’, was not only a method of arranging words. It was a way of thinking. It carried with it some potent moral and political implications. Since Ciceronian style was that of the church, of the universities, of the Jesuits, of the foreign offices, and of orthodoxy generally, this Senecan and Tacitean manner was associated with unorthodoxy and even libertinism. It was the voice of Seneca the Stoic, boldly independent and subject to God’s will alone, the philosopher who was driven to death by a tyrant. It was the voice of Tacitus, the bitter historian who denounced tyranny by describing it, whose books were often made a cloak for the exposition of Machiavellian political theory.7 Pascal’s brilliant letters against the Jesuits were partially modelled on the Stoic discourses of Epictetus, in which thought appears, like an athlete, stripped and ready for the contest. Seventeen centuries earlier a pupil of the Stoics had upheld simplicity of style against Cicero, and the rights of the citizen against Caesar: he was Brutus, the champion of the republic.
这是 17 世纪大多数伟大散文作家使用的风格。到了 18 世纪，它的怪异之处逐渐被消除，故意的不对称也不再被提倡：它开始呈现出礼貌的半正式对话的语气；随着时间的推移，它融入了 18 世纪轻松散文的谦逊、直截了当、优雅的简单性。
This was the style used by most of the great seventeenth-century prose writers. With the eighteenth century its eccentricities were planed down, and its wilful asymmetries discouraged: it began to assume the tone of polite semi-formal conversation; in time, it merged into the unassuming, straightforward, graceful simplicity of light eighteenth-century prose.
与此同时，另一种风格正在形成，即在白话文中完美呼应了西塞罗的风格。这种风格因语言、作者和主题的不同而不同，但它本质上仍然是西塞罗式的，以至于人们往往更容易在一页纸中发现罗马韵律，而不是分辨出哪位巴洛克风格作家写了这一页。这一领域最伟大的名字有：
Meanwhile another style had been building up, a perfect echo of Cicero in vernacular prose. Varying from one language to another, varying also between authors and between subjects, it still was so fundamentally Ciceronian that it is often easier to detect the Roman cadences in a page of it than to tell which of the baroque stylists wrote the page. The greatest names in this field are:
约瑟夫·艾迪生（1672–1719）
Joseph Addison (1672–1719)
让·路易·古兹·德·巴尔扎克 (1597–1654)
Jean-Louis Guez de Balzac (1597–1654)
雅克·贝尼涅·博须埃 (1627–1704)
Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627–1704)
路易斯·布尔达卢（1632–1704）
Louis Bourdaloue (1632–1704)
埃德蒙·伯克（1729-97）
Edmund Burke (1729–97)
弗朗索瓦·德·萨利尼亚克·德·拉莫特-费内隆 (1651–1715)
François de Salignac de La Mothe-Fénelon (1651–1715)
爱德华·吉本（1737-94）
Edward Gibbon (1737–94)
塞缪尔·约翰逊（1709-84）
Samuel Johnson (1709–84)
乔纳森·斯威夫特（1667-1745）。
Jonathan Swift (1667–1745).
他们都是受过高等教育的人。正如约翰逊对希腊语的评价，“学习就像花边：每个人都会尽可能多地学习。”他们中的一些人讨厌他们就读的学校——比如吉本；或者讨厌教他们的人——比如伏尔泰；一些人，比如艾迪生，热爱大学；一些人因为纪律性差而表现不佳，比如伯克和斯威夫特；但他们都在大型图书馆里（可怜的约翰逊在他父亲的书店里）安静地独自思考和阅读，通常足以在他们二十岁之前形成他们的思想。
They were all highly educated men. As Johnson said of Greek, ‘Learning is like lace: every man gets as much of it as he can.’ Some of them hated the institution to which they went—like Gibbon; or the people who taught them—like Voltaire; some, like Addison, loved the univeisity; some did badly at it through bad discipline, like Burke and Swift; but all did a great deal of quiet solitary thinking and reading in large libraries (poor Johnson in his father’s bookshop), usually enough to form their minds before they were twenty years of age.
最明显的好处是，无论是西塞罗派还是反西塞罗派的巴洛克作家都从阅读古典文学中获益匪浅。这是从希腊罗马文学中汲取的丰富多彩的富有想象力和智慧的材料。他们所有的作品都充满了这种材料。他们无法将这种材料排除在外，他们也不会将这种材料排除在外：就像现在受过良好教育的人不会选择隐藏自己对艺术和音乐的了解一样。这种材料将他们所有人联系在一起，无论他们是像布朗和伯克那样被时间分开，还是像博须埃和吉本那样被国家和宗教分开。他们似乎都属于一个有文化的人的社会。有时，他们在这个社会中的成员身份似乎排除了我们这些不懂希腊语和拉丁语的人。这可能是这些作家如今被忽视的原因之一，因为我们宁愿读吉本的传记，而不是他的历史。然而，这给他们的作品增添了许多美感，大量高尚而有力的典故、回忆和对比，是现代文学中无法找到令人满意的替代品；丰富的想象力抵消了他们冷静的理性风格；客观性使他们脱离了当下，从而使他们永垂不朽。
The most obvious benefit derived from their classical reading is shared by both schools of baroque writers, Ciceronians and antiCiceronians alike. This is a rich variety of imaginative and intellectual material derived from Greco-Roman literature. All the works of all of them are full of it. They could not keep it out. They would not keep it out: any more than a well-educated man nowadays would choose to suppress his knowledge of art and music. It makes a bond between them all, whether they are separated by time, like Browne and Burke, or by country and religion, like Bossuet and Gibbon. They seem to belong to a single society of cultured men. Sometimes their membership in that society appears to exclude those of us who know no Greek and Latin. That may be one reason for the comparative neglect of these authors nowadays, when we would rather read a biography of Gibbon than his history. Yet it gave their writings much beauty, a fund of noble and powerful allusions, memories, and comparisons for which no satisfactory modern substitute has been found, a richness of imagination which offsets their cool rational style, and an impersonality which, by taking them out of their immediate present, helps to make them immortal.
巴洛克散文与文艺复兴时期的诗歌一样，充满了古典典故。有时，这些典故直接与历史相似。1792 年，下议院讨论英国对俄罗斯的政策时，提到了第聂伯河河口的奥恰科夫镇。它被认为是君士坦丁堡的钥匙，但很少有辩论者听说过它。当演讲者提到德摩斯提尼的第四篇《腓力比书》时，整个战略形势立刻变得清晰起来，引用了德摩斯提尼告诉雅典人，他们几乎不知道名字的北方城镇是腓力进入希腊征服希腊的钥匙。8那些了解马其顿征服希腊城邦的故事的人更容易意识到拿破仑贪得无厌的侵略行为的危险——因为近代欧洲历史上没有类似的事例。德国学者尼布尔最早的作品是第一部《腓力四世》的匿名译本，于 1805 年在汉堡出版，其中献给沙皇，并明确将拿破仑与马其顿的腓力进行了比较：这部作品就像小皮特的德摩斯梯尼式演讲一样，在巴洛克时代与现代的演讲和政治情绪之间架起了一座桥梁。9当伯克弹劾沃伦·黑斯廷斯在印度的不当统治时，他模仿了西塞罗成功起诉罗马西西里腐败总督维勒斯的做法；整个宫廷都知道这一点。当伏尔泰想发表他自己非正统的自然神论宗教观点时，他以梅米乌斯写给西塞罗的信函的形式写成，这些信函“由梵蒂冈海军上将谢列梅托夫发现，伏尔泰从俄文翻译过来”；10当可怜的卡拉斯被判处酷刑、轮刑和活活烧死时，作为废除死刑和法律改革运动的领袖，伏尔泰谴责了他那个时代的暴政，并称罗马法庭“公开听取证人证词，被告可以亲自或通过律师回答和盘问他们。这是一种高尚、慷慨的制度，值得宽宏大量的罗马人采用。在我们这里，一切都是秘密进行的。”11最后一个例如。1775 年 3 月，伯克情绪激动地谈到现代历史上最重要的事件——英国与北美英国殖民地之间的政治纽带即将解体。他研究了三种处理殖民者投诉的可能方法。一个建议是封锁他们。伯克警告众议院，这不会消除投诉的原因，他们的不满会随着他们的痛苦而增加；他以尤维纳尔对暴虐的罗马总督的警告中的一句令人敬畏的警句作为结尾：
Baroque prose was as full of classical allusions as the poetry of the Renaissance. Sometimes these were direct historical parallels. When the House of Commons was discussing British policy towards Russia, in 1792, the town of Ochakov at the mouth of the Dnieper was mentioned. It was regarded as the key to Constantinople, but few of the debaters had ever heard of it. The whole strategic situation was at once made clear when the speaker referred to Demosthenes’ fourth Philippic, citing the paragraph in which Demosthenes told the Athenians that the northern towns whose names they scarcely knew were the keys by which Philip would enter Greece to conquer it.8 The danger of Napoleon’s insatiable aggressions was much more easily realized by those who knew the story of the Macedonian conqueror of the Greek states—for there was no parallel in recent European history. The earliest work of the German scholar Niebuhr was an anonymous translation of the first Philippic, published in Hamburg in 1805, with a dedication to the Tsar and an explicit comparison of Napoleon to Philip of Macedon: a work which, like the Demosthenic speeches of the younger Pitt, formed a bridge between the baroque age and the oratory and political sentiments of modern times.9 When Burke impeached Warren Hastings for misgovernment in India he modelled his attack on Cicero’s successful prosecution of Verres, the corrupt Roman governor of Sicily; and the whole court knew it. When Voltaire wished to publish his own unorthodox deistic views on religion, he wrote them in the form of letters from Memmius to Cicero, ‘found by Admiral Sheremetof in the Vatican, and translated from the Russian rendering by Voltaire’;10 and when poor Calas was condemned to be tortured, broken on the wheel, and burnt alive, Voltaire, at the head of the movement for annulment and legal reform, denounced the tyranny of his own age as compared with the Roman courts, where ‘the witnesses were heard in public, face to face with the accused, who could answer and cross-examine them either personally or through his counsel. That was a noble, generous system, worthy of the magnanimous Romans. Among us, everything is done in secret.’11 One last example. In March 1775 Burke was speaking with great emotion on the most important event in modern history—the impending dissolution of the political bond between Britain and the British colonies in North America. He examined three possible methods of dealing with the complaints of the colonists. One suggestion was to blockade them. Burke warned the House that this would not remove the cause of complaint, and that their discontent would increase with their misery; and he ended with a formidable epigram from Juvenal’s warning to a tyrannous Roman governor:
尽管身无分文，他们仍然拥有武器。12
Beggared, they still have weapons.12
议院中所有有思想的人都认可这句话并明白其含义。
All thoughtful men in the House recognized the phrase and saw its implications.
间接引用比直接引用更为常见。在一位伟大作家的笔下，在一位杰出演说家的口中，这样的引用可以像史诗中的引语一样，13给主题增添了额外的和意想不到的优雅，可以将散文话语的情感强化为诗歌情感。托马斯·布朗爵士讨论了睡眠期间嗅觉迟钝的医学和心理学事实，他说睡眠者“即使在埃及艳后的床上，也几乎无法高兴地唤起玫瑰的幽灵”，这不仅令人难忘，而且美丽。14小皮特受父亲的教育，父亲让他朗读和朗读希腊和拉丁经典的段落。他之所以能掌握丰富的语言和丰富的想象力，很大程度上要归功于这一点。在他关于废除奴隶贸易的伟大演讲结束时，甚至他的对手也像听一个受了启发的人一样听他讲话。辩论持续了一整夜，朝阳的光芒照进了下议院，这时他用一段精彩的文字结束了演讲，为非洲土著人带来了更光明的一天，这段文字来自维吉尔的精彩引文：
Indirect allusions were even commoner than direct parallels. Under the pen of a great writer, in the mouth of a brilliant speaker, such references can, like quotations in epic,13 give an additional and unexpected grace to the subject, can intensify the emotion of prose discourse into that of poetry. Sir Thomas Browne, discussing the medical and psychological fact that the sense of smell is dull during sleep, makes it not only memorable but beautiful by saying that the sleeper, ‘though in the bed of Cleopatra, can hardly with any delight raise up the ghost of a rose’.14 The younger Pitt was trained by his father, who caused him to translate aloud, and at sight, passages from the Greek and Latin classics. It was largely to this that he owed his immense command of language and his fertile imagery. During the peroration of his great speech on the abolition of the slave-trade, even his opponents listened to him as to a man inspired. The debate had lasted all through the night, and the rays of the rising sun were streaming into the House of Commons, when he closed a splendid passage on the coming dawn of a brighter day for the natives of Africa, with the fine quotation from Vergil:
清晨的曙光和喘息的马儿向我们袭来：
红色的夜晚为它们点亮了晚灯。15
On us breathes early dawn with panting horses:
for them red evening kindles her late lamps.15
几乎无需指出，所有这些作家都是通过接触罗马和希腊的伟大思想而受到启发的。即使他们没有直接引用经典，他们也因对永恒的意识而变得更加伟大。在写出他最精彩的布道之前，博须埃曾经阅读过最好的古典诗歌，为了将自己的思想提升到最高尚的境界；在准备撰写玛丽·特蕾莎王后的葬礼布道时，他独自一人关起来，连续几个小时只读荷马的作品。16
It is scarcely necessary to point out how all these writers were stimulated by contact with the great minds of Rome and Greece. Even when they did not quote the classics directly, they grew greater by their consciousness of eternity. Before writing his finest sermons Bossuet used to read the best of classical poetry, in order to raise his thoughts to the highest attainable pitch of nobility; and, preparing himself to compose the funeral sermon on Queen Marie-Thérèse, he shut himself up alone, and for many hours read nothing but Homer.16
除此之外，西塞罗派作家都使用了许多源自拉丁文和希腊文的文体手法，只是程度不同。这些手法通过他们的作品，现在已经融入了大多数现代语言。他们的目的是给人一种控制权力的印象。他们选择通过使他们的散文铿锵有力、内容丰富、最重要的是对称来做到这一点。
Besides this, the Ciceronian writers all used, in very various degrees, a number of stylistic devices derived from Latin and Greek prose, which through their work have now become naturalized in most modern languages. Their aim was to produce an impression of controlled power. They chose to do this by making their prose sonorous; rich; and, most important, symmetrical.
为了达到响亮的效果，他们使用直接来自拉丁语的长词，而不是来自盎格鲁-撒克逊语或通过古法语平滑的短词。例如，博须埃将圣母称为chair angélisée（这句话直接取自特土良）；他是第一个使用apprehensif这个词的人，也是第一个写出régime、sapience、locution 的人之一。17塞缪尔·约翰逊对沉重的拉丁名词、形容词和动词的偏爱是众所周知的：二分法、等重法、眩晕法、擦除法、连接法、易怒法，以及他最喜欢的拖延法。18博斯韦尔说，他实际上是用简单的撒克逊语思考的，然后翻译成拉丁语，或者更确切地说是约翰逊语。他说， “《排演》没有足够的智慧来保持它的甜蜜”；然后，停顿了一下，“它没有足够的活力来防止它腐烂。”19戈德史密斯嘲笑这一点，他说如果约翰逊要写一篇关于小鱼的寓言，他会让它们像鲸鱼一样说话。然而，应该记住，很少有巴洛克散文家从拉丁语中引入许多新词。相反，他们删掉了许多文艺复兴时期的人尝试性地引入的词。他们真正做的是将自己的品味运用到已经作为实验引入的词上，并选择和归化我们现在使用的词。约翰逊的错误在于将如此多的拉丁语派生词和沉重的知识内容紧密地放在一起，却没有给耳朵或大脑带来缓解。
To achieve sonority they used long words derived directly from Latin, rather than short ones derived from Anglo-Saxon or smoothed down by passage through Old French. Bossuet, for instance, speaks of the Virgin as chair angélisée (a phrase taken straight out of Tertullian); he is the first to use the word apprehensif, and one of the first to write régime, sapience, locution.17 Samuel Johnson’s predilection for ponderous Latin nouns, adjectives, and verbs is well known: bipartition, equiponderant, vertiginous, expunge, concatenation, irascibility, and his favourite, procrastination.18 Boswell observed that he actually thought in simple Saxon terms, and then translated into Latin, or rather into Johnsonese. ‘The Rehearsal’, he said, ‘has not wit enough to keep it sweet’; and then, after a pause, ‘it has not vitality enough to preserve it from putrefaction.’19 This was what Goldsmith laughed at when he said that if Johnson were to write a fable about little fishes he would make them talk like whales. It should be remembered, however, that few of the baroque prose-writers introduced many new words from Latin. On the contrary, they cut many out which had been tentatively brought in by the men of the Renaissance. What they really did was to apply their taste to those already introduced as experiments, and to select and naturalize those which we now use. Johnson’s mistake was to use so many words of Latin derivation and heavy intellectual content closely together without relief to the ear or the mind.
这个错误不是法国的散文家犯的。巴尔扎克是法国巴洛克风格的主要创始人之一，他严厉反对一切使法语不清晰和谐的词语：地方性表达、古语、新词和拉丁语——并非所有拉丁语词源，而是那些在敏感的耳朵里听起来奇怪、沉重、迂腐、不完整归化。20凭借如此细致的辨别，他和其他人打造出了精美、犀利、闪闪发光的法语散文，这是人类有史以来创造的最好的思想工具之一。
This mistake was not made by the French prosateurs. Balzac, chief of the founders of French baroque style, set his face sternly against every kind of word that kept French from being clear and harmonious: provincial expressions, archaisms, neologisms, and latinisms—not all words of Latin derivation, but those which, to a sensitive ear, sounded strange, heavy, pedantic, incompletely naturalized.20 By such careful discernment he and others forged the fine, sharp, glittering steel of French prose, one of the best tools of thought ever created by man.
然而，散文不仅仅是一种工具，它也可以是一种乐器。在巴洛克时期，文字技巧最娴熟、最不单调、最微妙的音乐家是布朗，他通过将简单的盎格鲁-撒克逊语与罗马的管风琴音调文字融合在一起，产生了最精致的效果：
Yet prose is not only a tool. It can also be an instrument of music. The most skilful, least monotonous, and subtlest of the baroque musicians in words was Browne, who produced his finest effects by blending simple Anglo-Saxonisms with organ-toned words from Rome:
“我们这一代人注定要活在当下，天意让我们摆脱了这种幻想；我们不得不展望未来，自然而然地想到了来世，我们无法拒绝考虑那段漫长岁月，正是那段岁月让金字塔变成了雪柱，让所有过去的事情都变成了瞬间……。墓碑上记载的真相不到四十年。一代代过去，树木屹立，而古老的家族也不过三棵橡树而已。”21
‘We whose generations are ordained in this setting part of time, are providentially taken off from such imaginations; and, being necessitated to eye the remaining particle of futurity, are naturally constituted unto thoughts of the next world, and cannot excusably decline the consideration of that duration, which maketh pyramids pillars of snow, and all that’s past a moment… . Gravestones tell truth scarce forty years. Generations pass while some trees stand, and old families last not three oaks.’21
为了丰富内容，巴洛克散文家主要培养重复——要么使用同义词，即重复意义，要么使用同音词，即重复声音。这种风格中，两三句同义词是明显的标志和特征：
For the sake of richness the baroque prose-writers chiefly cultivated repetition—either the use of synonyms, which is repetition of meaning, or the use of homophones, which is repetition of sound. Of this style, synonyms in twos and threes are a sure mark and unmistakable characteristic:
“支持、协助和保卫”；22
‘supporting, assisting, and defending’;22
“刻意地、悄悄地走向坟墓”；23
‘deliberate and creeping progress unto the grave’;23
世界的美好； Vertu trompeuse et falsifiee； qui n'a que la mine et l'apparence'；24
‘la vertu du monde; vertu trompeuse et falsifiee; qui n’a que la mine et l’apparence’;24
“联邦的纽带和纽带，每一项成文法令的支柱和支撑”；二十五
‘the bonds and ligaments of the commonwealth, the pillars and the sustainers of every written statute’;25
“de donner (aux maux) un grand cours, et de leur faire une ouverture big et spacieuse”；二十六
‘de donner (aux maux) un grand cours, et de leur faire une ouverture large et spacieuse’;26
“读书不是为了反驳和驳斥；不是为了相信和想当然；不是为了寻找谈话和论述；而是为了权衡和考虑”。二十七
‘read not to contradict and confute; nor to believe and take for granted; nor to find talk and discourse; but to weigh and consider’.27
同音词更难管理，但通常非常强大：
Homophones are more difficult to manage, but often very powerful:
“我们被压垮了，我们被吞噬了，无法挽回，无法挽回，无法挽救，无法补救”；二十八
‘we are weighed down, we are swallowed up, irreparably, irrevocably, irrecoverably, irremediably’;28
“散文具备你最欣赏的两种优点，即措辞和虚构”；二十九
‘prose admits of the two excellences you most admire, diction and fiction’;29
一个著名的现代例子：
and a famous modern example:
“民有、民治、民享”的政府。三十
‘government of the people, by the people, for the people’.30
这种手法的一个有效变体是西塞罗，他运用得最为出色，大多数现代演说家都从他那里学到了这种手法，即在连续的句子中，在相同的位置重复相同的单词或短语，以强调思想。例如：
An effective variation of this device, practised by none more magnificently than by Cicero, and learnt from him by most modern orators, is anaphora—repetition of the same word or phrase in the same position in successive clauses, hammering the idea home. Thus:
'Ce n'est là que le favorite de notre misere, mais prenez garde,
‘Ce n’est là que le fond de notre misere, mais prenez garde,
发声
en voici le comble
说出过失
en voici l’excès
神童之声和阿布斯之声
en voici le prodige en voici l’abus
说出恶意
en voici la malignité
说出令人憎恶的话
en voici l’abomination
等等，si ce terme ne suffit pas，
et, si ce terme ne suffit pas,
en voici, pour m'exprimer avec le propte, l'abomination de la desolation.'31
en voici, pour m’exprimer avec le prophete, l’abomination de la desolation.’31
巴洛克散文作家最崇高的成就是对称。对称不一定意味着 1 = 1 平衡，尽管它可以意味着平衡。巴洛克式大教堂的结构中心有一个巨大的圆顶，是对称的。在散文中和其他地方一样，对称意味着各部分的比例与其在总体结构中的重要性相称。西塞罗是这门艺术的大师，他可以在一场长篇演讲中延续这门艺术，在整个演讲中平衡句子中的从句、段落中的句子、章节中的段落以及各个章节之间的相互影响。这不是一种外在的技巧。它的本质是逻辑；正是在巴洛克时代，通过对西塞罗演讲的研究，主要的演讲者充分认识到将每个主题划分为大的、容易区分的、容易关联的方面，然后将这些方面细分为较小的主题以单独处理的必要性。没有受过教育的人发表的糟糕演讲通常都做不到这一点。例如，阿道夫·希特勒对此知之甚少，他从来没有写过一篇好的演讲稿，除非他在开始演讲之前偶然想到了一个好的框架想法；尽管他的演讲充满感情，但他的大多数演讲（公开和私人的）都是漫无边际的，难以消化。另一方面，耶稣会演说家特别擅长划分艺术，即逻辑分析，这是他们训练的重点。一个很好的例子是乔伊斯的《一个青年艺术家的肖像》中的第二次静修布道，32但任何耶稣会布道都会表明这一点。在他的布道《论神的国度》，布尔达卢说，神的国度是
The noblest achievement of the baroque writers of prose is symmetry. Symmetry does not necessarily mean 1 = 1 balance, although it can mean that. A baroque cathedral, with a single great dome in the centre of its structure, is symmetrical. In prose as elsewhere, symmetry means a balanced proportion of parts corresponding to their importance in the general structure. Cicero was such a master of this art that he could extend it all through a long speech, balancing clauses in a sentence, sentences in a paragraph, paragraphs in a section, and sections one against another throughout the entire oration. This is not an external trick. The essence of it is logic; and it was during the baroque age, from the study of Cicero’s oratory, that the leading speakers became fully familiar with the necessity for dividing each subject into large, easily distinguished, easily correlated aspects, and then subdividing those aspects into smaller topics to be handled separately. Bad speeches by uneducated men usually fail in this. Adolf Hitler, for example, had very little idea of it, and never wrote a good speech except when he happened to hit on a good idea for a framework before beginning; but emotional as they were, most of his speeches (public and private) were rambling and ill digested. Jesuit orators, on the other hand, are particularly skilful in the art of division, or logical analysis, which is emphasized in their training. A good instance is the second retreat sermon in Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man,32 but any Jesuit sermon will show it. In his sermon On the Kingdom of God Bourdaloue says the kingdom of God is
1 像珍宝，被藏了起来；
2 像胜利，需要为之奋斗；
3 像奖赏，被储存起来；
1 like a treasure, hidden away;
2 like a victory, to be fought for;
3 like a reward, kept in store;
然后将每个部分细分为多个部分——例如，在第 2 部分中，必须首先战胜肉体，然后战胜魔鬼，然后战胜世界。33
and then subdivides each of these divisions—for instance, in 2, the victory must be won, first over the flesh, then over the Devil, then over the world.33
从较小的范围来看，句子和段落中最常见的对称方法是对比和高潮。这两种方法我们都熟悉，我们经常使用它们；但文艺复兴和巴洛克时期的作家从希腊罗马散文作家那里学到了它们，并为我们发展了它们。
On a smaller scale, the commonest methods of achieving symmetry in sentences and paragraphs are antithesis and climax. Both are familiar to us; we use them constantly; but it was the writers of the Renaissance and the baroque age who learnt them from the Greco-Roman prose authors, and developed them for us.
对立的范围可以从单个单词的对立一直到从句、句子和段落的对立。三十四
Antithesis can range all the way from the opposition of single words to the opposition of clauses, sentences, and paragraphs.34
“没有人是一座孤岛，可以自全；每个人都是大陆的一块，都是整体的一部分”；三十五
‘No man is an island, entire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main’;35
“Cette lumière esclaire la simplicité et la soumission du coeur, mais elle aveugle la vanité et l'eslévation de l'esprit”；三十六
‘Cette lumière esclaire la simplicité et la soumission du coeur, mais elle aveugle la vanité et l’eslévation de l’esprit’;36
（让医生为所有立法者提供服务的计划将）“打开一些现在紧闭的嘴巴，堵住更多现在张开的嘴巴；抑制年轻人的任性，纠正老年人的积极性，激励愚昧的人，抑制无礼的人”。三十七
(The plan of having doctors to attend all legislators would) ‘open a few mouths which are now closed, and close many more which are now open; curb the petulancy of the young, and correct the positiveness of the old, rouse the stupid, and damp the pert’.37
当然，巴洛克诗人，无论是戏剧诗人还是讽刺诗人，都充满了这种感觉：
Of course the baroque poets, both dramatic and satiric, are full of it:
用不痛不痒的赞扬来谴责，用彬彬有礼的冷笑来表示赞同，
并且，不带嘲笑，教会其他人嘲笑。三十八
Damn with faint praise, assent with civil leer,
And, without sneering, teach the rest to sneer.38
Climax 的意思是“阶梯”，是指通过对思想的各个方面进行分级描述，用平衡的单词、短语、句子或段落来扩大和提升一个思想，直至一个强有力的结尾。因此——
Climax, which means ‘ladder’, is the enlargement and elevation of one thought through a graded description of its various aspects, in balanced words, phrases, sentences, or paragraphs rising to a powerful termination. Thus—
“但是，各位大人，除了给我们的军队带来这些耻辱和伤害之外，还有谁敢
‘But, my Lords, who is the man that, in addition to these disgraces and mischiefs of our army, has dared
授权并将野蛮人的战斧和剥头皮刀与我们的武器联系起来？
to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?
号召森林里野蛮、非人的野人结成文明联盟？
to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman savage of the woods?
将有争议的权利的保卫工作委托给无情的印第安人？
to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights?
并对我们的兄弟发动野蛮的战争？’三十九
and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren?’39
以下是多恩博士对无神论者的精彩演讲：40
And here is an overwhelming address to the atheist, by Dr. Donne:40
“我不会宽恕你，直到审判之日，那时我才能见到你你跪下，趴在地上，乞求山丘倒下，为你遮挡上帝的暴怒，然后问你，现在有上帝吗？我不会等到你死的那一天，到那时你将有足够的证据证明上帝的存在，尽管除了找到魔鬼之外没有其他证据，也有足够的证据证明天堂的存在，尽管除了感受地狱之外没有其他证据；然后问你，现在有上帝吗？我只给你几个小时的宽限，但六个小时，直到午夜。然后醒来；然后在黑暗中，孤独中，听到上帝问你，记住我现在问你，有上帝吗？如果你敢的话，就说不。'
‘I respite thee not till the day of judgement, when I may see thee upon thy knees, upon thy face, begging of the hills that they would fall down and cover thee from the fierce wrath of God, to ask thee then, Is there a God now? I respite thee not till the day of thine own death, when thou shalt have evidence enough that there is a God, though no other evidence but to find a Devil, and evidence enough that there is a heaven, though no other evidence but to feel hell; to ask thee then, Is there a God now? I respite thee but a few hours, but six hours, but till midnight. Wake then; and then, dark, and alone, hear God ask thee then, remember that I asked thee now, Is there a God? and if thou darest, say No.’
在高潮部分，有一种对称手法非常自然和灵活，几乎可以在所有层次的言语中使用而不会显得做作。然而，它是由希腊修辞学教师发明的；并不是所有的罗马人都采用它或自信地使用它；但西塞罗首先把它变成了自己的；虽然它不是现代欧洲语言的本土语言，但它现在已经进入了西方国家的普通语言，而没有离开艺术散文的领域。这就是三冒号。三冒号是指由三个部分组成的单元。演讲中使用的三冒号的第三部分通常比其他部分更强调和更具决定性。这是林肯在葛底斯堡演说中使用的主要手法，在其结尾处加倍：
Within climax there is one symmetrical device which is so natural and adaptable that it can be used on almost every level of speech without seeming artificial. And yet it was invented by Greek teachers of rhetoric; not all the Romans adopted it or managed it with confidence; but Cicero above all others made it his own; and, although it is not native to the modern European languages, it has now, without leaving the realm of artistic prose, entered the ordinary speech of western nations. This is the tri-colon. Tricolon means a unit made up of three parts. The third part in a tricolon used in oratory is usually more emphatic and conclusive than the others. This is the chief device used in Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, and is doubled at its conclusion:
“但从更广泛的意义上讲，我们无法奉献、无法神圣化这片土地。”
‘But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow this ground.”
“我们在此下定决心，这些死难者不会白白牺牲，确保这个国家在上帝的庇佑下，获得自由的新生，确保这个民有、民治、民享的政府不至于从地球上消失。”
‘We here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.’
虽然林肯本人并不认识西塞罗，但他通过研究巴洛克时代的散文学到了西塞罗风格的这种美感和其他美感，当时这种风格在英语、法语和其他语言中都已臻完美。
Although Lincoln himself knew no Cicero, he had learnt this and other beauties of Ciceronian style from studying the prose of the baroque age, when it was perfected in English, in French, and in other tongues.
“木乃伊成了商品，米兹拉伊姆治愈了伤口，法老被当作香脂出售。”41
‘Mummy is become merchandise, Mizraim cures wounds, and Pharaoh is sold for balsams.’41
'La gloire！你想要 chrétien de plus pernicieux et de plus mortel 吗？ quel appat plus 危险？ quelle fumée 加上有能力的 de fairetourner les meilleures tâtes？四十二
‘La gloire! Qu’y a-t-il pour le chrétien de plus pernicieux et de plus mortel? quel appat plus dangereux? quelle fumée plus capable de faire tourner les meilleures tâtes?’42
“您愿意早点注意到我的劳动成果，那是善意的；但是您却一直拖延，直到我变得无动于衷，无法享受它；直到我孤身一人，无法与人分享它；直到我为人所知，而我不再需要它。”43
‘The notice which you have been pleased to take of my labours, had it been early, had been kind; but it has been delayed till I am indifferent, and cannot enjoy it; till I am solitary, and cannot impart it; till I am known, and do not want it.’43
这些手法（从所引的例子中可以明显看出）不是单独使用的，而是组合使用的。而且还有很多。艺术在于将它们恰当地结合起来。一篇优秀的巴洛克式散文要像巴洛克式宫殿或巴赫的弥撒一样精心策划和精心设计，有许多相互关联的强调，大胆的设计和坚实的基础。虽然现代散文很少如此系统地构建，但这些手法如今已成为其自然工具之一。最好的作家和演说家可以自由地使用它们。观众会记住它们。每个美国人都记得罗斯福在陈述国家需要更广泛的社会援助时使用的三行诗：
Such devices (as is evident from the examples quoted) were not used separately but in combination. And there were many more of them. The art lay in combining them aptly. A piece of good baroque prose was planned as carefully and engineered as elaborately, with as many interlocking stresses, as bold a design, and as strong a foundation as a baroque palace or a Bach Mass. And although modern prose is seldom constructed so systematically, these devices are now among its natural instruments. The best writers and speakers use them freely. Audiences remember them. Every American recalls the tricolon in which Roosevelt stated the country’s need of broader social assistance:
“三分之一的国家住房恶劣，衣不蔽体，营养不良”。
‘one-third of a nation, ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished’.
而英国和美国的民众本能地将丘吉尔最著名的一句话从原来的样子浓缩成了另一个不朽的三冒号：
And, acting by instinct, the popular memory of both Britain and America has condensed Churchill’s most famous phrase from its original shape into another immortal tricolon:
“血汗与泪水”。
‘blood, sweat, and tears’.
英语在很大程度上受益于英王钦定版《圣经》，并通过《圣经》受益于希伯来文学；但这些短语表明，英语和其他西欧语言更多地受益于古典批评家、历史学家和演说家。最好的现代散文具有希腊人的柔韧和罗马人的厚重。
The debt of English to the King James version of the Bible, and through it to Hebrew literature, is very great; but such phrases as these show that the debt of English and the other western European languages to the classical critics, historians, and orators is much greater. The best modern prose has the suppleness of the Greeks, the weight of Rome.
小说
FICTION
巴洛克时期创作的三篇著名小说对现代文学产生了深远的影响，同时还受到并传播了某些类型的古典小说的影响，而这些小说乍一看似乎与它们相去甚远。这三部小说通过各种目的、模仿和效仿环节相互关联，可以方便地放在一起研究。它们是：
Three famous stories, written in the baroque age, influenced modern literature profoundly, and, at the same time, received and transmitted the influence of certain types of classical fiction, which at first sight seem to be far enough away from them. The three are interconnected by various links of purpose, imitation, and emulation, and can conveniently be examined together. They are:
特勒马科斯 (Télémaque)，作者弗朗索瓦·费内隆（François Fénelon，1699-1717 年出版），
Telemachus (Télémaque), by François Fénelon (published 1699–1717),
帕梅拉，作者：塞缪尔·理查森（1740 年出版），
Pamela, by Samuel Richardson (published 1740),
汤姆·琼斯，亨利·菲尔丁著（1749 年出版）。
Tom Jones, by Henry Fielding (published 1749).
简而言之，这些书（当时都是畅销书）的古典联系在于，《忒勒马科斯》是一部综合了希腊和拉丁史诗、希腊传奇、希腊悲剧以及希腊罗马文学的许多其他内容的连续而新颖的散文故事；《帕梅拉》通常被称为第一部纯粹的现代小说，部分源于希腊浪漫主义和希腊教育理想；汤姆·琼斯被作者描述为一部以荷马现存的伊利亚特和失传的滑稽剧《玛吉特》为原型的喜剧史诗。但其中的内容远不止这些。让我们分别看看这两本书。
Briefly, the classical connexions of these books (all best-selling stories in their day) are that Telemachus is a composite of Greek and Latin epic, Greek romance, Greek tragedy, and much else from Greco-Roman literature blended into a continuous and new prose story; Pamela, often called the first purely modern novel, grows partly out of Greek romance and Greek ideals of education; and Tom Jones is described by its own author as a comic epic on the model of Homer’s extant Iliad and the lost burlesque Margites. But there is more in it than that. Let us look at the books separately.
费奈隆是一位贵族主教，受过良好的古典教育：他比大多数同时代人更了解希腊，他的作品表明他有精致的品味。在书籍之战中，他保持中立——主要是因为他认为现代人没什么可说的，但又觉得古人使用或强加给他们的论点对他们的事业没有多大帮助。38 岁时，他成为勃艮第公爵的导师，勃艮第公爵是路易十四王位的第二继承人，也是法国王太子的儿子。根据圣西门的说法，也许他为了效果而夸大了，他给他找了一个海德，让他变成了杰基尔。这个男孩生性骄傲、暴力，几乎难以驾驭。费奈隆和他打交道后，他变得冷静、精力充沛，对最好的艺术和行为真正感兴趣。毫无疑问，这大部分要归功于费奈隆微妙而迷人的性格。 （博须埃是王太子的家庭教师，但他的成就不及他——他的性格同样高贵，只是不那么讨人喜欢。）然而，这种进步在一定程度上归功于费奈隆的细心，他尽可能以轻松愉快的方式向他的学生灌输历史、文化和希腊人平衡道德的真正意义。尽管他是一位主教，但从他的书中可以看出，他的道德教育更多地依赖于希腊而非基督教的例子。他为他的学生编写了特殊的教科书：首先是一些动物寓言，然后是一系列《死者对话录》，这些对话（基于柏拉图和卢西安）是名人和有趣的人之间关于政治、道德和教育主题的对话。墨丘利和卡戎对话，阿喀琉斯采访荷马，罗慕路斯面对他有德行的继任者努马。
Fénelon was an aristocratic bishop, with a fine classical education: he was a better Grecian than most of his contemporaries, and his work shows that he had exquisite taste. In the Battle of the Books he was neutral—largely because he thought there was little to be said on the side of the moderns, and yet felt that the arguments used by or forced on the ancients did little justice to their cause. At the age of thirty-eight he became tutor to the duke of Burgundy, son of the dauphin and second heir to the throne of Louis XIV. According to Saint-Simon, who perhaps exaggerates for the sake of effect, he found him a Hyde and made him a Jekyll. By nature the boy was proud, violent, almost intractable. After Fénelon had dealt with him he was calm, energetic, and genuinely interested in the best of art and conduct. Doubtless most of this was due to Fénelon’s subtle and charming character. (Bossuet was tutor to the dauphin, and had much less success—his character being quite as noble, but less winning.) Yet some of the improvement was the result of the care with which Fénelon instilled in his pupil, as easily and pleasantly as possible, the real meaning of history, of culture, and of the well-balanced morality of the Greeks. Bishop though he was, his moral teaching as seen through his books leaned more heavily on Hellenic than on Christian examples. He wrote special schoolbooks for his pupil: first some animal fables, and then a series of Dialogues of the Dead, conversations (based on Plato and Lucian) between famous and interesting people on political, moral, and educational themes. Mercury and Charon talk, Achilles interviews Homer, Romulus confronts his virtuous successor Numa.
他最好的一本书表面上也是为勃艮第公爵写的；但读起来却像是有更广泛的教育目的。这就是《忒勒马科斯》 ，讲述奥德修斯之子的故事。这本书可能是在 1695-6 年写的。1697 年，费内隆结束了对勃艮第的辅导。1699 年，他的《忒勒马科斯》四本半出版，显然是被他的抄写员偷走并未经许可卖给了一个有进取心的出版商。1699 年，因为由于费内隆在神秘主义问题上的极端观点，路易十四下令将他从勃艮第公爵的家族中除名，并将他限制在他的教区内。此后，他的书的更多部分继续出版，尽管第一版授权版直到 1717 年才由他的侄孙出版。它取得了惊人的成功。仅在 1699 年，这本书就发行了 20 版：“买家向书商扔金币”；它经常被模仿。四十四
His best book was ostensibly meant for the duke of Burgundy too; but it reads as though it had a wider educational purpose. This was Telemachus, the story of the son of Odysseus. Perhaps it was written in 1695–6. In 1697 Fénelon’s tutorship of Burgundy ended. In 1699 four and a half books of his Telemachus were published, having apparently been stolen by his copyist and sold without permission to an enterprising publisher. In 1699, because of Fénelon’s extreme views on the subject of mysticism, Louis XIV ordered him to be struck off the strength of the duke of Burgundy’s household, and confined to his diocese. After this, further parts of his book continued to appear, although the first authorized edition was only published in 1717, by his grand-nephew. It had a phenomenal success. In 1699 alone there were twenty editions of it: ‘buyers threw gold pieces at the booksellers’; and it was often imitated.44
从形式上看，《忒勒马科斯》是一部传奇故事，就像时下流行的骑士故事一样，有着模糊的古典背景，并用当时最流行的古典名称和用法进行修饰：例如，斯库德里的《克莱莉亚》，部分源自于乌尔菲的《阿斯特莱亚》，我们认为它是田园风光与浪漫主义的结合。45这些传奇故事是希腊或希腊东方传奇故事的直接产物，这些传奇故事从后来的罗马帝国流传至今。我们并没有讨论希腊传奇故事作者所用故事的来源；事实上，它们的起源现在已经无法追溯，主要是口头流传的民间故事，是在大篷车篝火旁和酒馆餐桌上讲述的故事，这些故事很少被写下来，而且运气很好。不过，传奇故事作者确实从高级希腊文学中汲取了许多辅助材料：对风暴、战争、沉船等的史诗描述、悲剧独白和命运逆转、对游行、艺术作品、风景和人群场景的修辞和挽歌描述，以及许多其他动人的主题。显然，作者都是受过教育的人。同样地，但是以更高的层次和更高的目的，费奈隆借鉴了希腊罗马史诗、希腊悲剧和其他古典文学领域中许多最精彩的场景和主题。46忒勒马科斯的真实故事与《奥德赛》相似，但更加丰富。它讲述了年轻王子忒勒马科斯在寻找父亲的过程中所经历的冒险。它带领他走遍地中海，登陆的次数甚至比奥德修斯本人还要多，因此它不仅可以与《奥德赛》相媲美，还可以与《埃涅阿斯纪》（流亡的埃涅阿斯的冒险流浪）以及爱情和旅行的浪漫故事相媲美。它回顾了但丁的喜剧，而但丁的喜剧依赖于维吉尔的而维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》又依赖于《奥德赛》；它引入了许多从非史诗来源抄袭的情节，因此它也可以与最早的田园浪漫故事之一桑纳扎罗的《阿卡迪亚》相媲美；47奇怪的是，这是乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》的无意识祖先。故事以清澈、和谐、温和诗意的散文讲述，其主要缺点是难以忍受的单调和同样难以忍受的高贵；然而，它的创造力、广阔的视野以及对话、描述和冒险的精心设计的交替是令人钦佩的。
In form, Telemachus is a romance, like the fashionable tales of chivalry, set against vaguely classical backgrounds and decorated by apparently classical names and usages, which were then the height of fashion: for instance, Scudéry’s Clelia, a book partly descended from d’Urfé’s Astraea, which we have seen as a combination of pastoral and romance.45 These romances are fairly direct products of the Greek, or Greco-Oriental, romances which have come down to us from the later Roman empire. With the sources of the stories used by the Greek romancers we did not deal; and indeed their ancestry is now impossible to trace, being chiefly folk-tales orally transmitted, the stories told at caravan-fires and tavern-tables which only rarely, and by good luck, get themselves written down. Still, the romancers did take much of their subsidiary material from higher Greek literature: epic descriptions of storms, battles, shipwrecks and the like, tragic soliloquies and reversals of fortune, rhetorical and elegiac descriptions of processions, works of art, landscapes, and crowd scenes, and many other moving themes. Clearly the authors were educated men. In the same way, but on a much loftier plane and for a higher purpose, Fénelon took over many of the finest scenes and motives from Greco-Roman epic, Greek tragedy, and other fields of classical literature.46 The actual story of Telemachus is parallel to the Odyssey, but much fuller. It relates the adventures of the young prince Telemachus during his search for his father. It takes him all over the Mediterranean to even more landfalls than Odysseus himself, so that it rivals not only the Odyssey but the Aeneid (with the adventurous wanderings of the exiled Aeneas) and the romances of love and travel. It looks backward to the Comedy of Dante, which depends on Vergil’s Aeneid as this depends on the Odyssey; it brings in so many episodes copied from non-epic sources that it is also comparable to one of the earliest pastoral romantic stories, Sannazaro’s Arcadia;47 and, strangely enough, it was an unconscious ancestor of Joyce’s Ulysses. The story is told in limpid, harmonious, gently poetic prose, whose chief faults are its intolerable monotony and equally intolerable nobility; yet its invention, its breadth of view, and its well-designed alternation of conversations, descriptions, and adventures are admirable.
像费奈隆的所有作品一样，《忒勒马科斯》也是为了教育而写的。（他写给曼特农夫人的信，要求她改善品格，写给年轻的维达梅·德阿米恩斯的信，要求他如何在宫廷中过上有道德的生活，以及写给其他通信者的信，都是很好的教育文献。）但它的主要缺点也在于此，它的教育性太明显了。像《奥德赛》中的奥德修斯一样，男主角忒勒马科斯也有智慧女神陪伴。虽然她伪装成老导师，但她的存在比《奥德赛》中的更加频繁和引人注目。她之于忒勒马科斯，就如同费奈隆之于勃艮第。忒勒马科斯不断面临各种强度的道德危险，从谈论太多自己的诱惑到情欲的诱惑（他与尤卡里斯的爱情如此热烈，以至于在当时引发了抗议）和战争；而门托总是在汲取道德。每当年轻的英雄看到一个幸福的国家或访问一个邪恶君主的王国时，门托也会汲取道德——或者说费内隆为我们汲取道德。现在，虽然《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》以及《埃涅阿斯纪》都是高尚的教育作品，但它们给出的教训几乎总是间接的，因此更具穿透力和更持久。四十八
Like all Fénelon’s works, Telemachus was written in order to educate. (His letters to Madame de Maintenon on improving her character, to the young Vidame d’Amiens who asked for advice on how to live virtuously at court, and to other correspondents, are fine educational documents.) But herein lies its chief fault. It educates too obviously. Like Odysseus in the Odyssey, the hero Telemachus is accompanied by the goddess of wisdom. Although she is disguised as old Mentor, her presence is much more constant and obtrusive than in the Odyssey. She is to Telemachus as Fénelon was to Burgundy. Telemachus is constantly being exposed to moral dangers of every intensity, from the temptation to talk too much about himself to the temptations of lust (his love-affair with Eucharis was so warm that it provoked protests at the time) and of war; while Mentor is always drawing the moral. Mentor also draws morals—or Fénelon draws them for us—whenever the young hero sees a happy nation or visits the kingdom of a wicked monarch. Now, although the Iliad and the Odyssey, and for that matter the Aeneid, are nobly educational works, the lessons they give are nearly always indirect, and so more penetrating and more lasting.48
但这种坦率在书出版时是大胆的。费内隆强烈反对路易十四及其宫廷的许多主要倾向——他的好战、他的傲慢、他不爱奉承、他的性放纵、他的专制、他的奢侈浪费，尤其是他的建筑狂热，以及他对普通民众繁荣的忽视。49忒勒马科斯的《邪恶的国王》中有很多，他们几乎都与路易十四和其他巴洛克式君主相似。当忒勒马科斯访问来世时，他发现地狱里有很多国王，而极乐世界里却很少。因此，对于年轻的勃艮第公爵来说，忒勒马科斯具有直接而相当肤浅的教育意义：它旨在使他成为与路易不同的一种国王。但对于其他读者来说，它是间接教育性的，因为通过描述青铜时代很久以前的奢华宫廷和管理不善的国家时代，它污蔑了巴洛克王国的罪恶和愚蠢。正是因为这个原因，人们才如此热切地购买这本书——他们认为这是对路易大帝及其宫廷的讽刺。在某种程度上，它确实是讽刺，尽管缺乏讽刺所必需的幽默。（早在 1694 年，费内隆就给路易写了一封严厉的信，批评他的整个政权热衷于战争，对法国经济管理不善。）正是由于这种解释，这本书不断被重新出版，而费内隆本人从未重新受到皇室的青睐。
But this frankness was daring at the time the book was published. Fénelon was strongly opposed to many of the chief tendencies of Louis XIV and his court—his love of war, his pride, his weakness for flattery, his sexual laxity, his absolutism, his luxurious extravagance and in particular his building mania, and his neglect of the prosperity of the common people.49 There are many wicked kings in Telemachus, and they nearly all resemble Louis XIV and other baroque monarchs of his type. When Telemachus visits the next world, he finds there are many kings in hell and few in the Elysian fields. Therefore Telemachus was, for the young Duke of Burgundy, directly and rather superficially educative: it was designed to make him a different kind of king from Louis. But for its other readers it was indirectly educative, because, by describing luxurious courts and badly run countries long ago in the Bronze Age, it stigmatized the vices and follies of the baroque kingdoms. It was for this that people bought the book so eagerly—they thought it was a satire on Louis the Great and his court. To some extent it was, although without the humour which is essential to satire. (As early as 1694 Fénelon had written a scathing letter to Louis criticizing his entire régime for its love of war and its mismanagement of the economics of France.) It was because of that interpretation that the book was constantly being republished, and that Fénelon himself never re-entered the royal favour.
事实上，《忒勒马科斯》是一部讽刺巴洛克时代的作品，布瓦洛本可以写这部作品，但他从未达到那个水平。现在不需要这种讽刺，所以这本书部分已经死了。但它有自己的生命。它不仅仅是当代风俗的伪装反映——就像孟德斯鸠的《波斯书简》，它比波斯风俗更法国化。50作为一部关于忒勒马科斯的冒险故事，它很有意义，而十七世纪的人物只是偶尔在大事件中出现——比如当英雄被描述为脾气暴躁、傲慢时，而原著中奥德修斯的儿子忒勒马科斯却相当安静和单纯。对这本书的传统批评是，它属于一种虚假的文学类型：散文浪漫与史诗的混合，与指导手册的混合。但许多伟大的书都属于虚假或混乱的类型。忒勒马科斯的真正缺点是它太明显、太绅士、太温柔平静。激情是错误的，情绪会让人疯狂：所以费奈隆不会引入激情，也很少（除了坏角色）允许情绪被激起。然而，激情有时在一本书中是必要的。
In fact, Telemachus is the satire on the baroque age which Boileau might have written, and to which he never rose. That kind of satire is not needed now, so that the book is partly dead. Yet it has its own life. It is not merely a disguised reflection of contemporary manners—like Montesquieu’s Persian Letters, which are far more French than Persian.50 It makes sense as an adventure-story about Telemachus, and the seventeenth-century personalities come out only now and then in the big episodes—as when the hero is described as hot-tempered and proud, when the original Telemachus, Odysseus’ son, was rather quiet and simple. The traditional criticism of the book is that it belongs to a false literary species: prose romance crossed with epic hybridized with instructional manual. But many great books have belonged to false or confused species. The real fault of Telemachus is that it is too obvious, and too gentlemanly, and too sweetly equable. Passion is wrong, and emotion maddens: and so Fénelon will not introduce passion and will seldom (except in bad characters) allow the emotions to be roused. And yet passion is sometimes necessary in a book.
忒勒马科斯的后代很长。整个十八、十九世纪都有以忒勒马科斯为原型创作的具有教育意义的历史传奇，至今仍在出现。1787 年，让-雅克·巴泰勒米以类似的小说形式出版了一本希腊指南和希腊历史与政治：《年轻的阿纳卡西斯希腊游记》，他花了三十年时间创作了这本书。它取得了巨大的成功，并加深了人们对古希腊的热情，激发了法国大革命的一代人。在十九世纪教育大发展时期，这类书籍变得很普遍。本世纪的许多学者通过贝克尔的《加卢斯》了解了古罗马的风俗习惯，通过他同样枯燥机械的《查里克勒斯》了解了古雅典的风俗习惯。但与此同时，受到《年轻的阿纳卡西斯希腊游记》的刺激，历史传奇也开始出现。斯科特的成功，使小说成为一种更加真实和充满活力的小说类型；而忒勒马科斯的后代包括《庞贝城的末日》、《本-赫尔》、《我，克劳狄斯》和桑顿·怀尔德最近的《三月十五日》——后者与《达雷斯·弗里吉乌斯》一样，假装是大量真实的当代文献。过去作为小说比作为事实更真实。
Telemachus had a long progeny. Edifying historical romances were written all through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries on its pattern, and are still appearing. A guide to Greece and Greek history and politics was published in 1787, in a similar fictional form: Travels of Young Anacharsis in Greece, by Jean-Jacques Barthelemy, who worked on it for thirty years. It had an enormous success, and helped to deepen the passion for ancient Greece which inspired the generation of the French Revolution. In the great educational expansion of the nineteenth century such books became common. Many scholars of this century were introduced to the manners of ancient Rome through Becker’s Gallus and to those of ancient Athens through his equally dull and mechanical Charicles. But at the same time historical romances, stimulated by the success of Scott, had become a more real and energetic type of fiction; and the offspring of Telemachus include The Last Days of Pompeii, Ben-Hur, I, Claudius, and Thornton Wilder’s recent The Ides of March—which, like ‘Dares Phrygius’, pretends to be a mass of authentic contemporary documents. The past becomes more real as fiction than as fact.
印刷商塞缪尔·理查森匿名出版了《帕梅拉》（又名《美德的回报》），因为该书的设计太过简陋，风格（他认为）太低俗，除了少数安静的美德爱好者之外，不会给人留下太深刻的印象。该书在英国、感伤的德国、法国（“哦，理查森！你真是个天才！”充满激情的狄德罗说道）等地都取得了巨大的成功。它有时被称为第一部现代小说，但这是错误的。现代小说并不是一个有限的创作，它只能有一个祖先；在《帕梅拉》之前还有许多其他当代人物故事。尽管如此，《帕梅拉》使这部成长中的小说更加真实。
The printer Samuel Richardson published Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded anonymously, because the design was so humble, and the style (he thought) so low, that it would make no great impression except among a few quiet lovers of virtue. It was a tremendous success—in England, in sentimental Germany, in France (‘Oh Richardson! thou singular genius!’ broke forth the impassioned Diderot), and elsewhere. It is sometimes called the first modern novel, but erroneously. The modern novel is not so limited a creation that it can have only one ancestor; and there were many other contemporary character-stories before Pamela. Still, Pamela made the growing novel more real.
形式上，它是一系列信件，讲述了一个年轻女孩如何抵制一个富有、强大、无耻的社会上层人士对她贞操的所有企图，她在该上层人士家中当仆人；尽管出身卑微，她还是设法嫁给了那个试图欺骗和引诱她的男人。因此，她获得了合法妻子的地位，“即使在今生，上帝也常常会给予善良的人这种回报”，并证明了资产阶级道德在傲慢和邪恶的贵族面前是正确的。帕梅拉活得足够长，成为维多利亚时代的母亲，以及那个时代的名人：波德斯纳普先生和查德班德先生，“一个身材魁梧的黄种人，脸上挂着丰满的笑容，看上去身体里充满了活力”。
In form it is a series of letters, telling how a young girl resisted all the attempts on her virtue made by a rich, powerful, and unscrupulous social superior in whose house she was a servant; and, despite her humble birth, managed to marry the man who had tried to deceive and seduce her. Thus she acquired the position of lawful wife, ‘a reward which often, even in this life, a protecting Providence bestows on goodness’, and vindicated bourgeois morality against the proud and vicious aristocracy. And Pamela lived long enough to become the mother of the Victorian age, and of its ornaments: Mr. Podsnap, and Mr. Chadband, ‘a large yellow man, with a fat smile, and a general appearance of having a good deal of train-oil in his system’.
帕梅拉的场景和人物都与时代同步，形式和道德都超越时代，她与古典主义有什么关系呢？这个故事是由可怜可爱的帕梅拉自己讲述的，她是一个单纯的女仆，不自命不凡，除了美德、宗教和“不让他”的政策外，她几乎一无所知。然而，她的创造者理查德森对古典文学有所了解：他读过荷马和西塞罗的译本；他读过维吉尔、贺拉斯、卢坎、尤维纳尔、奥索尼乌斯、普鲁登提乌斯和莎士比亚的学校作家曼图安。51但这些只是文化的外在装饰。更为丰富和重要的因为他的作品受到希腊浪漫主义的影响。这对他的影响有两种。
Contemporary in scene and characters, ahead of its time in form and in morality, what has Pamela to do with classical influence? The story is told by poor sweet Pamela herself, a simple maid with no pretensions to learning, scarce indeed to any knowledge except that of virtue, and religion, and the policy of ‘Don’t let him’. Nevertheless, Richardson her creator knew something of the classics: he knew Homer and Cicero, in translation; he knew Vergil, Horace, Lucan, Juvenal, Ausonius, Prudentius, and Shakespeare’s school-author Mantuan.51 But these are only the external ornaments of culture. What is more fertile and important for his work is the influence of Greek romance. This reached him in two ways.
首先，他认识并尊重忒勒马科斯。甚至连一心想自我提升的帕梅拉本人也“试图用法语阅读忒勒马科斯的作品”。52牧师威廉姆斯先生说，他正在读“法国版的《忒勒马科斯》，这本书是法国文化和古典文化的标志。53另外，在理查森的第二部小说《克拉丽莎》中，在“壁橱中发现的”书籍中，有“以下几本选择得当的书：一本法语版的《忒勒马科斯》，另一本英文版”。54忒勒马科斯和帕梅拉的总体模式是相似的：一个年轻人面临各种可能的诱惑，抵制所有诱惑，并获得了世俗的成功和一个深爱但无可救药地疏远的人的爱。年轻的忒勒马科斯在进行壮游时遭受诱惑；帕梅拉则在主人家中遭受诱惑：这就是他们性别和地位的不同。激发这两本书的道德目的是相同的。
First, he knew and respected Telemachus. Even Pamela herself, bent on self-improvement, is found ‘trying to read in the French Telemachus’.52 The parson, Mr. Williams, says he is reading ‘the French Telemachus’, which was a sign of both French and classical culture.53 Further, in Richardson’s second novel, Clarissa, among the books ‘found in the closet’ there are ‘the following not illchosen ones: A Telemachus in French, another in English’.54 And the general pattern of Telemachus and Pamela is similar: a young person is exposed to every possible kind of temptation, resists them all, and is rewarded by worldly success and the affection of someone dearly loved but hopelessly distant. Young Telemachus suffers his temptations while making the Grand Tour; Pamela hers while staying at home in her master’s house: that is the difference of their sex and rank. The moral purpose which inspires both books is the same.
然后，通过菲利普·西德尼爵士的《阿卡迪亚》，它与希腊浪漫主义有了联系。55随着西德尼的《阿卡迪亚》 (1725 年) 现代化，这本书也最近得到了更新，《旁观者》杂志提到它是一位女士图书馆目录中不可或缺的书籍。56理查森肯定仔细读过这本书。书中的两个情节与他的其他小说《克拉丽莎·哈洛》和《查尔斯·格兰迪森爵士》有相似之处。57而他的女主角帕梅拉的名字则取自西德尼的《阿卡迪亚》，这是巴西利乌斯国王和吉妮西亚王后的女儿的名字。理查森选择这个名字无疑是想表明，尽管女主角是个乡巴佬，但她内心却是一位公主。58
Then there is a link with Greek romance through Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia.55 This book had recently been brought up to date, as Sidney’s Arcadia modernized (1725), and The Spectator mentions it as indispensable in the catalogue of a lady’s library.56 Richardson had certainly read it with care. Two of its incidents are echoed in his other novels, Clarissa Harlowe and Sir Charles Grandison.57 And the name of his heroine, Pamela, is taken from Sidney’s Arcadia, where it is the name of the daughter of King Basilius and his Queen Gynecea. By choosing it Richardson no doubt meant to show that, although a rustic, his heroine was really a princess at heart.58
巴洛克时期，希腊和罗马的传奇故事仍然鲜活：人们经常阅读和抄袭。费内隆采用了他们的模式，用古典文学中许多最优秀的内容丰富了它，并从希腊罗马史诗中赋予了它贵族的道德目的。理查森（二手和三手）采用了同样的模式，保留了刺激和惊险的场景，并将其作为新兴资产阶级道德的载体，他自己就是其中的典范。
The romances of Greece and Rome were still alive in the baroque age: much read and often copied. Fénelon took their pattern, enriched it with much of the finest of classical literature, and, from Greco-Roman epic, gave it an aristocratic moral purpose. Richardson (at second- and third-hand) took the same pattern, kept the excitement and the hairbreadth scapes, and made it the vehicle for the morality of the rising bourgeoisie, of which he was himself a pattern.
亨利·菲尔丁在伊顿公学受过良好的教育，但他没有去牛津或剑桥，而是去了莱顿大学。他精通拉丁语、法语和意大利语，还精通希腊语。59开始后他的文学生涯始于翻译尤维纳尔讽刺女性的作品《受伤情人的所有报复》的部分内容，之后他进入戏剧界，并取得了一些成功；然后通过理查森的《帕梅拉》找到了自己的职业。这本书让他既有趣又厌恶。1742 年，他出版了一部戏仿作品，名为《约瑟夫·安德鲁斯历险记》。
Henry Fielding was well educated, at Eton, but went to Leyden University instead of Oxford or Cambridge. He was fluent in Latin, French, and Italian, competent in Greek.59 After beginning his literary career with a translation of part of Juvenal’s satire against women (All the Revenge taken by an Injured Lover), he went in for the theatre, with some success; and then found his vocation through Richardson’s Pamela. The book amused him and disgusted him. In 1742 he published a parody of it called The History of the Adventures of Joseph Andrews.
帕梅拉拒绝了主人的恳求，躲过了他的诡计，最终成为了他的妻子。约瑟夫·安德鲁斯（据说是她的兄弟）也是一名仆人，他拒绝了雇主布比夫人的诱惑，直到最后赢得了甜美的范妮·安德鲁斯的芳心。事实证明，他是当地一位乡绅被绑架的儿子，范妮是帕梅拉被绑架的妹妹；他们所有人，包括诱人的布比夫人，从此过上了幸福的生活。
Pamela, resisting her master’s entreaties and evading his stratagems, at last became his wife. Joseph Andrews (supposed to be her brother) was a servant too, and resisted the seductions of his employer Lady Booby until he at last won the heart of sweet Fanny Andrews. For he proved to be the kidnapped son of a local squire, and Fanny to be the kidnapped sister of Pamela; and they all, including the seductive Lady Booby, lived happily ever after.
菲尔丁随后于 1749 年创作了一部优秀的原创小说《汤姆·琼斯，一个弃儿的历史》，他因此而闻名。这两部小说是散文小说史上的里程碑。他本人非常清楚这一点，并在他的著作中加入了长篇大论来阐述他想要体现的理论。它们的素材完全是现代的。他说，它们的形式是对古典形式的改编。它们是散文史诗。它们与《伊利亚特》和《埃涅阿斯纪》唯一的不同之处在于，第一，它们是散文；第二，它们没有引入超自然现象；第三，它们不是英雄主义的，而是幽默的。60
Fielding followed this in 1749 with a fine original novel, Tom Jones, the History of a Foundling, to which he owes his reputation. The two novels together are milestones-in the history of prose fiction. He himself well knew this, and added long disquisitions on the theory which he meant them to exemplify. Their material was thoroughly modern. Their form, he said, was an adaptation of a classical form. They were prose epics. The only features in which they differed from the Iliad and the Aeneid were, first, that they were in prose; second, that they did not introduce the supernatural; and, third, that instead of being heroic they were funny.60
菲尔丁多次强调这种平行结构，他所针对的读者是那些对文学理论感兴趣的学者，就像理查森的读者对性、道德和社会成功感兴趣一样。他通过在章节开头引用亚里士多德和贺拉斯的《诗的艺术》中的引文，以及频繁插入对英雄战役、荷马式明喻和时间流逝的史诗描述的戏仿，来强调这种平行结构。
This parallelism Fielding emphasized several times, in digressions which were aimed at readers as scholarly and as much interested in literary theory as Richardson’s public was interested in sex, morality, and social success. He drove it home by using quotations from Aristotle and Horace’s ‘Art of Poetry’ at chapter-heads, and by inserting frequent parodies of heroic battles, of Homeric similes, and of the epic descriptions of the lapse of time.
这并非空口吹嘘。菲尔丁是一位优秀的古典学者，博览群书。1895 年，奥斯汀·多布森在大英博物馆发现了菲尔丁图书馆的目录：它出奇地大，几乎囊括了从最伟大到最晦涩难懂的所有经典著作。61但可以肯定地说，如果他没有戏仿史诗惯例，没有在相似之处上离题，那么很少有现代读者会认为他的小说是史诗。对于几篇轻松浪漫故事的作者来说，说自己是在模仿荷马，这至少是大胆的，也许是迂腐和荒谬的。菲尔丁有道理吗？
It was not merely an empty boast. Fielding was a good classical scholar and widely read. In 1895 Austin Dobson found the catalogue of his library reposing in the British Museum: it is surprisingly large, and contains almost every one of the classics from the greatest to the most obscure.61 But it is safe to say that, if he had not parodied epic conventions and digressed on the resemblance, very few modern readers would ever have thought his novels were epics. It was at least daring, and perhaps it was pedantic and ridiculous, for the author of a couple of light romantic stories to say he was emulating Homer. Was Fielding justified?
首先，声称他的书是按照荷马的《玛吉特》等古典喜剧史诗的模式写成的，这是毫无意义的：因为我们对《玛吉特》几乎一无所知，它只流传了几个字，唯一一首可以称为喜剧史诗的古诗是《青蛙和老鼠之战》，其中没有人类角色。
To begin with, it was pointless to claim that his books were written on the pattern of the classical comic epic like the Margites attributed to Homer: for we know virtually nothing about the Margites, of which only a few words survive, and the only ancient poem which could be called a comic epic is The Battle of Frogs and Mice, containing no human characters.
也许菲尔丁的意思是他的小说是对史诗的戏仿？这些小说中有模拟的战争、不英勇的英雄、卑鄙的冒险、以荒谬的灾难告终的伟大抱负。是的，他是这样想的；然而，约瑟夫·安德鲁斯一开始就是一部戏仿作品，不是对古典史诗的戏仿，而是对近期散文小说作品的戏仿。在《汤姆·琼斯》中，戏仿英雄的情节不如爱情故事、旅行冒险、偶遇、逃避和意外的认可重要，这些情节在质量上根本不是史诗，而是属于另一种文学类型。它们是浪漫的素材。62约瑟夫·安德鲁斯和汤姆·琼斯的主要情节都采用了希腊传奇故事中一种常用的手法——被绑架的孩子在低社会地位或对其父母一无所知的情况下长大，最终证明他出身名门；这两部作品都像传奇故事但又不同于史诗，以两个经常分离的恋人结婚而告终。这些手法出现在希腊传奇故事中，如《达夫尼斯与克洛伊》；它们在文艺复兴晚期和巴洛克时期的长篇浪漫爱情故事中反复出现，《与克莱莉亚等；费内隆用其中的一些趣味和多样性忒勒马科斯《约瑟夫·安德鲁斯和汤姆·琼斯有时戏仿它们，有时直接使用它们，但本质上使它们具有当代性和真实性。
Perhaps Fielding meant that his novels were parodies of epic? They have mock battles, unheroic heroes, ignoble adventures, great aspirations that end in ridiculous catastrophes. Yes, that was in his mind; and yet Joseph Andrews began by being a parody, not of a classical epic, but of a recent work of prose fiction. And in Tom Jones the mock-heroic episodes are less important than the love-story and the travel-adventures, chance meetings and evasions and unexpected recognitions, which are not epic at all in quality, but belong to another literary type. They are the stuff of romance.62 The main plot of both Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones turns on a favourite device of Greek romance—the kidnapped child brought up in a low social rank or in ignorance of its parentage, who eventually proves to be well born; and both, like a romance but unlike an epic, culminate in the wedding of two often-separated lovers. These devices appear in the Greek romances like Daphnis and Chloe; they recur in the long romantic love-stories of the late Renaissance and the baroque age, Astraea and Clelia and many others; Fénelon decorated his Telemachus with some of their interest and variety; and in Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones Fielding sometimes parodied them, sometimes used them straightforward, but essentially made them contemporary and real.
尽管如此，菲尔丁将他的书称为史诗，确实说出了一个重要的事实，尽管他或许没有完全意识到这一点。那就是诗歌史诗正在消亡，它曾经拥有的力量将流入现代小说。这种注入在菲尔丁之前就已经开始了。塞万提斯的《堂吉诃德》吸收了《罗兰的疯狂》等史诗中奇妙的英雄抱负，并将它们与现实生活和散文语言联系起来。费奈隆在《忒勒马科斯》中写下了第一部现代成长和教育故事，将古典史诗与浪漫交织在一起，并以散文作为载体。菲尔丁明确指出，忒勒马科斯是一部可与《奥德赛》相媲美的史诗；63事实上，它比《汤姆·琼斯》更像一部史诗。
Nevertheless, by claiming that his books were epics Fielding did state an important truth, perhaps without fully realizing it. This was that the poetic epic was dying, and that the forces it had once possessed were to flow into the modern novel. The transfusion had begun before Fielding. Cervantes’s Don Quixote took the fantastic heroic aspirations of epics like The Madness of Roland and brought them into contact with real life and prose speech. Fénelon in Telemachus, writing the first of many modern stories of growingup and education, interwove classical epic and romance, and took prose as his vehicle. Fielding explicitly refers to Telemachus as an epic comparable to the Odyssey;63 and indeed it is more like an epic than is Tom Jones.
因此，菲尔丁在理论上看到并在实践中感受到了两个主要古典思潮汇聚在一起，造就了现代小说。其中之一是希腊浪漫史诗，另一个是希腊罗马史诗。浪漫史诗赋予小说以年轻的爱情为主题，情节充满旅行和激动人心的冒险、机遇和变化、伪装和巧合，以及其冗长的情节。在菲尔丁的时代，小说尚未准备好接受史诗精神的全部力量，但后来它能够容纳史诗的大胆构造、宏大的规模、人群场景、政治和历史深度、宏大的精神意义，以及对隐藏的奥秘的感受，这些奥秘使人类的命运比个人的冒险和私人生活更重要。在十九世纪，古典浪漫史诗和古典史诗在现代意识的影响下，产生了《大卫·科波菲尔》和《罪与罚》、《萨朗波》和《战争与和平》。
So then Fielding saw in theory and felt in practice the two chief classical currents which flowed together to make the modern novel. One of these was Greek romance. The other was Greco-Roman epic. Romance gave the novel its interest in young love, plots full of travel and exciting adventure, chances and changes, disguises and coincidences, its long episodic story-line. In Fielding’s day the novel was not yet ready to receive the full force of the epic spirit, but later it became able to contain the bold construction of epic, its large scale, its crowd-scenes, its political and historical profundity, its grand spiritual meanings, and its sense of the hidden mysteries that make human destiny more than its individual adventures and private lives. In the nineteenth century classical romance and classical epic, acting on the modern consciousness, produced David Copperfield and Crime and Punishment, Salammbô and War and Peace.
历史
HISTORY
巴洛克时期最伟大的思想和艺术成就之一是对罗马帝国与摧毁它的势力之间冲突的研究。这就是爱德华·吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》。吉本是一位经济独立、身体欠佳的英国人，生于 1737 年，受过良好的教育，但主要靠自学，读书、读书、读书：他自己说，他在 12 岁那年取得了最大的智力进步。他在牛津大学玛格达伦学院的短暂停留基本上是浪费了。64当他皈依罗马天主教时，他的事业突然终止。他的父亲把他送到了法国瑞士，在那里他很快又皈依了天主教，然后重新开始为他隐约预见到的任务做准备。他出版的第一部作品是一篇用法语（当时是主要的文化语言）写的关于古典研究优势的论文。1764 年，他构思了他的伟大历史，涵盖了一千多年——因为罗马帝国直到发现美洲前不到四十年才灭亡。第一卷于 1776 年出版，取得了巨大的成功：吉本说它“出现在每张桌子上，几乎每个厕所里”。另外五卷间歇出版，最后一卷于 1788 年出版；在写了一部令人钦佩的简短自传后，吉本于 1794 年去世，与巴洛克时代同时结束。
One of the greatest intellectual and artistic achievements of the baroque age was a study of the conflict between the Roman empire and the forces that destroyed it. This was Edward Gibbon’s The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Gibbon was an Englishman of independent means and poor health, born in 1737, well schooled but mainly self-educated by reading, reading, reading: he himself stated that the year in which he made his greatest intellectual progress was his twelfth. His short stay at Magdalen College, Oxford, was largely wasted.64 It terminated abruptly when he was converted to Roman Catholicism. His father sent him away to French Switzerland, where he was soon reconverted, and then resumed his self-preparation for the task he dimly foresaw. His first published work was an essay in French (then the main culture-language) on the advantages of classical study. In 1764 he conceived the idea of his great history, which covers more than a thousand years—for the Roman empire did not fall until less than forty years before the discovery of America. Volume 1 appeared in 1776, with enormous success: Gibbon said it was ‘on every table and on almost every toilet’. Five more volumes appeared at intervals, the last in 1788; and, after writing an admirably short autobiography, Gibbon died in 1794, expiring simultaneously with the age of baroque.
《罗马帝国衰亡史》是一本极为重要的书。作为希腊和罗马帝国相互渗透的象征，罗马世界和现代世界，它堪比弥尔顿的《失乐园》或拉辛的悲剧、凡尔赛宫或圣保罗大教堂。虽然是英国人写的，但它是一部国际作品。它利用了几乎所有欧洲国家学者的研究成果（尤其是法国人蒂勒蒙特）；它的构思是在罗马；它部分在英国写成，部分在瑞士写成；它的风格是英语和拉丁语的丰富融合，并被法语所澄清（吉本已经开始用法语创作两部历史著作）；65其精神一部分来自英国辉格党绅士，一部分来自法国和英国启蒙运动。
The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire is a book of the highest importance. As a symbol of the interpenetration of the Greco Roman world and the modern world it is comparable to Milton’s Paradise Lost or Racine’s tragedies, Versailles or St. Paul’s Cathedral. Although written by an Englishman, it was an international product. It used the researches of scholars from nearly every country in Europe (particularly the Frenchman Tillemont); it was conceived in Rome; it was written partly in England and partly in Switzerland; its style was a rich fusion of English and Latin, clarified by French (the language in which Gibbon had already started two historical works);65 its spirit was partly that of the English Whig gentry and partly that of the French and English Enlightenment.
该书有两位杰出的前辈。博须埃是路易十四王位继承人法国王太子的导师，他为法国王太子撰写了《世界史论述》（1681 年）。该书按时间顺序概括和综合了犹太人、近东帝国、希腊人和罗马人以及查理曼大帝 (公元800 年) 之前罗马的入侵者和继承者的历史，并更详细地阐述了上帝的旨意如何引导事件的进程，从而建立真正的信仰。博须埃熟知历史，并且善于将事实结合起来，绘制出一幅宏大的画卷，但是，他完全依赖《旧约》和《新约》作为古代历史的唯一核心统一文献，这使得他的作品更具启发性，而非可靠性。在他的结论章中，他说所有历史事实都是上帝直接干预的结果：上帝不仅决定战争的发生和帝国的命运，而且也是上帝使个人和群体变得好色或自律、愚昧或有远见：根本不存在偶然，显然也不存在人类的意志或智慧。66这对于绝对君主的继承人来说无疑是极好的提醒，但却把历史变成了神学。67
It had two distinguished predecessors. Bossuet, who was tutor to the dauphin, heir to the throne of Louis XIV, wrote for him a Discourse on Universal History (1681). This is a chronological summary and synthesis of the histories of the Jews, the Near Eastern empires, the Greeks and Romans, and the invaders and successors of Rome until Charlemagne (A.D. 800), combined with a much longer exposition of God’s providence in guiding the course of events towards the establishment of the true faith. Bossuet knew a good deal of history; and he was skilful in combining his facts to produce a single grand picture; but his complete dependence on the Old and New Testaments as the single central unified document of ancient history rendered his work more edifying than reliable. In his concluding chapter he says that all historical facts are the result of God’s direct intervention: not only does God decide the event of wars and the fate of empires, but it is God who causes individual men and groups to be lustful or self-controlled, stupid or far-sighted: there is no such thing as chance, nor, apparently, human will or wisdom.66 This moral is no doubt excellent as a reminder for the heir of an absolute monarch, but changes history into theology.67
五十年后，十八世纪最杰出的思想家之一写了一本关于古代历史的伟大著作。这就是孟德斯鸠的《论罗马人伟大和衰落的原因》（1734 年）。孟德斯鸠已经因其波斯书信而闻名，是一位对社会和历史的深刻批评家，甚至在那时，他正在准备他最伟大的作品《论法律的精神》，他在罗马书中取得了一些只有在理性时代才有可能取得的成就。在这本简短、编排精美、清晰明了、优雅精确的书中，他结合了对罗马历史中从罗慕路斯时代到土耳其征服时期的重要日期、事实、人物和制度进行了广泛的概述，并对扩大、巩固和摧毁罗马的道德和社会、个人和战略因素进行了冷静、自信但又不过分简单的分析。它帮助形成了吉本的作品；事实上，尽管现在许多历史数据需要修正和扩展，但阅读这部小作品时，仍然不可能不感到钦佩，并且对人类思想的力量重新充满信心。
Fifty years later one of the finest minds of the eighteenth century wrote a much greater book on ancient history. This was Secondat de Montesquieu’s Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and of Their Decadence (1734). Already known through his Persian Letters as a penetrating critic of society and history, and even then preparing his greatest work, On the Spirit of the Laws, Montesquieu achieved something in his Roman book which was possible only to the age of reason. In a short, admirably arranged book of limpid clarity and elegant precision, he combined a broad survey of the essential dates, facts, individuals, and institutions of Roman history from the days of Romulus to the Turkish conquests, with a cool, confident, and yet not oversimplified analysis of the moral and social, personal and strategic factors which enlarged, consolidated, and destroyed Rome. It helped to form the work of Gibbon; and indeed, although many of the historical data now need correction and expansion, it is still impossible to read the little work without admiration, and a renewed confidence in the power of the human mind.
吉本的著作在艺术方面超越了其中一部，在范围方面也超越了另一部。它可以说是文艺复兴学术的巅峰之作，是对希腊罗马艺术、政治智慧和人文主义的推崇，这些在四百年前开始使西欧各国焕发活力。从另一个角度来看，这是现代欧洲罗马时代的终结。之后是希腊时代。
Gibbon’s book exceeds one of these two in art, and the other in scope. It could well be described as a culmination of Renaissance scholarship, of the admiration for Greco-Roman art, political wisdom, and humanism that began to vivify the nations of western Europe four hundred years earlier. Looked at from another point of view, it was the end of the age of Rome in modern Europe. After it came the age of Greece.
这是一本宏伟的书。它始于公元二世纪，结束于公元十五世纪。它不仅涵盖了罗马和拜占庭，还涵盖了继承国——法兰克人、东哥特人、伦巴第人——以及入侵者、鞑靼人、撒拉逊人、匈奴人、汪达尔人等等。一位现代崇拜者指出，所有优秀的评论家都对这部作品留下了同样的印象，即力量强大、组织精湛。沃尔特·白芝浩将其比作“一支罗马军团穿越动乱的国家……上山下山，穿过沼泽和灌木丛，穿过哥特人或帕提亚人……文明的象征”；圣伯夫将其比作“一场伟大的后卫行动，没有火力或鲁莽进行”；哈里森则将其描述为“一场罗马人的凯旋，某位凯撒的归来，伴随着战争的所有盛况和场面：各种肤色和服装的种族、野蛮民族的战利品、奇怪的野兽和城市的战利品”。68这幅作品以数个世纪的视角来理解和总结大量古代历史，与吉本所描述的黑暗时代流传下来的最早的艺术作品之一《法兰克人的棺材》相比，令人震撼。《法兰克人的棺材》将所有英雄的过去压缩成关于罗马的建立、耶路撒冷的攻占、一位北方英雄的苦难以及一个来自被遗忘的传说的马头怪物的图画。69
A majestic book. It begins in the second century of our era, and ends in the fifteenth. It covers not only Rome and Byzantium, but the successor states—the Franks, the Ostrogoths, the Lombards—and the invaders, Tartars, Saracens, Huns, Vandals, many more. A modern admirer notes that on all good critics the work has made the same impression, of great power and superb organization. Walter Bagehot compares it to the march of ‘a Roman legion through a troubled country… up hill and down hill, through marsh and thicket, through Goth or Parthian … an emblem of civilization’; Sainte-Beuve to ‘a great rearguard action, carried out without fire or impetuosity’; and Harrison to ‘a Roman triumph, of some Caesar returning, accompanied by all the pomp and circumstance of war: races of all colours and costumes, trophies of barbarous peoples, strange beasts, and the spoil of cities’.68 It is striking to compare this work, which grasps and sums up so much of ancient history, arranging it in a centuries-long perspective, with one of the earliest little works of art that have come down to us from the very Dark Ages described by Gibbon: the Franks Casket, which compresses all the heroic past into pictures of the founding of Rome, the capture of Jerusalem, the sufferings of a northern hero, and a horse-headed monster from a forgotten legend.69
然而，尽管规模宏大，其结构却并不统一。可以说它是不完整的。正如 Bury 指出的那样，第一部分占了整体的八分之五以上，充分描述了公元180 年至 641 年的时期，“从图拉真到君士坦丁，从君士坦丁到希拉克略”；而第二部则论述了 641 年至 1453 年，是概括性和情节性的，将一些长期的发展压缩为简短的概述，并以不成比例的篇幅描述某些重要事件。吉本为此辩解说，详细描述东部帝国的最后 800 年将是一项“不知感恩和忧郁的任务”——主要是因为他不喜欢有组织的基督教和复杂的帝国，“一连串的牧师或朝臣”。70然而，他的个人喜好却使他歪曲了他的主题。这在当时是一种普遍的偏见，但它损害了真相。
Still, its structure, although magnificent in scale, is not uniform. It could be called incomplete. As Bury points out, the first part, covering rather over five-eighths of the whole, fully describes the period from A.D. 180 to 641, ‘from Trajan to Constantine, from Constantine to Heraclius’; while the second, treating 641–1453, is summary and episodic, compressing some long developments into brief surveys and describing certain significant events at disproportionate length. Gibbon justifies this by saying that it would be an ‘ungrateful and melancholy task’ to describe the last 800 years of the eastern empire in detail—largely because he dislikes both organized Christianity and an elaborate empire, ‘a succession of priests, or courtiers’.70 Here, however, his personal preferences have caused him to distort his subject. It was then a common set of prejudices, but it damaged the truth.
如果没有分析能力，吉本的广泛涉猎将毫无用处。他拥有高度发达的智力和审美结构感。通过这种能力，他控制了庞大而无形的物质，上千个过程和上百万个事实，因此它们排列成庞大但易于管理的群体，其中七十一个群体构成了整个作品，并且没有附录、附言和附件，形成了一个真正巴洛克式宏伟的建筑整体。
Gibbon’s great range would be useless without his analytical power. He had a highly developed sense of intellectual and aesthetic structure. Through this he controlled the enormous and shapeless mass, a thousand processes and a million facts, so that they arranged themselves in large but manageable groups, seventy-one of which made up the entire work, and, uncluttered by appendixes and excursuses and annexes, formed an architectural whole of truly baroque grandeur.
然后就是所谓的“他独特风格的永恒魅力”。然而，它并不是独一无二的。个性并不是十七、十八世纪文体学家的主要目标之一。它经常受到赞扬，作为意志力的壮举，它确实值得称赞。困难在于，正如布瓦洛的那位女士谈到夏普-伊恩的诗时所说的那样，没有人能读懂它。71吉本的写作风格并非多音节，也不是一贯严肃——相反，他的文字有时诙谐优雅，他的脚注，尤其是对那些能够洞察“博学语言的晦涩之处”的人来说，常常令人反感的快乐。但他的句子很单调。他痴迷于两种模式，略有变化。他会说X；和 Y。他的下一句话会是X；和 Y；和 Z。有时他会插入X；但 Y。然后，像海滩上的海浪一样，有规律地、催眠性地，将X；和 Y；和 Z滚回去。72狄更斯雄辩地描述了读完几十页后的结果。听完《罗斯帝国的衰落与瓦解》后，博芬先生“眼睛和大脑都呆住了，受到了如此严重的惩罚，以至于他几乎不想向他的文学朋友道晚安”。73吉本过度使用对句和三行诗这两种手法，直到它们几乎成为吉本风格的同义词。孟德斯鸠的句子更加灵活。在他之前的英国，多恩和布朗的写作更加多变，但分量也同样不轻。这两位最伟大的罗马历史学家本应受制于如此有限的节奏范围。李维在叙述复杂的战略事件时铿锵有力，用简短不规则的句子来叙述战役、围攻、冲突、外交斗争或灾难，当英雄或恶棍发表那些揭示性格、感人肺腑的演说时，他会用激情洋溢的言辞来强调他的行动：因此，他比吉本更加个性化，更少出人意料和单调乏味。塔西佗写的是一部充满隐藏的竞争、复杂动机、背叛、苦难、仇恨和莫名其妙的愚蠢的历史，他的句子和他所描述的事件一样晦涩难懂，几乎没有模式。吉本也许以为自己写的是西塞罗式的散文，但那只是结束语的起伏散文；西塞罗在一篇演讲中就运用了四五种其他的表达方式，这些方式既快速，又幽默，既尖锐质问，又激烈地规劝，而吉本却从未尝试过。《罗马帝国衰亡史》是一篇永无休止的演说。
Then there is what has been called ‘the immortal affectation of his unique style’. Yet it is not unique. Individuality was not one of the chief aims of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century stylists. It has often been praised, and it is truly praiseworthy as a feat of willpower. The difficulty is that, as the lady in Boileau said of Chape-Iain’s poetry, no one can read it.71 It is not that Gibbon is too polysyllabic. Nor is he unremittingly solemn—on the contrary, his text is sometimes elegantly witty, and his footnotes, especially for those who are able to penetrate ‘the obscurity of a learned language’, often scandalously gay. But his sentences are monotonous. Two patterns, with minor variations, are his obsessions. He will say X; and Y. His next sentence will be X; and Y; and Z. Sometimes he will interpose X; but Y. Then, regularly and soporifically as waves on the beach, roll back X; and Y; and Z.72 The result of reading a few score pages of this is eloquently described by Dickens. After listening to ‘Decline and Fall Off the Rooshan Empire’, Mr. Boffin was left ‘staring with his eyes and mind, and so severely punished that he could hardly wish his literary friend Good-night’.73 Gibbon overworked the two devices of antithesis and tricolon until they became almost synonymous with the Gibbonian manner. Montesquieu’s sentences are more flexible. Before him in England, Donne and Browne were more varied and not less weighty. The two greatest Roman historians themselves would have shrunk from such a limited range of rhythms. Livy is sonorous and dignified in his narration of complex strategic events, breaks into short irregular sentences to relate battles, sieges, conflicts, diplomatic struggles, or disasters, flames into fiery rhetoric when a hero or a villain delivers one of those character-revealing and emotionally moving orations with which he punctuates his action: as a result, he is far more individual, far less expected and monotonous than Gibbon. Tacitus, writing a history of hidden rivalries, complex motivations, treachery, suffering, hatred, and inexplicable folly, made his sentences as obscure, almost as patternless as the events he described. Gibbon thought, perhaps, that he was writing Ciceronian prose; but it was the rolling prose of the perorations only; while in a single speech Cicero covers four or five other methods of expression, rapid, humorous, sharply interrogative, fiercely expostulatory, all untouched by Gibbon. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire is a perpetual peroration.
然而，吉本的文风特点在一定程度上取决于个人品味。他的书中客观存在的缺点很重要，也很有启发性。其中两个缺点是他那个时代的缺点，第三个缺点是他自己的缺点。
The character of Gibbon’s style, however, is partly a matter of taste. The objective faults of his book are important and instructive. Two of them were the faults of his age, the third was his own.
吉本更像是罗马人而非希腊人。他的拉丁文很棒，但他自己说自己对希腊书籍并不自在：因为他不仅与许多其他杰出作家合得来，而且与文艺复兴以来的文化潮流合得来。人们常常像阿尔卑斯山人一样远远地欣赏希腊文学，但他们对拉丁文却如鱼得水。这对吉本的作品的影响是，他误解并歪曲了以首都拜占庭为中心的东罗马帝国的力量，以及该帝国与西方和蛮族的关系。罗马之所以伟大，是因为它以自己的活力、纪律、自由等美德形成了一种文化，这些美德受到自制法律的约束，并受到希腊思想、艺术、科学和文学的丰富影响，并将这种文化传播到世界各地，传播到曾经只是蛮族部落的地方。在最辉煌的时候，罗马既是罗马的，又是希腊的。虽然帝国的一端主要是罗马，另一端几乎完全是希腊，但这两种元素在关键点上相互融合，并始终保持着融合。在帝国分裂之后，帝国一分为二，西部讲拉丁语，东部讲希腊语。然而，东部帝国在许多方面仍然是罗马帝国。它自称罗马，它统一了军事力量和文明影响力，它使许多希腊罗马文化传统得以生存和发展，而西方世界则在血火中挣扎着走出黑暗。正如伯里指出的那样，
Gibbon was more a Roman than a Greek. His Latin was excellent, but he himself says that he did not feel at ease with Greek books: in that he was at one not only with many other distinguished writers, but with the general current of culture since the Renaissance. People often admired Greek literature from a distance, like an Alp, but they were at home in Latin. The effect of this on Gibbon’s work was that he misconceived and misrepresented the power of the eastern Roman empire, centring on its capital, Byzantium, and the relations of that empire both to the west and to the barbarians. What made Rome great was that it formed a culture out of its own virtues of energy, discipline, freedom bound by self-made law, with the fertilizing influence of Greek thought, art, science, and literature, and that it communicated that culture far and wide over the world to what had been only barbarian tribes. At its greatest Rome was both Roman and Greek. Although at one extremity the empire was mainly Roman, and at the other almost wholly Greek, yet the two elements interfused at the critical points and were blended throughout. After the division of the empire into two, the western unit was Latin-speaking and the eastern Greek-speaking. Nevertheless, the eastern empire was still Roman in many respects. It called itself Roman, it united military power and civilizing influence, it kept many Greco-Roman cultural traditions alive and developing while the western world was struggling out of a darkness shot with blood and fire. As Bury points out,
“中世纪的历史学家们将注意力集中在西欧的新兴国家上，往往忽视了后来的帝国（即拜占庭罗马帝国）的地位及其在欧洲的威望。直到十一世纪中叶，除了查理大帝在世时，拜占庭罗马帝国在实力上一直是欧洲第一强国，而在科穆宁王朝统治下，拜占庭帝国仍然是欧洲第一强国……在整个时期，直到 1204 年（被十字军洗劫），君士坦丁堡都是世界上第一大城市。拜占庭帝国对邻国，尤其是斯拉夫民族的影响，是拜占庭帝国为欧洲发挥的第二大作用。”74
‘mediaeval historians, concentrating their interest on the rising States of western Europe, often fail to recognize the position held by the later empire (i.e. the Byzantine Roman empire) and its European prestige. Up to the middle of the eleventh century it was in actual strength the first power in Europe, except in the lifetime of Charles the Great, and under the Comneni it was still a power of the first rank… . Throughout the whole period, to 1204 (when it was sacked by the Crusaders), Constantinople was the first city in the world. The influence which the Empire exerted upon its neighbours, especially the Slavonic peoples, is the second great role which it fulfilled for Europe.’74
吉本错误地认为，拜占庭帝国在文化和政治上具有重要意义，无论是与其他欧洲国家相比，还是作为抵御蛮族的堡垒。基督教和希腊罗马文化正是通过拜占庭首次渗透到俄罗斯和巴尔干斯拉夫民族中；正是由于拜占庭的外交、财富、组织和战斗力，欧洲才没有受到野蛮的东方入侵的严重威胁，甚至可能遭到毁灭。拜占庭帝国有缺点，有些非常严重；这些缺点让吉本恼怒不已，甚至扭曲或模糊了他的视野；但这些缺点远不及拜占庭的美德和力量。
Gibbon gave a false impression of the cultural and political importance of the eastern empire, both in comparison with all other European states and as a bulwark against the barbarians. It was through Byzantium that Christianity and Greco-Roman culture first penetrated to the Russians and the Balkan Slav peoples; and it was because of the diplomacy, wealth, organization, and fighting powers of Byzantium that Europe was not far more gravely threatened, perhaps ruined, by savage oriental invasions. The empire had faults, some very grave; they were such as to irritate Gibbon to the point of distorting or obscuring his vision; but they were far less than its virtues and its powers.
这本书的第二个缺点更为根本。当你开始阅读一个漫长而极其重要的过程的历史，比如一个帝国的覆灭时，你期望被告知是什么原因或原因的组合导致了这一过程。你还期望历史学家在描述这一过程的各个阶段，展示出这些原因以不同的强度发挥作用，有时因冲突或抵抗而加速，有时则被抑制。你可以在孟德斯鸠的作品中找到这一点，但在吉本的作品中找不到。柯尔律治为此严厉批评了他，言辞夸张，一如既往：
The second fault of the book is even more fundamental. When you start to read the history of a long and eminently important process such as the fall of an empire, you expect to be told what cause or combination of causes was responsible for it. And you expect that the causes will be shown operating in various intensities, sometimes accelerated and sometimes held back by conflict or resistance, through the various stages of the process which the historian describes. This you will find in Montesquieu, but not in Gibbon. Coleridge excoriated him for this, in terms characteristically exaggerated:
“然后就把它叫做《罗马帝国衰亡史》！还有比这更错误的称呼吗？我抗议，我不请记住，整部作品中都曾有过一次哲学尝试，试图探究帝国衰落或覆灭的原因……吉本博览群书，但他没有哲学。”75
‘And then to call it a History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire! Was there ever a greater misnomer? I protest I do not remember a single philosophical attempt made throughout the work to fathom the causes of the decline or fall of that empire… . Gibbon was a man of immense reading; but he had no philosophy.’75
相反，你会发现，在叙述中散布着许多不同的原因，这些原因彼此之间没有联系，有时甚至相互矛盾。
On the contrary, you find, scattered here and there through the narrative, a number of different reasons, not interconnected, and sometimes mutually contradictory.
我们最早看到的暗示是吉本同代人卢梭所宣扬的思想的一个版本：野蛮人是强大而有德的，文明人是邪恶而软弱的。因此，在第 6 章中，吉本对比了
The earliest suggestion we meet is a version of the idea propagated by Gibbon’s contemporary Rousseau: savages are strong and virtuous, civilized people are vicious and weak. Thus, in chapter 6, Gibbon contrasts
“（奥西安时代的）未受教育的喀里多尼亚人，浑身散发着自然温暖的美德，而堕落的罗马人，则被财富和奴役的卑鄙罪恶所污染”。76
‘the untutored Caledonians [of Ossian’s times], glowing with the warm virtues of nature, and the degenerate Romans, polluted with the mean vices of wealth and slavery’.76
吉本在其作品的很早以前就接受了这种观点，并暗示蛮族入侵对世界来说是一件好事，因为（尽管在一千年后）他们创造了现代文明：
Very early in his work Gibbon accepts this idea, and implies that the barbarian invasions were a good thing for the world, since (although after a thousand years) they produced modern civilization:
“北方的巨人……恢复了自由的男子气概；经过十个世纪的革命，自由成为了品味和科学的幸福父母。”77
‘The giants of the north … restored a manly spirit of freedom; and, after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy parent of taste and science.’77
然而，当他转而描述公元二世纪及以后世纪的内部动乱时，他集中讨论了军队过强的力量，特别是意大利驻军和禁卫军的力量，“他们肆意妄为是帝国衰落的第一个症状和原因”。78在这一点上，他似乎认为帝国是由军队的主导力量和利用军队的军事冒险家的肆无忌惮从内部分裂的。然而，东部帝国拥有一支强大的军队，并没有从内部分裂。吉本在第二卷和第三卷中着重强调了君士坦丁制度的专制主义和派系精神。在第 35 章中，他提出了一个社会经济原因——税收不当导致财富分配不均，以及为庞大的帝国行政部门提供资金的困难。79最后，在第 38 章之后，他提出了一篇很久以前写成的文章《对西方罗马帝国衰落的一般观察》，介绍了一些相当新的理由，并使用了他在 1767 年写给休谟的一封信中的术语。80他在文中指出，罗马帝国“因其自身的重量而衰落”；并且“他没有探究罗马帝国为何被摧毁了，我们反而应该惊讶它居然还存在了这么久。”（然而，基督教也应负部分责任。）
Yet when he turns to describe the internal troubles of the second and later centuries, he concentrates on the excessive power of the army, and in particular of the Italian garrison, the praetorian guards, ‘whose licentious fury was the first symptom and cause of the decline of the empire’.78 At this point he seems to conceive that the empire was broken up from within by the predominating power of the army and the unscrupulousness of the military adventurers who used it. Yet the eastern empire had a powerful army, and did not break up from within. In his second and third volumes Gibbon lays much emphasis on the despotism of Constantine’s system, and on faction spirit. In chapter 35 he produces a socio-economic reason—the maldistribution of wealth through bad taxation and the difficulty of financing the vast imperial administration.79 Finally, having reached chapter 38, he produces ‘General Observations on the Fall of the Roman Empire in the West’, an essay composed long before, introducing some quite new reasons, and using terms taken from a letter he had written to Hume in 1767.80 In this he states that the Roman empire ‘fell by its own weight’; and, ‘instead of inquiring why the Roman empire was destroyed, we should rather be surprised that it had subsisted so long’. (Christianity, however, was partly to blame.)
这是一个更为深刻的思想，莫伊尔在其《论罗马政府宪法》中已经对此进行了阐述，而这一思想又在斯宾格勒的《西方衰亡史》中得到了更为大规模的重现。81文明与动物和人类一样，具有自然的生长、成熟和衰败节奏，超出这一节奏，文明就无法延长寿命。但是，如果不仔细运用事实，也不进行彻底的哲学讨论，这种想法就只是承认历史学家的失败。有时，吉本会公开承认自己找不到原因。例如，在描述哥特人入侵乌克兰时，他指出，其原因“隐藏在促使不安定的野蛮人行为的各种动机之中”。82当他提到公元 250 年至 265 年那场可怕的瘟疫时，83他没有得出由此得出的必要结论。
This is a much deeper thought, which had already been advanced by Moyle in his Essay on the Constitution of the Roman Government, and which reappears on a grand scale in Spengler’s The Decline and Fall of the West.81 It is the idea that civilizations, like animals and men, have a natural rhythm of growth, maturity, and decay, beyond which they cannot prolong their lives. But, without careful application to the facts and without support from a thorough philosophical discussion, this suggestion is only a confession of failure on the part of the historian. Sometimes Gibbon openly admits his failure to find reasons. For instance, in describing the Gothic invasion of the Ukraine he remarks that its cause ‘lies concealed among the various motives which actuate the conduct of unsettled barbarians’.82 And, when he mentions the formidable plague of 250–65,83 he does not draw the necessary conclusions which followed from it.
自吉本以来，人们对希腊和罗马文明的衰落提出了许多普遍的解释。84罗斯托夫采夫认为，主要原因是罗马军队中服役的半野蛮同胞对以他们为食、榨取他们血汗的城市居民怀有仇恨；但有些人认为，他无意识地从农民和士兵苏维埃推翻沙皇政府的事件中得出这一结论。塞克认为，罗马最优秀的血统被皇帝们消灭了，只留下了无能和懦弱的弱者；他和其他人都指出，糟糕的农业和金融体系的引入使自由的自耕农不复存在。显然，无论提出什么解释，都不仅必须解释西方帝国的覆灭，还必须解释东方帝国的存续。西方人似乎不再有新思想，而拜占庭人却在一代又一代中继续发展新的行政政策、新的精神活动和新的科学发明。例如，在公元七世纪，他们制造了液体火和火焰喷射器来击退阿拉伯人对君士坦丁堡的进攻。用汤因比的话来说，他们成功地应对了蛮族进攻的挑战，而西罗马人则没有。但吉本发现，对这一漫长过程的实际叙述是如此困难和复杂，以至于他没有精力去分析其原因。
Since Gibbon’s day, many general explanations have been offered for the fall of the civilization of Greece and Rome.84 Rostovtzeff held that the main cause was the hatred which the half-barbarous countrymen serving in the Roman armies felt for the city-folk who fed on them and bled them; but some have thought that he was unconsciously reasoning from the overthrow of the Tsarist government by Soviets of peasants and soldiers. Seeck thought the best stock of Rome was killed off by the emperors, leaving only inefficient and cowardly weaklings; and both he and others pointed to the introduction of bad agricultural and financial systems which crushed the free yeomanry out of existence. Clearly, whatever explanation is brought forward must account not only for the fall of the western empire, but for the survival of the eastern empire. It would seem that the men of the west stopped having new ideas, while the Byzantines continued to develop new administrative policies, new spiritual activities, new scientific inventions, for many a generation. In the seventh century, for instance, they produced liquid fire and flame-throwers to repel the Arab attack on Constantinople. In Toynbee’s phrase, they responded successfully to the challenge of the barbarian attacks, while the western Romans did not. But Gibbon found the actual narration of the vast process so difficult and so complicated that he had no energy left to analyse its causes.
这本书的第三个缺点是它对基督教的偏见。他自己告诉我们，这本书的构思是他在卡皮托利欧的废墟中坐着，听赤脚的修道士在朱庇特神庙里唱晚祷时产生的。85即使在这幅光辉的小画中，也出现了令他着迷的对比：一个“礼貌而强大的帝国”与那些拒绝效忠它的半野蛮狂热分子之间的对比，后者分裂了它，通过教导“耐心和胆怯”来消耗它的能量，并摧毁了它。第 15 章和第 16 章以对基督教精神和传统的最聪明和最引人注目的攻击而闻名。它们从表面上尊重地叙述早期教会的故事，到伏尔泰式的讽刺段落，他在其中指责异教科学家没有注意到信仰建立时出现的无数奇迹，最后得出“令人悲伤的事实”的结论：“基督徒……给彼此造成的严酷程度远远超过他们从异教徒的狂热中经历的严酷程度”。这些章节自从出版以来尤其引起了许多反击。86但同样的态度在整本书中一再出现：就像吉本笑着指出的那样，基督徒曾热烈谴责罗马人和希腊人崇拜偶像，但是他们一建立自己的宗教，就立即在教堂里摆满了图画和雕像、圣像和圣物。87甚至他对穆罕默德教起源的描述实际上也是反基督教的：它展示了伊斯兰教和基督教在早期阶段的相似性有多么接近，然后强调了这样一个事实：伊斯兰教（与基督教不同）拒绝所有可见的对上帝及其使徒的描绘。88吉本的书以这句著名的警句结尾：“我描述了野蛮和宗教的胜利。”89读过他的历史后，我们不可能不认识到，他认为这两股势力同样具有破坏性，同样卑鄙。
The third fault of the book is its bias against Christianity. It was conceived, he himself tells us, as he sat in the ruins of the Capitol and listened to the barefooted friars singing vespers in the Temple of Jupiter.85 Even in that brilliant little picture appears the contrast which obsessed him: the contrast between ‘a polite and powerful empire’ and the half-savage fanatics who refused their allegiance to it, divided it, sapped its energies by teaching ‘patience and pusillanimity’, and destroyed it. Chapters 15 and 16 are famous as the cleverest and most striking attack on the spirit and the traditions of Christianity which has ever been executed. They pass from apparently respectful narration of the stories told about the early church, through passages of Voltairian irony in which he reproaches the pagan scientists for failing to notice the innumerable prodigies which accompanied the establishment of the faith, to the conclusion in the ‘melancholy truth’ that ‘the Christians … have inflicted far greater severities on each other than they had experienced from the zeal of infidels’. These chapters in particular have evoked many counter-attacks ever since they were published.86 But the same attitude recurs again and again throughout the book: as when Gibbon points out with the hint of a smile that the Christians, who had been so fervent in denouncing the Romans and Greeks for worshipping images, no sooner established their own religion than they filled their churches with pictures and statues, holy icons and holy relics.87 Even his account of the origins of Mohammedanism is anti-Christian in effect: it shows how close was the parallelism between Islam and Christianity in their early stages, and then emphasizes the fact that Islam (unlike Christianity) rejects all visible portrayals of God and His Apostles.88 Gibbon’s book closes with the famous epigram: ‘I have described the triumph of Barbarism and Religion.’89 It is impossible to read his history without recognizing that he viewed these two forces as equally destructive and equally despicable.
吉本之所以要把他的历史写成对基督教的长期攻击，是因为他像许多伟人和善良的人一样，比如蒙田，害怕和憎恨宗教不宽容。他本人曾是罗马天主教徒，后来又改信新教。作为天主教徒，他感受到了新教不宽容的一些严酷。在他改信新教期间，他的牧师无疑强调了天主教十字军和宗教裁判所对新教的攻击。当他列举和阐述各种在谈到罗马文明的优点时，他首先提到的就是宗教宽容，它源于“古代的温和精神”。90当他赞扬皇帝尤利安（被称为叛教者）时，是因为他
Gibbon’s motive for making his history a prolonged attack on Christianity was that—like many great and good men, Montaigne, for instance—he feared and hated religious intolerance. He himself had been a Roman Catholic, and had become a Protestant once more. As a Catholic he had felt some of the rigours of Protestant intolerance. During his reconversion his pastors had no doubt emphasized the attacks on Protestantism carried out by Catholic crusaders and inquisitors. When he lists and expounds the various merits of Roman civilization, the very first he mentions is religious toleration, flowing from ‘the mild spirit of antiquity’.90 When he praises the emperor Julian (called the Apostate), it is because he
“向罗马世界的所有居民提供自由和平等宽容的好处；他给基督徒带来的唯一困难是剥夺他们折磨同胞的权力”。91
‘extended to all the inhabitants of the Roman world the benefits of a free and equal toleration; and the only hardship which he inflicted on the Christians was to deprive them of the power of tormenting their fellow subjects’.91
但吉本对基督教的偏见导致他篡改历史。这使他低估了东方帝国的成就，误解了其性质，因为东方帝国既是罗马帝国又是基督教帝国。这使他轻描淡写地忽略了圣西里尔和美多迪乌斯及其继任者对野蛮的斯拉夫部落进行教化和基督教化的工作。上面引用的这句话是最糟糕的篡改。“野蛮和宗教的胜利”是对帝国覆灭的错误描述。它不能概括整个过程，最多只能部分描述公元 2 世纪和 3 世纪的动乱。但第一位信奉基督教的皇帝君士坦丁在 4 世纪初登基。从那时起，罗马就以基督教为主，并从 380 年开始完全正式信奉基督教。确实，在此之前，原始基督徒坚信世界末日即将来临，鄙视异教的淫秽和荒谬，拒绝效忠皇帝，扰乱帝国的行政管理，拒绝参与任何国家活动。但在基督教成为国教之后，它不再是罗马世界强大的破坏力量。
But Gibbon’s bias against Christianity led him to falsify history. It caused him to underestimate the achievements and to misconceive the character of the eastern empire, which was both Roman and Christian. It made him skim lightly over the work of Saints Cyril and Methodius and their successors, in civilizing and Christianizing the savage Slavic tribes. The sentence quoted above contains the worst falsification of all. ‘The triumph of Barbarism and Religion’ is a false description of the fall of the empire. Instead of summing up the entire process, it can at most be a partial description of the troubles in the second and third centuries A.D. But Constantine, the first Christian emperor, gained the throne early in the fourth century. Thenceforward Rome was predominantly, and from 380 completely and officially, Christian. It is true that, before this period, the primitive Christians, firm in their belief that the world was about to end, and despising the obscenities and absurdities of paganism, had withheld allegiance to the emperors, disrupted the imperial administration, and refused to take part in any of the activities of the state. But after Christianity became the official religion, it ceased to be a powerful disruptive force within the Roman world.
事实恰恰相反。蛮族的入侵和渗透是帝国覆灭的主要原因之一。基督教是希腊罗马文明得以幸存的主要原因之一——事实上，它并不是西方帝国的幸存，而是希腊罗马文明的许多最美好和最持久的活力方面幸存下来的原因。吉本鄙视底比斯的狂野苦行僧、食草的隐士和拜占庭歇斯底里的教派信徒也许是对的；92但他更喜欢鞑靼人、土耳其人、北方人和匈奴人吗？几乎每一个罗马省的历史都表明，一波又一波的蛮族冲破帝国的城墙，都遭到基督徒的抵抗，即使他们冲破堤坝涌入，最终也通过基督教的教义和基督教是镇静、克制和文明的典范。十八世纪的吉本也许不可避免地认为基督教狂热是所有罪恶中最危险的一种，并鄙视基督教对它的启发。更完整的解释是，即使基督教信条有时会为野蛮势力提供发泄渠道，基督教也总是被用来压制或疏导它们。而对于我们二十世纪的人来说，我们已经看到了高度组织化的当代异教徒的野蛮行径，而且我们可能还会见到更多，基督教显然比吉本所能理解的更伟大，是人类历史上最伟大的建设性社会力量之一。
The reverse is true. The barbarian invasions and infiltrations were one of the main causes of the fall of the empire. Christianity was one of the main causes of the survival—not indeed of the western empire, but of Greco-Roman civilization in many of its best and most permanently vital aspects. Gibbon may be right in despising the wild ascetics of the Thebaid, the grass-eating anachorets, and the hysterical sectaries of Byzantium;92 but would he prefer the Tartars, the Turks, the Northmen, and the Huns? The history of nearly every Roman province shows how the successive waves of savages that broke over the walls of the empire were resisted by Christians, and, even when they burst the dikes and flowed in, were at last, through Christian teaching and example, calmed and controlled and civilized. Perhaps it was inevitable for Gibbon in the eighteenth century to believe that Christian fanaticism was one of the most dangerous of all evils, and to despise Christianity for inspiring it. A more complete explanation is that, even if Christian creeds sometimes gave an outlet to the forces of savagery, Christianity was always exercised to repress them or to canalize them. And to us in the twentieth century, who have seen the barbarities of highly organized contemporary pagan peoples and who are likely to see more, Christianity is very clearly a greater thing than Gibbon could understand, one of the greatest constructive social forces in human history.
19
革命时代
19
THE TIME OF REVOLUTION
§ I. 引言
§ I. INTRODUCTION
十八世纪下半叶，文学一直在变化，再次改变了其性质和方法——这一次变化非常明显。哲学和历史让位于小说。散文让位于诗歌。知识分子让位于情感。机智、礼貌和自我控制的理想被视为虚假而被抛弃。人们转而欣赏真诚、敏感和自我表达。新的文学模式得以发展，以前微不足道或令人厌恶的主题变得令人兴奋。由于人们对中世纪——当时的骑士冒险故事被称为传奇故事——产生了新的崇拜。1当时的一些精神和审美理想被称为“浪漫主义”。现在习惯称之为浪漫主义复兴。这一时期的作家通常被称为“浪漫主义”作家——无论他们像斯科特一样，实际上更喜欢中世纪题材，还是像雪莱一样，不太关心哥特式的过去。将“浪漫主义”和“古典主义”原则进行对比，并假设那个时代的伟大诗人鄙视和回避希腊和拉丁文学，已经成为一种陈词滥调。这是一种误解，阻碍了许多现代读者理解这一时期。
IN the second half of the eighteenth century, literature, for ever changing, once more changed its character and methods—this time very decisively. Philosophy and history gave way to fiction. Prose gave way to poetry. Intellectualisrn gave way to emotion. The ideals of wit, politeness, and self-control were discarded as artificial. People turned to admire sincerity, sensitivity, and selfexpression. Fresh literary patterns were developed, and subjects formerly negligible or repulsive became exciting. Because of the new admiration for the Middle Ages—when tales of chivalrous adventure were known as romances1—1 some of the spiritual and aesthetic ideals of the time were named ‘romantic’. It is customary now to call it the Romantic Revival. The authors of the period are often known as ‘romantic’ writers—whether, like Scott, they actually preferred medieval subjects or, like Shelley, cared little for the Gothic past. It has become a cliché of criticism to contrast ‘romantic’ and ‘classical’ principles, and to assume that the great poets of that age despised and shunned Greek and Latin literature. This is a misconception which prevents many modern readers from understanding the period.
事实上，新思想和文学并未抛弃希腊语和拉丁语。产生雪莱的《解放了的普罗米修斯》、济慈的《希腊古瓮颂》、歌德的《罗马哀歌》、夏多布里昂的《殉道者》以及阿尔菲里的悲剧的那场运动不可能是反古典的。相反，1765 年至 1825 年间大多数伟大的欧洲作家比他们的前辈更了解古典文学，并且更善于捕捉和再现其含义。雪莱比蒲柏更懂希腊语。歌德比克洛普施托克更懂希腊语。莱奥帕尔迪、荷尔德林、谢尼埃都是优秀的学者。这一时期古典文学并未被忽视。相反，它们得到了重新诠释：人们以不同的侧重点和更深刻的理解重温它们。
In fact, the new thought and literature did not turn away from Greek and Latin. It is impossible to believe that the movement which produced Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound, Keats’s Ode on a Grecian Urn, Goethe’s Roman Elegies, Chateaubriand’s The Martyrs, and the tragedies of Alfieri was anti-classical. On the contrary, most of the great European writers of the epoch 1765–1825 knew much more about classical literature than their predecessors, and were more successful in capturing and reproducing its meaning. Shelley knew more Greek than Pope. Goethe knew more Greek than Klopstock. Leopardi, Hölderlin, Chénier were good scholars. The classics were not neglected during this period. Instead, they were reinterpreted: they were re-read with a different emphasis and deeper understanding.
十八世纪末和十九世纪初的中世纪和“浪漫”元素虽然引人注目，但相对无关紧要和肤浅。这一时期真正的推动力是社会、政治、宗教、美学和道德抗议。这是一个反抗的时代，与其说是浪漫主义时代，不如说是革命时代。标志着这一时期的文学变化是更广泛的精神变革的一部分。它的作家们反抗传统、偏见、权力滥用或人类灵魂范围的限制。他们中的大多数人都是政治反叛者：以至于当华兹华斯、歌德和阿尔菲里反对法国大革命时，他们似乎背弃了他们那个时代的理想。巴洛克时期的社会结构正在从内部瓦解，并受到来自外部的攻击。贵族的影响力正在受到削弱。罗马天主教会的世俗权力正在减弱。潮流正在从君主制转向共和制。然而，将此视为希腊罗马理想的崩溃、“古典”时代的消失是错误的。相反，在普遍的反抗运动中，希腊和共和制罗马的例子是最迫切的力量之一。奥西安不如普鲁塔克那么有活力。革命者认为自己比对手更古典，他们主要攻击的是中世纪制度的残存，例如贵族的封建特权。即使是革命统治者拿破仑，也是罗马风格的皇帝，戴着桂冠和鹰徽，与中世纪众多君主中的最后一位路易形成鲜明对比。
The element of medievalism and ‘romance’ in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was, although striking, relatively unimportant and superficial. The real moving force of the period was social, political, religious, aesthetic, and moral protest. It was a time of revolt, and it would be better called the Revolutionary than the Romantic era. The changes in literature which marked it were part of a wider spiritual change. Its writers were in rebellion against conventions, or prejudices, or abuses of power, or limitations of the scope of the human soul. Most of them were political rebels: so much so that when Wordsworth and Goethe and Alfieri turned against the French Revolution, they seemed to be deserting the ideals of their age. The social structure of the baroque period was disintegrating from within and was being attacked from without. The influence of aristocracies was being curtailed. The temporal power of the Roman Catholic church was diminishing. The tide was setting away from monarchy towards republicanism. Nevertheless, it would be wrong to consider this as the collapse of Greco-Roman ideals, the disappearance of a ‘classical’ age. On the contrary, in the general movement of revolt, the examples of Greece and republican Rome were among the most urgent forces. Ossian was less vital than Plutarch. The revolutionaries believed themselves to be more classical than their opponents, and what they chiefly attacked was the survival of medieval institutions such as the feudal privileges of the nobles. Even Napoleon, the revolutionary ruler, was an emperor in the Roman style, with his laurels and his eagles, as contrasted with Louis, the last of a long procession of medieval monarchs.
那么，说革命时期的特点是对古典学的反动是完全错误的吗？如果是，为什么这种错误的描述会被接受，又是如何持续至今的？如果不是，其中有多少真实性？
Is it, then, entirely wrong to say that the revolutionary period was marked by a reaction against the classics? If so, why was such an erroneous description ever accepted and how has it persisted? If not, how much truth is there in it?
这并非完全错误。特别是在英国，人们对古典文学影响的不良影响之一产生了反感：习惯于让希腊罗马神话和希腊罗马诗人进行创作。巴洛克诗人不是写出新的东西，不是用观察的眼光看世界，不是在语言中产生更新、更微妙的思想回响，而是常常满足于使用已经陈腐的古典形象，或者模仿一种众所周知的古典文体手法。他们不会描述月光下的花园和夜莺，而是说狄安娜的甜蜜影响降临在仙女的树林上，她们沉默不语，聆听菲洛梅拉的抱怨。仙女、月亮少女和菲洛梅拉的传说是强大的想象力刺激，近 3000 年来一直唤起美丽的诗歌。2但是，神话无论多么美丽，如果没有新的想象力，就不足以创作诗歌；而在巴洛克时期，太多作家都是缺乏想象力的抄袭者。因此，革命时期发生的反应不是针对古典文学本身，而是针对巴洛克时代缺乏想象力的特点，尤其是针对使用古典陈词滥调作为想象力表达捷径的习惯。这就是麦考利在关于腓特烈大帝的文章中所说的“普罗米修斯和奥菲斯、极乐世界和阿克伦……以及所有其他的浮华，就像一位骄傲的美人向她的侍女扔的长袍，早已被天才轻蔑地抛弃，落入平庸之辈手中”。3古典意象的长袍曾经是天才的服饰，但一时却已过时。它的色彩将被更伟大的艺术家重新赋予。
It was not wholly false. There was, particularly in England, a reaction against one of the bad effects of classical influence in literature: the habit of letting the Greek and Roman myths and the Greek and Roman poets do the work of creation. Instead of writing something fresh, instead of looking at the world with an observing eye, instead of producing newer and more subtle echoes of thought in language, the baroque poets were too often content to use a classical image, already hackneyed, or to imitate a classical stylistic device too well known. Instead of describing a moonlit garden with its nightingales, they would say that the sweet influence of Diana fell over the groves of the nymphs, who were silent, listening to the complaint of Philomel. Now, the nymphs, the moon-maiden, and the legend of Philomela are powerful imaginative stimuli, and have been evoking beautiful poetry for nearly 3,000 years.2 But myths, however beautiful, are not enough to make poetry without fresh imagination; and in the baroque period too many writers were unimaginative copyists. Therefore the reaction which occurred in the revolutionary era was not against the classics as such, but against the lack of imagination characteristic of the baroque age and in particular against the habit of using classical clichés as short-cuts to imaginative expression. This is what Macaulay means when, in his essay on Frederick the Great, he speaks of ‘Prometheus and Orpheus, Elysium and Acheron, … and all the other frippery, which, like a robe tossed by a proud beauty to her waiting-woman, has long been contemptuously abandoned by genius to mediocrity’.3 Once the garment of genius, the robe of classical imagery was, for the time, outworn. Its colours were to be revived by greater artists.
将文学革命时期称为反古典时期的另一个原因是，它所坚持的一些情感和艺术理想与希腊罗马的生活和文学理想相悖：至少与 17 世纪和 18 世纪早期的人们所诠释的理想相悖。特别是，人们谴责克制情感，而推崇强烈的情感表达；精致的工艺被认为不如即兴创作和自然雄辩的喷涌；人们认为，一个完整的艺术整体中各部分的对称是人为的、不自然的、死板的。诗人们出版了不平衡的作品，如《浮士德》；未完成的作品，如《恰尔德·哈罗德》、《海伯里昂》、《克里斯塔贝尔》和《忽必烈汗》。
Another reason for speaking of the revolutionary period in literature as anti-classical is that some of the emotional and artistic ideals it upheld were opposed to the ideals of Greco-Roman life and literature: at least, to those ideals as interpreted by the men of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In particular, restraint of emotion was now decried in favour of strong expression of feeling; polished workmanship was held inferior to improvisation and the gush of natural eloquence; and symmetry of the parts within a complete artistic whole was felt to be artificial, unnatural, dead. Poets published unbalanced works like Faust, unfinished works like Childe Harold, Hyperion, Christabel, and Kubla Khan.
巴洛克时期最受推崇的古典作家在不同程度上持有上述理想，巴洛克批评家从这些理想中得出了严格的原则——他们随后指责其他希腊和拉丁作家不遵循这些原则。他们称荷马为庸俗之人；称埃斯库罗斯为疯子。随着时间的推移，随着巴洛克社会变得更加僵化，这些原则变得更加纯粹外在；许多与古典无关的原则被添加进来，但它们进入了一种普遍的“正确性”模式，人们错误地认为这些模式源自希腊人和罗马人的权威。麦考利在摩尔对拜伦生平的评论中有一段关于这些原则的有趣段落。他引用了以下观点有些评论家认为弥尔顿不该在《失乐园》第一卷中用那么多明喻，因为《伊利亚特》第一卷中没有明喻，所以史诗的第一卷应该是最朴实无华的；或者说奥赛罗不应该是悲剧的英雄，因为英雄应该永远是白人。他说他也可以规定每幕的场景数应该是三或三的倍数；每场的台词数应该是正方形；人物不应该多于或少于十六个；英雄对句的每三十六行应该有十二个音节。这样的“规则”——制定了许多同样荒谬的规则——既没有必要也不符合古典主义。“古典主义者”一词与“古典的”不同，它意味着试图模仿古典主义，这个词本身就是一个合适的名称。
The former ideals had been held in various degrees by the classical authors most admired in the baroque period, and were educed from them as rigid principles by the baroque critics—who then abused the other Greek and Latin writers for not following them. They called Homer vulgar; they called Aeschylus mad. In time, as baroque society became more rigid, the principles became more purely external; many were added which had nothing to do with the classics, but which entered into a general pattern of ‘correctness’ falsely thought to be derived from the authority of the Greeks and Romans. There is an amusing passage on them in Macaulay’s review of Moore’s life of Byron. He cites the opinion of some critics that Milton ought not to have put so many similes into the first book of Paradise Lost, for there are no similes in the first book of the Iliad, and so the first book of an epic ought to be the most unadorned; or that Othello should not be the hero of a tragedy, for a hero ought always to be white. He says he might just as well enact that the number of scenes in every act should be three or some multiple of three; that the number of lines in every scene should be an exact square; that the characters should never be more or fewer than sixteen; and that every thirty-sixth line in heroic couplets should have twelve syllables. Such ‘rules’—and many were laid down which were hardly less absurd—were neither necessary nor classical. The word ‘classicist’, which is not the same as ‘classical’ but implies an attempt to emulate the classics, suggests itself as a suitable name for them.
上述三个原则确实为希腊人和罗马人所遵守，但其范围比巴洛克批评家所承认的要广泛和合理得多。例如，情感的表达受到限制，但仅限于排除粗俗、不连贯和无法容忍的身体直率。英雄可以在舞台上发疯；他可以打扮成乞丐，或赤身裸体地被扔到一个陌生的岛上；他甚至可以用“门房般的语言”辱骂敌人。然而，尽管他的举止并不总是巴洛克贵族的举止，但他不能做有损人性的事情：他可以哭泣，但不能喝醉；他可以发疯，但他会克服自己的疯狂，或者死去；他找不到逃离这个世界——我们的监狱——的肮脏出路。许多巴洛克作家犯的错误是相信古典作家推崇压抑或回避情感。革命时期的伟大作家，就像希腊人一样，深深地感受到情感，但却控制着它的表达。
The three principles mentioned above were indeed observed by the Greeks and Romans; but within far broader and more sensible limits than the baroque critics admitted. For instance, the expression of emotion was restrained, but only so far as to exclude vulgarity, incoherence, and intolerable physical frankness. The hero could go mad on the stage; he could be dressed as a beggar, or be cast up naked on a strange island; he could even abuse his enemies in ‘porter-like language’. Yet, although his manners were not always those of a baroque peer, he could not do things which would degrade humanity: he could weep, but not get drunk; he could go mad, but he would conquer his madness, or die; he would find no sordid escape from this world, our prison. The mistake made by many baroque writers was to believe that the classical authors admired repression or avoidance of emotion. The great authors of the revolutionary period, like the Greeks themselves, felt emotion deeply, but controlled its expression.
革命时期的文学之所以被描述为反古典的，还有一个原因。那就是，许多超出古典文学范围的人类经验的新领域，现在都向诗人和他们的读者开放了。民间诗歌、农民生活、中世纪及其残存，无论是幽灵般的、冒险的还是多情的、野性的、神秘的东方、政治革命、人类激情的险恶深处——所有这些和其他动机都涌入革命作家的心中。巴洛克诗人自认为有种种局限性，通常写得太少了。现在，革命的诗人们承受了太多的压力。他们中的大多数在压力之下崩溃了。《唐璜》从未完成；《隐士》从未完成；歌德不得不在八十岁时付出巨大的努力才完成《浮士德》；席勒从未写出一本让自己满意的古典题材的书，并对自己的作品感到不满而死；柯尔律治在头一两年后从未完成过任何作品。巴洛克时期主要集中在古典神话和历史、人类心理学和某些基本的哲学问题上；但现在开辟了广阔的新领域。因此，肤浅的观察者倾向于将革命时期解释为诗人的兴趣完全从古典转向其他东西的时期。但是，正如他们的生活所表明的那样，大多数革命作家比他们的前辈更热爱和理解古典文学。
There is a further reason for the description of the literature of the revolutionary period as anti-classical. It is that a number of new fields of human experience, outside the scope of classical literature, were now thrown open to poets and their readers. Folk poetry; peasant life; the Middle Ages and their survivals, ghostly, adventurous, or amorous; wild nature; the mysterious East; political revolutions; the sinister depths of human passion—all these and other motives came surging in on the revolutionary writers. Baroque poets, with all their self-accepted limitations, had usually had too little to write about. Now the revolutionary poets had too much. Most of them cracked under the strain. Don Juan was never finished; The Recluse was never finished; Goethe had to make titanic efforts to finish Faust at the age of eighty; Schiller never managed to produce a book on any classical subject to satisfy himself, and died ill-content with his work; Coleridge, after the first year or two, never finished anything. The baroque period had concentrated chiefly on classical myth and history, human psychology, and certain fundamental philosophical problems; but now vast new fields were opened up. Superficial observers are therefore apt to interpret the revolutionary period as one in which the interest of poets was entirely turned away from the classics towards something else. But, as their lives show, most of the revolutionary writers loved and understood classical literature better than their predecessors.
因此，我们应该修正将这一时期视为对古典诗歌和古典标准的反动的肤浅观念。大多数基于作用与反动的历史、艺术或心理学观念都是肤浅的：它们是从物理学中借用的思维模式，而物理学现在已知是不充分的。一旦科学完全摆脱物理学的统治，有机化学很可能会提供更具启发性的比喻来描述人类精神的活动。历史不像时钟滴答作响或钟摆摆动。我们不要将这个时代视为反动时代，而应该将其描述为扩张和探索时代。
We should therefore revise the shallow conception of this period as one of reaction against classical poetry and classical standards. Most conceptions of history, art, or psychology which are based on action-and-reaction are shallow: they are patterns of thought borrowed from physics, and from a physics which is now known to be inadequate. As soon as the sciences completely free themselves from the domination of physics, it is likely that organic chemistry will provide far more illuminating metaphors to describe the activities of the human spirit. History is not like a clock ticking or a pendulum swinging. Instead of viewing this age as one of reaction, let us describe it as one of expansion and exploration.
它甚至可以被称为一场爆炸。它所释放的能量起初是无法控制的。巴洛克时期的象征是一颗珍珠，在其光滑但不规则的表面所蕴含的力量的压力下向外伸展（第 289 页）。革命时代是珍珠的爆炸。它的活动不是冲突、紧张和难以控制，而是释放。它释放的力量在引发了令人震惊的残酷、可怕的灾难、惊人的美丽和宏伟的精神抱负之后，以新的形状重新形成并受到新的控制。但旧时代的形式一去不复返了。
It could even be called an explosion. The energies it set free were at first uncontrollable. The symbol of the baroque period was a pearl, straining outwards under the pressure of the forces which its smooth but irregular surface contained (p. 289). The revolutionary age was the explosion of the pearl. Its activity was not conflict, and tension, and difficult control, but release. The forces it released, after issuing in startling cruelties, terrible disasters, amazing beauties, and grand spiritual aspirations, reformed in a new shape and became subject to new controls. But the form of the old age was gone for ever.
然后，我们可以将革命时代与文艺复兴时期进行比较，从而更深入地理解革命时代。与文艺复兴时期一样，革命时代也是一个政治变革迅速且往往剧烈的时代，长期建立的结构迅速瓦解为碎片；它是一个辉煌而出乎意料的艺术创作时代；它是一个激烈的国家之间、社会内部和个人灵魂之间的冲突；发现新的思想领域供精神探索；才华横溢的人从默默无闻中脱颖而出，在短短几年内成为世界推动者；对未来的骄傲希望和对人类灵魂的无限信任，往往以冷酷的绝望告终。像文艺复兴一样，它摧毁了几个世纪以来存在的几种思想体系，这些思想体系逐渐变得不再有活力，越来越没有意义和传统。像文艺复兴一样，它给世界带来了一组新的政治、社会和美学概念；像文艺复兴一样，它之后是一段漫长的休整和发展时期，在此期间，它的成就被吸收和评价。1914 年结束的时期对于革命时代来说，就像巴洛克时代对于文艺复兴一样。但是，在革命时代和文艺复兴时期，最伟大的重新发现之一就是古典文化的世界。
We can then reach a deeper understanding of the revolutionary era by comparing it with the Renaissance. Like the Renaissance, it was an epoch of rapid and often violent political change, in which long-established structures were quickly broken into fragments; of brilliant and unexpected artistic creations; of fierce conflicts alike between nations, and within societies, and in the souls of individuals; of the discovery of new realms of thought for the spirit to explore; of brilliant men who emerged from obscurity to become world-movers within a few brief ardent years; of proud hope for the future and unbounded trust in the soul of man, often ending in cold despair. Like the Renaissance, it destroyed several systems of thought which had been in existence for centuries and had gradually become less and less vital, more and more meaningless and conventional. Like the Renaissance, it gave the world a fresh group of political and social and aesthetic concepts; like the Renaissance, it was succeeded by a long period of rest and development during which its achievements were assimilated and evaluated. The period which ended in 1914 was to the revolutionary era what the baroque age was to the Renaissance. But, in the revolutionary era as in the Renaissance, one of the great rediscoveries was the world of classical culture.
这两个时代标志着对古代的探索的两个互补阶段。文艺复兴意味着拉丁语的吸收，而革命时代则意味着更接近希腊语。像蒙田这样的文艺复兴时期的人会谈论“古人”，但实际上他们想到的是罗马人；他们会随意引用西利乌斯·伊塔利库斯等五流拉丁诗人的作品，偶尔也会引用荷马等一流希腊诗人的作品。这种态度现在发生了逆转。激发济慈灵感的是荷马，而不是维吉尔。阿尔菲里在五十岁时学习希腊语。当雪莱和歌德决定写伟大的戏剧时，他们没有想到塞涅卡，而是努力模仿埃斯库罗斯和欧里庇得斯。当革命诗人向往一个理想的国家时，通常是希腊而不是罗马。革命时期是从晚期希腊艺术的拉丁改编中复制而来的洛可可花环和洛可可丘比特消失的时代，为埃尔金大理石让路。
The two epochs marked two complementary stages in the exploration of antiquity. The Renaissance meant the assimilation of Latin, while the revolutionary era meant a closer approach to Greek. Men of the Renaissance, like Montaigne, would speak of ‘the ancients’, but in practice think of the Romans; they would quote fifth-rate Latin poets like Silius Italicus freely and first-rate Greek poets like Homer sparsely. This attitude was now reversed. What stimulated Keats was Homer, more than Vergil. Alfieri learnt Greek at fifty. When Shelley and Goethe decided to write great plays, they thought nothing of Seneca, but strove to emulate Aeschylus and Euripides. When the revolutionary poets yearned for an ideal country, it was usually Greece rather than Rome. The time of revolution was the time in which the rococo garlands and rococo cupids copied from Latin adaptations of late Greek art disappeared, and made way for the Elgin Marbles.
希腊是革命时代的人们新发现的。这对他们来说意味着什么？
Greece was newly discovered by the men of the revolutionary age. What did it mean to them?
首先，它意味着诗歌、艺术、哲学和生活中的美和高贵。尽管它很有价值，但这听起来是一个显而易见的理想；但我们应该记住，在整个前一个时代，人们谈论的不是美，而是正确性，是美；而现在，有一派作家和艺术家认为，艺术作品的美并不重要。美与高贵的崇拜不是以美与高贵为特征，而是以现实主义为特征，或者对公众产生一定的社会或政治影响。美与高贵崇拜的最好例子是济慈的哲学、歌德的人生和拜伦的死亡。
First, it meant beauty and nobility in poetry, in art, in philosophy, and in life. For all its worthiness, this sounds an obvious ideal; but we should remember that throughout the preceding age men talked not so much of beauty as of correctness, of les bienséances; while nowadays there is a flourishing school of writers and artists which believes that it is not important for works of art to be characterized by beauty and nobility, but rather to be realistically true, or else to have a certain social or political influence on the public. The best examples of the cult of beauty and nobility are the philosophy of Keats, Goethe’s life, and Byron’s death.
希腊也意味着自由：摆脱邪恶、人为和专制的规则。在文学方面，当诗人们意识到希腊悲剧作家和亚里士多德残缺不全的论文的存在并不意味着他们必须按照固定的模式写作时，他们如释重负。这当然是真的。对亚里士多德的误解令人惊讶的是，这种误解持续了很长时间，却很少被批评为错误。事实可能是，每个时代都能从古代得到自己喜欢的东西。亚里士多德在巴洛克时期成为正确文学品味的独裁者，就像他在中世纪成为哲学大师一样，这并不是因为他自己建立了一套绝对规则体系，而是因为那些时代更崇尚权威而不是自由。这种崇拜现在消失了，随之而来的是，对正确性的信仰和对古典“权威”的错误态度也消失了。
Greece also meant freedom: freedom from perverse and artificial and tyrannical rules. In literature, the poets sighed with relief when they realized that the existence of the Greek tragedians and of Aristotle’s little mutilated treatise did not mean that they were bound to write in fixed patterns. This was of course true. What is surprising about the misinterpretation of Aristotle is that it lasted so long and was so rarely criticized as false. The fact probably is that every age gets what it likes out of antiquity. Aristotle became the dictator of correct taste in literature during the baroque period, just as he had been the master of philosophy during the Middle Ages, not because he himself established a system of absolute rules, but because those epochs admired authority more than freedom. This admiration now disappeared, and with it much of the belief in correctness and the false attitude to the ‘authority’ of the classics.
在道德方面，希腊罗马文化的新解释主要意味着性自由。因此，唐璜和他崇拜的海蒂形成了
As applied to morality, the new interpretation of Greco-Roman culture chiefly meant sexual liberty. Thus, Don Juan and his adoring Haidee form
一个相当古老的团体，
半裸、充满爱、自然、希腊风格。4
a group that’s quite antique,
Half-naked, loving, natural, and Greek.4
很难为希腊作家的性放纵行为辩解；但革命社会却大肆利用希腊艺术中的薄纱和裸体雕像。在法国第一共和国初期，塔利安夫人等美女身穿透明长袍出现在派对上，就像“美惠三女神”一样，波琳·波拿巴也以希腊人的姿态为卡诺瓦摆出至少半裸的姿势。济慈的《恩迪米翁》和歌德的《罗马哀歌》都是对古代进行这种解读的良好记录。
It is not very easy to justify sexual licence from the Greek writers themselves; but revolutionary society made great play with the thin draperies and nude statuary of Greek art. In the early days of the First Republic in France, beauties like Mme Tallien appeared at parties wearing transparent robes, ‘like the Graces’, and Pauline Bonaparte posed at least half-naked, in a Greek attitude, for Canova. Keats’s Endymion and Goethe’s Roman Elegies are good documents for this interpretation of antiquity.
在政治上，希腊和罗马都意味着摆脱压迫的自由，特别是共和主义。革命作家梦想中的希腊要么是英雄时代，那时社会没有被剥削所污染，要么是雅典共和国时代，那时自由建造了帕台农神庙，反对腓力。他们所崇拜的罗马不是吉本刚刚写完讣告的帝国，而是强大、冷静、有德行的共和国，憎恨暴君。古典艺术成为政治自由的象征及其反映。最伟大的希腊艺术是由雅典的自由共和国创造的，因此暴政扼杀了艺术。这种想法在罗马皇帝统治时期由塔西佗（在他的《论演说家》中）和“朗吉努斯” （《论崇高》，44）表达。它在十八世纪初复兴，主要是由英国作家复兴，与法国太阳王、德国王子或意大利暴君的臣民相比，他们觉得自己像空气一样自由。德国人、法国人和其他人从他们那里继承了这种思想。5古典艺术和文学中所反映的对自由和共和主义的崇拜非常深刻，从室内装饰的微小细节到伟大的艺术作品和仍然存在的政治机构（例如，美国参议院），无一不体现着这种崇拜。希腊和意大利当时都受制于外国统治者，这一事实在情感上进一步加深了这种崇拜：希腊人受制于野蛮、腐败和极其残忍的土耳其人，意大利人受制于同样可憎的外国或外国统治的专制君主。在许多欧洲人眼中，希腊从土耳其人手中解放出来意味着古典文明的美德战胜了现代世界的罪恶和暴政。6在文学上，表达这一信念最崇高声音的是拜伦的《希腊诸岛》、雪莱的《希腊》和荷尔德林的《许佩里翁》；而最响亮的声音则是雨果的《东方人》。
In politics, both Greece and Rome meant freedom from oppression, and in particular republicanism. The Greece of which the revolutionary writers dreamed was either the heroic era, when society was not polluted by exploitation, or the age of the Athenian commonwealth, when liberty raised the Parthenon and opposed Philip. The Rome they admired was not the empire, whose obituary Gibbon had just completed, but the strong, sober, virtuous republic, hater of tyrants. Classical art became a symbol of political liberty and its reflection. The greatest Greek art was produced by the free republic of Athens, therefore tyranny stifled art. This idea was voiced under the Roman emperors by Tacitus (in his Dialogue on Orators) and ‘Longinus’ (On the Sublime, 44). It was revived early in the eighteenth century, chiefly by English writers, who, compared with the subjects of a French sun-king, a German princeling, or an Italian tyrant, felt themselves to be as free as air. It was taken up from them by the Germans, the French, and others.5 The cult of liberty and republicanism as reflected in classical art and literature went very deep, and was manifested in everything from tiny details of interior decoration to great works of art and political institutions which still exist (for instance, the United States Senate). It was emotionally intensified by the fact that both Greece and Italy were then subject to foreign rulers: the Greeks to the barbarous, corrupt, and fiendishly cruel Turks, and the Italians to scarcely less detestable despots, foreign or foreign-dominated. In the eyes of many Europeans the liberation of Greece from the Turks meant an assertion of the virtues of classical civilization over the vices and tyrannies of the modern world.6 In literature, the noblest voices of this belief are Byron’s The Isles of Greece, Shelley’s Hellas, and Hölderlin’s Hyperion; while the loudest is Hugo’s Les Orientales.
在宗教方面，诗人和思想家对希腊罗马世界的崇拜现在意味着反对基督教。被辩护的异教崇拜在文艺复兴时期出现过，甚至在教会内部也出现过，但影响力一直不大。后来，在书籍之战中，现代人的第一个论点是，耶稣基督启示之前写的希腊和罗马书籍不可能比基督教的现代书籍好。7当时，没有一位古典文学的捍卫者敢于推翻这一论点；事实上，许多“古人”，如拉辛，做梦也不会想到这么做，因为他们是虔诚的基督徒。但现在人们开始说，希腊和罗马文学，仅仅因为它们表达了异教高尚、自由的世界，就注定比基督教精神创作的书籍更好。基督教的上帝被描绘成一个暴君，比任何土耳其人都更残忍、更强大。耶稣被想象成一个苍白无力的犹太人，他的使命是受难和死亡——与奥林匹克运动员的魅力和活力截然相反。8歌德从罗马回来后，他成了一名好战的异教徒。巴特勒教授说：“歌德几乎没有什么咆哮和怒吼的，但他在 1788 年至 1794 年间对基督教的评价却是如此。”他以攻击康德的《纯粹理性限度内的宗教》为例。9这并非一时的热潮，而是深入他的灵魂。这是他难以完成《浮士德》的主要原因之一，也是许多读者在欣赏它时所感受到的困难。 《浮士德》的主题本质上是基督教的，而且是中世纪的：通过渊博的知识而产生的罪恶、魔鬼对人类的权力、通过恩典而产生的再生、以及通往天堂的女人之爱。歌德发现写这个主题很难，因为他不信仰基督教。他的英雄从不忏悔自己的罪孽，也从不求助于救世主耶稣基督，而他的作品和人格在整首诗中几乎被忽略了。同样，这位英国革命作家中最崇拜希腊的人，他的职业生涯就是因出版《无神论的必要性》而被牛津大学开除出境开始的。10在法国，革命者将圣母大教堂重新奉献给理性女神，她被认为是一位古典神灵，化身于一位当代女演员的美丽身躯。我们已经看到，吉本当然不是革命者，但他是革命者的近乎同时代的人，深受伏尔泰精神的影响，他将希腊罗马世界的衰落视为宗教和野蛮造成的悲剧。吉本钦佩那个世界的文化，但他无法崇拜它的神灵。然而，一些革命作家却准备这样做，他们写诗赞美他们，不是把它们当作过时神话的遗物，而是当作人类精神的永恒统治者。这种对古典古代的反基督教崇拜贯穿整个十九世纪，愈演愈烈，并在梅纳德的作品、斯温伯恩的诗歌和尼采的《反基督》中达到顶峰。
In religion, the admiration of poets and thinkers for the Greco-Roman world now meant opposition to Christianity. The cult of paganism vindicated had appeared during the Renaissance, even within the church, but had never been very influential. Later, in the Battle of the Books, the first argument of the moderns was that Greek and Roman books written before the revelation of Jesus Christ could not be so good as modern books which were Christian.7 At that time no defender of the classics ventured to reverse the argument; and indeed many of the ‘ancients’, like Racine, would not have dreamed of doing so because they were sincere Christians. But now men began to say that Greek and Roman literature, simply because it expressed the noble, free world of paganism, was bound to be better than books produced by the Christian spirit. The Christian God was represented as a tyrant, crueller and more powerful than any Turk. Jesus was imagined as a pale impotent Jew, and His mission as one of suffering and death—the very opposite of the charm and energy of the Olympians.8 Goethe, after his return from Rome, became a militant pagan. ‘It is almost unknown for Goethe to snap and snarl; but there is no other term for the tone he used about Christianity between the years 1788 and 1794’, says Prof. Butler, instancing his attacks on Kant’s Religion within the Limits of Pure Reason.9 And this was not merely a passing fad. It entered into his soul. It was one of the chief reasons for the difficulty which he found in completing Faust and which many readers have felt in appreciating it. The theme of Faust is essentially Christian, and medieval at that: sin through great knowledge, the power of the Devil over mankind, regeneration through grace, and the love of woman leading on to heaven. Goethe found this difficult to write because he did not believe in Christianity. His hero never repents of his sins and never appeals to Jesus Christ the Saviour, whose work and personality are virtually ignored throughout the poem. Similarly, the greatest worshipper of Greece among the English revolutionary writers began his career by being sent down from Oxford for publishing The Necessity of Atheism.10 In France, the revolutionaries reconsecrated the cathedral of Our Lady to the goddess of Reason, who was conceived as a classical deity and incarnated in the pretty body of a contemporary actress. We have already seen how Gibbon, certainly not a revolutionary but a near-contemporary of the revolutionaries and imbued with the spirit of Voltaire, viewed the fall of the Greco-Roman world as a tragedy caused by religion and barbarism. Gibbon admired the culture of that world, but he could not worship its gods. Some of the revolutionary writers, however, were quite prepared to do so, and addressed poems to them, not as relics of obsolete mythology, but as eternal rulers of the spirit of man. This cult of classical antiquity as anti-Christian continued throughout the nineteenth century, becoming more rather than less intense, and culminated in the work of Menard, the poems of Swinburne, and Nietzsche’s Antichrist.
与希腊赋予的自由感相联系的是自然崇拜。北欧世界、当今时代、现在和过去的艺术和诗歌都显得丑陋而不自然。只有希腊和意大利是，或者曾经是，真正的自然王国。希腊诗人比其他任何人都更了解自然，知道如何崇拜她和描述她：希腊人的服装、风俗、娱乐、艺术、思想、伦理都不是人为的，而是满足了基本灵魂的渴望。这一点在今天必须强调，因为我们习惯于将古典世界视为学术研究的主题（如阿兹特克年代学或果蝇的习性），而不是深层的精神满足；不懂希腊和拉丁文学的人有时会认为，热爱古典文学就是让自己接受枯燥乏味的学科，而不是更多地了解世界和美的本质。这种假设得到了人们普遍将最严格限制的巴洛克诗人描述为“古典”诗人的证实，也得到了人们错误的信念的证实，即当他们采用正确性规则时，他们就是在抄袭希腊人和罗马人。革命诗人比这更了解。
Allied to the sense of freedom given by Greece was the cult of nature. The northern European world, the present day, the art and poetry of the present and immediate past, came to seem ugly and unnatural. Only Greece and Italy were, or had been, the true realm of nature. Above anyone else, the Greek poets had understood Nature, knowing how to worship her and describe her: the clothes, the manners, the amusements, the arts, the thought, the ethics of the Greeks were not artificial, but satisfied the basic aspirations of the soul. This must be emphasized nowadays, because we have the habit of regarding the classical world as a subject of scholarly research (like Aztec chronology or the habits of the fruit-fly) rather than a deep spiritual satisfaction; and people who do not know Greek and Latin literature sometimes assume that to love it is to subject oneself to an arid and crippling discipline, rather than to learn more about the nature of the world and of beauty. This assumption is confirmed by the common description of the most strictly limited of the baroque poets as ‘classical’ and by the false belief that, when they adopted the rules of correctness, they were copying the Greeks and Romans. The revolutionary poets knew better than that.
随着标准的普遍修订，对希腊和拉丁诗歌的评价也发生了变化。荷马的声誉得到了最大的提升。他曾被攻击为粗俗。现在他被推崇为自然。在革命者最欣赏的三种文学类型中，有两种被认为在起源和方法上完全是自然的，第三种则部分如此。它们是：
Together with the general revision of standards, the estimates of Greek and Latin poetry changed. The reputation of Homer gained most. He had been attacked as coarse. He was now exalted as natural. Of the three types of literature most admired by the revolutionaries, two were believed to be wholly natural in origin and method, and the third partly so. These were:
民间诗歌：尤其是民谣，也有民歌（柯勒律治的《古代风气》和《克里斯塔贝尔》、席勒的《波利克拉底的指环》以及数百首其他革命诗歌都是模仿民谣的。现在，人们开始用民歌简单的节奏和旋律模式创作出充满激情的抒情诗和精心设计的自我意识的歌曲）；
folk-poetry: ballads in particular, but folk-songs too (Coleridge’s The Ancient Manner and Christabel, Schiller’s The Ring of Polycrates, and hundreds of other revolutionary poems are imitation ballads. It was now that highly charged lyric poems and elaborately self-conscious songs began to be composed in the simple rhythmic and melodic patterns of folk-song);
荷马，‘盲目的文盲吟游诗人’；以及在他之后不久的品达和其他希腊抒情诗人；
Homer, ‘the blind illiterate minstrel’; and, some distance after him, Pindar and the other Greek lyricists;
希腊戏剧，以及最自由、最高贵的文艺复兴时期戏剧：主要是莎士比亚和卡尔德隆。
the Greek drama, and the freest, noblest Renaissance drama: chiefly Shakespeare and Calderón.
但除了诗歌中的自然性之外，革命时代的人们还钦佩希腊人行为的自然性，无论是大事还是小事。例如，1769 年莱辛出版了一本名为《古人如何表现死亡》的小册子。11这是希腊人对待死亡的态度与基督教世界（尤其是在中世纪）的态度的对比，如《死亡之舞》所示，12在布鲁盖尔的《死亡的胜利》中，在布道中，在诗歌中，在大众信仰中。中世纪的人说，死亡是恐怖之王；是启示录四骑士中最可怕的；是指控撒旦的苍白天使，可以从此以后再也不会笑了；或者，在其他解释中，这是魔鬼控制这个世界的权力的证明，如果没有他，这个世界将拥有一个永生和幸福的种族。但是对于希腊人来说，死亡就像出生一样自然：毫无疑问，是悲伤的，但不能抗拒，不能憎恨和徒劳地回避。它的象征不是戴着王冠的骷髅、爬满蛆虫的尸体、布满灰尘的碎裂的头骨，而是安静的骨灰盒，大理石浮雕上死者和生者紧握着手，深情而平静，没有任何哀悼的表现。有史以来最美丽的葬礼纪念碑之一是雅典的五世纪和四世纪墓碑，上面刻着年轻的妻子和女儿，虽然已经去世，但她们被描绘成生前的样子，在那种可爱的宁静中永垂不朽，这种宁静在后来的时代只出现在圣人和圣母像中。
But apart from naturalness in poetry, the men of the revolutionary age admired the naturalness of Greek conduct, in great as in little things. For instance, in 1769 Lessing published a pamphlet called How the Ancients represented Death.11 This was a contrast between the Greek attitude to death and that of the Christian world—particularly during the Middle Ages—as seen in the Danse Macabre,12 in Brueghel’s Triumph of Death, in sermons, in poems, in popular belief. Death, said the medieval men, is the King of Terrors; the most frightful of the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse; the pallid angel who had accused Satan and could never smile thereafter; or, in other interpretations, the very proof of the Devil’s power over this world, which but for him would have held a race of immortal and immortally happy beings. But for the Greeks death was as natural a process as birth: mournful, no doubt, but not to be resisted, not to be hated and vainly shunned. Its symbols were not the crowned skeleton, the corpse crawling with maggots, the dust-covered chapfallen skull, but the quiet urn, the marble relief on which the dead and the living clasp hands with an affection too deep and tranquil for any display of lamentation. Among the most beautiful funeral monuments ever created are the fifth- and fourth-century gravestones from Athens, on which young wives and daughters, although dead, are depicted as they were when they lived, immortalized in that lovely serenity which in later ages appears only in statues of the saints and of the Madonna.
最后，在革命时代，希腊、意大利和希腊罗马世界被认为是一种逃避。它们是美丽的土地，充满音乐、热情，充满南方的温暖；那里有阳光、有山、有蓝海、蓝天空、有果树和欢笑的女孩。13它们意味着逃离阴郁的北方——歌德笔下的迷娘和海涅笔下那棵爱着远方棕榈树的冷杉所渴望的逃离，许多敏感的北方人都曾实现过这样的逃离：济慈、拜伦、雪莱、夏多布里昂、兰多、李斯特、勃朗宁夫妇、DH劳伦斯和诺曼道格拉斯。然而，值得注意的是，尽管希腊是精神的磁石，但很少有革命思想家去那里。14大多数人在意大利停留。雪莱没有再往前走。温克尔曼曾被邀请去希腊旅行，他拒绝了。歌德觉得他应该去希腊，但他只敢冒险去意大利南部曾经的希腊地区。他们中的一些人害怕迷失自我，害怕被吞并。但他们放弃的主要原因是土耳其帝国统治希腊的傲慢和腐败、国家的干旱和贫困以及大部分人口的堕落。文学和艺术爱好者想象的理想希腊与真实的希腊——一个贫穷、卑鄙、受压迫的土耳其省份——之间的冲突，在夏多布里昂的《从巴黎到耶路撒冷的旅程》（1811 年）和金莱克的《欧森》（1844 年）中可以看到。但对十九世纪早期希腊的不朽描述是在拜伦的《恰尔德·哈罗德游记》（1812 年）中。拜伦拥有希腊，就像她是一个女人一样。
Lastly, Greece and Italy and the Greco-Roman world were felt in the revolutionary age to mean escape. They were beautiful lands, musical, ardent, full of the warm South; there was sun, there were mountains, there were blue seas and blue skies and fruit-trees and laughing girls.13 They meant escape from the sombre north—the escape yearned for by Mignon in Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister and by Heine’s fir-tree which loved the distant palm, the escape achieved by so many sensitive northerners: Keats, Byron, Shelley, Chateaubriand, Landor, Liszt, the Brownings, D. H. Lawrence, and Norman Douglas. It is remarkable, however, that although Greece was a spiritual lodestone, few of the revolutionary thinkers went to it.14 Most stopped in Italy. Shelley went no farther. Winckelmann was offered a trip to Greece and refused. Goethe felt he ought to go to Greece, but ventured no farther than the once Greek areas of southern Italy. Some of them were afraid of losing themselves, of being swallowed up. But the chief reason for their abstention was the arrogance and corruption of Turkish imperial rule in Greece, the aridity and poverty of the country, and the degradation of much of the population. Something of the conflict between the ideal Hellas imagined by lovers of literature and art, and the real Greece, a poor verminous oppressed Turkish province, can be seen in Chateaubriand’s Journey from Paris to Jerusalem (1811) and Kinglake’s Eothen (1844). But the immortal description of early nineteenth-century Greece is in Byron’s Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812). Byron possessed Greece as though she were a woman.
逃往地中海的渴望中，除了风景和柠檬树，还有更深层次的东西。歌德第一次南行的故事广为人知。“9 月 3 日凌晨 3 点，我偷偷溜出了卡尔斯巴德；否则他们不会放我走。”15这段文字的语气很奇怪（对喜欢揭露别人会保密的事情的歌德来说尤其奇怪），表明这是心理冲突的一部分：“他们”是歌德的一部分。他的意大利之行是逃避自己的这一面，逃避他所认可的世界。在德国人看来，这种逃避往往与对德国最深切的仇恨有关。歌德在南方旅行期间写的一首诗中说，用德语写诗是不可能的。
There was something deeper than landscape and lemon-trees in the urge for escape to the Mediterranean. The story of Goethe’s first journey south is well known. ‘On the third of September at 3 o’clock of the morning, I stole out of Carlsbad; they would not otherwise have let me go.’15 The odd tone in which this is written (particularly odd for Goethe, who loved revealing things others would have kept secret) shows that it was part of a psychical conflict: ‘they’ were part of Goethe. His trip to Italy was an escape from that aspect of himself, and from the world which it approved. In Germans this escape is often linked with the most profound hatred for Germany. Goethe, in a poem written during his southern tour, said that it was impossible to write poetry in German.
命运为什么要造就我？也许这个问题太大胆了：对许多人来说，命运并不想造就太多。
What did Fate mean to make me? Perhaps the question is too bold: out of many a man Fate does not mean to make much.
然而，如果这种语言没有被证明是一道不可战胜的障碍，它让我成为诗人的意图可能已经成功了。16
Yet its intention to make me a poet might have succeeded, if this language had not proved an invincible bar.16
据说，荷尔德林在思绪不集中时，曾与一些陌生人谈论希腊艺术，有人问他自己是否是希腊人。他回答说：“恰恰相反，我是德国人。”17至于尼采，他对德国人的仇恨和蔑视几乎连他的口才都无法表达出来。
There is a story that Hölderlin, when his mind was going, talked to some strangers about Greek art, and was asked if he himself were a Greek. He replied ‘On the contrary: I am a German.’17 As for Nietzsche, his hatred and scorn of the Germans almost defied even his eloquence to express.
北方人逃离家园不仅是为了进入一个自然美景的世界，也是为了进入一个自然艺术的世界。500 多年前，意大利已成为艺术之母；后来，外国占领和文化主导权向法国的转移使她一度被世界其他地方所忽视；后来，在十八世纪，她的艺术被重新发现。伯尼博士在意大利进行了一次音乐之旅，发现意大利人的音乐天赋比世界上任何其他国家都高，他们的音乐不仅限于歌剧院和沙龙，而是在咖啡馆里演唱，在街头演奏。18意大利人也真挚地热爱诗歌：船夫们唱着阿里奥斯托和塔索的诗节，即兴诗人可以如此迅速而出色地即兴地朗诵诗歌，甚至连拜伦都为之折服。游客被如画的风景所包围：罗马废墟、希腊雕像、充满绘画的宫殿、美丽的文艺复兴花园，每条街道上都有美丽的风景。在意大利之行中，歌德购买了帕拉迪奥（1518-80）的著名论文，其中建筑原理是从古典建筑和古典书籍中推导出来的。这对他来说是一种启示。他突然意识到伟大艺术的本质是和谐。他试图成为一名雕塑家，他画了很多画，他成为了一名更好的诗人。在革命时期，每个去意大利的游客都会经历这样的事情。19他们逃离了充满阴谋政客、愁眉苦脸的主教和自满的商人的冷酷丑陋的世界，进入了一个有着数百年历史却永远年轻的艺术世界。
The escape of the northerners was not only into a world of natural beauty, but into a world of natural art. More than 500 years before, Italy had become the mother of the arts; then, for a time, foreign occupation and the shift of cultural dominance to France had obscured her from the eyes of the rest of the world; and then, in the eighteenth century, her art was rediscovered. Dr. Burney made a musical tour of Italy and found the Italians more truly musical than any other nation in the world, with music which was not confined to opera-houses and salons, but sung in the caffes and fiddled in the streets.18 Poetry too the Italians loved with a sincere affection: the gondoliers sang stanzas from Ariosto and Tasso, the improvvisatori could spout spontaneous poetry so rapidly and so splendidly that even Byron was impressed. And the visitor was surrounded by the Picturesque: Roman ruins, Greek statues, palaces filled with paintings, lovely Renaissance gardens, something beautiful in every street. On his trip to Italy Goethe bought the famous treatise by Palladio (1518-80) in which the principles of architecture are deduced from classical buildings and classical books. It was a revelation to him. He suddenly realized that the essence of great art is harmony. He attempted to become a sculptor himself, he drew a great deal, and he became a better poet. That, or something like that, happened to every visitor to Italy during the time of revolution.19 From a cold ugly world of intriguing politicians, frowning prelates, and self-satisfied merchants they escaped to a world of art many centuries old and yet for ever young.
我们概括了精神和审美观念的主要变化，并指出了革命时期对古典文化的一些新解释。现在让我们看看革命及其希腊罗马思想的新流入对五大国家文学和象征主义的具体影响：德国、法国、美国、英国和意大利。
We have sketched the principal changes in spiritual and aesthetic ideals and pointed out some of the new interpretations of classical culture which made the revolutionary period. Now let us see the concrete effects of the revolution, with its new influx of Greco-Roman thought, in the literature and symbolism of five great nations: Germany, France, the United States, Britain, and Italy.
§2. 德国
§2. GERMANY
所有国家都经历过一次文艺复兴……只有一个例外，那就是德国。德国经历过两次文艺复兴：第二次文艺复兴发生在十八世纪中叶，与赫尔德、歌德、席勒、莱辛、温克尔曼等人有关。在这次文艺复兴中，希腊人占主导地位，就像拉丁人在第一次文艺复兴中占主导地位一样；德国人和希腊人的民族亲缘关系被发现了。这就是为什么德国人可以像英国人、法国人和意大利人一样，一直到现在，都是拉丁人。我们更喜欢荷马而不是维吉尔；更喜欢修昔底德而不是李维；更喜欢柏拉图而不是塞涅卡：这是一个根本的区别。本能地，我们首先想到希腊，然后想到罗马；第一次文艺复兴时期的人和西方伟大的文明国家恰恰相反；也许这在很大程度上解释了德国人在世界上如此不为人所知和如此被误解的事实。
All nations have had one Renaissance … with one single exception, namely, Germany. Germany has had two Renaissances: the second occurs about the middle of the eighteenth century, and is linked with such names as Herder, Goethe, Schiller, Lessing, Winckelmann. In it the Greeks predominate, as the Latins did in the first; the national kinship of Germans and Greeks was discovered. That is why the Germans can be Greek as intensely as the English, French, and Italians, right down to this moment, can be Latin. We prefer Homer to Vergil; Thucydides to Livy; Plato to Seneca: that is a fundamental distinction. Instinctively, we think first of Greece, and then of Rome; the men of the first Renaissance and the great civilized nations of the west do just the opposite; and perhaps that goes far to account for the fact that the Germans are so little known and so greatly misunderstood in the world.
保罗·亨塞尔1
PAUL HENSEL1
如果亨塞尔在这里说的是真的，那将很重要。其中有些是真的，但大部分是假的。德国没有经历过两次文艺复兴，只有一次。在十五和十六世纪，其他国家（虽然不是“所有国家”）都经历过文艺复兴和宗教改革。德国只有宗教改革，其领袖路德帮助扑灭了同时出现的文艺复兴火焰的火花。而且火焰没有烧起来。在其他国家，文艺复兴意味着知识能量的巨大解放，审美、精神和感官美感的极大提升，德国普遍的文化，产生了大量的书籍、发明和艺术品（许多毫无价值，但有些却无比有价值），并且从相对较低的社会环境中涌现出了许多无可争议和不可预测的天才。如果这种情况发生在德国，那么 16 世纪就会出现德国的莎士比亚或弥尔顿、德国的塔索或卡尔德隆、德国的拉伯雷或蒙田。相反，我们只发现少数人文主义者用拉丁文写作——最杰出的是乌尔里希·冯·胡滕，他的独创性和创造力远不及他的荷兰同代人伊拉斯谟；一些白话作家固执地复制过时的中世纪形式、改编不佳的古典思想和民间模式，尤其是瓦格纳选择的那个时代最优秀的典型人物汉斯·萨克斯；以及一大批宗教作家，他们大多足够真诚，但缺乏真正的品味和教育。古典文化在现代世界中总是产生最佳效果，因为它渗透到普通民众中，鼓励拉伯雷自学希腊语，将查普曼的荷马送到济慈手中，或使莎士比亚对普鲁塔克产生热情。但这些在德国并没有发生——部分原因是普通民众的文化水平太低，部分原因是德国社会的阶级差异使能读会写拉丁文的大学生与外部世界之间存在着鸿沟。由于这些和其他原因，15 和 16 世纪的德国没有文艺复兴。
What Hensel says here would be important if it were true. Some of it is true, but much of it is false. Germany did not have two Renaissances, but one. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries other countries (though not ‘all nations’) had both a Renaissance and a religious Reformation. Germany had only a Reformation, whose leader Luther helped to crush out those sparks of the Renaissance flame which did appear at the same time. And the fire did not catch. In other lands the Renaissance meant an immense liberation of intellectual energy, a greatly heightened sense of aesthetic, spiritual, and sensuous beauty, a marked rise in general culture, producing great quantities of books, inventions, and works of art (many quite worthless but some incomparably valuable), and the emergence, from comparatively low social milieux, of a number of indisputable and unpredictable geniuses. If this had occurred in Germany, the sixteenth century would have shown us a German Shakespeare or Milton, a German Tasso or Calderón, a German Rabelais or Montaigne. Instead, we find nothing except a few humanists writing Latin—the most distinguished being Ulrich von Hutten, far less original and creative than his Dutch contemporary Erasmus; a number of vernacular authors doggedly reproducing outworn medieval forms, poorly adapted classical ideas, and folk-patterns, notably the figure Wagner chose as typical of the best in his age, Hans Sachs; and a great cloud of religious writers, mostly sincere enough but devoid of real taste and education. Classical culture always produces its finest effects in the modern world when it penetrates to the ordinary people and encourages a Rabelais to teach himself Greek, puts Chapman’s Homer in the hands of Keats, or makes Shakespeare enthusiastic over Plutarch. It was this which did not happen in Germany—partly because the cultural level of the ordinary public was too low, and partly because the class-distinctions of German society kept a gulf-fixed between the Latin-reading and writing university men and the outside world. For these and other reasons Germany in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had no Renaissance.
在巴洛克时期的早期，德国各州被三十年战争摧毁。战争结束后，古典主义的理想和模式开始慢慢渗入德国——通常不是直接从原作中渗入，而是间接地通过模仿法国和英国文学、法国艺术和建筑以及意大利音乐。凡尔赛宫规划完成后，巴洛克式宫殿在德国各地拔地而起；德累斯顿、维也纳、慕尼黑和杜塞尔多夫等地都规划了整个巴洛克式城镇和城市区；在反宗教改革的创造性推动下，许多宏伟的巴洛克式教堂在天主教南部和奥地利建成。巴洛克式的对称、丰富和控制力的理想已经在意大利以音乐的形式出现。伟大的奥地利和德国作曲家现在涌现出来，进一步发展这些理想，并赋予它们更严肃的精神内容：尽管德国人无法实现音乐和文学的至高结合，而这是一位奥地利犹太人和一位意大利犹太人的作品。2
During the early part of the baroque period the German states were devastated by the Thirty Years war. Slowly, after that was over, classical ideals and patterns began to filter into Germany—usually not directly from the originals, but indirectly, through imitation of French and English literature, French art and architecture, and Italian music. After Versailles was planned, baroque palaces went up all over Germany; whole baroque towns and cityareas were laid out, as in Dresden, Vienna, Munich, and Düsseldorf; under the creative impetus of the Counter-Reformation many magnificent baroque churches were built in the Catholic south and Austria. The baroque ideals of symmetry, richness, and controlled power had already taken musical form in Italy. Great Austrian and German composers now emerged to develop these ideals still further and enrich them with a graver spiritual content: although the supreme marriage of music and literature could not be achieved by Germans, and was the work of an Austrian and an Italian Jew.2
事实上，巴洛克古典主义的影响并没有产生任何重要的德国文学，而主要体现在建筑和音乐方面。
In fact, the influence of baroque classicism produced no German literature of any great importance, and showed itself chiefly in architecture and music.
德国文艺复兴晚了 200 年。它始于十八世纪中叶。与意大利、法国和英国的文艺复兴一样，德国文艺复兴的标志是：人们对古典文化产生了新的、广泛的、普遍的兴趣，人们开始对模仿和超越希腊和罗马人的新书产生兴趣，建立或复兴了教授古典文学、历史和哲学的学校和学院——最重要的是，出现了受古典理想启发的伟大诗人和文人。德国的文艺复兴是十八世纪其他欧洲国家发生的同一场思想革命的一部分，这场革命建立了美国和法兰西共和国，我们将在法国、意大利和英国的文学中看到这场革命的发展。德国人自己称之为浪漫主义运动，其标志是风暴和压力。3我们将把它作为文学总体革命潮流的一部分来讨论；但在德国文学史上，它是独一无二的古典文艺复兴。
The German Renaissance was 200 years late. It began in the middle of the eighteenth century. It was marked, like the Renaissance in Italy, France, and Britain, by a new, widespread, popular interest in classical culture, by the reflection of that interest in new books written to imitate and outdo the Greeks and Romans, by the foundation or revival of schools and colleges teaching classical literature, history, and philosophy—and, most important of all, by the appearance of great poets and men of letters inspired by classical ideals. This Renaissance in Germany was part of the same revolution of thought which took place in other European countries in the eighteenth century, which founded the American and French republics, and which we shall see working itself out in the literature of France, Italy, and England. The Germans themselves call it the Romantic movement, marked by Storm and Stress.3 We shall discuss it as part of the general revolutionary trend in literature; but in the history of German letters it is the one and only classical Renaissance.
它不是从文学开始的，而是从视觉艺术开始的，特别是雕塑。它的创始人是鞋匠的儿子约翰·约阿希姆·温克尔曼（1717-68），他凭借天才的毅力和洞察力，自学了希腊罗马文化的精髓，并在当时的德国教育机构中接受了平庸的培训，并忍受了难以置信的痛苦，通过半夜不睡觉，白天当兼职教师，学习了希腊文学的精华，包括荷马、柏拉图、索福克勒斯、希罗多德和色诺芬。4后来，他成为德累斯顿一位萨克森贵族的图书管理员，研究了大公园里精心展出的巴洛克雕像以及储藏室里收藏的希腊和希腊罗马雕像的复制品。他以接近占卜而非知识的卓越品味，在他的第一本书《关于绘画和雕塑模仿希腊作品的思考》（1755 年）中唤起了古典艺术的本质品质（当时这些品质被巴洛克式的矫揉造作所掩盖）。5这本小册子标志着德国文艺复兴的开始。
It began, not with literature, but with the visual arts, particularly sculpture. Its originator was a cobbler’s son called Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717-68) who, with the persistence and penetration of genius, taught himself the essentials of Greco-Roman culture, supplemented them by a mediocre training in the existing German educational institutions, and with incredible suffering learnt the best of Greek literature, Homer, Plato, Sophocles, Herodotus, and Xenophon, by staying up half the night while working during the day as a hack schoolmaster.4 Then, as librarian to a Saxon nobleman in Dresden, he studied both the elaborately exhibited baroque statuary in the great park and the copies of real Greek and Greco-Roman statues packed away in the store-rooms. With superb taste closer to divination than to knowledge, he evoked the essential qualities of classic art (which were then obscured by baroque affectations) in his first book, Thoughts on the Imitation of Greek Works in Painting and Sculpture (1755).5 This little pamphlet was the beginning of the German Renaissance.
我们不应该认为与此同时欧洲的其他国家正陷入巴洛克式的盲目或哥特式的黑暗之中。人们正在不断取得进展，以期获得更真实、更深刻的理解。希腊文化，尽管即使在伏尔泰这样的人心中，误解仍然很普遍。毫无疑问，英国作家和艺术爱好者取得了最大的进步。在温克尔曼出生之前，沙夫茨伯里伯爵（1671-1713）发表了许多关于艺术和道德的优秀论文，这些论文可能是柏拉图的朋友写的。他们教导我们，我们的日常生活必须按照美与和谐的原则来塑造，审美意识和道德意识是天生的，两者应该共同引导和提升灵魂。这些思想直接流入了温克尔曼的书中。6不久之后，在 1732 年，一群英国绅士成立了艺术爱好者协会（或称“艺术爱好者”），以探索和欣赏古典艺术的珍宝。他们派画家兼建筑师“雅典人”斯图尔特和绘图员雷维特在雅典长期居住。结果创作了一部出色的作品《雅典古迹测量与描绘》（1762 年），这是第一套精确复制雅典建筑的作品。它导致圣詹姆斯广场采用希腊建筑风格，从而引入了一种风尚，并传遍了整个北欧和北美。7这位业余爱好者随后派遣碑文学家钱德勒去探索希腊和曾经的希腊亚洲。他与雷维特和帕尔斯一起创作了两本精美的对开本《爱奥尼亚古迹》（1769 年）。8同年，杰出的政治家和旅行家罗伯特·伍德发表了他的著作《论荷马的原创天才和作品：从古代和现在特罗阿德河的状况的比较角度看》 ，这是他第一次真正尝试在适当的历史和地理背景下审视荷马的生活和诗歌。9这些书籍塑造了德国文艺复兴领袖的思想，对推动德国文艺复兴发挥了比其他任何书籍都要大的作用。10
We must not think that meanwhile the rest of Europe was plunged in baroque blindness or Gothic darkness. Continuous progress was being made towards a truer and deeper understanding of Greek culture, although misunderstandings were still common even in such a mind as that of Voltaire. The greatest advances were undoubtedly made by English writers and amateurs of art. Before Winckelmann was born the earl of Shaftesbury (1671-1713) had published a number of fine essays on art and morals which might have been written by a friend of Plato. They taught that our daily life must be shaped according to principles of beauty and harmony, that the aesthetic sense and moral sense are innate, and that both together should guide and ennoble the soul. These ideas flow straight into the books of Winckelmann.6 A little later, in 1732, a group of English gentlemen founded the Society of Dilettanti (or ‘Delighters’ in the arts) to explore and appreciate the treasures of classical art. They sent the painter and architect ‘Athenian’ Stuart and the draughtsman Revett to make a long stay in Athens. The result was a superb work, The Antiquities of Athens Measured and Delineated (1762), the first set of accurate reproductions of Athenian architecture. It led to the adoption of Greek architectural style in St. James’s Square, thus introducing a fashion which spread throughout northern Europe and into North America.7 The Dilettanti then dispatched the epigraphist Chandler to explore Greece and what was once Greek Asia. Along with Revett and Pars he produced two magnificent folio volumes of Antiquities of Ionia (1769).8 In the same year the distinguished politician and traveller Robert Wood published the first real attempt to see Homer’s life and poetry in its proper historical and geographical setting with his Essay on the Original Genius and Writings of Homer, with a Comparative View of the Ancient and Present State of the Troade.9 These books did more than any others to create the German Renaissance, by moulding the thought of its leaders.10
温克尔曼在出版第一本书后立即前往罗马，在更为友好的环境中研究古典艺术。意大利到处都是鉴赏家。如果意大利人和威廉·汉密尔顿爵士等意大利裔英国人没有收藏古代艺术作品，温克尔曼也学不会这些作品。相反，早在他到达罗马之前，就有大量且精心整理的藏品。但他以全新的眼光看待这些藏品。他以这样的方式描述这些藏品（尽管他只知道一些最伟大的原作），从而引出希腊艺术的基本原理。他已经总结了希腊艺术的基本品质为‘高贵的朴素和沉静的宏伟’。11他在后来的论文以及他的巨著《古代艺术史》（1764 年）中解释并举例说明了这些品质12这是第一本将艺术史视为“人类成长的一部分”的书，它不像大多数以前的批评家那样，将艺术史视为一种永恒的现象或个体艺术家的历史。13或者更准确地说，是产生它的社会生活的体现。温克尔曼描述了古代艺术从埃及经腓尼基、波斯和伊特鲁里亚到希腊和罗马的发展，并将这一过程与地中海文明的变化联系起来。他还打破了现在所有美学史学家使用的基本方法，将希腊艺术分为原始、古典、晚期古典和衰落时期。他的下一本重要著作《未出版的古代遗迹》（1767-8 年）14对艺术和学术界都做出了宝贵贡献，因为它表明古典艺术中的许多场景（主要是罗马棺材上的浮雕）并不是普通生活的描绘，而是神话中的传统场景。温克尔曼对透视的把握堪比历史上的吉本。
Immediately after publishing his first book Winckelmann went off to Rome to study classical art in more sympathetic surroundings. Italy was full of connoisseurs. If the Italians and Italianate Englishmen like Sir William Hamilton had not been collecting works of ancient art, not even Winckelmann could have studied them. On the contrary, large and well-arranged collections existed long before he arrived in Rome. But he brought a fresh eye to them. He described them in such a way as to elicit from them (even though he knew few of the greatest originals) the fundamental principles of Greek art. He had already summarized its essential qualities as ‘a noble simplicity and a quiet grandeur’.11 These qualities he explained and exemplified in later essays and in his magnum opus, A History of Art among the Ancients (1764).12 This was the first book to treat the history of art—not, as most previous critics did, as a timeless phenomenon or as the history of individual artists, but as ‘part of the growth of the human race’,13 or more accurately as a manifestation of the life of the societies which produce it. Winckelmann described the development of ancient art from Egypt through Phoenicia, Persia, and Etruria, to Greece and Rome, connecting that process with the changes in Mediterranean civilization. He also struck out the fundamental method which is now used by all aesthetic historians, and arranged Greek art into periods: primitive, classical, late classical, and declining. His next important book, Unpublished Ancient Monuments (1767-8),14 did a valuable service to both art and scholarship by showing that a number of scenes from classical art, mainly reliefs on Roman coffins, were not portrayals of ordinary life but conventional scenes from mythology. Winckelmann had a grasp of perspective comparable to that of Gibbon in history.
温克尔曼的非凡发现、他著作中所体现的良好品味和智力能量，以及他不从评论和翻译中获取一切而直接前往古典国家学习的榜样，在德国产生了深远的影响。他很幸运地在文学界找到了一位知识渊博、批判意识非凡的代表人物——戈特霍尔德·埃弗拉伊姆·莱辛（1729-81）。
Winckelmann’s remarkable discoveries, the good taste and intellectual energy which his books embodied, and his example in going straight to one of the classical countries to study instead of getting everything from commentaries and translations, produced a profound effect in Germany. He had the good luck to find in the world of literature an exponent with considerable knowledge and unusual critical sense—Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729-81).
莱辛在该领域最杰出的作品是他关于著名雕塑群雕《拉奥孔》（1766 年）的论文。
Lessing’s most distinguished work in this field is his essay on the famous sculptural group, Laocoon (1766).
对于一本德语书来说，《拉奥孔》不同寻常。它简短、参差不齐，但才华横溢。它介于柏拉图式对话和欣赏性散文之间，对于那些能理解莱辛的典故的人来说，它仍然是一本不错的读物。但它对大多数现代评论家来说是一个谜。如今很难理解为什么在我们看来是一部低劣且令人反感的艺术作品上花费了如此多的品味和心思。
For a German book, Laocoon is unusual. It is short, uneven, and brilliant. Something between a Platonic dialogue and an appreciative essay, it is still good reading for those who can follow Lessing’s allusions. But it is a puzzle to most modern critics. It is hard nowadays to understand why so much taste and thought were expended on what appears to us to be an inferior and repellent work of art.
拉奥孔是特洛伊的祭司。当他的同胞发现特洛伊木马时，他警告他们这可能是一个陷阱。特洛伊木马表面上是一座供奉雕像，实际上里面藏满了希腊士兵。拉奥孔甚至用长矛刺穿了木马的侧面。他本可以说服他们把它留在城墙外，但海神波塞冬憎恨特洛伊，希望它被带到特洛伊城。拉奥孔认为这是对他神圣的马的侮辱。于是他从海里放出两条巨蛇，在特洛伊人面前抓住并杀死了拉奥孔和他的两个儿子。15这组画描绘了牧师和他的孩子们在蛇的钳制和咬合下无助的场景。父亲仰望天空寻求他得不到的帮助，孩子们向他望去寻求他无法给予的帮助，蛇把他们全部缠住，如此狡猾以至于他们无法逃脱，身边既没有武器也没有朋友。这组画是在希腊艺术的伟大时期结束后很久在罗得岛雕刻的，大约公元前 25 年16这个日期与罗马人对追溯罗马史前时期至特洛伊的兴趣相吻合。17然而，这组画作却展示了一名特洛伊祭司因破坏供奉最具希腊特色的女神雅典娜的雕像而遭受酷刑和死亡：因此，可以将其解读为对从特洛伊后裔征服希腊的罗马人的死亡愿望，因而是反特洛伊、反罗马的宣传，可与“达雷斯·弗里吉乌斯”的浪漫故事相媲美。18
Laocoon was a Trojan priest. When his countrymen found the Trojan Horse, apparently a votive statue and really full of concealed Greek soldiers, and proposed to take it into Troy, he warned them that it was probably a trap. He even hurled a spear into its side. He might have persuaded them to leave it outside the walls—but the sea-god Poseidon, who hated Troy and wished it to be destroyed, chose to take the gesture as an insult to his sacred animal the horse. So he sent two huge serpents out of the sea, which, before the eyes of the Trojans, seized and destroyed Laocoon and his two sons.15 The group shows the priest and his children helpless in the grip and the jaws of the serpents. The father looks up to heaven for the help he will not get, the boys look towards him for the help he cannot give, the snakes enlace them all so cunningly that no escape is possible, neither weapons nor friends are at hand. The group was carved in Rhodes long after the great period of Greek art had ended, about 25 B.C.16 This date coincides with the Roman interest in tracing back the prehistory of Rome to Troy.17 And yet the group shows the torture and death of a Trojan priest for violating a statue dedicated to Athena, the most Greek of all goddesses: it would be possible therefore to interpret it as a death-wish for the Romans who descended from Troy and conquered Greece, and thus as anti-Trojan, anti-Roman propaganda comparable to the romance of ‘Dares Phrygius’.18
当然，这幅群雕并非希腊艺术的巅峰之作。其主题十分丑陋，因为它展现了神对整个家族施加的残酷和不公正的死亡。这种处理方式极富情感色彩：所有人物都经受着极度的精神和身体折磨。（后来他们的身体痛苦会更大；但到那时，他们的心灵对整个情况的痛苦将减少。）无论是对古典希腊的品味还是对现代的最佳品味来说，拉奥孔都是一个巧妙的怪物。为什么温克尔曼、莱辛、歌德和其他许多人都如此深切地欣赏它？
Certainly the group is not Greek art at its best. The subject is hideous, for it shows a cruel and unjust death inflicted by a god upon an entire family. The treatment is emotional in the highest extreme: all the figures are undergoing the utmost mental and physical torture. (Later their physical sufferings will be greater; but by then their minds will be less tormentingly alive to the whole situation.) Both to classical Greek taste and to the best taste of modern times the Laocoon is a clever monstrosity. Why did Winckelmann, Lessing, Goethe, and many others admire it so deeply?
第一个原因最为明显。从技术上讲，这是一件了不起的作品。解剖结构非常精湛；尽管主题难度很大，但雕刻技艺精湛。从更高的技术水平来看，如果单纯从图案的角度来看，这是一件杰作。人物的比例和平衡都很美。所有不同的肢体和肌肉在如此多的角度和高度上错综复杂地相互作用，很容易成为混乱的混战，而不是和谐的复合体。整个群体及其每个人物都呈现出一种平衡的形状，就像达芬奇的《最后的晚餐》中群体形成的三角形一样优雅而多样。雕塑家让作品在三维空间中栩栩如生的问题已经得到完美解决，因为努力人物向前向后倾斜，并向上渴望，但又凝聚在一起成为整体。
The first reason is the most obvious. Technically it is a marvellous piece of work. The anatomy is superb; the carving, in spite of the formidable difficulties of the subject, is masterly. On a higher level of technique, viewed purely as a pattern, it is a masterpiece. The figures are beautifully proportioned and balanced. The intricate interplay of all the different limbs and muscles, at so many different angles and elevations, might easily have been a confused mêlée, instead of the harmonious complex which it is. The group as a whole, and each of its figures, fall into a balanced shape as graceful and as various as the triangles formed by the groups in Leonardo’s Last Supper. And the sculptor’s problem of making his work live in three dimensions has been perfectly solved, for the struggling figures lean backwards and forwards and aspire upwards while being held together in a single mass.
但这并不是莱辛最欣赏的。他和他的同时代人主要赞扬这幅画作的品质，而这些品质我们几乎看不到：尊严和克制。温克尔曼和他的追随者们不厌其烦地指出，父亲的嘴唇只是张开，发出一声不由自主的呻吟，而如果不是因为古典艺术的尊严，他就会大声尖叫。在维吉尔的叙述中，他确实尖叫了；但莱辛说，他不会用大理石尖叫，因为他的嘴巴会很丑陋。在我们看来，这似乎忽略了主要问题：整个主题都很丑陋，其中的情感负担过重。然而，莱辛在大范围内是正确的。这些人物很痛苦，但并不缺乏优雅。五分钟后，随着绳索的收紧，其中一个孩子会肿胀，另一个会吐血；父亲的四肢会扭曲变形，他的脸会失去人性的外表。此时此刻，他们虽然痛苦，但他们依然是高尚的，因为他们是一个完整的人。
Yet this was not what Lessing admired most. He and his contemporaries praised the group chiefly for the qualities which we can scarcely see in it: dignity and restraint. Winckelmann and his followers were never tired of pointing out that the father’s lips were just parted in an involuntary groan, whereas, had it not been for the dignity of classical art, he would have been screaming at the top of his voice. He did scream, in Vergil’s narrative; but Lessing said he would not scream in marble, because his mouth would have been ugly. This seems to us to leave out the main question: the entire subject is ugly, and the emotional charge in it is excessive. And yet Lessing is correct within broad limits. The figures are suffering, but they are not ungraceful. Five minutes later one of the children will be swollen and the other vomiting blood as the grip of the constrictors tightens; the father’s limbs will be twisted out of shape and his face will be losing even the semblance of humanity. At the moment, although agonizing, they are still noble because they are fully human.
莱辛的错误在于，他把《拉奥孔》视为古典理想的表达。在伟大时期的希腊艺术中，从未刻画过如此极端的紧张气氛，而莱辛指出，死亡本身则表现为永恒的平静。希腊画家不会展现阿伽门农牺牲女儿时的面容；希腊剧作家不会允许美狄亚谋杀她的孩子，也不会允许俄狄浦斯在观众面前弄瞎自己的眼睛。《拉奥孔》是一场失败；最高级的希腊艺术更愿意表现胜利，无论胜利的代价有多高。它不会像陀思妥耶夫斯基那样，描述一个高尚而有德的人在癫痫的折磨下变成一个无助的疯子。
Where Lessing was wrong was in treating Laocoon as an expression of classical ideals. Tension so extreme as this was never portrayed in Greek art of the great period, when death itself (as Lessing pointed out) was shown in eternal calm. Greek painters would not show the face of Agamemnon at the sacrifice of his daughter; Greek playwrights would not permit Medea to murder her children or Oedipus to blind himself before the audience. The Laocoon is a defeat; the highest Greek art preferred to show a victory, however dearly bought. It would not, like Dostoevsky, describe a noble and virtuous man becoming a helpless maniac in the grip of epilepsy.
事实上，《拉奥孔》是一件巴洛克风格的艺术品。莱辛和温克尔曼并不是第一个欣赏它的人，但却是最后一个。1667 年，在巴洛克风格的鼎盛时期，佛兰德雕塑家范·奥布斯塔尔告诉法国皇家艺术学院：“在所有保存下来的雕像中，没有一尊能与《拉奥孔》媲美。”19巴洛克艺术的主要理念之一是紧张感，即极度激情与极度控制之间的尖锐对立。20学院派欣赏《拉奥孔》的正是这种张力，而不是希腊式的宁静，而莱辛却仍然被这种张力蒙蔽了双眼。与《拉奥孔》精神最接近的 在现代，拉奥孔雕像是 17 世纪耶稣会教堂中的圣人雕像：高大、庄严、身着披风、体态优美、面容俊美，但饱受渴望的折磨，在激情的狂风中旋转，狂风卷起衣裳，弯曲身体，侧过头，在痛苦和占有的最后狂喜中将目光向上拉，在拖曳的大地和遥远的天空之间徘徊。尽管如此，尽管这是垂死时代的品味，温克尔曼和莱辛还是以一种新的眼光看待拉奥孔雕像。他们教导世界以热情和爱来看待它和其他希腊雕像，而不是以启蒙运动的冷静和有时居高临下的眼光，而是以批判的热情和爱来看待它，而这些正是革命时代思想的内在要素。
The truth is that the Laocoon is a work of baroque taste. Lessing and Winckelmann were not the first, but almost the last, to admire it. At the very height of the baroque period, in 1667, the Flemish sculptor Van Obstal told the Royal Academy of France, ‘Of all the statues which have been preserved, there is not one to equal the Laocoon.’19 One of the major ideals of baroque art is tension, the acute polarity between extreme passion and extreme control.20 It was this tension, rather than the characteristic Greek serenity, which the Academy admired in Laocoon, and by which Lessing was still blinded. The closest parallel to the spirit of the Laocoon in modern times is the statue of the saint in a seventeenth-century Jesuit church: tall, dignified, draped, comely of shape and handsome of feature, but tormented with aspiration, swirling around in a gale of passion which twists the draperies and bends the body and turns the head sideways and draws the eyes upwards in the last ecstasy of suffering and possession, torn between the dragging earth and the still distant heavens. Nevertheless, although it was part of the taste of a dying age, Winckelmann and Lessing looked at Laocoon with a new insight. They taught the world to see it and other Greek statues, not with the cool and sometimes patronizing eye of the Enlightenment, but with the enthusiasm and love which make great criticism, and which were intrinsic elements of the thought of the revolutionary era.
在文学批评方面，莱辛活跃的思想也对古典书籍和古典原则做出了有影响力的新诠释，特别是在他对《现代文学来信》和《汉堡戏剧杂志》的贡献中。21我们已经指出，在书籍之战期间，许多现代主义的支持者谴责古典诗人（尤其是荷马）粗俗，并称赞现代文学在词汇和社交行为方面更为正确。在战斗的第三阶段，达西尔夫人用这个论点来反驳她的对手。他们说公主洗衣服是不合适的。她回答说，瑙西卡最好把时间花在洗哥哥们的衬衫上，而不是浪费在打牌、闲聊和其他更危险的职业上，比如当代的时尚女士。22莱辛现在又提出了同样的论点，并用它来反对巴洛克风格拥护者。他说，如果我们认为希腊人粗俗而愚蠢，那就证明我们粗俗而愚蠢。
In literary criticism also, Lessing’s active mind produced influential new interpretations of classical books and classical principles, particularly in his contributions to Letters on Modern Literature and his Hamburg Dramatic Journal.21 We have already pointed out that during the Battle of the Books many supporters of the moderns denounced the classical poets (particularly Homer) for being vulgar, and praised modern literature as more correct in vocabulary and social conduct. In the third phase of the battle Mme Dacier turned this argument against her opponents. They said it was improper for a princess to do the laundry. She replied that Nausicaa was better employed washing her brothers’ shirts than wasting her time on cards, and gossip, and other more dangerous occupations, like contemporary ladies of fashion.22 Lessing now took up the same argument, and used it against the upholders of baroque taste. If we think the Greeks were vulgar and silly, he said, that proves that we are vulgar and silly.
但我们不必认为莱辛在这些批评文章中只是将希腊原则应用于当代文学批评。那样做会显得有些机械，甚至有些狭隘。他的成就更为广泛。他所采用的标准是他自己敏感的品味。他很早就开始为普劳图斯辩护，他曾翻译过普劳图斯的作品，后来也模仿了普劳图斯。23从此，他转而为塞涅卡的悲剧辩护，解释其明显的缺点常常掩盖的真正优点。24后来，在崇拜伏尔泰一段时间后，莱辛看透了伏尔泰的浅薄悲剧和油嘴滑舌的批评。部分原因是伏尔泰总体上是“现代派”的拥护者，部分原因是他赞扬自己的史诗和戏剧作品，伏尔泰声称法国悲剧优于希腊悲剧。1759 年，莱辛以尖锐的笔触攻击他，宣称法国古典主义悲剧不如莎士比亚和希腊人，并将他的攻击范围扩大到不仅包括拉辛和高乃依的无可争议的杰作，还包括高乃依的《罗多根》，并暗指法国巴洛克戏剧的所有次要作品。25几年后，他研究了亚里士多德的《诗学》，并对其进行了诠释，尽管现在看来这一诠释已经过时，但却是德国文学史上的一个转折点。26莱辛宣称亚里士多德并没有制定法律来限制创造精神，而是提供了指导规则，使其创造工作更加轻松、更可靠、更精致。在巴洛克时代，许多人都觉得“古代作家”就像一座大山压在他们心头。莱辛和革命时代追随他的人意识到希腊人可以帮助他们成长。
But we need not think that in these critical essays Lessing was simply applying Greek principles to contemporary literary criticism. That would have been rather mechanical, even a little narrow. His achievement was broader. The criterion he applied was his own sensitive taste. He began quite early with a defence of Plautus, whom he had translated and was later to imitate.23 From that he turned to defend the tragedies of Seneca, explaining the real merits which their glaring faults often obscure.24 Then, after admiring Voltaire for some time, Lessing saw through his shallow tragedies and glib criticisms. Partly because he was on the whole a partisan of the ‘moderns’ and partly to commend his own epic and dramatic works, Voltaire asserted that French tragedy was superior to Greek tragedy. In 1759 Lessing attacked him both with the blade and with the point, declared that French classicist tragedy was inferior to both Shakespeare and the Greeks, and extended his attack to include, not indeed the unquestioned masterpieces of Racine and Corneille, but Corneille’s Rodogune, and by implication all the lesser works of the French baroque theatre.25 Then, some years later, he studied Aristotle’s Poetics, and gave an interpretation of it which, although now in some respects out of date, was a turning-point in German literary history.26 Lessing proclaimed that Aristotle did not lay down laws to confine the creative spirit, but offered rules of guidance to make its creative work easier, surer, and finer. During the baroque age many men had felt ‘the ancient authors’ like a mountainous weight pressing down their minds. Lessing, and those who followed him in the era of revolution, realized that the Greeks could help them to grow.
大量新译本的涌现加速了德国向希腊语的转变。其中最知名的是海德堡古典学教授约翰·海因里希·沃斯 (1751-1826)，他于 1781 年出版了广受好评的德文六音步诗版《奥德赛》，随后又出版了《伊利亚特》、赫西奥德、田园诗和几位罗马作家（维吉尔、贺拉斯、提布卢斯和普罗佩提乌斯）的译本。这些译本虽然不是伟大的作品，但却是打开沉重大门的杠杆。
The movement towards Greek in Germany was hastened by a flood of new translations. Here the chief name was that of Johann Heinrich Voss (1751-1826), professor of classics at Heidelberg, who produced a highly praised version of the Odyssey in German hexameters in 1781, following it with versions of the Iliad, of Hesiod, of the bucolic poets, and of several Roman writers (Vergil, Horace, Tibullus, and Propertius). They are not great translations, but they were levers to open a heavy door.
与此同时，诗人和思想家们也努力学习希腊语，他们的热情与其他国家文艺复兴时期开始阅读拉丁文的年轻人一样。例如，歌德九岁时开始学习希腊语，但在青春期放弃了。后来，在二十一岁时，他遇到了约翰·戈特弗里德·冯·赫尔德（1744-1803），这给了他新的动力。赫尔德是风暴与压力运动的领袖，如今他主要以欣赏“原始和自然”的诗歌而闻名——民谣、民歌、奥西安和莎士比亚。他激发了歌德对希腊语的热爱，这一事实表明，相信“古典”和“浪漫”之间存在直接对立是多么错误。他鼓励歌德学习希腊语，并不是为了探究学术的隐秘领域，而是为了通过阅读荷马和柏拉图的原文来达到“真理、情感和自然”。27因此，歌德于 1770 年开始研究荷马，后来又研究柏拉图和色诺芬的《回忆录》（其中给出了不同的他于 1771 年将作品传给了忒奥克里托斯 (Theocritus)；1772 年将作品传给了品达 (Pindar)（他认为品达写的是自由诗）；1773 年，他的作品到达了希腊悲剧的境界。二十八
At the same time, poets and thinkers were endeavouring to learn Greek, with all the enthusiasm which in other lands had once gripped Renaissance youths beginning to read Latin. Goethe, for example, was started on Greek when he was nine, but gave it up in his adolescence. And then, aged twenty-one, he got a fresh impetus from meeting Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744-1803). Herder, the leader of the Storm and Stress movement, is chiefly known nowadays for his admiration of ‘primitive and natural’ poetry—ballads, folk-songs, Ossian, and Shakespeare. The fact that he inspired Goethe with a love of Greek shows how mistaken it is to believe in a direct opposition between ‘classical’ and ‘romantic’. He urged Goethe to learn Greek, not to penetrate hidden realms of scholarship, but in order to reach ‘truth, feeling, Nature’ by reading Homer and Plato in the original.27 So Goethe started on Homer in 1770; went on to Plato and to Xenophon’s Memoirs (which give a different view of the life and teaching of Socrates); in 1771 to Theocritus; in 1772 to Pindar (whom he believed to be writing free verse); and by 1773 reached Greek tragedy.28
作者读书是为了写作。没有一个有创造力的作家能够仅凭自己的经历来创作；而且，一本新书往往比作者日常生活更能激发作者的灵感。但刺激越强烈，就越难不被麻木地接受。许多有前途的年轻作家在古典诗歌的强大力量下，要么沉默不语，要么成为无助的模仿者。革命时期的德国作家承认希腊神话和诗歌的力量；但他们中的大多数人无法像民歌和中世纪浪漫的简单影响那样轻松有效地吸收它。
Authors read in order to write. No creative writer can work on his own experience alone; and very often a new book will stimulate an author more than the day-by-day events of his life. But the stronger the stimulus, the harder it is to receive it without being numbed. Exposed to the full power of classical poetry, many promising young writers have either been silenced or become helpless imitators. The German writers of the revolutionary period admitted the power of Greek myth and poetry; but most of them were unable to assimilate it as easily and productively as the simpler influences of folk-song and medieval romance.
约翰·克里斯托弗·弗里德里希·席勒 (1759-1805) 钦佩希腊哲学的高尚品质，对希腊传奇的力量深感钦佩。但他没有创作过关于古典主题的长篇诗歌。他受希腊启发而创作的最雄心勃勃的作品是《墨西拿的新娘》 ——这部作品有趣但并不完全成功，它结合了意大利文艺复兴时期的乱伦爱情和兄弟相残的仇恨情节，以及舞台上的谋杀和自杀，以及古典平衡的戏剧结构，其中有几段巧妙嵌入的希腊罗马主题改编，以及由家臣组成的双人合唱团。这一实验的真正继承者不是十九世纪的诗歌悲剧，而是瓦格纳和威尔第的早期歌剧。除此之外，席勒对希腊罗马文化的热爱只产生了以希腊民间故事为基础的歌谣（如《波利克拉底的指环》和《伊比库斯的鹤》），以及赞美物化道德和情感理想的颂歌，这些颂歌部分取材于希腊思想，模仿希腊和罗马万神殿中神化的抽象概念。自从克洛普施托克引领潮流以来，德国诗人一直在写许多这样的抒情诗，以品达的风格（他们是这样认为的）创作，但又带有革命时代的感伤理想主义。席勒最著名的诗歌是《欢乐颂》，贝多芬曾将其作为《第九交响曲》强有力的最后乐章的歌词：
Johann Christoph Friedrich Schiller (1759-1805) admired the nobility of Greek philosophy and was deeply impressed by the power of Greek legend. But he produced no large poem on a classical theme. His most ambitious work inspired by Greece was The Bride of Messina—an interesting but not wholly successful marriage between a horrific Italian Renaissance plot of incestuous loves and fratricidal hates, with murder and suicide on the stage, and a classically balanced dramatic structure, with several skilfully inlaid adaptations of Greco-Roman themes, and a double chorus composed of retainers. The true successors of this experiment were not the nineteenth-century poetic tragedies but the early operas of Wagner and Verdi. Apart from this, Schiller’s love of Greco-Roman culture produced only ballads on Greek folk-tales (such as The Ring of Polycrates and The Cranes of Ibycus), and odes to hypostatized moral and emotional ideals, partly drawn from Greek thought and modelled on the deified abstractions of the Greek and Roman pantheon. Since Klopstock set the fashion, the German poets had been writing many such lyrics, in the manner of Pindar (as they conceived it) but with all the sentimental idealism of the revolutionary era. Schiller’s most famous poem in this vein is his Ode to Joy, which Beethoven took as the words for the powerful final movement of the Ninth Symphony:
欢乐，你这可爱的神性火花！
来自极乐世界的少女！二十九
Joy, thou lovely spark of godhead!
Maiden from Elysium!29
这首狂喜的抒情诗有一首忧郁的诗，即《希腊诸神》（1788 年）。这是席勒最重要的一首希腊诗歌。这是对已故希腊诸神的哀悼，他们的死亡只是因为人类灵魂中的某种东西死亡了。曾经，大自然是活的，整个世界都是神的化身。树里有一位活着的森林女神。野外鸟鸣是菲洛梅拉凄美的哀歌。天空中的东西，现在的科学家告诉我们是一团燃烧的气体，当时是一辆金色的战车，由平静的空中君主赫利俄斯驾驶。席勒高呼，现在的世界不过是物质。对希腊人来说，它是充满精神的物质。当时它有意义；现在它毫无意义。当时它既是人，又是人性的神。现在它是亚人类的，是一个物理运动的物体，像滴答作响的钟摆一样死气沉沉。它既没有生命，也没有美感，也没有神性。
That rapturous lyric had a melancholy counterpart, The Gods of Greece (1788). Here is Schiller’s most important Hellenic poem. It is a lament for the dead Greek deities, who have died only because something within the soul of man has died. Once, nature was alive, and the whole world incarnated divinities. Within the tree there was a living dryad. The bird-song in the wildwood was the poignant lament of Philomela. The thing in the sky, which scientists now tell us is a ball of burning gas, was then a golden chariot driven by Helios, calm monarch of the air. The world now, cries Schiller, is nothing but matter. For the Greeks it was matter infused with spirit. Then it meant something; now it means nothing. Then it was both human and humanly divine. Now it is sub-human, an object in physical motion, as dead as the ticking pendulum. It has neither life, nor beauty, nor divinity.
这首诗是对现代科学和现代唯物主义的公开批判，也是对基督教的含蓄批判。中世纪基督教对死亡的恐惧与希腊人对死亡的平静接受形成了鲜明对比。30尽管席勒没有直接攻击基督教，但他表达了对基督教世界的恐惧，因为基督教世界与异教世界不同，它晦涩难懂、死气沉沉，没有精神生活。这首抒情诗的悲哀抗议在华兹华斯的《我们受不了世界》中得到了呼应。31并在十九世纪的许多诗歌中得到深化和强化。当时，许多德国诗人发表了颂歌，旨在回应《希腊诸神》并驳斥席勒的抱怨，因为他们认为席勒是在宣告对基督教某些最深刻价值观的反抗，并将人们的目光从天堂转向这个世界的美丽。32他们是对的：他预言了希腊人与希伯来人之间、异教徒与基督徒之间将会发生战争。
This poem is an open attack on modern science and modern materialism, and an implicit attack on Christianity. The medieval Christian horror of death is contrasted with the calm Greek acceptance of it.30 Although Schiller does not directly attack the Christian religion, he expresses horror of the Christian world which—unlike the pagan world—lies opaque and dead, without spiritual life. The sorrowful protest of this lyric is echoed in Wordsworth’s The World is too much with Us,31 and is deepened and intensified in many poems of the advancing nineteenth century. At the time, many German poetasters published odes intended to answer The Gods of Greece and to refute Schiller’s complaint, for they felt that he was proclaiming a revolt against some of the deepest values of Christianity, and turning men’s eyes away from heaven towards the beauty of this world.32 They were right: he foretold a war of Greek against Hebrew, of pagan against Christian.
所有德国革命作家中最地道的希腊人是一位悲剧青年，他的职业生涯一度与席勒并驾齐驱——不是因为他模仿席勒，而是因为他们都感受到了同样的灵感。他就是弗里德里希·荷尔德林（1770-1802：他活到了 1843 年，但于 1802 年发疯而结束生命）。33他的早期诗歌与席勒的抒情诗非常相似，尽管其中最重要的一些诗作更加强烈，也更加真正伟大。部分是因为这种通信（这听起来有点像抄袭），部分是因为荷尔德林的极端超凡脱俗，表达了对希腊的无限崇拜，几乎是一种死亡愿望，因此这位年轻人被席勒和歌德相对忽视了。然而，席勒确实帮助引起了出版商的兴趣在荷尔德林的散文浪漫小说《许珀里翁》中。这个故事讲述了一位现代希腊青年受到一位强大而高贵的大师（阿达玛斯，席勒的化身）的启发，试图重现古希腊的辉煌；他为希腊独立而与土耳其人斗争，但失败了，于是成为了一名隐士，不信奉宗教之神，而是信奉自然之神。因此，这本书结合了古希腊对荷尔德林那一代人来说象征的两种理想。要到达希腊，人们可以穿过现代希腊，为将其从暴政中解放出来而奋斗，或者可以摆脱社会，在地中海的风景、山脉、海洋和天空中找到精神家园。
The truest Greek of all the German revolutionary writers was a tragic young man whose career for some time ran parallel to Schiller’s—not because he copied Schiller, but because they both felt the same inspiration. This was Friedrich Hölderlin (1770-1802: he lived until 1843, but his life ended in 1802 when he went mad).33 His first poems echoed Schiller’s lyrics very closely, although some of the most important were much mo e intense and more truly great. It was partly because of this correspondence (which must have seemed rather like plagiarism) and partly because of Hölderlin’s extreme other-worldliness, which expressed such unbounded adoration of Greece as to be virtually a death-wish, that the young man was comparatively neglected by both Schiller and Goethe. However, Schiller did help to interest the publishers in Hölderlin’s prose romance Hyperion. This is the story of a young Greek of modern times who is inspired by a strong and noble master (Adamas, a personification of Schiller) to attempt to recapture the glory of ancient Greece; he fights for Greek independence against the Turks, but fails, and becomes a hermit, dedicated not to the God of religion but to the divinities of nature. The book thus combines two of the ideals which ancient Greece symbolized for Hölderlin’s generation. To reach Hellas one might pass through modern Greece, and struggle to liberate it from tyranny, or one might cast off society, and find a spiritual home in the Mediterranean landscape, mountains, sea, and sky.
和大多数德国希腊学家一样，荷尔德林也尝试创作悲剧。他选择了马修·阿诺德后来更成功处理的主题：《恩培多克勒之死》。这部作品充满了崇高的思想和优美的诗意，但和许多模仿希腊的戏剧一样，它是不完整的。他还翻译了索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯与安提戈涅》。但他作品中最精彩的部分是抒情诗和挽歌：四行诗节的短诗类似于贺拉斯从希腊人那里借鉴的诗，挽歌类似于希腊和罗马爱情诗人，或者像品达和悲剧作家那样的大型颂歌和赞美诗。34荷尔德林懂得了前几代人所没有看到的东西：希腊诗歌将强烈的情感与深思熟虑的客观性结合在一起。由于他自己的情感如此敏锐，生活如此痛苦，他发现实现这种客观性更加困难，但又更加必要。即使是他在疯狂逼近并在他的文字中显现时写的诗，仍然具有希腊的基本高贵性。
Like most of the German hellenists, Hölderlin attempted a tragedy. He chose the subject which Matthew Arnold was to treat later and with more success: The Death of Empedocles. It is full of lofty thought and fine poetry, but, like so many imitative Greek dramas, it is incomplete. He also wrote translations of Sophocles’ Oedipus and Antigone. But the greatest part of his work was lyric and elegiac: brief poems in a four-line stanza resembling that which Horace took from the Greeks, elegies in the manner of the Greek and Roman love-poets, or large odes and hymns like those of Pindar and the tragedians.34 Hölderlin understood what men of earlier generations had not seen: that Greek poetry combines intense feeling with deliberate objectivity. Because his own emotions were so acutely sensitive and his life so painful, he found it all the more difficult to attain this objectivity, and yet all the more necessary. Even the poems which he wrote when his madness was approaching him and becoming visible in his words still have the fundamental nobility of Greece.
荷尔德林和济慈之间的相似之处非常惊人。35荷尔德林是一位更优秀的古典学者，济慈是一位更优秀的诗人。但他们对古代，尤其是希腊的热爱，在强度和忧郁的温柔品质上是相似的。荷尔德林的爱情和济慈一样不幸，但他的爱情要悲惨得多。这个女孩比范妮·布劳恩更敏感、更聪明，但已经结婚了，嫁给了一个冷酷的商人，他对待这位年轻的诗人就像对待仆人一样。荷尔德林以狄奥蒂玛的名义给她写诗——狄奥蒂玛是一位半神话的女祭司，苏格拉底从她那里了解到，通过爱情可以实现理想的美和善的愿景。36济慈和荷尔德林都不欣赏埃斯库罗斯的强大能量，认为他是一种可以被吸收并用来加强自己的性格。济慈是一个更快乐的人，尽管他早逝，但他是一个更健康的人。他热爱生活，并在希腊的优雅和高贵中找到了对生活最美好的表达；而荷尔德林热爱古代，因为他讨厌现在。济慈的《海伯利安》成功了，而荷尔德林的失败了。但两位诗人，忧郁的德国人和狂喜的英国人，都对即将到来的厄运有着悲剧性的意识。其中一位大喊：
The parallel between Hölderlin and Keats is very striking.35 Hölderlin was a better classical scholar, Keats a better poet. But their love for antiquity, particularly for Greece, was similar in intensity, and in its quality of melancholy tenderness. Hölderlin had an unhappy love-affair like Keats, but his was far more wretched. The girl was more sensitive and intelligent than Fanny Brawne, but was already married, and to a cold business-man who treated the young poet like a servant. Hölderlin wrote poems to her under the name of Diotima—the half-mythical priestess from whom Socrates learned that through love the vision of ideal beauty and goodness may be attained.36 Neither Keats nor Hölderlin admired the robust energy of Aeschylus as a power that could be assimilated and used to strengthen his own character. Keats was a happier, and, despite his early death, a healthier man. He loved life, and found its finest expression in the grace and nobility of Greece; while Hölderlin loved antiquity because he hated the present day. Keats’s Hyperion succeeded, where Hölderlin’s failed. But both poets, the melancholy German and the enraptured Englishman, had a tragic consciousness of impending doom. One of them cried:
当我担心我可能不复存在
在我的笔收集到我丰富的大脑之前……
When I have fears that I may cease to be
Before my pen has gleaned my teeming brain …
另一个人也附和道：
and the other echoed him:
强大的精灵们，请赐予我一个夏天吧！赐予我
一个秋天吧，让我所有的歌曲都成熟吧，
这样，我的心就会饱含甜蜜的
欢愉，更加心甘情愿地死去。三十七
Only one summer grant me, powerful spirits!
one autumn, one, to ripen all my songs,
so that my heart, sated with sweet
delight, may more willingly die.37
约翰·沃尔夫冈·冯·歌德 (1749-1832) 承认，许多事物对他的思想产生了重大影响：爱情、旅行、科学、东方诗歌、戏剧、宫廷、诗人朋友、民间诗歌。其中几乎没有什么比希腊罗马文学的影响更大。他的古典教育有限，而且缺乏启发性。虽然他精通拉丁语，但他对希腊语却从不感到自在。当他阅读希腊书籍时，他喜欢手边有一本译本，而且通常只有新译本的出现才会让他的注意力转向希腊诗人。38然而，和他那个时代几乎所有有创造力的作家一样，他真心热爱希腊文学，并不断从中汲取力量。赫尔德对希腊诗歌的赞美，温克尔曼的朋友和老师奥瑟对希腊艺术的赞美，以及温克尔曼、莱辛、布莱克威尔和伍德对希腊美学理想的分析，真正激发了他对古典文学的兴趣；39尽管其他的热情间歇性地发展了他多才多艺的性格，但这种热情在他职业生涯的许多不同阶段仍然保持活跃和富有创造力。荷马是他最喜欢的。他对荷马的思考远多于对其他任何古典作家的思考——与他对三位雅典悲剧作家（他的下一个最爱）的思考加起来一样多。40到二十一岁时，他开始自学阅读荷马的作品；此后，他读完了大部分希腊文学作品。这对他来说比拉丁文更重要，并让他在漫长的一生中一直与神仙为伴。
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832) acknowledged many powerful influences on his mind: love, travel, science, oriental poetry, the theatre, the court, his poetic friends, folk-poetry. Scarcely any of these was stronger than the influence of Greco-Roman literature. His classical education was limited and uninspiring. Although competent in Latin, he never felt at ease in Greek. When he read a Greek book, he liked to have a translation handy, and often it was only the appearance of a new translation that would turn his attention to a Greek poet.38 Nevertheless, like nearly all the creative writers of his age, he genuinely loved Greek literature and constantly drew strength from it. It was the eulogies of Herder on Greek poetry, and of Winckelmann’s friend and teacher Oeser on Greek art—together with Winckelmann’s, Lessing’s, Blackwell’s, and Wood’s analyses of Greek aesthetic ideals—which really awakened his interest in the classics;39 and, with intervals in which other enthusiasms developed other aspects of his versatile character, it remained active and creative in many different stages of his career. Homer was his favourite. He thought about Homer far more than about any other classical author—as much as he thought about the three Athenian tragedians (his next favourites) all together.40 By the age of twenty-one he was teaching himself to read Homer; and thereafter he read on through most of Greek literature. It meant far more to him than Latin, and gave him the companionship of the immortals throughout his long life.
1786 年，他逃到罗马，昔日的理想世界变成了现实。他不仅被罗马的壮丽所折服，还被罗马持续的活力所折服，尤其是当他还是一个热情的年轻人，并在那里找到了美丽的女人时。他在《罗马哀歌》中写道，拥抱情妇教会了他如何理解雕塑；41很明显，与一位热情的罗马女孩的恋情使得古典挽歌家的爱情诗，甚至其中有时深奥的神话典故，对他来说都变得直接而真实。42此前，他曾小规模地模仿过一些古典诗歌——例如，警句《阿那克里翁之墓》（1785 年），雨果·沃尔夫将其改编成一首优美的歌曲，灵感来自赫尔德翻译的希腊文选。但现在，他开始对古典文学进行一系列模仿、模仿和唤起，这些模仿、模仿和唤起断断续续地持续到他职业生涯的结束。
The ideal world of the past became a reality for him in 1786, when he escaped to Rome. He was overwhelmed not only by its magnificence but by its continuing vitality, especially since he was a young passionate man and found handsome women there. In his Roman Elegies he writes that embracing his mistress taught him how to understand sculpture;41 and it is obvious that having a love-affair with a fiery Roman girl made the love-poems of the classical elegists, and even their sometimes abstruse mythological allusions, immediate and real to him.42 Previously he had written some imitations of classical poetry on a small scale—for instance, the epigram Anacreon’s Grave (1785), which Hugo Wolf made into an exquisite song, was inspired by Herder’s translations from the Greek Anthology. But now began his long series of imitations, emulations, and evocations of classical literature which, at intervals, continued until the close of his career.
首先，他拿来一部他已经写好的古典题材的散文剧，将其改写成诗体。这就是《伊菲革涅亚在陶里斯》，1779 年以散文形式出版，1787 年以诗体形式出版。它最初的形式类似于法国古典主义的散文悲剧，有五幕，没有合唱，人物性格沉稳端正。它以欧里庇得斯关于伊菲革涅亚在野蛮人中的戏剧为基础，大量模仿希腊剧作家的伟大段落。43但最重要的是，它不仅仅是一种模仿。道德是现代的，几乎是基督教的：拉辛认为必须将这种变化引入他所用的一些传说中。伊菲革涅亚逃脱了，并为她的兄弟争取到了自由，不是通过反抗野蛮的陶里王子，也不是像欧里庇得斯那样通过欺骗他，而是通过告诉他真相并相信她凭借自己的善良帮助创造的更好的天性。四十四
First he took a prose drama on a classical subject which he had already written, and remodelled it in verse. This was Iphigenia in Tauris, published in prose in 1779 and in verse in 1787. In its first form it resembled a French classicist tragedy in prose, with five acts, no chorus, and a calm correctitude about the characters. It was based on Euripides’ play about Iphigenia among the savages, and was full of imitations of great passages from the Greek dramatists.43 But in the most important matter of all it was more than an imitation. The morality was modern, almost Christian: a change which Racine had felt bound to introduce into some of the legends he used. Iphigenia escapes, and secures freedom for her brother, not by opposing the savage Tauric prince, nor as in Euripides by tricking him, but by telling him the truth and trusting the better nature which, by her own goodness, she helps to create.44
《伊菲革涅亚》是否成功尚有疑问。它虽然纯洁，却显得冷酷：希腊悲剧很少如此。但歌德的下一部古典作品《罗马挽歌》（1795 年）的成功是毫无疑问的。这些诗是关于罗马的爱情和艺术，改编自所有古代作家在此类题材上所使用的挽歌对句。在形式和大小、对热烈爱情的专注、生动微妙的心理以及对色情传说的频繁暗示方面，它们直接继承了罗马挽歌家的传统。歌德钦佩并借鉴了普罗佩提乌斯（席勒实际上称他为德国的普罗佩提乌斯）；他认识卡图卢斯，在所有的罗马诗人中，他最喜欢奥维德爱情诗人。《罗马挽歌》中多次回忆起这三位诗人的作品，但这些作品被巧妙地重新处理，并大胆地以新的组合和新的内容并列，从而增强了这本书的原创性。45这些诗中古典的回响不能称为模仿。更确切地说，它们是原创的诗，是在三种汇聚的灵感下创作的——歌德的爱情故事、他在罗马的审美体验以及他对古典挽歌的阅读。它们（除了一个基本因素外）极其优美，在很多方面都优于他模仿的罗马挽歌诗。例如，罗马挽歌诗的局限性之一是他们的诗往往落入传统模式，毫无疑问是由亚历山大的希腊人设定的：向爱人锁着的门致意，关于宠物的诗，等等。一位又一位罗马诗人重新处理这些主题，很少引入超过微小的变化。但歌德提出了许多精彩的新想法：例如，一位被激怒的情妇的独白，我们几乎可以听到愤怒的意大利女孩在尖叫，看到她在地上跺脚。四十六
The success of Iphigenia was doubtful. Though pure, it seems cold: which Greek tragedy seldom is. But there is no doubt about the success of Goethe’s next classicizing work, the Roman Elegies (1795). These are poems about love and art in Rome, written in an adaptation of the elegiac couplet used by all ancient writers on such subjects. In form and size, in their preoccupation with passionate love, in their vivid and subtle psychology, and in their frequent allusions to erotic legends, they are directly in the tradition of the Roman elegists. Goethe admired and borrowed from Propertius (Schiller actually called him the German Propertins); he knew Catullus, and he loved Ovid best of all the Roman love-poets. Reminiscences of the work of all three are frequent in the Roman Elegies, but so skilfully rehandled and so daringly juxtaposed in new combinations and with new matter that they enhance the originality of the book.45 The classical echoes in them cannot be called imitations. It would be more accurate to say that they are original poems, produced under three convergent inspirations—Goethe’s love-affairs, his aesthetic experiences in Rome, and his reading of the classical elegists. They are (except for one essential factor) extremely beautiful, and are in several ways superior to the Roman elegiac poems he was emulating. For instance, one of the limitations of the Roman elegists is that their poems tend to fall into conventional patterns, no doubt set by the Alexandrian Greeks: the address to the sweetheart’s locked door, the poem on the pet animal, &c. One Roman poet after another rehandles these themes, seldom introducing more than minor variations. But Goethe struck out a number of fine new ideas: such as a monologue by an offended mistress, in which we can almost hear the angry tearful Italian girl screaming, and see her stamp on the floor.46
这些诗的弱点在于它们的韵律。德国诗人曾尝试改编古典韵律一段时间；著名的弗里德里希·戈特利布·克洛普斯托克（1724-1803）以六音步诗《弥赛亚》（1748）的前三篇引起了巨大轰动，而许多其他作家也练习了挽歌对句。歌德喜欢这种对句，尤其是用于比抒情诗更丰富、情绪基调更低的短诗。但他从未设法使它像希腊语和拉丁语那样富有音乐感。部分原因是德语的性质，长诗听起来沉重而复杂；但部分原因是歌德在使用困难的韵律时太松懈了，而必须（正如罗马人在早期的失败实验后发现的那样）精确地使用才能达到其最佳性质。从技术上讲，其原因在于，在希腊语和拉丁语中，挽歌韵律依赖于长音节和短音节的交替，而在现代语言中，它必须依赖于重读音节和非重读音节的交替。现在，它由扬抑格和扬抑格组成，在希腊语或拉丁语中，扬抑格和扬抑格相当容易找到，而且数量上有所差异。但在现代语言中，与扬抑格相对应的音步非常罕见，因为它必须包含两个连续的重读音节。两个强调的单音节将产生这样的效果；但很少有双音节词能达到这样的效果。因此，用德语或英语写这种韵律的诗人倾向于使用任何双音节词，让读者放慢节奏，以保持长短格和扬抑格的规律行进。47但即使对于那些脑子里有六音步韵律的人来说，这也太费劲了。歌德的挽歌中有许多诗行只有古典学者才能读懂，而没有一个古典学者能读得津津有味。
The weakness of these poems is their verse-form. German poets had been experimenting for some time with adaptations of classical metres; the famous Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock (1724-1803) made a great sensation with his first three cantos of The Messiah in hexameters (1748), while many other writers had practised the elegiac couplet. Goethe liked this couplet, especially for short poems of a richer texture and lower emotional tone than lyrics. But he never managed to make it as musical as it was in Greek and Latin. Partly this is because of the nature of the German language, which in long-line poetry sounds heavy and involved; but partly it is because Goethe was much too lax in using a difficult metre, which must (as the Romans had discovered after unfortunate early experiments) be used precisely to attain its best nature. Technically, the reason for this is that in Greek and Latin the elegiac metre depends on an alternation of long and short syllables, whereas in modern languages it must depend on an alternation of stressed and unstressed syllables. Now, it is composed of dactyls and spondees, which are fairly easy to find and vary in Greek or Latin, quantitatively used. But a foot corresponding to a spondee in a modern language is quite rare, for it must contain two stressed syllables in succession. Two emphatic monosyllables will produce this effect; but very few dissyllabic words will do so. Therefore the poet writing this metre in German or English tends to use any dissyllabic word, leaving it to the reader to slow up the rhythm long enough to maintain the regular march of dactyls and spondees.47 But this is too much of an effort even for those who have the rhythm of the hexameter in their heads. There are many lines in Goethe’s elegies which only classical scholars can read with understanding, and no classical scholar can read with pleasure.
1796 年，歌德与席勒合作出版了一本包含数百首警句的诗集，内容涉及当代文学、政治和哲学。诗集名字Xenia的意思是“礼物”。它取自警句作家马夏尔，他有两本书都充满了可以附在礼品包裹上的小诗，而这本书的精神也与马夏尔的精神一致。有些诗歌尖锐到至今仍被引用。但大多数主题都是短暂的，而且更重要的是，挽歌的节奏在前 100 对之后就变得极其单调。马夏尔不会出版一系列超过 300 首形式大致相同、格律完全相同的杂乱主题的诗歌：他知道这会让人无法阅读。
In 1796 Goethe joined Schiller in publishing a collection of several hundred epigrams on contemporary literature, politics, and philosophy. The name, Xenia, means ‘gifts’. It was taken from the epigrammatist Martial, who has two whole books full of little poems to be attached to gift-parcels; and the spirit was meant to be that of Martial. Some of the poems are trenchant enough to be quoted still. But most of the subjects were ephemeral, and, what is more important, the elegiac rhythm becomes deadly monotonous after the first hundred couplets. Martial would not publish a series of over 300 poems on miscellaneous subjects in roughly the same shape and exactly the same metre: he knew it would be unreadable.
法国大革命及其引发的混乱和暴力的恶魔让歌德深感震惊。出于对法国大革命的厌恶，他在 1798 年创作了一部九卷本的乡村爱情小说，名为《赫尔曼与多萝西娅》。48基调是田园诗；韵律是古典的六音步，可自由改编；风格是荷马更安静、更传统的风格——例如，对马和农活等美好简单事物的直截了当但又高尚的描述，对同一个人物反复使用同样的绰号——
By the French Revolution, and by the daemons of disorder and violence it called up, Goethe was deeply shocked. In a revulsion from it he produced in 1798 a country love-story in nine books, called Hermann and Dorothea.48 The tone is pastoral; the metre is the classical hexameter, freely adapted; the manner is that of the quieter, more conventional aspects of Homer—for example, the straightforward but ennobling description of good simple things such as horses and farm-work, the repeated use of the same epithets for the same characters—
牧师明智而高尚——49
the pastor judicious and noble—49
长篇演讲和悠闲的故事节奏。后来，英国和美国文学中也出现了同样的诗歌，如克拉夫的《小屋》和朗费罗的《伊万杰琳》，这两首诗都是六音步诗。其中一首诗的主题和另一首诗的背景都很诗意，因为遥远而陌生。但在《赫尔曼与多萝西娅》中，我们应该感觉到，朴素的农民性格、朴素的小镇环境和朴素的爱情故事本身就足以激发想象力。这种情绪与考珀的《任务》和华兹华斯的《彼得贝尔。然而，作品的诗意强度较低，歌德也没有用他的技巧来增强它。例如，它以旅店老板、他的妻子、当地化学家和当地牧师之间几乎没完没了的对话开始，这段对话除了韵律之外毫无诗意。这种轻松的叙述和安静的对话与一种不断让读者想起《奥德赛》的汹涌和雷声的风格联系在一起时，是无法容忍的。在音乐方面，与施特劳斯的《家庭交响曲》相对应的是，管弦乐队的全部资源都被调动来描绘一对幸福夫妇的白天和黑夜，甚至婴儿的哭声也被重现。歌德可能一直在试图将荷马与农民赫西奥德和田园诗人忒奥克里托斯融合在一起。或者他可能被误导而相信，在《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》中较为简单的描述段落中，荷马作为“自然诗人”，只是在准确描述他的读者所知道和每天看到的东西：因此，他自己可能试图将熟悉的、可敬的和陈词滥调变成诗歌。
the long speeches, and the leisurely pace of the story. The same kind of poem appears later in British and American literature, with Clough’s The Bothie and Longfellow’s Evangeline, both in hexameters. In one of these the subject and in the other the setting is poetic, because distant and strange. But in Hermann and Dorothea we are meant to feel that the simple peasant character and the simple small-town surroundings and the simple love-story are in themselves enough to move the imagination. The mood is to be that of contemporary poems like Cowper’s The Task and Wordsworth’s Peter Bell. However, the poetic intensity of the work is low, and Goethe has not heightened it by his technique. It begins, for instance, with an almost interminable conversation between the innkeeper, his wife, the local chemist, and the local parson, which is poetic in nothing, nothing but the metre. Such easy narrative and quiet dialogue are intolerable when associated with a style that constantly reminds the reader of the surge and thunder of the Odyssey. In music, the parallel is Strauss’s Domestic Symphony, where the full resources of the orchestra are called in to depict a day and night in the life of a happily married couple, and even the cries of the baby are reproduced. Goethe may have been attempting to blend Homer with the peasant Hesiod and the pastoral Theocritus. Or he may have been misled into believing that, in the simpler descriptive passages of the Iliad and Odyssey, Homer, as a ‘poet of nature’, was merely describing exactly what all his audience knew and saw every day: and he himself may therefore have tried to make poetry out of the familiar, the respectable, and the platitudinous.
《赫尔曼与多萝西娅》是一部改编自荷马史诗的田园诗。歌德一直很欣赏荷马史诗，但有一本书却暗示荷马史诗从未存在过，这促使他试图与荷马史诗相媲美。这本书就是沃尔夫的《荷马史诗导论》，出版于 1795 年。50这是一部极其重要的著作，决定了十九世纪许多学术研究的方向。
Hermann and Dorothea is an epic idyll in an adaptation of the Homeric manner. Goethe, who had long admired the Homeric poems, was encouraged to try rivalling them by a book which suggested that Homer had never existed. This was Wolf’s Introduction to Homer, published in 1795.50 It was an extremely important work, and determined the direction of much nineteenth-century scholarship.
我们已经看到荷马在十七世纪和十八世纪早期是如何不受欢迎和被误解的。51伍德的《论荷马的原创天才》为更好地理解《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》迈出了决定性的一步。52巴洛克时期的贵族和绅士们声称荷马史诗不可能是好的诗歌，因为荷马社会在某些方面不如他们自己的社会那么精致和精确。这是他们历史观的一个缺陷。伍德通过描述荷马所知道的风景，并通过从近东的生活唤起他所描述的那种生活，原始但不野蛮，简单而高贵，帮助向诗歌爱好者展示了他们在阅读《伊利亚特》时真正应该寻找的东西。这篇散文于 1773 年被译成德文，在德国和其他地方都广受欢迎。年轻的歌德是它的崇拜者之一。
We have seen how Homer was disliked and misunderstood in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.51 A decisive step towards the better comprehension of the Iliad and the Odyssey was made by Wood’s Essay on the Original Genius of Homer.52 The nobility and gentry of the baroque era had claimed that the Homeric epics could not be good poetry because Homeric society was in some ways less polished and precise than their own. This was a fault in their historical perspective. Wood, by describing the scenery which Homer knew, and by evoking from the life of the Near East the kind of life he described, primitive but not barbarous, simple but noble, helped to show lovers of poetry what they should really look for when they read the Iliad. Translated into German in 1773, the essay had a wide public in Germany, as it did elsewhere. Young Goethe was one of its admirers.
另一位崇拜者是弗里德里希·奥古斯特·沃尔夫，他后来成为1783 年，沃尔夫成为哈勒的古典学教授。和伍德一样，沃尔夫也试图从正确的历史角度看待荷马史诗。但他并不主要把它们当作艺术品。他感兴趣的是它们的历史——在这方面，他是伟大的本笃会修士马比永和“法拉里斯”的发起者本特利等学者的继承者。53他着手追溯这两首诗自创作以来流传的各个阶段。他指出，不可能说这两首诗有一个单一的固定文本——就像现代印刷书籍在其数千份副本中，只有一个文本（除非有意外错误）是作者写的。相反，荷马诗歌有许多不同的版本，主要内容差别不大，但许多重要细节不同；并且不可能将它们的历史追溯到任何一个只有单一文本的时代。我们回溯得越远（他认为），我们就越不可能找到一个诗人荷马和两部名为《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的完整诗歌。
Another admirer was Friedrich August Wolf, who became professor of classics at Halle in 1783. Like Wood, Wolf set out to put the Homeric poems in their correct historical perspective. But he did not regard them chiefly as works of art. He was interested in their history—and in this he was a successor of such scholars as the great Benedictine, Mabillon, and Bentley, the exploder of ‘Phalaris’.53 He undertook to trace the various stages by which they had been transmitted since they were composed. He pointed out that it was impossible to say there was a single fixed text of the two poems—in the same way as a modern printed book represents, in all its many thousand copies, a single text which (barring accidental errors) is what the author wrote. Instead, there were many different versions of the Homeric poems, varying not much in the main lines, but in many important details; and it was impossible to follow their history back to any time when there was a single text. The farther we go back (he suggested), the less likely it becomes that we could ever reach one poet, Homer, and two solid blocks of poetry called the Iliad and the Odyssey.
沃尔夫认为，主要原因是在创作这些诗歌的时代，文字几乎还不为人所知。《伊利亚特》中两次提到了重要的标记，但在某种程度上，它们更像是黑暗时代的符文和中世纪的纹章，而不是文明希腊的书面书籍。54荷马史诗是为文盲而作，写于一个文盲时代。（沃尔夫在此论点中承认，他的讨论是基于伍德的文章。55 ) 像《伊利亚特》这样庞大的史诗如果没有书写就无法创作或传播。56由此可见，直到文字在希腊被发现和传播之前，才有《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》。
The chief reason for this (according to Wolf) is that writing was virtually unknown at the time when the poems were composed. Twice in the Iliad significant marks are mentioned, but in a way more like the runes of the Dark Ages and the heraldry of medieval times than the written books of civilized Greece.54 The Homeric poems were composed about illiterates, in an illiterate age. (In this argument Wolf acknowledged he was basing his discussion on Wood’s essay.55) A single epic poem as large as the Iliad could neither be composed nor be transmitted without writing.56 It follows that, until writing was discovered and became widespread in Greece, there was no Iliad and no Odyssey.
那是什么？那是一首“歌谣”的集合，短小精悍，可以留存在记忆中，也可以在宴会后唱诵——就像荷马史诗中的吟游诗人所唱的那样：这是一首庞大的集合，事实上是一整套传统，就像中世纪的歌谣一样，“松散的歌曲”，“直到大约 500 年后才以史诗的形式汇集在一起”。57荷马是不存在的。只有吟游诗人，被称为“荷马后裔”或“荷马之子”；史诗是“民间诗歌”的集合。58
What was there? A collection of ‘lays’, short enough to be carried in the memory, and to be sung after a feast—as the bards in the Homeric epics sing them: a large collection, in fact an entire tradition, like the ballads of the Middle Ages, ‘loose songs’ which ‘were not collected together in the Form of an Epic Poem, till about 500 years after’.57 There was no Homer. There were only bards, called ‘Homerids’ or ‘sons of Homer’; and the epics were agglomerations of ‘folk-poetry’.58
那么是谁把它们整理成史诗呢？是雅典的暴君庇西特拉图（公元前540 年左右）——或者是为他工作的诗人和学者。59（人们普遍认为，一些重要的编辑工作是按照庇西特拉图的命令进行的，可能他率先尝试将荷马诗歌制作成固定文本。
Who then put them together into the form of epics? Pisistratus, the tyrant of Athens (fl. 540 B.C.)—or poets and scholars who were working for him.59 (It is universally agreed that some important job of editing was carried out on Pisistratus’ orders, and possibly he initiated the first attempt to make a fixed text of the Homeric poems.)
沃尔夫并不总是能够得出他的论证所指向的完整结论，但他的推理是如此深刻、微妙和清晰，以至于他的读者和追随者必然会得出这样的结论
Wolf did not always go so far as to draw the full conclusions towards which his arguments pointed, but his reasoning was so incisive, subtle, and clear that his readers and followers were bound to conclude
（1）根本不存在名叫荷马的史诗诗人，而是一些规模小得多的吟游诗人或游吟诗人，他们创作了大量有关特洛伊战争和英雄时代其他事件的冒险故事的短诗；
(1) that there had been no epic poet called Homer, but a number of ‘rhapsodes’ or minstrels working on a far smaller scale, and composing numbers of short poems on the adventures connected with the Trojan war and other events of the heroic age;
(2)这两部史诗的结构是编辑们的作品，他们在写作艺术普及之后选择并汇编了这些短诗；
(2) that the structure of the two epics was the work of editors, who chose and assembled these short poems after the art of writing had become widespread;
(3) 因此，不可能将“荷马”作为单个天才来引用，也不可能引用荷马诗歌中的任何一行作为史前希腊思想和风俗的可靠证据——因为如果不进行复杂的研究，就不可能判断这一行诗是何时写成的，或者是何时被插入的。
(3) therefore, that it was impossible to cite ‘Homer’ as a single genius, or to quote any particular line of the Homeric poems as reliable evidence for the thoughts and manners of prehistoric Greece—since it was impossible without intricate research to tell when the line had been written, or interpolated.
整个十九世纪，大多数古典作家都接受了这种分析，并且至今仍在继续。60它已经在对《圣经》的批判中发起，由十八世纪的新约版本指出了福音书和书信文本中的重要变化；而在十九世纪，它导致旧约在“高等批判”的指导下被分解成许多片段，福音书也被分解成许多经过多次编辑的叙述。
This type of analysis was to be practised on most of the classical authors throughout the nineteenth century, and still continues.60 It had already been initiated in the criticism of the Bible, by eighteenth-century editions of the New Testament which pointed out the important variations in the text of the gospels and epistles; and during the nineteenth century it issued in the dissolution of the Old Testament, under ‘higher criticism’, into many fragments, and of the gospels into a number of much-edited narratives.
这对学者来说是一种激励。但文人却觉得沃尔夫的书令人沮丧。一想到他们以为的两部伟大史诗其实只是两组小诗，而个人的天才在人物塑造和策划上毫无作用，就让人沮丧。
On scholars this had a stimulating effect. But literary men found Wolf’s book discouraging. It was depressing to think that what they had taken for a pair of great epics was really two groups of small-scale poems, and that individual genius counted for nothing in characterization and planning.
尽管沃尔夫的智慧和敏锐度得到了认可，但他的理论现在已经被取代了。61事实证明，像《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》这样规模宏大的优秀诗歌完全有可能不借助文字而创作出来，并能忠实地一代代流传下去。尽管很明显，许多不同作曲家的诗歌被用于《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的构建，将这两部史诗构建成雄伟建筑的诗人或诗人们的作品现在不再被称为“编辑”，而是最高类型的诗歌创作。
Wolf’s theory has now been superseded, although his intelligence and his acumen are recognized.61 It has been proved that it is quite possible for good poetry on the scale of the Iliad and Odyssey to be composed without the aid of writing, and to be transmitted faithfully enough from generation to generation. And although it is clear that poems by many different composers were used in the construction of the Iliad and Odyssey, the work of the poet or poets who built the two epics into their majestic architecture is now called not ‘editing’ but poetic composition of the highest type.
歌德起初对沃尔夫的理论感到鼓舞。他曾觉得荷马是不可接近的；但如果没有荷马，只有一些被称为“荷马里德”的小天才，他可以努力与他们匹敌。62正是在这种心态下，他创作了《赫尔曼与多萝西娅》。然而，后来，随着他对荷马史诗的理解越来越深刻——而且，毫无疑问，当他尝试创作其他荷马史诗，如《阿喀琉斯》并继续创作自己的大型戏剧《浮士德》时——他意识到，在史诗背后至少有一位伟大的天才；最后，他发表了一篇正式撤回他对沃尔夫解决荷马问题的信念的文章。63
Goethe was at first encouraged by Wolf’s theory. He had felt Homer to be unapproachable; but if there were no Homer, only some smaller talents called ‘Homerids’, he could endeavour to rival them.62 And it was in this mind that he wrote Hermann and Dorothea. Later, however, as he read the Homeric epics with more and more understanding—and also, no doubt, as he attempted other Homeric poems like his Achilleis and continued work on his own large-scale drama, Faust—he realized that behind the epics there stood at least one majestic genius; and at last he published a formal retractation of his belief in Wolf’s solution of the Homeric problem.63
歌德还计划用德语写一部古典作品：特里维廉的《歌德与希腊人》描述了他留下的许多未完成的作品。他以品达风格发表了许多充满活力的抒情诗；64希腊理想也经常出现在他的其他作品中，例如在他的戏剧《亲生女儿》中。但是直到《浮士德》第二部分在他死后出版之前，他没有写出其他重要的古典诗篇。
Goethe made other plans to write a classical work in German: Trevelyan’s Goethe and the Greeks describes the many torsos he left half-finished. He published a number of spirited lyrics in the Pindaric manner;64 and Greek ideals often appeared in his other work, as in his play The Natural Daughter. But he wrote no other important classicizing poem until Part II of Faust, which was published after his death.
《浮士德》第一部于近四分之一世纪前出版，讲述了一位天才魔术师的故事，他和歌德一样永远不满足，充满渴望，他尝试感官的快乐，最终得到了肉体之爱——但没有得到满足。《浮士德》第二部讲述了同一个人如何经历精神、艺术、宫廷生活、战争和其他更大的活动，最终在为人类工作中找到真正的满足。该剧的形式非常不古典：剧中有数百个角色，不断要求使用只有特技摄像机才能实现的舞台效果，甚至主要人物的外表也没有连续性，节奏不断变化，各幕几乎彼此独立，还有几十个象征性事件，这些事件不仅彼此不相关，而且本身就过于模糊。
Faust I, issued nearly a quarter of a century earlier, tells the story of the gifted magician, eternally dissatisfied and yearning like Goethe himself, who tries the pleasures of the senses, culminating in physical love—but without satisfaction. Faust II tells how the same man goes through the larger activities of the spirit, art, courtlife, war, and others, to find his real fulfilment at last in working for the rest of mankind. The form of the play is wildly unclassical: there are hundreds of characters, stage-effects which are impossible except to a trick camera are constantly demanded, there is no continuity even in the outward appearance of the chief personages, the metre changes incessantly, the acts are virtually independent of one another, and there are dozens of symbolic events which are not only unconnected with each other but excessively obscure by themselves.
然而，其中一个主要情节是一个非常重要的古典象征。友善的恶魔梅菲斯特向浮士德展示了如何召唤特洛伊的海伦。浮士德照做了，并试图拥抱她，但她却震惊地消失了，把她打倒了浮士德把他弄昏了。后来海伦自己寻求浮士德的帮助，阻止她受委屈的丈夫墨涅拉俄斯在复仇仪式上牺牲她。浮士德现在以中世纪贵族的形象出现在哥特式城堡中；他救了她，让她成为自己的夫人；他们有了一个神奇的儿子，他从出生的那一刻起就以超人的力量和敏捷性欢快地跳跃，偷走了或超越了众神的所有特殊礼物。最后，孩子欧福里翁试图飞上天堂追求美丽，像伊卡洛斯一样坠落而死。他的身体看起来像“一个众所周知的形象”（我们被告知要理解为拜伦勋爵的形象），然后它消失了，海伦也消失了。
However, one of the main episodes is a highly important classical symbol. The friendly fiend, Mephistopheles, shows Faust how to conjure up Helen of Troy. Faust does so, and tries to embrace her, but she disappears with a shock which knocks him senseless. Later Helen herself seeks the help of Faust to keep Menelaus, her wronged husband, from sacrificing her in a ritual of vengeance. Faust now appears in the guise of a medieval noble in a Gothic castle; he saves her and makes her his lady; they have a miraculous son, who leaps gaily about with superhuman strength and agility from the moment of birth, and steals or outdoes all the special gifts of the gods. At last the child Euphorion tries to soar up into heaven in pursuit of beauty, and falls dead like Icarus. His body looks for a moment like ‘a well-known form’ (that of Lord Byron, we are given to understand), and then it vanishes, and so does Helen.
海伦显然是古典时期，尤其是希腊时期的象征。歌德在《浮士德》中描绘海伦，想告诉我们什么？魔术师浮士德召唤了特洛伊的海伦并与她做爱，这一说法是中世纪的原始传说的一部分；但在那里，这只是一种极致的感官满足，占有了世界上最美丽的女人。在歌德的诗中，这一情节有着许多更复杂的含义。
Helen is clearly a symbol of classical antiquity, and in particular of Greece. What does Goethe mean to tell us by her appearance in Faust? The idea that the magician Faust conjured up Helen of Troy and made love to her was part of the original medieval legend; but there it was merely a supreme sensual satisfaction, possession of the world’s most beautiful woman. In Goethe’s poem the episode has many more complex meanings.
1. 她无疑象征着希腊是极致美的发源地。其他国家也把美与财富、权力、享乐或对上帝的服务一起推崇。没有哪个国家像希腊一样，把美看得比一切都重要：服装、建筑、装饰品、男人和女人的美。海伦是完美美的化身，整个希腊和亚洲的城市都为她而战。
1. Certainly she symbolizes Greece as the home of supreme physical beauty. Other countries have admired beauty together with wealth or power or pleasure or the service of God. None so much as Greece has prized beauty above everything else: beauty in costume, buildings, ornaments, men and women. And Helen, for whom all Greece and the cities of Asia went gladly to war, is the image of perfect beauty.
2. 但她所代表的不仅仅是女性的美丽。《浮士德一》中可爱而单纯的玛格丽特的诱惑让浮士德深感不满。海伦的美貌超越了最美丽的凡间女孩，更加令人着迷。浮士德无法像离开格蕾琴那样离开她。她在精神上和身体上都令人向往。正如格蕾琴象征着感官激情一样，海伦代表着审美体验，浮士德的灵魂必须通过这一更高阶段才能成长为最高境界，即权力和利他主义努力的体验。
2. But she means something more than the beauty of woman. The seduction of the lovely but simple Margaret in Faust I left Faust profoundly dissatisfied. Helen’s beauty transcends that of the loveliest mortal girl and is more permanently enthralling. Faust could not leave her as he left Gretchen. She is spiritually as well as physically desirable. As Gretchen symbolizes sensual passion, so Helen represents aesthetic experience, the higher stage through which Faust’s soul must grow towards the highest of all, the experience of power and of altruistic endeavour.
3. 尤其是，她代表了最崇高、最完整的审美体验——希腊文化的体验。毫无疑问，其他时代和其他国家也为美感提供了滋养，但没有哪个能像希腊艺术那样完整。当但丁想要一个象征古典文化最高影响力的象征时，他选择了维吉尔，首先把他视为诗人，然后视为一位思想家。65但对歌德来说，希腊文化并不意味着思想。创造了科学、哲学、历史、政治理论和许多其他知识体系的希腊智慧天才并没有在《特洛伊的海伦》中得到体现。
3. In particular, she represents aesthetic experience in its noblest and most complete form—the experience of Greek culture. No doubt other ages and other countries provide nourishment for the sense of beauty, but none so completely as Greek art. When Dante wanted a symbol for the highest influences of classical culture, he chose Vergil, regarding him first as a poet and then as a thinker.65 But for Goethe Greek culture does not mean thought. The intellectual genius of Hellas which created science, philosophy, history, political theory, and so many other intellectual systems, is not imaged in Helen of Troy.
4. 海伦的魅力部分在于她的稀有性。浮士德通过“古典女巫的安息日”来到她身边——这是一个由来自希腊文学中被遗忘的角落的恶魔和怪诞怪物组成的幻影。他们众多的丑陋衬托出她纯洁而独特的美。有人认为，歌德想让他们象征地中海地区生动而有力的风景和体力，这些给他在意大利之行留下了深刻的印象。66但安息日里还有比风景更黑暗的灵魂。也许歌德想传达他对希腊艺术及其精神宁静的认识，这是一种有意识的理想化成就，超越了充满可怕原始力量的黑暗和混乱的地下世界：尼采强调了狂暴的酒神与冷静的阿波罗之间的对比。67歌德还认为希腊文化是难以接近的。它是贵族文化。很少有人能接近海伦。浮士德本人必须装出一副高贵的样子才能接近她。即使对他来说，她也难以接近。她不能被当作被动的奖品来占有：当他抓住她时，她就消失了。必须通过骑士般的服务来追求和赢得她。
4. Part of Helen’s charm is her rarity. Faust makes his way to her through a ‘classical witches’ sabbath’—a phantasmagoria of ouscure demons and grotesque monsters assembled from forgotten corners of Greek literature. Their multitudinous ugliness sets off her pure single beauty. It has been suggested that Goethe wanted them to symbolize the vivid powerful scenery and the physical energy which characterize the Mediterranean lands, and which had so much impressed him on his visit to Italy.66 But there are darker spirits than those of landscape in the sabbath. Perhaps Goethe wished to convey his perception of the fact that the art of the Greeks and the spiritual serenity which marks it were a consciously idealized achievement, rising above a dark and troublous underworld full of terrifying primitive forces: the contrast which Nietzsche was to emphasize, between the raging Bacchantes and the calm Apollo.67 Goethe also means that Greek culture is difficult. It is aristocratic. Few can reach Helen. Faust himself must put on great state before he can approach her. Even for him she is difficult to attain. She must not be seized as a passive prize: when he grasps her, she vanishes. She must be wooed and won through knightly service.
5. 即便如此，她也只是一种刺激，而不是一种占有。她可以被赢得，但不能被保留。她给浮士德生的孩子太聪明了，活不下去。当孩子死后，她第二次也是最后一次消失了，就像欧律狄克回到死者的世界一样：只有她的衣服还在，像一朵云一样把浮士德带到他本来永远无法到达的地方。歌德的意思是，现代人不能生活在与艺术的最高美的密切联系中——尽管他可以而且必须努力去接触它们，并暂时让它们成为他的。
5. Even then she is a stimulus, not a possession. She may be won, but not kept. The child she gives to Faust is too brilliant to live. And when it dies, she disappears for the second and last time, like Eurydice returning to the world of the dead: only her garments remain, to bear Faust upwards like a cloud into regions he could otherwise never have reached. Goethe means that modern man cannot live in constant close association with the highest beauties of art—although he can and must try to reach them and make them his for a time.
6. 欧福里翁的名字意为能量。他是不断刺激的结果，他对每一个挑战都反应更积极，直到最后一个挑战太强大，把他杀死。他是抱负，是天才的野心，当它不受约束，而是被强烈的经验所召唤时，它会越爬越高，越来越神奇，直到它试图无视人类的规律，坠落而死。歌德想到了拜伦。但是欧福里翁可能是那个时代所有的天才，他们因自己强烈的愿望而注定英年早逝。他诞生于现代人艰难而狂喜的结合，精力充沛、适应性强，略显粗鲁，与希腊文化的优秀精神相结合。因此，他代表了革命时代的诗人和思想家，他们短暂而热情的一生，他们强烈的自我主张，他们对美的无限渴望，以及他们雄心勃勃的哲学和诗歌——游过赫勒斯滂海峡的拜伦，解放爱尔兰的雪莱，谢尼埃的赫尔墨斯，荷尔德林的恩培多克勒，柯勒律治的泛神论，歌德的雕塑，以及他们都挑战或欢迎的英年早逝。歌德不认为这是一次“浪漫”的复兴。他认为其中真正的生命之流来自希腊。
6. Euphorion’s name means Energy. He is the result of constant stimulus, and he responds more actively to every challenge until the last is too strong, and kills him. He is aspiration, the ambition of genius, which—when not restrained but called forth by intense experience—climbs higher and higher above the earth and grows more and more wonderful, until, trying to ignore the laws of humanity, it falls to its death. Goethe was thinking of Byron. But Euphorion could be all the geniuses of that age, who were doomed by their own passionate aspirations to die young. He was born of the difficult but rapturous union of modern man, energetic, adaptable, and a little coarse, with the fine spirit of Greek culture. Therefore he personifies the poets and thinkers of the revolutionary era, their short ardent lives, their violent self-assertions, their insatiable hunger for beauty, and their ambitious philosophies and poems—Byron swimming the Hellespont, Shelley liberating Ireland, Chénier’s Hermes, Hölderlin’s Empedocles, Coleridge’s Pantisocracy, Goethe’s sculpture, and the early deaths which they all challenged or welcomed. Goethe did not believe it was a ‘romantic’ revival. He thought the real flow of life in it came from Greece.
7. 但歌德说话时却像个德国人。浮士德是歌德、德国人和现代人的化身——不过是用德国术语来表达现代人。为了以适合她和他自己的装扮来见特洛伊的海伦，他变成了中世纪的日耳曼贵族；为了赢得她的芳心，他展现了中世纪（和德国）尚武的美德，指挥他的“野蛮人”——德国人、哥特人、法兰克人、撒克逊人和诺曼人——对希腊进行防御性占领。歌德的意思是，德国人虽然对古典文化着迷并渴望掌握它，但在希腊精神面前，他们感到自己是外来的、半开化的，无法与它建立永久的、富有同情心的、富有成效的关系。这个象征中有一个重要的真理。德国人觉得古典文明太过微妙、太过强烈，难以吸收。他们与希腊最深入的接触产生了一些才华横溢的尤福里翁，但也带来了许多不幸和深深的挫败感。温克尔曼和斯蒂芬·乔治是同性恋者；荷尔德林和尼采疯了。歌德在完成《浮士德II》时遇到的困难与他的同胞普遍遇到的问题相似。德国批评家有时会说，好像其他国家都有拉丁传统，而只有德国才体现了希腊传统。第 367 页保罗·亨塞尔的段落只是这种态度的一个例子。68但德国人离希腊比离罗马还要远。他们通过边境、教会和拉丁地区的渗透获得了罗马的风俗。文艺复兴几乎没有触及他们。在革命时期，他们自己的文艺复兴使他们与希腊面对面。它的主要产品是歌德，他的主要产品是中世纪最后一首伟大的诗歌《浮士德》。在短暂的婚姻之后，海伦消失了，把“浮士德”留给了中世纪的恶魔，也就是他的另一个自我。
7. But Goethe speaks as a German. Faust personifies Goethe, and the Germans, and modern man—but modern man stated in German terms. In order to meet Helen of Troy in a guise appropriate to her and to himself, he becomes a medieval Germanic noble; in order to win her, he exhibits the medieval (and German) virtue of martial energy, directing the defensive occupation of Greece by his ‘barbarians’—Germans, Goths, Franks, Saxons, and Normans. Goethe means that the Germans, although fascinated by classical culture and eager to master it, felt themselves foreign and half-civilized in face of the Greek spirit, and were unable to have a permanent, sympathetic, productive relationship with it. There is in this symbol an important truth. The Germans feel classical civilization too delicate and too intense to assimilate. Their contact with Greece at its deepest has produced some brilliant Euphorions, but much unhappiness and a deep sense of frustration. Winckelmann and Stefan George were homosexuals; Hölderlin and Nietzsche went mad. The difficulty which Goethe found in finishing Faust II resembles the general problem of his compatriots. German critics sometimes talk as though other nations had the Latin heritage, while Germany alone embodied the Greek tradition. The paragraph from Paul Hensel on p. 367 is only one example of this attitude.68 But the Germans are even farther from Greece than from Rome. Roman ways they acquired over the frontiers and through the church and by osmosis from the Latin lands. The Renaissance scarcely touched them. Their own Renaissance, in the time of revolution, brought them face to face with Greece. Its chief product was Goethe, and his chief product was Faust, the last great poem of the Middle Ages. After a short marriage, Helen vanished, and left “Faust to the medieval demon who was his other self.
§3. 法国和美国
§3. FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES
这些共和主义者大多是年轻人，他们
在学校里受到西塞罗的教育，对自由充满了热情。
These republicans were mostly young fellows who, having been
brought up on Cicero at school, had developed a passion for liberty.
卡米尔·德穆兰1
CAMILLE DESMOULINS1
法国大革命是希腊和罗马精神的重生。古典主义对现代生活的影响很少如此活跃、如此广泛、如此明显、如此热切地被接受。在同一时期的其他欧洲国家，文学和艺术因对希腊的新兴趣而丰富多彩；但在革命的法国，对古典主义的崇拜改变了所有的艺术，侵入了社会生活，塑造了政治思想，并在仍然是现代生活一部分的伟大机构中为自己创造了丰碑。
The French Revolution was a rebirth of the spirit of Greece and Rome. Classical influence on modern life has seldom been so active, so widespread, so clearly marked, and so eagerly accepted. In other European countries at the same time, literature and art were enriched by the new interest in Greek; but in revolutionary France the cult of the classics changed all the arts, invaded social life, moulded political thought, and created monuments for itself in great institutions which are still part of modern life.
这一事实有时会被误解或忽视。一些对希腊和拉丁文学知之甚少的作家认为，“古典”意味着“模仿”或“死气沉沉”，他们认为任何对其伟大的认可都是反动的，因此是不好的。他们认为，如果法国大革命是由普通农民发起的，嘴里念着卡尔马尼奥莱，反对腐败和古典主义的贵族，那将更浪漫，更符合行动与反动的模式。但事实是，法国大革命是由受过良好教育的中产阶级思想家发起的，他们非常认真地对待古典学派，其大部分理论和作品都是有意识地试图复兴共和罗马和自由希腊的美好世界。
This fact is sometimes misinterpreted or overlooked. Assuming that ‘classical’ means ‘imitative’ or ‘dead’, some writers, who have little direct acquaintance with Greek and Latin literature, believe that any recognition of its greatness is reactionary, and therefore bad. They feel that it would be more romantic, that it would fit more neatly into the pattern of action-and-reaction, if the French Revolution had been made by simple farmers, with the Carmagnole on their lips, reacting against corrupt and classicizing nobles. But the truth is that it was made by well-educated middle-class thinkers who took their classical schooling very seriously, and that most of its theories and works were conscious attempts to revive the better world of republican Rome and free Greece.
革命时期法国的思想与其他国家的主要区别在于，希腊统治着德国、意大利和英国，而法国则转向罗马。但并非完全如此。革命时期法国的艺术主要源于希腊。她的政治思想、演说、象征和制度主要来自罗马。（毫无疑问，其中一些最初是希腊的，但它们传播的渠道和背后的精神动力是罗马的。）因此，尽管革命有野蛮之处——断头台、大规模溺水、摧毁基督教哥特式艺术——但它确实传递了许多源自希腊罗马文明的积极价值观。它没有像 1917 年的俄国革命者那样试图为了在单一的社会和经济理论的基础上开创新局面，或者像 1933 年的德国革命者那样，为了在铁器时代的伦理道德基础上塑造新的欧洲文化，法国革命者在罗马和希腊文明的基础上建立了他们的新世界。在类似的影响下，美国革命者也做了同样的事情。2其结果是，美国、法国以及大多数拉丁美洲共和国的高级立法机构被称为参议院，这是罗马共和国长老会的名称；美国参议院通常在国会大厦召开会议，国会大厦以罗马七座山丘之一命名，是按照著名的希腊罗马模型建造的；即使当法兰西共和国成为帝国时，对其第一位皇帝最持久的纪念也是他按照罗马模式制定的法律，它合乎逻辑、井然有序、自由而又普遍，取代了被革命所取代的哥特式复杂性和非理性法律。
The chief difference between the thought of France in the time of revolution and that of other countries is that Greece dominated Germany, Italy, and England, while France turned towards Rome. Yet not wholly. The art of revolutionary France was chiefly Greek in origin. Her political thought, her oratory, her symbols and institutions were mainly Roman. (No doubt some of them were originally Greek, but the channel through which they came and the spiritual impetus behind them were Roman.) So, in spite of the barbarities of the Revolution—the guillotines, the mass drownings, the destruction of Christian Gothic art—it did transmit many positive values derived from Greco-Roman civilization. Instead of attempting, like the Russian revolutionaries of 1917, to make a new beginning on a single social and economic theory, or, like the German revolutionaries of 1933, to mould a new European culture on the ethics of the Iron Age, the French revolutionaries built their new world on the civilization of Rome and Greece. Under kindred influences, the American revolutionaries did the same.2 The results are, among others, that the senior legislative body in the United States, in France, and in most Latin American republics is called the senate—which was the name of the elders’ council of the Roman republic; that U.S. senates usually meet in the Capitol—a building named after one of the seven hills of Rome and built on a famous Greco-Roman model; and that, even when the French republic became an empire, the most lasting memorial of its first emperor was the code of laws, logical, business-like, liberal, and universal, which he created on the Roman model to replace the Gothic complexity and irrationality of the laws superseded by the Revolution.
在法国艺术中，这一运动的伟大代表是雅克-路易·大卫（1748-1825）。大卫将古典形式与革命内容相结合，使两者相得益彰。1775 年获得罗马大奖后，他在罗马经历了温克尔曼已经感受到的、歌德即将经历的同样的精神启示。温克尔曼关于道德宏伟与伟大朴素艺术之间联系的理论已在巴黎由狄德罗阐述，但大卫对这些理论的接受更为热情，并具有更严肃的社会目的。3他的几乎所有画作都洋溢着一种自信、充满活力的精神，在压迫面前勇敢无畏，对人类事业英勇或悲剧性的奉献，至今仍产生着强大的影响。他的第一部著名作品是《给贝利萨留一便士》（Date obolum Belisario，1780 年），强调了君主对最伟大的爱国者的忘恩负义。随后，他创作了一系列以两种主题为主题的激动人心的画作。风格总是英勇、对称、充满活力，情感高贵克制。主题要么是希腊罗马风格（苏格拉底之死、萨宾人遭劫），要么是革命和波拿巴主义风格（马拉遇刺、拿破仑指向意大利的道路）。无论是作为艺术家还是作为人，他都是革命领袖之一。1792 年，他当选为国民公会议员，投票支持处决路易十六，成为公共事务委员会成员他是国民公会的主席，组织了许多大型的共和节庆活动，并在拿破仑取得这一头衔后被任命为皇帝的画家。他描绘的卡佩寡妇玛丽·安托瓦内特在被处决的路上的素描线条古典而纯粹，意图强烈，革命性十足：它平衡了他所有的英雄事迹，带有一丝现实主义的仇恨。
In French art the great representative of this movement is Jacques-Louis David (1748-1825). David combined classical form with revolutionary content, making each strengthen the other. Having won the Prix de Rome in 1775, he underwent the same spiritual revelation in Rome that had already been felt by Winckelmann and was to be experienced by Goethe. Winckelmann’s theories on the link between moral grandeur and great simple art had already been expounded in Paris by Diderot, but David took them up more fervently and with a more serious social purpose.3 Nearly all his pictures breathe a confident energetic spirit of courage in the face of oppression, of heroic or tragic devotion to the cause of humanity, which still produces a powerful effect. His first famous work was Give Belisarius a Penny (Date obolum Belisario, 1780), which emphasized the ingratitude of monarchs even to the greatest patriots. He then produced a long series of stirring paintings on two types of theme. The manner was always heroic, symmetrical, and vibrant with emotion nobly restrained. The themes were either Greco-Roman (The Death of Socrates, The Rape of the Sabines) or revolutionary and Bonapartist (Marat assassinated, Napoleon pointing the way to Italy). Both as an artist and as a man, he was one of the chiefs of the Revolution. He was elected to the Convention in 1792, voted for the execution of Louis XVI, became a member of the Committee of Public Safety and president of the Convention, arranged many great republican festivals, and was appointed painter to the emperor, after Napoleon took that title. His sketch of the widow Capet, Marie-Antoinette, on the way to execution is classically pure in line and fiercely revolutionary in intent: it balances all his heroics with one bitter touch of realistic hate.
在音乐方面，克里斯托弗·威利巴尔德·格鲁克（1714-87）发起了类似的革命性变革。起初，他试图重现希腊悲剧，4巴洛克时期的歌剧受到大量与希腊罗马戏剧毫无关系的戏剧甚至社会习俗的影响，歌剧舞台也因此成为歌唱大师的表演场地。歌唱虽然精彩，但戏剧价值却逐渐消亡。1762 年，格鲁克创作了《奥菲欧与欧律狄克》，通过回归希腊戏剧原则，开创了现代歌剧。5他选择了一个宏大而简单的主题，通过减少角色数量和增加角色的活力来增强戏剧性，强调合唱团的作用，扩大管弦乐队，并废除了独奏中的大部分巴洛克式装饰和重复。自然的使徒让-雅克·卢梭充分理解了他作品的特点，他一直是他的追随者之一，实际上他为《阿尔刻提斯》的制作提供了建议。（这再次证明了古典主义（浪漫主义）的对立几乎毫无意义。）格鲁克本人如此描述他的创新：6
In music a similar revolutionary change was initiated by Christoph Willibald Gluck (1714–87). Beginning in an attempt to re-create Greek tragedy,4 opera had during the baroque period become subject to large numbers of theatrical and even social conventions which had nothing to do with Greco-Roman drama, and which made the operatic stage little more than a show-ground for virtuosi singers. Splendid was the singing, but the dramatic values withered away. Then in 1762 Gluck produced Orpheus and Eurydice, and founded modern opera by a return to the principles of Greek drama.5 He chose a grand simple theme, strengthened the drama by making the characters fewer and more vital, emphasized the role of the chorus, enlarged the orchestra, and abolished most of the baroque ornaments and repetitions in the solos. The character of his work was fully understood by the apostle of Nature, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who was always one of his partisans and who actually advised on the production of Alcestis. (This is another proof that the antithesis classical)(romantic is almost meaningless.) Gluck himself thus described his innovations:6
“我试图将音乐的真正功能简化为，通过强化情感的表达和情境的兴趣来支持诗歌，而不会用不必要的装饰来打断情节。”
‘I have tried to reduce music to its real function, that of seconding poetry by intensifying the expression of sentiments and the interest of situations, without interrupting the action by needless ornament.’
但这种说法太过谦虚。格鲁克几乎成功做到的是，他创造了一种新的悲剧形式，以希腊情感和结构理想为基础，但让音乐成为抒情和悲剧情感的主要载体。阻止他的是观众的狭隘：他们坚持要一个圆满的结局，这削弱并庸俗化了他用声音翻译的悲剧传说的真正含义。
But that is too modest. What Gluck almost succeeded in doing was to make a new form of tragedy, based on Greek ideals of emotion and structure, but making the music the main vehicle of lyric and tragic feeling. What stopped him was the pettiness of the audiences: they insisted on a happy ending, which weakened and vulgarized the real meaning of the tragic legends he translated into sound.
但当时的法国人所推崇的不仅仅是古典艺术。大多数革命者都接受了古典文学的全面训练，这些训练塑造了他们的思想，并提出了一套象征来取代君主制和贵族政权的象征。他们的教育在一篇有趣的书，HT Parker 的《古物崇拜与法国革命者》（芝加哥，1937 年），其中展示了其对他们实践的许多影响。罗伯斯庇尔和德穆兰都曾就读于路易大帝学院，专攻古典文学；圣茹斯特和丹东就读于类似的学院，由奥拉托尔宗教秩序资助；其他人，如马拉和罗兰夫人，则私下为自己的乐趣和利益而学习古典文学。学院的古典课程相当统一。它是拉丁语，而不是希腊语；其主要作者是西塞罗、维吉尔、贺拉斯、李维、萨卢斯特、奥维德和塔西佗。帕克教授分析革命者报纸和辩论中对古典作家的引用，发现除了一组遗漏和一项重要添加外，它们反映了该课程。诗人——毫无疑问太过轻浮——被省略了。补充内容是普鲁塔克的《罗马名人传》。其他引文几乎全部来自这些令人钦佩的教科书，包括西塞罗的演讲、萨卢斯特的反共和阴谋家喀提林的传记、李维对年轻罗马共和国的记述的开篇，以及塔西佗的皇帝野蛮历史。
But it was not merely classical art which the French of this time and spirit admired. Most of the revolutionaries had received a thorough training in classical literature, which formed their minds and suggested a set of symbols to replace those of the monarchic and aristocratic régime. Their education has been described in an interesting book, H. T. Parker’s The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries (Chicago, 1937), which shows many of its effects on their practice. Robespierre and Desmoulins both went to the Collège Louis-le-Grand, concentrating on the classics; Saint-Just and Danton went to similar colleges supported by the religious order of the Oratoire; others, like Marat and Mme Roland, studied the classics privately for their own pleasure and profit. The classical curriculum of the colleges was fairly uniform. It was Latin, not Greek; and its chief authors were Cicero, Vergil, Horace, Livy, Sallust, Ovid, and Tacitus. Analysing the quotations from classical authors in the revolutionaries’ newspapers and debates, Professor Parker finds that, with one group of omissions and one important addition, they reflect that curriculum. The poets—no doubt as too frivolous—are omitted. The addition is Plutarch’s Parallel Lives. Nearly all the other quotations come from these admirable school-books, Cicero’s speeches, Sallust’s biography of the anti-republican conspirator Catiline, the opening books of Livy’s account of the young Roman republic, and Tacitus’ savage histories of the emperors.
希腊和罗马共和国的历史为法国大革命提供了最强烈的道德冲动。普鲁塔克描绘的理想化形象、李维讲述的英雄冒险故事，让十八世纪的有思想的人感到他们生在一个彻底腐败的时代，应该彻底扫除这种腐败。
It was the history of the Greek and Roman republics that gave the French Revolution its strongest moral impulse. The idealized portraits drawn by Plutarch, the heroic adventures related by Livy, made thoughtful men of the eighteenth century feel that they had been born into an age of utter corruption, which ought to be swept utterly away.
为革命做最大准备的道德家是让-雅克·卢梭（1712-78）。确实，他相信完美的人是森林中的天然野人；但无论是他还是革命者都不能认真地鼓吹国家解体为原始无政府状态。他们更希望通过简化和净化来进行改革；他们提出的典范是罗马的自由共和国和自由希腊的城邦。在希腊城邦中，有一个城邦在他们眼中比其他城邦更加耀眼：斯巴达王国，他们恰好忘记了它曾经是一个王国。
The moralist who did most to prepare for the revolution was Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-78). True, he did believe that the perfect man was the natural savage of the woods; but neither he nor the revolutionaries could seriously preach the dissolution of the state into primitive anarchy. They hoped rather for its reform, through simplification and purification; and the model which they proposed was the free republic of Rome and the city-states of free Greece. Among the Greek states there was one which shone out in their eyes far more brightly than the others: the kingdom of Sparta, which they conveniently forgot had been a kingdom.
卢梭本人不懂希腊语，但他懂拉丁语。7他阅读了大量古典作家的原著和译本。8但对他思想影响最深的是普鲁塔克。他六岁时开始读阿米奥特翻译的《罗马名人传》。他“通过八岁时，他已“心生敬畏”。他还研究了普鲁塔克的《道德论文集》：纳沙泰尔图书馆有一本普通的书，里面有五十多页他的笔记和这些作品的摘录，这些笔记和摘录都是他在撰写《论不平等》时做的。9此外，他最喜欢的法国作家是蒙田——而蒙田，正如我们所见，非常崇拜“他的”普鲁塔克，10因此，我们常常无法分辨卢梭是在普鲁塔克的作品中还是在蒙田的引文中找到了某个特定的想法。
Rousseau himself had no Greek, but he knew Latin.7 In the original and in translations, he read an amazingly large number of classical authors.8 But it was Plutarch who most deeply influenced his thought. He began to read che Parallel Lives at the age of six, in Amyot’s fine translation. He ‘knew them off by heart’ when he was eight. He also studied Plutarch’s Moral Essays: there is in Neuchatel Library a commonplace-book with more than fifty pages of his notes and excerpts from those works, made while he was writing his Discourse on Inequality.9 In addition to this, his favourite French author was Montaigne—and Montaigne, as we have seen, was devoted to ‘his’ Plutarch,10 so that it is often impossible to tell whether Rousseau found a particular idea in Plutarch’s works or in a citation by Montaigne.
卢梭在普鲁塔克作品中最欣赏的，是对罗马共和国初期的描述，更是对斯巴达的法律和美德的描述。
What Rousseau most admired in Plutarch was the description of the early days of the Roman republic, and, even more, the description of the laws and virtues of Sparta.
斯巴达是历史上最奇怪的时代错误之一。像普鲁士一样，它“不是一个拥有军队的国家，而是一支拥有国家的军队”。斯巴达人只有几千人，他们时刻保持着士兵般的警觉，不做任何工作，靠他们征服的国家的原住民生活。由于农民和奴隶的数量远远超过他们，而邻国的数量又远远超过他们，他们如果不接受最完美的军事训练和纪律，不服从国家的意志，不实践勇气、自我牺牲、士兵般的简洁言语和军事决心，直到所有这些都成为每个斯巴达人的完美本能，他们就无法生存和保持权力。
Sparta was one of the most curious anachronisms in history. Like Prussia, it was ‘not a country which had an army, but an army which had a country’. There were only a few thousand Spartans, who kept themselves all in a perpetual state of soldierly alertness, did no work whatever, and lived off the original inhabitants of the country they had conquered. Since these, the peasants and helots, far outnumbered them, and since they were further outnumbered by the neighbouring states, they could not survive and keep power without submitting to the most perfect military training and discipline, surrendering their wills to the state, and practising courage, self-sacrifice, soldierly brevity of speech, and martial resolution, till all these became perfectly instinctive in every Spartan.
柏拉图和他之后的其他哲学家认为，这一制度远远优于雅典的无政府民主和个人主义，因此它一定是由一位伟大的哲学立法者集体创建的。传统上，一位名叫莱库古的早期斯巴达英雄（他肯定对他的人民生活中的一些重要决定负责）被誉为整部法典的起草者，就像人们认为摩西是正统犹太人遵守的所有规则的作者一样。普鲁塔克所著的莱库古的生平就体现了这种信念。书中将莱库古视为一位伟大的政治家，他认为立法者的首要职责是确保道德教育。斯巴达人是经济寄生虫和血腥压迫者的事实却很少被提及。斯巴达被描绘成一个由立法天才创建的美德近乎完美的城邦。11
Plato and other philosophers after him believed that this system was so far superior to the anarchic democracy and individualism of Athens that it must have been created en bloc by a great philosophical legislator. Traditionally, an early Spartan hero called Lycurgus (who must have been responsible for some important decisions in the life of his people) was credited with drawing up the entire code—just as Moses has been believed to be the author of all the rules observed by orthodox Jews. Plutarch’s life of Lycurgus embodies that belief. It treats him as a great statesman who saw that the legislator’s first duty is to ensure moral education. The fact that the Spartans were economic parasites and bloody oppressors is scarcely mentioned. Sparta is displayed as a state of almost perfect virtue, created by a legislative genius.11
卢梭和其他革命者发现，这本传记和普鲁塔克对斯巴达美德的其他记述，强化了他们自己的信念，即人性本善良好的制度可以促进道德的进步。政治改革就是道德改革。事实上，卢梭似乎认为他自己的人生使命就是成为一位伟大的道德立法者，堪比罗马的努马或斯巴达的莱库古。12
Rousseau and the other revolutionaries found that this biography, together with Plutarch’s other accounts of Spartan virtue, strengthened their own belief that the innate goodness of man could be developed by good institutions. Political reform was to be moral reform. In fact, Rousseau seems to have thought that his own mission in life was to become a great moral legislator comparable to the Roman Numa or the Spartan Lycurgus.12
卢梭的《论科学与艺术》（1749 年）是他事业的真正起点，在《社会契约论》（1762 年）中，普鲁塔克所代表的斯巴达宪法得到了极高的赞誉，没有丝毫批评。斯巴达宪法的结构备受推崇：事实上，卢梭似乎认为像斯巴达或他自己的日内瓦这样的城邦才是真正的民主。13它的一些原则为卢梭所采纳：例如，实际上废除私有财产；废除国家内部的从属“协会”，以便“每个公民只能思考自己的想法：这确实是伟大的莱库格斯建立的崇高而独特的制度”。14但卢梭思想中更重要、更持久的是他对斯巴达和早期罗马的道德教育的钦佩。他认为，与现代欧洲国家形成鲜明对比的是，这些国家灌输爱国主义、身体活力、近乎节俭的简朴、民主平等和对简单农业生活的热爱，而不是疑病症、奢侈、阶级差异和腐蚀灵魂的艺术和科学。15卢梭的革命性方程式源自普鲁塔克，并通过他传播给从犬儒学派到柏拉图的希腊哲学家：
In Rousseau’s Discourse on the Sciences and Arts (1749), which really launched him on his career, and in The Social Contract (1762), praise, quite untempered by criticism, is lavished on the Spartan constitution as represented by Plutarch. Its structure is admired: indeed, Rousseau appears to have held that a city-state like Sparta or his own Geneva was the only true democracy.13 Some of its principles are adopted by Rousseau: for instance, the virtual abolition of private property; and the abolition of subordinate ‘associations’ within the state, so that ‘each citizen might think only his own thoughts: which was indeed the sublime and unique system established by the great Lycurgus’.14 But more important and more permanent in Rousseau’s thought was his admiration for what he believed to be the moral education of Sparta and early Rome. He thought that these states, in shocking contrast to modern European countries, inculcated patriotism, physical vigour, simplicity verging on austerity, democratic equality, and a love of simple agricultural life, instead of hypochondria, luxury, class-distinctions, and the soul-corrupting arts and sciences.15 It was to Plutarch, and through him to the Greek philosophers from the Cynics back to Plato, that Rousseau owed his revolutionary equation:
一个简单的，有纪律的共和国=完美的美德。16
a simple, disciplined republic = perfect virtue.16
普鲁塔克的作品，尤其是他的《罗马名人传》，以其道德理想主义给许多其他十八世纪的读者留下了深刻的印象——这最终成为了伟大的希腊教育原则paideia。17悲剧是按照他笔下的英雄们的生活而写的。新制度模仿他所描述的制度。青年男女们认为自己回到了希腊和罗马，并因此而变得更好。布里索“拼命模仿福基翁”。罗兰夫人“为自己不是斯巴达人或罗马人而哭泣”。18杀死马拉特的夏洛特·科黛从小就深受普鲁塔克英雄传记的影响。普鲁塔克对十八世纪的创作影响可以写一本重要的书来探讨：很少有哲学家能在如此遥远的时空里产生如此强大的教育和道德影响。
Plutarch’s works, particularly his Parallel Lives, impressed many other eighteenth-century readers with their moral idealism—which was ultimately the great Greek educational principle, paideia.17 Tragedies were written on the lives of his heroes. New institutions were patterned after those he described. Young men and women thought themselves back into Greece and Rome, and were the better for it. Brissot ‘burned to resemble Phocion’. Madame Roland ‘wept at not having been born a Spartan or a Roman’.18 Charlotte Corday, who killed Marat, had been nurtured on the heroic biographies of Plutarch. An important book could be written on Plutarch’s creative influence in the eighteenth century:19 seldom has a philosopher had such a powerful educational and moral effect, at such a remove in space and time.
革命者掌权后，他们在法国充斥着罗马和希腊的象征意义。此类象征中最著名的有：
When the revolutionaries took power they filled France with Roman and Greek symbolism. Some of the best-known symbols of this kind are:
自由之帽，以罗马被解放的奴隶所戴的帽子为原型；
the cap of liberty, modelled on the cap worn in Rome by liberated slaves;
月桂花环是永恒荣誉的象征，共和派领导人使用它来表示荣誉，之后拿破仑也使用它来表示荣誉；
wreaths of laurel, the emblem of immortal fame, used as signs of honour by the republican leaders, and, after them, by Napoleon;
束棒，共和政府官员权威的象征；
the fasces, symbol of the authority of the republican magistrates;
鹰徽，曾是罗马军团的军旗，现在被法国军队采用为团徽。在凡尔赛宫，有一幅大卫创作的夸张画，描绘的是年轻的波拿巴第一次将鹰徽分发给他的团军官的情景；
the eagles, once standards of the Roman legions, and now introduced as regimental insignia in the French army. At Versailles there is a wildly melodramatic picture by David of the young Bonaparte distributing them for the first time to his regimental officers;
代表共和党和帝国知名人士的肖像和奖章具有明显的罗马尊严；
the consciously Roman dignity of the portraits and medals representing republican and imperial notables;
家具、服装和家居装饰都具有古典的简约风格：洛可可风格的繁琐被白色和金色的墙壁、罗马式沙发、瓮、柱子和希腊罗马式半身像所取代；督政府时期的服装有意识地回归了希腊风格；
the classical simplicity of furniture, costumes, and housedecoration: rococo fussiness was now abandoned for white-and-gold walls, Roman couches, urns, pillars, and Greco-Roman busts; the costumes of the Directoire are a conscious reversion to Greek styles;
官方措辞：波拿巴成为执政官，然后，根据保民官的授权，经 1804 年 5 月 18 日的元老院协商会议，他成为皇帝；同样，革命月份的名称大多基于拉丁语词根——Floréal、Fructidor、Germinal、Messidor、Pluviose；
official phraseology: Bonaparte became consul, and then, by the senatus consultum of 18 May 1804 under the authority of the Tribunate, he was made emperor; similarly the names of the revolutionary months were mostly based on Latin roots—Floréal, Fructidor, Germinal, Messidor, Pluviose;
街道、城镇，甚至人的新名字，取代了中世纪或基督教起源的名字。巴贝夫公开将自己改名为盖乌斯·格拉古；蒙福特·阿莫里镇变成了蒙福特勒布鲁图；在巴黎的一个地区有布鲁图街、斯凯沃拉街、法比尤斯街等。20
the new names of streets, towns, and even men, replacing names of medieval or Christian origin. Babeuf publicly renamed himself Gaius Gracchus; the town of Montfort 1’Amaury became Montfort-le-Brutus; in one sector of Paris there were a Rue de Brutus, a Rue de Scaevola, a Rue de Fabius, &c.;20
崇拜希腊和罗马共和领袖的个性，他们实际上取代了基督教世界的圣人。革命初期，激动的演说家最喜欢宣誓的誓言是“我以布鲁图斯的头发誓”。21 1793 年，杜伊勒里宫重新装修会议厅时，莱库古、梭伦、卡米卢斯和辛辛纳图斯的雕像他们站在教堂周围，头上戴着月桂冠，就像耶稣会教堂里头戴光环的圣徒一样；
adoration of the personalities of Greek and Roman republican leaders, who virtually replaced the saints of Christendom. A favourite oath of excited orators in the early days of the Revolution was ‘I swear on the head of Brutus’.21 When the hall of the Convention in the Tuileries was redecorated in 1793, statues of Lycurgus, Solon, Camillus, and Cincinnatus stood around it, their heads shadowed by laurel crowns, like enhaloed saints in a Jesuit church;
革命性和帝国性建筑，其构思和设计都是罗马式的：凯旋门、万神殿和马德琳教堂（拿破仑打算将其打造成荣耀神殿）；
Revolutionary and imperial architecture, Roman in conception and design: the Arc de Triomphe, the Pantheon, and the Madeleine (which Napoleon intended to be a Temple of Glory);
罗马风格的铭文：例如，国民警卫队的军刀上刻有反君主主义诗人卢坎的诗句：
inscriptions in the Roman manner: for instance, the sabres of the National Guard were inscribed with a line from the anti-monarchist poet Lucan:
制造剑是为了让人们不再成为奴隶；22
swords were made that none should be a slave;22
革命英雄的戏剧性姿态和言论，几乎总是充满古典灵感。在他们倒台之前，圣茹斯特和罗伯斯庇尔大喊，他们除了像苏格拉底一样“喝毒药”之外什么都没有了。拿破仑在投降信中写道：“我像地米斯托克利一样，向英国人民求助”：因为雅典政治家地米斯托克利在领导希腊与波斯人的战争后，在被流放时向外国求助；
the dramatic gestures and utterances of revolutionary heroes, nearly always classical in inspiration. Before their fall, Saint-Just and Robespierre cried out that nothing was left for them except—like Socrates—‘to drink the hemlock’. In his letter of surrender, Napoleon wrote ‘I throw myself, like Themistocles, upon the mercy of the British people’: for Themistocles the Athenian statesman had, after leading the Greek war against the Persians, thrown himself when exiled upon the mercy of a foreign power;
经常将政治家与罗马共和国的英雄联系起来。因此，在吉伦特派中，韦尼奥是“西塞罗”，布里索是“布鲁图”，罗兰是“小加图”。
the frequent identification of statesmen with heroes of the Roman republic. Thus, among the Girondins, Vergniaud was ‘Cicero’, Brissot was ‘Brutus’, and Roland was ‘the younger Cato’.
随后，在法国大革命期间，一个新的法国演说流派诞生了。它以西塞罗为榜样：原因很简单，法国从来没有政治演说，所以没有法国模式可循。此外，作为一个濒临灭绝的共和国的伟大演说家，西塞罗是理想的典范。在英国，贵族政治修辞有着悠久的传统，而演说家发现西塞罗的技巧对于自由议会的辩论来说最丰富、最适应性强、最自然。伯克、皮特、福克斯和谢里丹最好的演说几乎在语言之外的所有方面都带有西塞罗风格。这些人设定的高标准以及他们所吸收的许多拉丁语技巧一直流传到我们这个时代，影响了许多对拉丁语一无所知、不知道自己是西塞罗学生的现代演说家。同样，法国政治演说在法国大革命期间实现了其真正的力量，当时它的创造者以他们在学校里如此认真学习的西塞罗为榜样发表演讲：这一传统在演讲、社论和宣言中一直延续至今。
Then, during the Revolution, a new school of French oratory was created. It was modelled on Cicero: for the simple reason that there had never been any political oratory in France, so that there were no French patterns to follow. Besides, as the great orator of an endangered republic, Cicero made the ideal model. In Britain there was a long tradition of noble political rhetoric, and her speakers had found that Cicero’s technique was the richest, most adaptable, and most natural for the debates of a free parliament. The best orations of Burke, and Pitt, and Fox, and Sheridan are Ciceronian in almost everything but language. The high standard set by these men, and many of the Latin devices they naturalized, have survived to our own time, to influence many modern speakers who know nothing of Latin and have no idea that they are pupils of Cicero. Similarly, French political oratory realized its true powers during the Revolution, when its makers modelled their speeches on the Cicero they had studied so carefully in school: that tradition has continued in speeches, editorials, and manifestoes, until to-day.
例如，1792 年 10 月 29 日，卢韦对某个名叫喀提林的人进行了猛烈的攻击，他说喀提林密谋反对国民公会，就像喀提林曾密谋反对罗马参议院一样；他与一位有权势的政治家达成了秘密协议，就像喀提林与凯撒达成的秘密协议一样；他打算在喀提林计划中的纵火和谋杀使爱国党陷入瘫痪后夺取权力。喀提林就是罗伯斯庇尔。这位有权势的政治家就是丹东。而演讲则是仿照西塞罗的喀提林演说。这次攻击的激烈效果从罗伯斯庇尔要求休会一周以准备答复这一事实可以看出。当他发表答复时，它与西塞罗为苏拉所做的演讲非常相似——甚至罗伯斯庇尔为自己辩护以反驳处决共和国公民的指控，并将他的对手比作煽动性的护民官。暂时来说，它救了他。
For example, on 29 October 1792 Louvet delivered a violent attack on a certain Catiline, who (he said) was conspiring against the Convention as Catiline had conspired against the senate in Rome; who had a secret agreement with a powerful politician, as Catiline had had with Caesar; and who intended to seize power after incendiarism and murder on Catiline’s plan had paralysed the patriotic party. Catiline was no other than Robespierre. The powerful politician was Danton. And the speech was modelled on Cicero’s Catilinarian orations. The drastic effect of this attack is shown by the fact that Robespierre asked for a week’s adjournment to prepare his reply. When he delivered his answer, it was closely patterned on Cicero’s speech for Sulla—even to Robespierre’s defence of himself against the charge of executing citizens of the republic, and the comparison of his opponent to a demagogic tribune. It saved him, for the time.
此外，在他最广为阅读的小册子之一中，德穆兰改编了西塞罗在为罗斯修斯辩护时使用的著名比喻，将警惕的检察官比作国会大厦的看门狗。23这段话引起了公众的注意； aboyeurs，即“告密者”，在恐怖统治期间成为告密者的常用绰号。还有许多其他例子。24事实上，阅读革命期间的演讲时，最大的困难之一就是要找出所有被如此随意地描述为喀提林、克洛狄乌斯和西塞罗的政治家。恺撒还未到来。
Again, in one of his most widely read pamphlets, Desmoulins adapted the famous simile in Cicero’s defence of Roscius, where vigilant prosecutors are compared to the watch-dogs on the Capitol.23 The passage struck the public ear; and aboyeurs, ‘barkers’, became the regular nickname for informers during the Terror. There are many other examples.24 In fact, one of the chief difficulties in reading the speeches made during the Revolution is to identify all the politicians who are so freely described as Catiline, Clodius, and Cicero. The Caesar was still to come.
希腊人是民主的发明者。而在罗马，尽管阶级差别比雅典更大，但国王这个名称却遭到厌恶，每个公民都是自由的。因此，在重塑法国时，革命者们以希腊和罗马为榜样。“共和国”这个名称当然是拉丁语短语res publica，即“联邦”。在组成第一共和国、1789-91 年制宪会议、1791-2 年立法会议和 1792-5 年国民公会的立法机构中，辩论者不断提及希腊和罗马的历史，因为他们觉得他们所面临的问题在希腊和罗马已经面临并得到解决。而且，正如帕克教授指出的那样，更激进的政治家更热情地赞扬古人，而右翼则倾向于贬低他们。25即使是共和国的公共节日，服装和道具（由大卫设计）通常完全是古典的，灵感来自斯巴达。在职业生涯的最后，圣茹斯特制定了计划，在法国推行斯巴达式的教育和公民纪律，包括简单的饮食、废除私人用餐以支持公共食堂，以及培养简洁的讲话方式——事实上，他试图进行绝望的自杀式行动，剥夺法国人的美食、美酒和谈话。二十六
The Greeks were the inventors of democracy. And in Rome, although there were more class distinctions than in Athens, the name of king was detested, and every citizen was free. In remaking France the revolutionaries therefore went to the examples of Greece and Rome. The name ‘republic’ is of course the Latin phrase res publica, ‘the commonwealth’. In the legislatures which formed the First Republic, the Constituent Assembly of 1789–91, the Legislative Assembly of 1791–2, and the National Convention of 1792–5, debaters constantly alluded to Greek and Roman history, because they felt the problems they were facing had already been faced and solved in Greece and in Rome. And, as Professor Parker points out, the more radical politicians praised the ancients more warmly, while the right wing tended to disparage them.25 Even the public festivals of the Republic, in which costumes and properties (designed by David) were so often wholly classical, were inspired by those of Sparta. At the end of his career Saint-Just drew up plans to impose on France a Spartan educational and civic discipline, including simple diet, the abolition of private meals in favour of public messes, and the cultivation of Laconic brevity of speech—in fact, he attempted the hopeless, suicidal enterprise of denying the French their cuisine, their wine, and their conversation.26
美国革命也在一定程度上受到古典理想的指导。尽管它产生的文学作品很少，但其象征和制度明显受到希腊罗马的启发。参议院和国会大厦的罗马起源已经提到过。27华盛顿最为人熟知的头衔是“国父”，是从pater patriae翻译而来，这是对罗马帝国几位英雄的尊称，尤其对西塞罗而言。28汉密尔顿、麦迪逊和杰伊撰写的《联邦党人文集》（1787-8 年）在很大程度上促成了早期低效的邦联政权转变为现在的联邦，其中包含许多希腊和罗马历史的例证性相似之处，并讨论了希腊试图建立联邦政府的尝试，如亚该亚同盟和近邻议会。美国国玺上有三句拉丁语引文——著名的e pluribus unum，意为“合众为一”；29 novus ordo sedarum，“时代的新术语”，维吉尔的弥赛亚诗和雪莱著名的革命合唱曲中表达的情怀，“世界伟大的时代重新开始了”；30和annuit coeptis ，“（上帝）眷顾我们的事业”，改编自维吉尔的《齿轮》的开场白。31辛辛那提市以罗马英雄的名字命名，绰号“卷发”（= cincinnatus），他奉命离开犁地，领导国家军队，完成任务后又回到犁地。革命军的退休军官们成立了一个互助会，并以他的名字命名；为了向宾夕法尼亚分会主席圣克莱尔将军致敬，俄亥俄州的这座城市采用了罗马名字。
The American revolution also was partly guided by classical ideals. Although it produced few works of literature, its symbols and its institutions were markedly Greco-Roman in inspiration. The Roman origin of Senate and Capitol has already been mentioned.27 The title by which Washington is best known, ‘Father of his Country’, is a translation of pater patriae, the honorific name given to several heroes of the Roman state, and with particular distinction to Cicero.28 The Federalist essays (1787-8) by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, which were largely responsible for creating the present Union out of the early and inefficient Confederation, contain a number of illustrative parallels from Greek and Roman history, with discussion of such Greek attempts at federative government as the Achaean League and the Amphictyonic Council. The Great Seal of the United States bears three quotations in Latin—the famous e pluribus unum, ‘one (made) out of many’;29 novus ordo sedarum, ‘a new term of ages’, the sentiment expressed in Vergil’s Messianic poem and in Shelley’s famous revolutionary chorus, ‘The world’s great age begins anew’;30 and annuit coeptis, ‘(God) has favoured our enterprise’, an adaptation of the opening of Vergil’s Geargics.31 The city of Cincinnati perpetuates the name of the Roman hero nicknamed ‘curly-haired’ (= cincinnatus) who, at the call of duty, left his plough to lead his country’s army, and returned to his plough after his duty was done. The retiring officers of the revolutionary army formed a mutualaid society and named themselves after him; and, as a compliment to General St. Clair, president of its Pennsylvania branch, the Ohio city took on a Roman name.
美国各地的乡镇都有许多更简单的希腊和罗马名字。32革命前曾有过几个。以处女伊丽莎白女王命名的弗吉尼亚是最著名的。1663 年，波托马克河附近的一个庄园被命名为罗马由总督波普命名，无疑是因为他喜欢被称为“罗马的波普”。但正如在法国 (第 396 页) 一样，革命的希腊罗马理想主义开启了古典名字的洪流。即使是给报纸写信的无知之人也习惯于署名 Cato、Publicola 或（效仿著名英国宣传家的杰出榜样）Junius。首先，在 1789 年，纽约的范德海登渡口更名为特洛伊。这很可能是人们对勇敢的特洛伊人的旧日钦佩之情 (见第 54 页)。第一个特洛伊为随后的三十个特洛伊树立了榜样。接下来在 1790 年，纽约卡尤加湖周围军事用地中的一些定居点必须命名。委员会查阅了一本古典词典，用英雄的名字来命名这些城市——奥勒留、卡米卢斯、加图、西塞罗（也曾用过他的另一个名字塔利）、辛辛那图斯、法比乌斯、汉尼拔、赫克托尔、斯巴达人莱桑德、曼利乌斯、马塞勒斯、罗慕路斯、西庇阿、塞姆普罗尼乌斯、梭伦和尤利西斯；用作家的名字来命名这些城市——荷马、奥维德和维吉尔，还有三位英国巴洛克作家，德莱顿、洛克和弥尔顿。1790 年，俄亥俄州的辛辛那提紧随其后。纽约州的塞内卡更为复杂：它是 Sinneken 的拉丁化，Sinneken 是易洛魁部落的莫希干人名字的荷兰语版本。纽约州的尤蒂卡于 1798 年得名，以纪念非洲的一个小镇，伟大的共和党人加图在那里自杀，而不是屈服于君主制。 1800 年，俄亥俄州一个小镇的居民计划建造一所大学，于是他们以西方世界第一个学习之家的名字为小镇命名，这就是雅典。第二年，佐治亚州的雅典因同样的原因而得名。美国广阔的地图上散布着更多的希腊和罗马名字，提醒我们，尽管这片土地最初是蛮荒的，但在那里发展起来的文明部分源自罗马和希腊。
Many simpler Greek and Roman names are borne by townships throughout the United States.32 There were a few before the revolution. Virginia, named for the virgin Queen Elizabeth, is the best known. An estate near the Potomac was named Rome in 1663 by Governor Pope, no doubt because he liked the idea of being called ‘Pope, of Rome’. But the flood of classical names was opened, just as in France (p. 396), by the Greco-Roman idealism of the revolution. Even unlearned men writing to the newspapers used to sign themselves Cato, or Publicola, or (following the formidable example of the famous English publicist) Junius. First, in 1789, Vanderheyden’s Ferry, New York, was renamed Troy. Probably this was a reminiscence of the old admiration for the gallant Trojans (see p. 54). The first Troy set the pattern for thirty others, in succeeding years. Next, in 1790, a number of settlements in the military tract around Cayuga Lake, New York, had to be named. The committee ran through a classical dictionary, and called them after heroes—Aurelius, Camillus, Cato, Cicero (who also appeared under his other name, Tully), Cincinnatus, Fabius, Hannibal, Hector, Lysander the Spartan, Manlius, Marcellus, Romulus, Scipio, Sempronius, Solon, and Ulysses; and authors—Homer, Ovid, and Vergil, with three English baroque writers, Dryden, Locke, and Milton. Cincinnati, Ohio, followed in 1790. Seneca, New York, was more complicated: it was a latinization of Sinneken, the Dutch version of the Mohican name of an Iroquois tribe. Utica, New York, was given its name in 1798, in memory of the African town where the great republican Cato killed himself rather than submit to monarchy. In 1800 the inhabitants of an Ohio town were planning to build a college: so they named their town after the first home of learning in the western world, and it became Athens. Next year Athens, Georgia, got its name for the same reason. Many more Greek and Roman names dot the vast map of the United States to remind us that, although the land was at first savage, the civilization which grew up in it was in part derived from Rome and Greece.
美国革命时期最著名的教育家托马斯·杰斐逊（1743-1826）坚信这一信念。33他一生致力于希腊和拉丁文学，他认为这是所有高级文化的基础。他的私人生活和乡间别墅模仿了一位拥有宽敞山顶豪宅的罗马绅士的生活。他设计的弗吉尼亚大学是对罗马大别墅中相连的门廊、封闭的空间和柱状建筑的再创造。他不断从西塞罗、贺拉斯和普林尼那里汲取灵感，他访问了美国法国部长又增添了新的刺激。在巴黎，他遇见了大卫，以及同样古典但更为沉稳的艺术家乌东和韦奇伍德。在南部的尼姆，他亲眼目睹并研究了罗马建筑：献给奥古斯都养子盖乌斯和卢修斯的神庙（现在被称为卡里神殿）、罗马大门和精美的竞技场。尽管他说他更喜欢希腊语而不是拉丁语，尽管十八世纪晚期最先进的艺术家都是以希腊模型为蓝本创作的，但杰斐逊仍然是罗马人。在他的指导下，弗吉尼亚州的首府模仿了年轻凯撒的神庙。弗吉尼亚大学图书馆是罗马万神殿。他自己的房子，他喜欢称之为潘托普斯（=“全景”），并最终选择了蒙蒂塞洛（=“小山”）这个名字，实际上是一座罗马别墅，就像普林尼和西塞罗的别墅一样。罗马共和国的某些东西已经在早期美国的象征主义和理想主义中重生；通过杰斐逊，它的第一批官方建筑仿照罗马建造的豪宅、剧院和寺庙，在希腊的优雅中添加了自己的力量和坚固性。
That belief was firmly held by the best-known educator of the American revolutionary era, Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826).33 Throughout his life he was devoted to Greek and Latin literature, which he considered the foundation of all higher culture. He modelled his private life and his country home on the life of a Roman gentleman with a spacious hill-top mansion. The University of Virginia, which he planned, was a re-creation of the linked porticoes, enclosed spaces, and pillared buildings which made up a large Roman villa. To the constant inspiration he drew from Cicero, Horace, and Pliny his visit to France as United States Minister added new stimulus. In Paris he met David, as well as the equally classical but more reposeful artists Houdon and Wedg wood. At Nimes in the south, he actually saw and studied Roman buildings: the temple dedicated to Augustus’ adoptive sons Gaius and Lucius (it is now known as the Maison Carree), the Roman gates, and the fine arena. Although he said he preferred the Greek language to Latin, and although the most advanced artists of the late eighteenth century worked on Greek models, Jefferson remained a Roman. The temple of the young Caesars was, under his direction, closely imitated in the Capitol of the state of Virginia. The University of Virginia library is the Roman Pantheon. His own house, which he liked to call Pantops (= ‘panorama’) and for which he finally chose the name Monticello (= ‘little hill’), was in fact a Roman villa like those of Pliny and Cicero. Something of the Roman republic had already been reborn in the symbolism and the idealism of the early United States; and, through Jefferson, its first official buildings were modelled on the mansions, theatres, and temples which Rome had constructed by adding her own power and solidity to the Greek grace.
革命时期最伟大的法国诗人是安德烈·谢尼埃，34 1762 年出生于君士坦丁堡，父亲是法国人，母亲是希腊人；在纳瓦拉学院受过良好的教育；22 岁时访问意大利，印象非常深刻；大卫的学生；大革命期间站在共和派，但对恐怖统治的过度行为感到厌恶，在恐怖统治期间，他写了一首献给夏洛特·科黛的颂歌和一份为路易十六辩护的摘要；1794 年 3 月被捕，大约三个月后被送上断头台，就在罗伯斯庇尔被处决的三天前，这本可以救他一命。他的最后一部作品《抑扬格》以微小的笔迹写在小纸条上，并被偷偷带出监狱；但他在生前几乎没有发表过任何诗歌。他的名声在他死后大约一代人开始传扬，从那以后名声鹊起。
The greatest French poet of the revolutionary era was André Chénier,34 born in Constantinople in 1762 of a French father and a Greek mother; well educated at the College de Navarre; deeply impressed by a visit to Italy when he was twenty-two; a pupil of David; on the republican side during the Revolution, but repelled by the excesses of the Terror, during which he wrote an ode to Charlotte Corday and a brief for the defence of Louis XVI; arrested in March 1794, and guillotined some three months later, three days before the execution of Robespierre, which would have saved him. His last work, the Iambics, was written on tiny slips of paper in microscopic handwriting and smuggled out of his prison; but scarcely any of his poetry was published during his lifetime. His reputation began about a generation after his death, and has risen steadily ever since.
他有一个兄弟，玛丽-约瑟夫·谢尼埃，当时比他更出名，他的事业因革命而成就和毁灭。1792 年，尽管宫廷采取了反制措施，他还是创作了一部关于盖乌斯·格拉古之死的悲剧——盖乌斯·格拉古是罗马共和国的革命领袖，在他的兄弟被反动势力杀害后，他继续为平民辩护，反对骄傲自大的特权贵族。该剧取得了巨大的成功：玛丽-约瑟夫成为革命的代言人之一。然而，第二年，该剧被山岳党禁止上演，因为其中有这样一句台词：
He had a brother, Marie-Joseph Chénier, who was much more prominent at the time, and whose career was both made and blasted by the Revolution. In 1792, despite the counter-manoeuvres of the court, he produced a tragedy on the death of Gaius Gracchus—the revolutionary leader of the Roman republic, who, after his brother had been murdered by the forces of reaction, continued to defend the cause of the plebeians against the proud and privileged aristos. It had a huge success: Marie-Joseph became one of the voices of the Revolution. Yet next year the play was banned by the Mountain because it contained the line:
我们寻求的是法律，而不是血腥。三十五
We seek laws, and not blood.35
1794 年，他写了一部关于提摩利翁生活的戏剧——提摩利翁是普鲁塔克笔下的另一个英雄，他拒绝了成为独裁者的机会，退居幕后。这部戏剧被罗伯斯庇尔下令镇压。36尽管这些事件令人震惊，而且玛丽·约瑟夫也才华横溢，但现在在世界文坛上占有一席之地的却是他的兄弟安德烈。
Then in 1794 he wrote a play on the life of Timoleon—-another of Plutarch’s heroes, who refused an opportunity to make himself dictator, and retired into private life. This drama was suppressed at the orders of Robespierre.36 Striking as these events were, and talented though Marie-Joseph was, it is his brother André who now has a permanent place in the literature of the world.
安德烈·谢尼埃可以与雪莱和济慈相提并论，但他的视野比不上他们。他本质上是一位细密画画家，没有创作出任何与《解放了的普罗米修斯》或《恩迪米翁》相媲美的作品——尽管他的志向很高。十年来，他一直在筹划一部教诲诗《赫尔墨斯》，其中将以卢克莱修的风格包含百科全书的教诲；他还想成为现代荷马，用 12,000 行诗篇描写美洲；但只有少数片段留存下来。37他最出色的作品无疑是类似忒奥克里托斯风格的田园诗。38与他们相近的是他的关于小英雄主题的“挽歌”（《奥菲斯》、《许拉斯》）；然后是他的爱情挽歌，以提布卢斯、普罗佩提乌斯和奥维德为原型，可与歌德的《罗马挽歌》媲美，但在情感强度上却超越了它们，尽管受到法国韵律的严格限制。39他的母系是希腊人，他是众多现代诗人中最早被称为希腊转世的诗人之一。他精通希腊和拉丁文学，品味高雅，能够将古典文学的影响转化为自己的诗歌，并带有如此真实的情感，其结果远远超出了简单的抄袭。因此，对于未受过教育的读者来说，他的诗是对古代场景的原创再现；而像切尼埃这样精通希腊和拉丁语的人，会从中看到思想、形象和措辞的融合，这些思想、形象和措辞取自十几位不同的古典诗人，但融合成原创作品，部分原因是切尼埃大胆地将前人从未想到过的元素结合在一起，部分原因是他杰出的诗体节奏和句子结构。拉辛的希腊英雄和女英雄以夫人和领主的身份互相称呼对方，他们的长篇大论往往是伟大的诗歌，但很少能摆脱严重的时代错误：严重到使诗歌虚假。但谢尼埃的许多短诗可能是从希腊语翻译而来的。它们是真实的。它们是用现代语言重现了希腊精神的永恒方面，具有最希腊化的诗歌美德所具有的一切克制。例如，可爱的小对话《姆纳齐勒与克洛埃》讲述了一对年轻夫妇分别溜进树林，彼此都希望找到对方；他们相遇，彼此都说这只是偶然；诗歌就此结束，就像害羞的恋人嘴角露出的微笑。对奥菲斯的召唤以希腊式的简洁结束，用词很适合谢尼埃自己：40
André Chénier may be compared to both Shelley and Keats; but he is inferior to them both in scope. He was essentially a miniaturist, and produced nothing comparable to Prometheus Unbound or Endymion—although he aimed as high. For ten years he planned a didactic poem, Hermes, which was to contain the teaching of the Encyclopaedia in the style of Lucretius; he also wanted to become the modern Homer, with an epic in 12,000 lines on America; but only a few fragments survive.37 His finest work is undoubtedly his pastoral idylls in the manner of Theocritus.38 Close to them are his ‘elegies’ on minor heroic themes (Orpheus, Hylas); and then his love-elegies, modelled on Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid, which are comparable to Goethe’s Roman Elegies, surpassing them in intensity of emotion, although hampered by the strictness of French metre.39 Greek on his mother’s side, he was one of the first of the many modern poets who can be called reincarnated Greeks. He knew Greek and Latin literature well, he had delicate taste, and he could transmute effects from the classics into his own poetry with such genuine emotion that the result was far above mere copying. Therefore, for the uninstructed reader, his poems are original evocations of antique scenes; while one who knows Greek and Latin as Chénier himself did sees in them a blend of thoughts, and images, and turns of phrase, taken from a dozen different classical poets but blended into an original composition, partly by the imaginative boldness with which Chénier combines elements that no one before him thought of combining, and partly by his distinguished verse-rhythm and sentence-structure. The tirades of Racine’s Greek heroes and heroines, addressing one another as Madame and Seigneur, are often great poetry, but are seldom free from serious anachronisms: so serious that they make the poetry false. But many of Chénier’s short poems might be translations from the Greek. They are true. They are re-creations of the eternal aspects of the Hellenic spirit in a modern language, with all the restraint which is the most Greek of poetic virtues. For instance, the lovely little dialogue Mnazile et Chloe shows a young couple slipping into a grove separately, each hoping to find the other; they meet, and each says it is nothing but chance; there the poem stops, like a smile on a timid lover’s lips. And an evocation of Orpheus ends, with Greek economy, in words which suit Chénier himself:40
在半神周围，沉默的王子们
一动不动地聆听着他的声音，
当他停止歌唱时，他们仍然静静地听着。
Around the demigod the silent princes
hung on his voice, motionless, listening,
and listened still when he had ceased to sing.
法国大革命的第二位伟大作家则是一个更加复杂、不那么招人喜欢的人物：弗朗索瓦-勒内，夏多布里昂子爵 (1768-1848)，他的冒险生活、巨大的骄傲、惊人的成功和悲剧性的孤独使他与拜伦勋爵非常相似。他出生于布列塔尼，并在那里接受了良好的教育，1791-2 年在美国和加拿大的边远地区度过了浪漫的七个月，寻找西北航道，1794 年至 1799 年作为流亡者在伦敦过着贫困的生活，但在拿破仑统治下得以返回。母亲去世后，他皈依了基督教，并写了《基督教的天才》，有力地捍卫了基督教思想，该书于 1802 年在拿破仑重建教会之前出版，他因此被任命为罗马大使馆的官员。但他很快就与拿破仑发生了争吵，特别是在将他比作尼禄之后。和拜伦一样，他游历了希腊和黎凡特，但与拜伦不同的是，他的朝圣之旅最终到达了巴勒斯坦。1809 年，他创作了一部散文史诗《殉道者》；他之前已经写了一部关于路易斯安那州法国印第安人战争的史诗《纳奇兹》 ，但直到二十年后才完整出版。波旁王朝复辟后，他为该王朝服务，但也与他们发生争执，于是隐居在阴郁的孤独中，创作《坟墓外的回忆录》，该回忆录在他死后共十二卷出版。
The second great writer of revolutionary France was a far more complex, far less lovable figure: Francois-Rene, vicomte de Chateaubriand (1768-1848), whose adventurous life, titanic pride, startling success, and tragic loneliness make him a fairly close parallel to Lord Byron. He was born and well educated in Brittany, spent a romantic seven months during 1791–2 in the American and Canadian backwoods on a quest for the North West Passage, lived in poverty from 1794 to 1799 as an emigre in London, but was able to return under Napoleon. Having been converted to Christianity on his mother’s death, he wrote The Genius of Christianity, a powerful defence of Christian thought, which, published in 1802 just before Napoleon re-established the church, was rewarded with an appointment to the embassy at Rome. But he soon quarrelled with Napoleon, particularly after comparing him to Nero. Like Byron, he toured Greece and the Levant, but his pilgrimage, unlike Byron’s, culminated in Palestine. In 1809 he produced a prose epic, The Martyrs; he had already written one called The Natchez on the French-Indian wars of Louisiana, but was not to publish it complete until twenty years later. He served the Bourbons after their restoration, but quarrelled with them too, and retired into gloomy solitude, working on his Memoirs from beyond the Tomb, which were issued in twelve volumes after his death.
《殉道者》虽然很有趣，但却读起来很难。它实际上是一部散文史诗。夏多布里昂解释说亚里士多德承认诗歌或散文都是史诗的载体，并引用了费奈隆的《忒勒马科斯》作为先例。41这部作品试图在深度和想象力上超越费奈隆，在基督教的高贵品质上超越荷马和维吉尔。它讲述了戴克里先 (284-305) 统治下基督徒遭受迫害的复杂故事，最终以男女主人公殉道和君士坦丁皈依基督教而告终。它读起来就像是从拉丁语翻译成正确但费力的法语的做作翻译。虽然它没有什么内在的趣味，但它是一个引人入胜的例子，说明一个优秀的作家在选择错误的文学模式时会犯下怎样的失败。夏多布里昂掌握的基本真理是，诗体史诗的时代已经结束。他知道史诗的宏伟和活力现在已经从中流淌到散文小说中：十九世纪的史诗是维克多·雨果的《悲惨世界》和托尔斯泰的《战争与和平》。42但他没有意识到，在放弃诗句这种表达方式时，作家也必须放弃只在诗歌中有效的那些较小的文体手法：对缪斯的祈求、惯用的绰号、迂回的说法、荷马式的明喻，这些在诗句中虽然够做作，但却由六音步诗的脉动节奏和丰富的诗歌词汇支撑起来，而在散文中看起来就像没有艺术性的做作。
The Martyrs, although interesting as a curiosity, is unreadable. It is quite literally an epic in prose. Chateaubriand explains that Aristotle admits either verse or prose as the vehicle of epic, and cites Fénelon’s Telemachus as a precedent.41 The work is an attempt to outdo Fénelon in depth and imagination and Homer and Vergil in Christian nobility. It tells a complicated story of the persecution of the Christians under Diocletian (284-305), ending with the martyrdom of the hero and heroine and the conversion of Constantine to Christianity. It reads like a rather affected translation from Latin into correct but laborious French. Although it has no intrinsic interest, it is a fascinating example of the failure a good writer can make when he chooses the wrong literary pattern. The essential truth which Chateaubriand had grasped was that the day of the verse epic was over. He knew that the grandeur and energy of the epic had now flowed out of it into prose fiction: the epic of the nineteenth century was to be Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables and Tolstoy’s War and Peace.42 But he could not see that, in renouncing the vehicle of verse, a writer must also renounce the smaller stylistic devices which are valid only in poetry: the invocations to the Muse, the conventional epithets, the circumlocutions, the Homeric similes, which, although artificial enough in verse, are sustained by the pulsing rhythm of the hexameter and the rich profusion of the poetic vocabulary, but in prose look like artifice without art.
“圣灵，你用你的翅膀覆盖了广阔的深渊，使它变得肥沃，此刻我需要你的帮助！”43
‘Holy Spirit, who madest the vast abyss fertile by covering it with thy wings, it is at this moment that I need thine aid!’43
夏多布里昂在《殉道者》中想要成为一个更伟大的、法国的、天主教的弥尔顿；但他最终却成为了《宾虚》和《暴君焚城记》的呆板先驱。
What Chateaubriand intended to be in The Martyrs was a greater, a French, a Catholic Milton; what he became was a stilted precursor of Ben-Hur and Quo Vadis?
另一方面，《基督教的天才》是一本伟大的书。像大多数伟大的法国书籍一样，它几乎没有法国人引以为豪的文学美德：简洁、清晰、合理、平衡。这更好——因为它是一本党派之书。它是书籍之战中我最有力的论据陈述。因此，它标志着基督教对十八世纪知识异教主义的反抗的开始。44我们记得，吉本曾将罗马帝国的覆灭描述为野蛮和宗教的胜利，暗中将两者等同起来。夏多布里昂现在认为，正确理解的基督教远比异教世界的所有理想高尚得多——是的，甚至比哲学、宗教和政治方面最崇高的异教成就还要高尚。艺术和诗歌。这本书以其广阔的视野、崇高的理想以及分析的微妙和深入，标志着批评的一个新纪元。弥尔顿和塔索得到了充分的赞扬，但丁（长期被忽视）被公认为大师；拉辛的戏剧受到了有价值的批评，其从根本上体现的基督教观点得到了解释；书中有大量关于圣经和鲜为人知的古典作家的学术评论，对荷马和维吉尔的艺术和思想也有一些有价值的阐释。我们都希望拜伦能写出不仅如此引人注目，而且如此严肃和高尚的作品，以配得上他的天才，即使在他不良的行为和夸张的诗句背后，他的灵魂也显得高贵。在死后，我们都希望拜伦能写出如此引人注目、如此严肃和高尚的作品，以配得上他的天才。在《基督教的天才》中，夏多布里昂写了一部作品，充分表达了他理想的宏伟和想象力的敏感。它向他表示敬意，为他所属的法国贵族阶层辩护，并使基督教信仰远远超越了大多数攻击者和部分捍卫者的琐碎之事。
On the other hand, The Genius of Christianity is a great book. Like most great French books, it possesses few of the literary virtues on which the French pride themselves: brevity, clarity, reasonableness, balance. All the better—for it is a partisan book. It is the strongest possible statement of argument I in the Battle of the Books. Thereby it marks the beginning of a Christian reaction against the intellectual paganism of the eighteenth century.44 Gibbon, we recall, described the fall of the Roman empire as the triumph of barbarism and religion, implicitly equating the two. Chateaubriand now argues that Christianity, properly understood, is far nobler than all the ideals of the pagan world—yes, than even the noblest pagan achievements, in philosophy, in the arts, and in poetry. In its breadth of view, the loftiness of its ideals, and the subtlety and penetration of its analysis, this book marks an epoch in criticism. Milton and Tasso receive their full share of praise, and Dante (so long neglected) is recognized as a master; Racine’s dramas are worthily criticized and their fundamentally Christian outlook is explained; there is a great deal of scholarly comment on the Bible, and on the less-known classical authors, with some valuable exegesis of the art and thought of Homer and Vergil. We have all wished that Byron, whose nobility of soul, apparent even behind his bad behaviour and his melodramatic verse, emerged triumphant in his death, had written something not only so striking, but so serious and noble that it would be worthy of his genius. In The Genius of Christianity Chateaubriand wrote a work in which the grandeur of his ideals and the sensitivity of his imagination are worthily expressed. It honours him, it justifies the French aristocracy to which he belonged, and it raises the Christian faith far above the pettinesses of most of its attackers and some of its defenders.
革命的继承者
The heir of the Revolution
尽管维克多·雨果（1802-85）属于后一代，尽管他活到了十九世纪末，但他却是革命的继承者。他早期的作品中有一些激昂的抒情诗，灵感来自希腊反抗土耳其压迫者的自由战争。45他青年时期文学生涯的巅峰是他掀起了法国诗歌的革命。
Although he belonged to a later generation, although he lived until nearly the end of the nineteenth century, Victor Hugo (1802-85) was the heir of the Revolution. Among his earliest works were stormy lyrics inspired by the Greek war of freedom against the Turkish oppressors.45 The climax of his youthful literary career came when he created a revolution in French poetry.
他这样做，部分原因是打破了自巴洛克时代开始以来一直主宰并束缚着法国诗人的严格限制的诗体模式。但更重要、更深远的是他扩展了诗歌词汇。奇怪的是，在整个革命和第一帝国时期，诗人们都被迫避免使用许多普通词语，因为它们很“低俗”。如果听到“房间”或“手帕”这样的词，观众就会发出嘘声。出版了正确用词手册，表明“配偶”比“丈夫”更可取，因为后者仅表示家庭或性关系，而“配偶”则传达了社会所尊崇的契约观念。诗人被禁止使用“马”这个词。他们被要求用“黑人”这个词代替“黑人”这个词。
He did this partly by breaking down the strictly limited verse-patterns which had dominated, and crippled, French poets since the opening of the baroque age. But more important and more far-reaching was his extension of the poetic vocabulary. Strange as it seems, it is true that throughout the Revolution and the First Empire poets were forced to avoid many ordinary words, because they were ‘low’. Audiences hissed if they heard a word like ‘room’ or ‘handkerchief. Manuals of correct diction were published, showing that ‘spouse’ was preferable to ‘husband’, because the latter signified merely a domestic or sexual relationship, while ‘spouse’ conveyed the idea of a contract hallowed by society. Poets were forbidden to use the word ‘horse’. They were enjoined to replace the word ‘negroes’ by
被几内亚的太阳晒黑的凡人。
mortals blackened by the suns of Guinea.
他们被敦促不要使用“牧师”和“钟”，而是更喜欢使用其尊贵的对应词“教皇”和“青铜”。46当时最受欢迎的翻译家德利尔 (Delille) 抱怨说，法语礼貌词汇的局限性使他的任务更加困难。他说：“在罗马，人民是国王，他们的语言也具有高贵的品质；……在我们中间，偏见使语言和人都贬低了，有高贵的表达方式，也有低级的表达方式。”47罗马诗歌并非如此，因为它足够贵族化，避免使用大量口语化语言；但至少在《农事诗》中，维吉尔可以（而德利尔却不能）用真实的词语来描述真实的事物，并且把农具称为铁锹。
They were urged not to use ‘priest’ and ‘bell’, but to prefer their noble equivalents ‘pontiff’ and ‘bronze’.46 The most popular translator of the age, Delille, complained that his task was made more difficult by the limitations of the French polite vocabulary. ‘In Rome’, he said, ‘the people was king, and its language shared its nobility; … among us, prejudices have debased both words and men, and there are noble expressions and lower-class expressions.’47 This was not really true of Roman poetry, which was aristocratic enough to eschew large numbers of colloquialisms; but at least in the Georgics Vergil could (as Delille could not) use real words for real things, and call the farmer’s implement a spade.
雨果有一首充满活力的诗，他承认自己通过打破语言的社会差别，在诗歌中引发了一场新的法国革命。他说，法语就像 1789 年之前的国家：词语要么是贵族，要么是平民，它们生活在一个固定的等级制度中。但是我，他喊道，我给这本旧字典戴上了一顶红帽子。我叫猪的名字。我把那只受惊的狗的项圈上的绰号摘下来，让母牛玛吉和小母牛贝伦尼丝成为好朋友。就像在一场革命狂欢中，
Hugo has a spirited poem in which he accepts the charge that he caused a new French Revolution in poetry by breaking down the social distinctions of language. French, he says, was like the state before 1789: words were nobles or commoners, they lived in a fixed caste-system. But I, he cries, I put a red cap on the old dictionary. I called a pig by its name. I stripped the astonished dog of its collar of epithets, and made Maggie the cow fraternize with the heifer Berenice. As if in a revolutionary orgy,
九位缪斯女神袒露胸膛，唱起了《卡尔马尼奥勒》 (Carmagnole)。四十八
with breasts bare, the nine Muses sang the Carmagnole.48
奇怪的是，雨果与古典诗歌的关系受到他革命性格和理想的影响。他最了解并且长期以来最爱的诗人是维吉尔。我们听说，在九岁那年参加马德里私立学校的入学考试时，他即兴翻译了维吉尔的作品；十几岁时，他又尝试翻译《田园诗》 、《农事诗》和《埃涅阿斯纪》中的恐怖场景。有一本书讲述他对维吉尔的热爱，书中一再展示，几乎和洛斯在《通往上都之路》中对柯勒律治的展示一样敏感，维吉尔笔下的怪异画面，如赫拉克勒斯与卡库斯之战，或和谐的回声，如归家的牛群的哞哞声，是如何作为他自己想象的活生生的产物在雨果的作品中萦绕和重现的。49当他开始感受到自己的力量时，在《克伦威尔》的革命序言中，他开始称维吉尔为抄写员，“荷马的月亮”——这个想法在他的《威廉·莎士比亚》中重复出现。然后，当他在拿破仑三世的伪装独裁统治下流亡时，他突然放弃了对维吉尔的其他钦佩。他只把维吉尔看作“暴君”奥古斯都的廷臣。他把尤维纳尔和塔西佗放在一起，后者是讽刺作家和憎恨帝国统治的历史学家政权，远远高于他。但他无法忘记维吉尔诗歌的美。在《内心的声音》中，他以充满爱意的赞美诗向维吉尔致敬，就像学生写给老师一样。50就他自己内心的矛盾而言，他崇拜维吉尔，仅仅因为他是一位自然画家；最终，他认定维吉尔是一位像拉辛一样的才华横溢的作家，而不是像荷马和莎士比亚一样的天才。他错了吗？
Hugo’s relation to classical poetry was strangely affected by his revolutionary character and ideals. The poet he knew best and for long loved best was Vergil. We hear of him translating Vergil at sight, aged nine, at the entrance examination given by his exclusive Madrid school; trying his wings, during his early teens, on poetic versions of Bucolics, Georgics, and the horror episodes in the Aeneid. There is a book on his love of Vergil which shows again and again, almost as sensitively as Lowes does for Coleridge in The Road to Xanadu, how a monstrous picture from Vergil like the fight of Hercules and Cacus, or a harmonious echo like the lowing of a homebound herd, lingers and reappears in Hugo’s writings as the living product of his own imagination.49 When he began to feel his strength, in the revolutionary preface to Cromwell, he started to call Vergil a copyist, ‘the moon of Homer’—an idea repeated in his William Shakespeare. Then, when he went into exile under the disguised dictatorship of Napoleon III, he abruptly dropped the rest of his admiration for Vergil. He saw in Vergil only the courtier of the ‘tyrant’ Augustus. He placed Juvenal and Tacitus, the satirist and the historian who hated the imperial régime, far above him. And yet he could not forget the beauty of Vergil’s poetry. In Interior Voices he honoured Vergil with a loving tribute, written as by a pupil to his master.50 As far as he ever solved the contradiction in his own mind, he did so by adoring Vergil simply as a painter of nature; and, ultimately, by deciding that Vergil was a writer of talent, like Racine, rather than a genius, like Homer and Shakespeare. Was he wrong?
雨果对拉丁文学的了解不错。但他的叛逆天性和青年时期被迫的反抗阻碍了他充分发挥这些知识。在《沉思录》开篇的一篇精彩长文中，他谴责、侮辱、痛斥那些迂腐的校长，他们把古典文学和数学变成强迫劳动，毁掉了他们的学业。在学校，当他十六岁的时候，他正期待着和看门人的女儿一起去郊游一天；他的注意力分散了；他的老师责备了他，让他整个星期都呆在家里，写出 500 行贺拉斯的诗；在他孤独的阁楼里，他诅咒那些歪曲贺拉斯的狱卒，他们把维吉尔变成孩子们像牛一样拖的负担，他们
Hugo’s knowledge of Latin literature was good. But he was prevented from using it fully by his own rebellious nature, and by a revolt which was forced on him in youth. In a brilliant tirade placed early in his book of Contemplations, he denounces, scarifies, blasts the pedantic schoolmasters with dirty nails, who ruin both classics and mathematics by making them into forced labour. At school, when he was sixteen, he was looking forward to a day’s excursion with the janitor’s daughter; his attention wandered; his master jumped on him, making him stay in all Sunday and write out 500 lines of Horace; and, in his lonely attic, he poured out curses on the jailers who distorted Horace, who made Vergil a load for children to drag like oxen, and who
从来没有过情妇，也没有过这种想法。51
have never had a mistress, or a thought.51
这不是最早的，但却几乎是最强烈的表达，表明糟糕的古典教师将古典学视为学科，引起了人们的反感。几年前，拜伦也因为同样的原因感受到了同样的仇恨。52我们将看到这种趋势在整个十九世纪不断增长，直到它几乎毁掉了古典文学的研究和教学。当然，学习是困难的，但绝不能使它令人厌恶：尤其是学习伟大的语言和优美的诗歌。拜伦和雨果的结果是一样的。他们不由自主地记住了他们所学的大部分内容：它已经成为他们的一部分。但是，与但丁、莎士比亚和歌德等诗人不同，他们离开学校后拒绝继续阅读古典文学。最重要的是，他们都拒绝学习美学训练的核心古典课程——如何组织大量复杂的材料，如何比喊叫更清晰地说话。拜伦从未创作出像他的能力所承诺的那样伟大的作品。雨果的《时代传奇》只是一组奥兹曼迪亚斯的庞大片段，而不是人类的史诗。
This is not the earliest, but it is nearly the strongest expression of the revulsion which bad teachers of the classics have caused by treating the subject as discipline. A few years earlier Byron had felt the same hatred, for the same reason.52 We shall see it growing throughout the nineteenth century, to the point when it almost ruins the study and teaching of classical literature. Of course learning is difficult, but it must not be made repellent: least of all the learning of great languages and of fine poetry. The result on both Byron and Hugo was the same. Involuntarily, they remembered much of what they had learnt: it had become part of them. But, unlike such poets as Dante, and Shakespeare, and Goethe, they refused to go on reading classical literature after leaving school. And, what is most important, they both refused to learn the central classical lesson of aesthetic discipline—how to organize large masses of complex material, how to speak more clearly than a shout. Byron never produced a work as great as his powers promised. Hugo’s Legend of the Ages is only an Ozymandias group of colossal fragments, and not the epic of man-kind.
§4. 英格兰
§4. ENGLAND
“我们都是希腊人。”
‘We are all Greeks.’
雪莱1
SHELLEY1
希腊和罗马的土地及其文明只是英国革命作家创作出各种奇妙作品的众多刺激因素之一；而且这种刺激对每个人的影响都不同。为了确定它对英国文学的影响，我们必须了解它对当时每位伟大诗人的意义。但让我们从最强烈的角度来看待它。华兹华斯根据他在普鲁塔克的作品中发现的主题写了两首十四行诗：2没错，但这些诗确实很糟糕，这样的事实并没有真正说明问题。我们更应该问的是，希腊和罗马是如何改变这些诗人的思想的？从古典文学中，他们得到了什么对他们来说具有独特价值的东西？
The lands of Greece and Rome and their civilization were only one of the many excitements under which the English revolutionary writers produced their marvellously varied work; and on each of them that excitement acted in a different way. In order to determine what it did for English literature, we must see what it meant for each of the great poets of that time. But let us take it at its highest intensity. Wordsworth wrote two sonnets on a theme he found in Plutarch:2 true; still, the poems are bad, and facts like that are not truly revealing. We must rather ask, how did Greece and Rome change the minds of these poets? from the classics, what did they get that was, for them, uniquely valuable?
我们认为威廉·华兹华斯是一位自然和自然人的观察者。群山使他的童年变得高贵，使他的成年更加坚强（称他为“湖畔诗人”是不够的：他是一位山间诗人；这样的诗人很少，而他是最伟大的一位）；群山在自然界中与他崇高的精神理想相对应；他曾在湖中游泳、滑冰和划船（周围总是高耸的群山），这些湖泊象征着他姐姐和妻子温柔而亲切的影响；树木和鲜花、田野、在土地上耕作和漫步的男男女女，这些是世界神圣性的明显证据，
We think of William Wordsworth as an observer of nature and of natural man. The mountains which ennobled his boyhood and strengthened his manhood (it is inadequate to call him a ‘Lake poet’: he was a Mountain poet; there have been very few, and he was the greatest), the mountains which in physical nature were the counterpart of the lofty spiritual ideals by which he lived; the lakes in which he swam and on which he skated and rowed (always surrounded by the dominating mountains), the lakes which symbolized the soft gracious influence of his sister and his wife; the trees and flowers, the fields, the men and women who worked the land and wandered over it, that visible proof of the world’s divinity,
天堂的无限壮丽；3
the infinite magnificence of heaven;3
他自己那狂喜的灵魂，看到了这一切中最美好、最真实的一面；以及贯穿其中、成为他们生命的伟大精神——这些成就了他的诗歌。希腊人和罗马人对这样的诗人来说肯定没有什么意义吧？
his own enraptured soul that saw the best and truest in all these; and the great spirit which pervades them and is their life—these made his poetry. Surely the Greeks and Romans can have had little meaning for such a poet?
然后，他的风格非常不模仿也不追忆。虽然他比其他任何诗人都更崇拜弥尔顿，但他对诗歌措辞和诗歌中典故的理解却与弥尔顿截然相反。另一位革命诗人用“用矿石填满每一个裂缝”这句话来描述诗歌创作的理想。4虽然这幅图像太过强烈，华兹华斯的诗歌平静而平静，这确实强调了这样一个事实：对于所有这些诗人来说，写作都是一个自然的过程，诗人的心灵就像肥沃的土地，充满了大自然创造力毫不费力创造的无价财富。对于弥尔顿来说，诗歌不是天然的矿石，而是一件由金属制成的高难度工艺品，经过两次三次的提炼，由早期的艺术家制作，然后由他自己重新塑造并镶嵌上更精致的宝石。但华兹华斯很少使用其他诗人的文字，即使是他最喜欢的诗人的文字。
Then his style is remarkably free from imitation and reminiscence. Although he admired Milton more than any other poet, his conception of poetic diction and of the use of allusion in poetry is diametrically opposed to Milton’s. Another of the revolutionary poets described the ideal of poetic creation in the phrase ‘load every rift with ore’.4 Although this is too intense an image to fit Wordsworth’s calm poetry, it does emphasize the fact that for all these poets writing was a natural process, and the poet’s mind like the rich earth full of inestimable wealth effortlessly produced by the creative powers of nature. For Milton, poetry was not native ore, but a difficult piece of craftsmanship made from metal twice and thrice refined, worked by earlier artists, and by himself remoulded and set with even more finely cut jewels. But Wordsworth seldom used the words of any other poets, even of those he loved best.
最后，华兹华斯对文学的特别贡献之一是背离了古典传统。他创造了一种新的田园诗。在所有的希腊罗马陈词滥调中，最单薄、最容易被滥用、最没有活力的就是田园诗和艺术。当法国宫廷培养这种风格时，它变得特别令人厌恶，法国的农民在城门外靠树皮和荨麻汤为生。华兹华斯在乡村生活中发现了新的美，用一系列新的象征来代替斯特雷丰和菲利斯，这些象征意义更深刻，与希腊和拉丁传统毫无关系。
Lastly, one of Wordsworth’s special contributions to literature consisted in a departure from classical tradition. He created a new pastoral. Of all the Greco-Roman clichés, the thinnest, the most easily abused, and the least vital had been that of Arcadian poetry and art. It became particularly nauseating when cultivated by the French court, with their own peasantry living on tree-bark and nettle-soup just outside the gates. Wordsworth perceived new beauties in country life, and for Strephon and Phyllis substituted a fresh range of symbols which meant more, and owed nothing to Greek and Latin tradition.
鉴于这一切，华兹华斯从古典文学中汲取了什么？古典文学对他来说意味着什么？
In view of all this, what, if anything, did Wordsworth take from the classics? What did they mean to him?
他们意味着精神上的高贵。除了在他那些不太成功的作品中，他并没有模仿他们的语言和方法。但他受过良好的大学教育，懂相当多的拉丁语和一点希腊语，随着年龄的增长，他读了越来越多的拉丁语（原文和译文）和希腊语（译文），并从柯尔律治的谈话中学到了很多古典文学的深层含义。5他对罗马历史和希腊罗马哲学的依赖，以及他对古典文学的喜爱，在简·沃辛顿小姐的《华兹华斯的罗马散文解读》中得到了很好的解释。他从古典文学中汲取的理想主要通过三个方面影响了他的诗歌和思想。
They meant spiritual nobility. He did not, except in his less fortunate works, imitate their words and methods. But he had a good university education, knew a considerable amount of Latin and a little Greek, read an increasing amount of both Latin (in original and translation) and Greek (in translation) as he grew older, and learnt much of the deeper meaning of the classics from Coleridge’s conversation.5 His dependence on Roman history and Greco-Roman philosophy, as well as his general affection for classical literature, has been well explained by Miss Jane Worthington in Wordsworth’s Reading of Roman Prose. The ideals he derived from the classics affected his poetry and his thought in three main ways.
首先，法国大革命激发了罗马历史的活力，使华兹华斯成为“一位伟大的政治诗人”。6在成为戈德温无政府主义者一段时间后，他开始相信，人类努力的最重要的目标之一是国家独立。他一直认为，如果不与道德联系在一起，政治权力就比无用更糟糕，既邪恶又注定要失败。沃辛顿女士指出，罗马历史学家与许多现代历史学家总是强调私人美德与公共安全和繁荣之间不可分割的联系。（这是paideia 的悠久而高尚传统的一部分，7这使得希腊人或罗马人不可能仅仅为了记录事实而写一本有价值的书，而没有任何改善读者灵魂的意图。）但罗马历史学家对华兹华斯来说毫无意义，直到他看到他们的教学应用于法国大革命初期，并在与法国军官的交谈中感受到其情感影响。在《序曲》第 9 卷，第 288-430 页中，他描述了博普伊的个性，赞扬了他的理想主义，并通过将其与柏拉图对锡拉丘兹的迪翁的影响进行比较，解释了其对他的深远教育影响——这是政治的。华兹华斯诗歌中这种精神的主要成果是他的爱国十四行诗（献给国家独立和自由的诗歌），这些诗强调政治、知识和艺术文化之间的密切联系——
First, it was Roman history, vitalized by the French Revolution, that made Wordsworth ‘a great political poet’.6 After a period as a Godwinian anarchist, he came to believe that one of the most important objects of human effort is national independence. And he always felt that political power was worse than useless, both wicked and doomed, if it were not associated with morality. Miss Worthington points out that the Roman historians, unlike many modern historians, always emphasize the indissoluble connexion between private virtue and public security and prosperity. (This is part of the long and noble tradition of paideia,7 which made it impossible for a Greek or Roman to write a worthy book merely to record facts, without any intention of bettering his readers’ souls.) But the Roman historians meant nothing to Wordsworth until he saw their teaching applied in the beginnings of the French Revolution, and, in conversation with a French officer, felt its emotional impact. In The Prelude, 9. 288–430, he described Beaupuy’s personality, paid tribute to his idealism, and explained its profound educational influence on him by comparing it to that of Plato upon Dion of Syracuse—one of the great examples of paideia in politics.8 The chief results of this in Wordsworth’s poetry are his patriotic sonnets (Poems dedicated to National Independence and Liberty), which stress the close link between politics, intellectual and artistic culture—
弥尔顿，你应该活在这个时候！9
Milton, thou should’st be living at this hour!9
—和道德：
—and morality:
唯有靠灵魂
，国家才能伟大、自由。10
by the soul
Only, the nations shall be great and free.10
对华兹华斯的第二大古典影响是希腊哲学。他似乎没有读过希腊斯多葛学派的作品（除了罗马时期的埃比克泰德），但他对罗马斯多葛学派的作品了解颇多，尤其是那位难懂的作家塞涅卡。这加强了他对上帝、人类和外部世界统一的信仰。斯多葛学派认为，人类是物质世界的一部分，而世界是上帝的体现。华兹华斯的诗中一次又一次地用大自然的壮丽来最美妙地表达了这一点。
The second great classical influence on Wordsworth was Greek philosophy. He seems not to have read the Greek Stoics (apart from Epictetus, who belongs to the Roman period), but he knew a great deal of the Roman Stoics, particularly that difficult author Seneca. The effect of this was to strengthen his belief in the unity of God, man, and the external world. Man (the Stoics held) is a part of the physical world, and the world is a manifestation of God. Again and again in Wordsworth’s poems this is most beautifully expressed in terms of the grandeur of nature.
我感觉到
一种存在，它以崇高思想的喜悦扰乱我的心神
；一种崇高的感觉
，某种更深层次融合的东西，
它的居所是落日的光芒，
是圆润的海洋和新鲜的空气，
是蔚蓝的天空，是在人的心灵中：
一种运动和精神，推动着
一切思考的事物，一切思想的对象，
并贯穿于一切事物。11
I have felt
A presence that disturbs me with the joy
Of elevated thoughts; a sense sublime
Of something far more deeply interfused,
Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns,
And the round ocean and the living air,
And the blue sky, and in the mind of man:
A motion and a spirit, that impels
All thinking things, all objects of all thought,
And rolls through all things.11
有一次，在一个他从未发表过的片段中，12他说
And once, in a fragment which he never published,12 he says that
一切众生都与神同在，他们自己
就是神，存在于浩瀚的整体之中……。
all beings live with god, themselves
Are god, existing in the mighty whole… .
他在这里的思想不是认为世界因为美丽而神圣（这是柏拉图的思想），而是认为世界因为活着而神圣。因为它活着，它是至高无上的，包罗万象的，它是上帝。
His thought here is not that the world is divine because it is beautiful (which is a Platonic idea), but that it is divine because it is alive. Because it lives and is supreme, all-embracing, it is God.
在对待道德义务的态度上，华兹华斯也是一个斯多葛主义者。道德义务应当被视为自然而然的，不应与之抗争或质疑，道德义务的履行不应通过外界的赞扬来证明其合理性或因外界的责难而受到威胁，而应被视为普遍过程的一部分。对斯多葛主义者来说，美德意味着顺应自然；善举一旦下定决心，便是完整的——成功与否并不重要，关键在于人的意志与宇宙精神的和谐。华兹华斯最著名的两首关于道德主题的诗歌表达了这种信念：《快乐战士的性格》和《责任颂》；两首诗都写于 1805 年，后者以塞涅卡的座右铭作为序言，以强调其受到斯多葛主义的启发。责任本身就是目的，这是一个斯多葛主义的概念。在《远足》中，斯多葛主义的其他方面再次出现：特别是在第四卷中，华兹华斯将智者描述为完全自由的（斯多葛派的“悖论”之一），并引用了塞缪尔·丹尼尔的八行诗，其中两行被认为是塞内加一段鲜为人知的段落的翻译。13在《远足》中，他越来越远离斯多葛主义，转向基督教。尽管如此，他仍然是少数伟大的现代斯多葛派诗人之一：没有人比华兹华斯更好地总结了斯多葛哲学，他将责任与物理自然的最深定律联系起来：14
In his attitude to moral obligations also, Wordsworth was a Stoic. They should be accepted as natural, not struggled against or questioned, their fulfilment not justified by external praise or endangered by external blame, but recognized as part of the universal process. Virtue, for the Stoic, means living according to nature; and a good action is complete once it has been willed—whether it succeeds or not is unimportant, the essential thing being the harmony of man’s will with the spirit of the universe. Two of Wordsworth’s most famous poems on moral subjects express this belief: Character of the Happy Warrior and the Ode to Duty; both were written in 1805, and the latter is prefaced by a motto from Seneca to stress its Stoical inspiration. Duty as an end in itself is a Stoical concept. ‘In The Excursion other aspects of Stoicism reappear: especially in book 4, where Wordsworth describes the wise man as perfectly free (one of the Stoic ‘paradoxes’) and, quoting eight lines from Samuel Daniel, identifies two of them as a translation from a little-known passage in Seneca.13 In The Excursion he is turning more and more away from Stoicism towards Christianity. Nevertheless, he is one of the few great modern Stoic poets: and none has summed up the Stoic philosophy better than Wordsworth in his identification of duty with the deepest laws of physical nature:14
你保护星宿免遭邪恶；
Thou dost preserve the stars from wrong;
通过你，最古老的天堂变得新鲜而强大。
And the most ancient heavens, through Thee, are fresh and strong.
但他最出色的诗篇不是斯多葛式的，而是柏拉图式的。这首颂歌《童年回忆中的不朽暗示》写于他人生的转折点，尽管它从根本上强调永生，但也暗示着对自己即将来临的精神死亡的哀叹。这首颂歌是一个伟大的问题，也是一个伟大的答案。它问为什么诗人自己不再感受到大自然、动物和孩子所经历的那种令人欣喜的美丽和快乐；它回答说，孩子们是从天堂来到这个世界的并仍然记得他们在那里的生活：天堂“在他们幼年时就在他们身边”。因此，孩子们和他们在大自然中的快乐证明了灵魂是不朽的。成年人只看到“平凡日子的光明”，除了永恒之外，对永恒一无所知。
But his finest poem is not Stoical: it is Platonic. This is the ode, Intimations of Immortality from Reminiscences of Early Childhood, written at a turning-point of his own life, and, despite its fundamental emphasis on eternal life, implying a lament for his own approaching spiritual death. The ode is a great question, and a great answer. It asks why the poet himself no longer feels the exulting beauty and joy experienced by nature, and animals, and children; and it replies that children enter the world from heaven and still remember how they lived there: heaven ‘lies about them in their infancy’. Children and their joy in nature are therefore a proof that the soul is immortal. The adult sees only ‘the light of common day’, and has no knowledge of eternity except the
执着的质疑
，关于感觉和外在事物……
那些最初的感情，
那些模糊的回忆
obstinate questionings
Of sense and outward things …
those first affections,
Those shadowy recollections
这是对天堂的永久记忆。这是柏拉图通过苏格拉底表达的学说，即在我们出生前天堂中完全了解的理念理论，并在适当的刺激下在世界上“回忆”。柏拉图强调其理智的一面：知识是对天堂知识的回忆。华兹华斯强调其情感和想象的一面：自然中的快乐是对天堂幸福的回忆。但学说是一样的，毫无疑问，正是那位伟大的柏拉图主义者塞缪尔·泰勒·柯勒律治把它传授给了他。15
which are a lasting remembrance of heaven. This is the doctrine which Plato expressed through Socrates, in the theory of Ideas known perfectly in heaven before our birth, and ‘recollected’ under proper stimulus in the world. Plato stresses its intellectual side: knowledge is recollection of heavenly knowledge. Wordsworth stresses its emotional and imaginative side: joy in nature is recollection of heavenly happiness. But the doctrine is the same, and no doubt it was that great Platonist, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who imparted it to him.15
从根本上说，华兹华斯对待情感的态度堪称经典。希腊人认为，控制情感是明智之举，这样才能避免激情的疯狂；而在艺术上，可以用克制的语言更完美地表达情感。在一首关于希腊传奇的不受欢迎的诗《劳达米亚》中，华兹华斯以崇高的语气表达了第一种信念：
And fundamentally, Wordsworth was a classic in his attitude to emotion. The Greeks believed that it was wise to control it, in order to avoid the madness of passion; and, in art, that it could be more perfectly expressed in restrained terms. In an otherwise unlikeable poem on a Greek legend, Laodamia, Wordsworth expresses the first belief with noble emphasis:
上帝认可的是
灵魂的深度，而非灵魂的骚动。
The Gods approve
The depth, and not the tumult, of the soul.
他本人也感受并实践了第二条规则：他的诗歌理想是“在平静中回忆情感”。16
And he himself both felt and practised the second rule: for his ideal of poetry was ‘emotion recollected in tranquillity’.16
如果有人称乔治·戈登·拜伦为古典主义者，拜伦勋爵会轻蔑地对待他；然而，他却死在希腊，为希腊而死。如果有人称他为浪漫主义者，他会更加轻蔑：他的第一首重要诗歌（《英国诗人和苏格兰评论家》）对斯科特等浪漫主义作家进行了猛烈的抨击，并赞扬了古典主义者教皇；然而，他的生活是浪漫的，他的死是一种奇怪的、不切实际的、本质上非希腊式的姿态。歌德用欧福里翁来象征他，欧福里翁是中世纪活力和古典美的产物，他的野心和感觉太强烈，让他无法活在这个世界上。17这个象征并非不公正：拜伦是一个坚强的年轻人，他爱强烈的感觉和激动人心的美。他最欣赏希腊罗马文化最直接、最生动的形式。
George Gordon Byron, Lord Byron, would have been contemptuous if anyone had called him a classicist; and yet he died in Greece, for Greece. He would have been even more scornful if he had been labelled a romantic: his first considerable poem (English Bards and Scotch Reviewers’) contained a savage attack on romantic writers like Scott and praise of the classicist Pope; and yet his life was romantic, and his death a strange, quixotic, essentially un-Greek gesture. Goethe symbolized him in Euphorion, the child of medieval energy and classical beauty, whose ambitions and senses were too intense to allow him to live on this earth.17 The symbol is not unjust: Byron was a strong young man who loved strong sensations and exciting beauties. He appreciated Greco-Roman culture best in its most immediate and most vital forms.
那么，如果说他憎恨书本上的古典文化，只欣赏其具体可见的遗迹，即意大利和希腊的土地、建筑和雕像、男人和美女，这样说对吗？他当然强烈抗议埃尔金勋爵将著名的帕台农神庙大理石雕塑移到大英博物馆，理由之一是这些雕塑放在原处看起来更美观、更自然。18
Would it be true, then, to say that he hated classical culture as seen through books, and enjoyed only its concrete visible relics, the Italian and Greek lands, their buildings and statues, their men and their beautiful women? Certainly he protested with alarming violence against Lord Elgin’s removal of the famous marbles from the Parthenon to the British Museum, one of his reasons being that they looked better and more natural where they were.18
但这种解释是错误的。他确实了解很多古典文学。他在地中海之旅中一次又一次地记住了这些文学，恰当而真诚地引用了它们，并为恰尔德·哈罗德游记添加了注释，将他目睹的场景与它们让他回忆起的伟大段落联系起来。19他认为，与蒲柏以及希腊罗马人相比，他那个时代的作家粗俗而愚蠢，就像贫民窟和哥特式城堡与帕台农神庙相比一样粗俗而愚蠢。20
But that explanation would be a false antithesis. He did know a great deal of classical literature. He remembered it again and again in his Mediterranean tour, quoted it aptly and sincerely, and added notes to Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage connecting the scenes he had witnessed with the great passages they had recalled to him.19 He thought the writers of his own time were as vulgar and silly, compared with Pope and the Greeks and Romans, as slums and Gothic castles compared with the Parthenon.20
然而，他的自传《朝圣》中有一段著名的文字，表明他对古典的态度是矛盾的：既喜欢又排斥。在意大利旅行时，他看到了白雪皑皑的索拉特山，这启发了贺拉斯写出一首著名而美丽的颂歌。21出乎意料的是，他抑制住了自己飞驰的想象力。他说：“其他人如果愿意，可以引用贺拉斯的话，但我不能：
Yet there is a famous passage in his autobiographical Pilgrimage which shows that there was a conflict within him about his attitude to the classics: a mingled attraction and repulsion. Travelling through Italy, he sees the snow-capped mountain Soracte, which inspired Horace with the beginning of a famous and beautiful ode.21 Unexpectedly, he checks the rein of his galloping imagination. He says: ‘Others may quote Horace if they like: but I could not:
我厌恶
太多，为了诗人的缘故，我
厌恶那灌输给我的枯燥课程，
在我可恶的青春岁月里，我一个字一个字地强迫自己记下，并乐于记录
那些让
我回忆起每天服用的药物所导致的恶心记忆；尽管时间教会了
我的头脑去思考当时学到的东西，
但是，
由于我早期思维的急躁，我的头脑还没有来得及品味它本来可以追求的东西，
新鲜感就消失了，现在我无法恢复它的健康——但它当时厌恶的东西，现在仍然厌恶。
22
I abhorred
Too much, to conquer for the Poet’s sake,
The drilled dull lesson, forced down word by word
In my repugnant youth, with pleasure to record
Aught that recalls the daily drug which turned
My sickening memory; and, though Time hath taught
My mind to meditate what it then learned,
Yet such the fixed inveteracy wrought
By the impatience of my early thought,
That, with the freshness wearing out before
My mind could relish what it might have sought,
If free to choose, I cannot now restore
Its health—but what it then detested, still abhor.’22
拜伦的性格中，这一点和其他方面一样，表明了我们自己所属的时代。他并不憎恨希腊人，拉丁文学，或者说希腊和拉丁理想。仅仅几行之后，他就为罗马唱起一首华丽的挽歌，哭喊着
In this, as in other aspects of his character, Byron announced the age to which we ourselves belong. He did not hate Greek and Latin literature, or Greek and Latin ideals. Only a few lines later, he breaks out into a splendid dirge over Rome, crying
可悲的是，地球，我们再也看不到
罗马独立时她眼中的光芒了！
Alas, for Earth, for never shall we see
That brightness in her eye she bore when Rome was free!
然而，不良的教学方式造成的心理障碍使拜伦无法充分吸收古典文化的影响并从中受益。自拜伦时代以来，成千上万的拜伦拒绝了希腊和拉丁文学，因为他们讨厌这些基本学科；因此，他们有时甚至拒绝了艺术和思想的必要学科。我们看到雨果以同样的方式反抗，不是反抗拉丁语，而是反抗那些可恶的拉丁语老师。23斯威本大学也受到了类似的影响。24拜伦讨厌为了接触诗歌而学习拉丁语法和词汇的苦差事；虽然他在笔记中赞扬了哈罗公学的老师，但他表示让小男孩背诵贺拉斯诗歌的制度是错误的。很明显，当时的校长们开始相信，对于学生来说，学习句法和韵律比理解和回应他们正在学习的诗歌更重要。动名词研磨时代开始了。25如果拜伦的老师在课前讲解了一些希腊拉丁文学的真正伟大之处，那么也许这些就不重要了。但显然他们没有这样做。他们只停留在“枯燥乏味的训练课”上。
Nevertheless, psychical blocks created by bad teaching kept Byron from taking the full influence of classical culture into himself, and profiting from it. Hundreds of thousands of Byrons, since his day, have rejected Greek and Latin literature because its preliminary discipline was made hateful to them; and therefore, they have sometimes rejected even the necessary disciplines of art and thought. We have seen Hugo rebelling in the same way, not against Latin, but against hateful teachers of Latin.23 Swinburne was similarly affected.24 Byron loathed the drudgery of learning Latin grammar and vocabulary in order to approach the poetry; and although, in his note, he pays a compliment to his master at Harrow, he says the system of making little boys learn Horace by heart was wrong. And it is evident that schoolmasters were then starting to believe that it was more important for their pupils to learn syntax and scansion than to grasp and respond to the poetry they were studying. The age of gerund-grinding had begun.25 Perhaps even that would not have mattered if, after the preliminaries, Byron’s teachers had explained something of the real greatness of Greco-Latin literature. But evidently they did not. They stopped at the ‘drilled dull lesson’.
结果如何？拜伦本人欣赏古典诗歌的形式、克制和智慧，以及英国巴洛克文学中再现的这些品质。然而，他自己写的诗却狂热而常常没有形式，这种诗因自己对无限的热爱而受到损害。显然，他从未被展示过古典文学的最伟大成就，他的老师让他认为大部分古典文学都像贺拉斯一样——冷静、理智、视野有限，而且相当中年。如果他读过雪莱那样多的优秀作品，他就会成为比现在更伟大的诗人，对自己的使命更加自豪，对自己正在帮助改变的传统有更真实的理解。
What was the result? Byron himself admired the formality, the restraint, and the intellectual power of classical poetry, and those qualities as reproduced in English baroque literature. Yet he himself wrote frenetic and often formless poetry, that suffers from its own love for the limitless. It is clear that he was never shown the greatest achievements of classical literature, that his teachers led him to think most of it was like Horace—cool, sane, limited in scope, and rather middle-aged. If he had read as much of the best as Shelley, he would have been a far greater poet than he was, with more pride in his mission and more real understanding of the tradition which he was helping to transform.
他对古典文学的态度奇怪而复杂，甚至有些尴尬。有人指出，他戏仿希腊神话时往往比认真写作时更开心；26然而每当一个传奇人物成为无论是明显的美丽（如美第奇家族的维纳斯）还是高尚的人性（如普罗米修斯），他都投入了整个灵魂去崇拜她。27他可以理解书本身的意义，但从未真正爱过它们。他爱这些书诞生的国家，爱那些仍然存在的理想——尤其是那些适合他性格的理想：政治自由、对感官美的欣赏、对小习俗的蔑视，当然还有贵族的傲慢——这些，以及那些体现这些理想的男人和女人。从某种角度来看，拜伦的职业生涯是对“我们可以通过读书了解希腊和罗马”这一假设的抗议。没有人能称他为反古典主义者，他曾横渡赫勒斯滂海峡与利安德竞争，他以萨福的名义写了一首关于希腊岛屿的颂歌来唤起自由，他把自己想象成被拴在岩石上、被秃鹫追赶的普罗米修斯，他一次又一次地在燃烧的诗歌中，最终以自己的自我牺牲，重申希腊的理想是活的，比我们自己的物质存在更高尚，值得为之献出生命。
And he had a strangely mixed, almost embarrassed attitude to classical literature. It has been pointed out that he was often happier when parodying Greek mythology than when writing seriously about it;26 and yet whenever a figure of legend became palpably beautiful (like the Medici Venus) or nobly human (like Prometheus) he threw his whole soul into admiration.27 He could comprehend books as books, but never love them fully. The countries where the books were written, and the ideals which still survived there—especially those that suited his own character: political liberty, admiration of sensuous beauty, scorn of minor conventions, yes, and aristocratic hauteur—these, with the men and women who embodied them, he loved. From one point of view Byron’s career was a protest against the assumption that we can learn about Greece and Rome by reading books. No one could call the man anti-classical who swam the Hellespont to rival Leander, who wrote an ode on the isles of Greece to evoke liberty in the name of Sappho, who imaged himself as Prometheus chained to the rock and vulture-haunted, and who, again and again, in burning poems and at last in his own self-sacrifice, repeated that the ideals of Greece were alive, were nobler than those of our own materialistic existence, and were worth dying for.
约翰·济慈是革命时期的莎士比亚：他受过良好但不完整的教育，出身卑微，早年贫困，决心写诗，产量巨大，具有内在的独创性，并且他的头脑能够丰富地发展来自古典文学和传说的主题。恩迪米翁的旺盛感性与维纳斯和阿多尼斯非常相似；而海伯里昂的宏伟预示着与安东尼和克莉奥佩特拉相当的东西。两位诗人的受教育程度并没有太大不同，尽管济慈更像一个书呆子。像莎士比亚一样，他在学校学了拉丁语，但没有学过希腊语，并且，像莎士比亚一样，他后来从希腊语翻译中受益匪浅。然而，济慈懂更多的拉丁语，十四岁时就将整部《埃涅阿斯纪》翻译成了英文散文：这是一个有趣的举动，表明他既意识到了古典诗歌对自己的价值，也不喜欢现有的翻译，还不确定自己的风格。但真正打动他的是希腊诗歌，尽管他“孤身一人，无知无知”，28他读不懂这种语言。他的朋友考登·克拉克（Cowden Clarke）是恩菲尔德学校校长的儿子，他让济慈使用图书馆的译本：在克拉克的书房里呆了一夜后，济慈写下了他的第一首伟大诗歌《初读查普曼的荷马史诗》。（他已经读过蒲柏的版本，但对他没有留下什么印象。）起初，他几乎不在乎读不懂原作，因为他正在从最优秀的英国诗歌以及他能通过翻译获得的故事和意象中建立自己的风格，就像莎士比亚一样。他在一本名为《从乔叟到考珀的英国诗人作品集》的诗集中找到了赫西奥德、阿波罗尼乌斯·罗迪乌斯和其他鲜为人知的诗人的译文：其中收录了阿兰·沙提尔的一首 15 世纪诗歌《无情的美人》。29济慈甚至使用古典词典：伦皮埃尔、图克和斯宾塞的作品——尽管他们的散文风格优雅，但把神话描述得十分生动——是他在学校最后一年最喜欢阅读的书籍。和莎士比亚一样，他从研究过原著并在他欣赏的作品中使用希腊语和拉丁语材料的作者那里间接学到了很多古典神话。例如，拉米亚的传说，他从伯顿那里借鉴了；但伯顿是从菲洛斯特拉图斯的《提亚那的行神迹的苦行僧阿波罗尼乌斯》中借鉴的。济慈最喜欢的英国作家是斯宾塞，而斯宾塞对古典文学有着深入的了解。
John Keats was the Shakespeare of the revolutionary period: in his stimulating but incomplete education, in his undistinguished descent and early poverty, in his determination to write poetry, in his tremendous productivity, in his essential originality, and in the rich fertility with which his mind developed themes taken from classical literature and legend. The exuberant sensuousness of Endymion is closely akin to that of Venus and Adonis; and the grandeur of Hyperion foreshadows something which would have equalled Antony and Cleopatra. The schooling of the two poets was not very different, although Keats was much more of a bookman. Like Shakespeare, he learnt Latin but no Greek at school, and, like Shakespeare, he got a great deal from translations of Greek later. Keats, however, knew more Latin, and by the age of fourteen had made his own translation of the whole Aeneid into English prose: an interesting act, which shows both that he realized the value of classical poetry for himself, that he disliked the existing translations, and that he was not yet sure of his own style. But it was Greek poetry that really moved him, although, ‘standing aloof in giant ignorance’,28 he could not read the language. His friend Cowden Clarke, son of the headmaster of his school at Enfield, gave him the run of his library with the translations it contained: it was after a night spent in Clarke’s study that Keats wrote his first great poem, On first looking into Chapman’s Homer. (He had already read Pope’s version, which made no impression on him.) At first it scarcely mattered that he could not read the originals: for he was building his own style out of the best of English poetry, and the stories and imagery he could get, as Shakespeare got them, through translations. He found renderings of Hesiod, Apollonius Rhodius, and other little-known poets in a collection called The Works of the English Poets from Chaucer to Cowper: which contained a fifteenth-century poem by Alain Chartier called La Belle Dame sans mercie.29 Keats even used classical dictionaries: Lempriere, Tooke, and Spence—who in spite of their refined prose style give the myths quite vividly—were among his favourite reading in his last year at school. Like Shakespeare, he learnt much classical mythology at second hand, from authors who had studied the originals and used Greek and Latin material in work he admired. The legend of Lamia, for instance, he took from Burton; but Burton took it from Philostratus’ life of the miracle-working fakir Apollonius of Tyana. Keats’s favourite English author was Spenser, and Spenser was deeply read in the classics.
希腊雕塑使希腊的诸神、女神、仙女和泰坦以及男人和女人在他眼中更加真实。起初，他研究了斯宾塞珍贵的波吕墨提斯的复制品。然后，就像查普曼的荷马史诗一样，埃尔金大理石雕塑向他打开了一个新世界。1817 年，画家海顿带他去看这些雕塑，他给海顿寄了两首十四行诗，承认它们本身的不连贯性，但表达了与他发现荷马史诗一样的强烈狂喜。30 “他一次又一次地去看埃尔金大理石雕，每次都会坐在它们旁边一坐就是一个多小时，沉浸在沉思之中。有一次，塞文碰见了这位年轻的诗人，他的眼睛闪闪发光，脸上洋溢着梦幻般的狂喜，于是他悄悄地溜走了。”31
The gods, the goddesses, the nymphs and Titans, and the men and women of Greece were made more real to him by Greek sculpture. At first he studied reproductions, in Spence’s valuable Polymetis. And then, as by Chapman’s Homer, a new world was thrown open to him by the Elgin Marbles. He was taken to see them in 1817 by the painter Haydon, to whom he sent two sonnets which acknowledge their own incoherence but express the same overpowering ecstasy as his poem on the discovery of Homer.30 ‘He went again and again to see the Elgin Marbles, and would sit for an hour or more at a time beside them rapt in revery. On one such occasion Severn came upon the young poet, with eyes shining so brightly and face so lit up by some visionary rapture, that he stole quietly away.’31
这种狂喜不是模仿的结果，而是创造的结果。《恩迪米翁》中优美的人物和《海伯利安》中神灵的泰坦尼克号威严都受到了埃尔金大理石雕像的启发；然而，不可能说济慈描述了任何一个人物或群体。相反，是帕台农神庙雕塑的宏伟和宁静安详使他炽热的想象力平静下来，使他的诗歌有了更大的空间。从此以后，宏伟的雕像场景在他的长诗中不时出现，作为令人眼花缭乱的图像和色彩流中的休息点。同样，他的《希腊瓮颂》虽然精美地唤起了希腊花瓶的优雅和生动的真实，但并不是对任何特定花瓶的描述。它融合了至少两种动机——平静的宗教仪式，以及与“男人或神”一起追求厌恶的少女的狂喜舞蹈。这是他自己生活中的两个核心元素，他对安宁的追求和他强烈的激情。对于济慈想象的单个瓮，人们提出了许多不同的来源；32但他所创造的却是他自己的凡人天才与希腊不朽的独特融合。
This rapture was the work, not of imitation, but of creation. The graceful figures in Endymion and the Titanic majesty of the divinities in Hyperion were inspired by the Elgin Marbles; yet it is impossible to say that Keats described any one figure or group. Rather it was the grandeur and the repose of the Parthenon sculptures which tranquillized his burning imagination and gave his poetry a larger scope. Henceforward magnificent statuesque scenes occur at intervals in his longer poems, to serve as points of rest in the bewildering flow of imagery and colour. Similarly, his Ode on a Grecian Urn, although it exquisitely evokes the delicate grace and the vivid reality of Greek vases, is not a description of any particular vase. It blends motives from at least two—a calm religious rite, and an ecstatic dance with ‘men or gods’ in pursuit of maidens loath. These are the two central elements in his own life, his quest for tranquillity and his consuming passion. Many different sources have been suggested for the single urn which Keats imagined;32 but what he created was a unique fusion of his own mortal genius with the immortality of Greece.
尽管济慈拥有无与伦比的想象力，但他古典知识的缺失损害了他的诗歌。他对哲学知之甚少：因此，在他的长诗中，华丽的描述有时似乎不是清晰原创思维的想象力绽放，而是掩盖平庸的装饰。就像年轻时的莎士比亚一样，他缺乏悲剧意识。他没有掌握支配希腊诗歌的大型结构原则。雪莱更了解古典文学的结构，正是由于这种理解，他才能更好地创作自己的诗歌；而济慈的每一位读者都遗憾地发现，一旦他超越了《罗勒花盆》这样的简单故事或简短的抒情诗，他就会变得散漫、模糊，有时甚至令人费解。对《恩迪米翁》最严厉的评判是，它的结构缺乏清晰度，这种清晰度甚至可以照亮最复杂、最富有想象力的希腊诗歌。
In spite of his incomparable imagination, the gaps in Keats’s classical knowledge injured his poetry. He knew little of philosophy: and so, in his longer poems, the gorgeous descriptions sometimes seem to be, not the imaginative efflorescence of clear original thinking, but decorations concealing the commonplace. Like Shakespeare in his youth, he lacked the sense of tragedy. And he did not grasp the large structural principles governing Greek poetry. Shelley, who understood more about the architecture of classical literature, built his own poems far better because of that understanding; and every reader of Keats regrets that, as soon as he goes beyond a simple story like The Pot of Basil, or a brief lyric, he becomes diffuse, vague, and sometimes incomprehensible. The severest judgement that could fairly be levelled against Endymion is that its structure lacks the clarity which illuminates even the most complex and imaginative Greek poems.
济慈本人曾告诉我们，希腊诗歌和艺术对于济慈意味着什么：它们意味着美。它们意味着身体美的最高表现，体现在女人身上，体现在海洋、天空、山脉和森林中，体现在鲜花盛开的大地和蜿蜒曲折的洞穴中，体现在高贵的雕像和不朽的绘画中；它们还意味着友谊、爱情和善良情感的精神美，体现在想象中，尤其是诗歌中。济慈认为，美的这两个方面是密不可分的。身体美是精神美的表现。爱情、富有想象力的热情、诗歌是对身体美的回应。然而身体美是有限和短暂的。精神美是永恒的。除非它们像身体和精神一样紧密相连，否则一个或两个都是没有意义的。一个瞬间，无论充满什么样的激情，除非被精神永恒化，否则只是一个破裂的泡沫。济慈从希腊人那里学到了这一点。
What Greek poetry and art meant to Keats he himself has told us: they meant beauty. They meant the highest manifestations of physical beauty, in women, in sea and sky and mountain and forest, in flower-laden earth and winding grottoes, in noble statues and immortal paintings; and they meant the spiritual beauty of friendship, love, and the kind emotions, of imagination, and above all, of poetry. These two aspects of beauty were, for Keats, indissolubly connected. Physical beauty was the expression of spiritual beauty. Love, imaginative ardour, poetry, were the response to physical beauty. And yet physical beauty is limited and temporary. Spiritual beauty is eternal. Unless they are linked together like body and spirit, one and perhaps both are meaningless. A moment, whatever passion fills it, is only a bursting bubble unless it is eternalized by the spirit. Keats had learnt that from the Greeks.
肉体美只是精神美的象征，是通往精神美的途径。就像恩迪米翁一样，它总是在寻找，总是处于死亡的危险之中，直到被永生者的吻改变。就像希腊瓮上的恋人一样，除非通过艺术和想象力使它永恒，否则它是短暂而不可忘怀的。世界上所有的东西都会消亡；只有它们的美才能永垂不朽。济慈说美就是真理，真理是永恒的现实。
Physical beauty exists only as a symbol of spiritual beauty, and as a way to it. Like Endymion, it is always searching and always in danger of death until it is transfigured by the kiss of an immortal. Like the lovers on the Grecian urn, it is transient and immemorable unless it is made permanent by art and imagination. All things in this world die; only their beauty can become immortal. Keats says beauty is truth, and truth is an eternal reality.
如果说济慈是十九世纪文艺复兴时期的莎士比亚，那么弥尔顿就是雪莱。雪莱不是华兹华斯，尽管他非常钦佩弥尔顿的爱国主义和道德高尚；而是雪莱，这位诗人有着宏大的宇宙观，描绘了邪恶灵魂与善良灵魂之间永恒冲突的场景；雪莱是一位像弥尔顿一样不断阅读经典作品的学者，直到其中的短语、形象、思想、人物、场景和整个概念都成为他自己思想的一部分；雪莱是一位像弥尔顿一样透彻掌握古典形式原则的批评家，这些原则并没有抑制他丰富的想象力，而是引导了他。在许多方面，这两位诗人彼此之间可能完全没有共鸣，但在许多其他方面，他们却非常相似。《力士参孙》和《失乐园》的作者会钦佩《解放了的普罗米修斯》；雪莱与《利西达斯》的作者一起为已故的济慈写了一首希腊田园哀歌。
If Keats was the Shakespeare of this nineteenth-century Renaissance, its Milton was Shelley. Not Wordsworth, greatly though he admired Milton’s patriotism and moral nobility; but Shelley, the poet of grand cosmological visions, of conflicts between eternal spirits of evil and spirits of good; the scholar who like Milton read and re-read the classics until phrases, images, ideas, characters, scenes, entire conceptions from them became part of his own thought; the critic who, like Milton, had a thorough grasp of the principles of classical form, which served not to repress but to guide his luxuriant imagination. In many things the two poets would have been profoundly unsympathetic to each other, but in many others they were closely akin. The author of Samson Agonistes and Paradise Lost would have admired Prometheus Unbound; and Shelley joined the author of Lycidas when he wrote a Greek pastoral lament for the dead Keats.
雪莱受过良好的古典教育，在那个动荡的时代形成了独特的个性。他是个了不起的读者。他的朋友霍格说，在牛津大学时，他经常一天读十六个小时的书。他吃饭时也读书——不是吃饭时，而是食物变冷时。他边走边读书。只要蜡烛还亮着，他就躺在床上读书，有时甚至一整夜。不仅如此，他还一遍又一遍地阅读最好的书。霍格评论说：“计算他多久读一次荷马全书，这将是一个奇怪的问题。”他把自己最喜欢的作品大声朗读给朋友听，有时边读边翻译。他去世时才三十岁，但他对希腊文学的阅读比许多专业学者要广泛和深入得多。
Shelley was the result of an excellent classical education, acting on a unique personality in a stirring age. He was a tremendous reader. His friend Hogg says that at Oxford he often read sixteen hours a day. He read at meals—not while he ate, but while the food grew cold. He read walking about the streets and fields. He read in bed as long as the candle lasted, and sometimes all night. Not only that: he read the best books again and again. ‘It would be a curious problem’, Hogg remarks, ‘to calculate how often he read the whole’ of Homer. And he read his favourites aloud to his friends, sometimes translating as he went. He was only thirty when he died, but he had read much more widely and intensively in Greek literature than many professional scholars.
他在七八岁时开始接受家教学习拉丁语，在伊顿公学获得了令人钦佩的教育，远比哈罗公学给叛逆的拜伦的教育要好。他可能在男孩中不快乐，但老师们把他训练得很好。我们听说他写出了优秀的拉丁文诗句，在 1896 年背诵了西塞罗反对喀提林的演讲之一。演讲日，他尝试翻译维吉尔的诗歌，33他当然记得奥维德的《变形记》，并借用了迷人的伊安西 (Ianthe) 这个名字来称呼玛布女王和他的女婴。34牛津似乎让他从拉丁文学到希腊文，虽然不是很彻底——他只读过柏拉图的译文——但肯定鼓励他继续读原著。他短暂的余生都在完成这项教育。
After starting Latin with a tutor at seven or eight, he got an admirable schooling at Eton, far better than Harrow could give the rebellious Byron. He may have been unhappy among the boys, but the masters trained him well. We hear that he wrote good Latin verses, recited one of Cicero’s speeches against Catiline on speech-day, tried his prentice hand on poetic translations of Vergil,33 and certainly remembered enough of Ovid’s Metamorphoses to borrow the charming name Ianthe for Queen Mab and for his baby daughter.34 Oxford seems to have carried him on from Latin to Greek, not very thoroughly—he read Plato in translation only—but certainly in such a way as to encourage him to go on to the originals. The rest of his short life he spent on completing this education.
雪莱所爱之物，都在他的诗中流露出来：虽然并非总是直接流露出来，但总是清晰可见。很容易看出他最爱的古典作家是谁。三十五
Whatever Shelley loved came out in his poetry: although not always directly, yet always clearly. It is easy to determine the classical authors whom he loved best.35
首先是荷马，他年复一年地读他的诗。1818 年，他将七首“荷马”赞美诗翻译成英文诗。
First, Homer, whom he read through year after year. In 1818 he translated seven of the ‘Homeric’ hymns into English verse.
接下来是希腊悲剧作家。他最喜欢埃斯库罗斯，现在终于回到了文学界应有的地位。早在 1809 年，雪莱就引用过他的话；36他于 1816 年将《被缚的普罗米修斯》翻译给拜伦，1820-1 年翻译给梅德温。埃斯库罗斯实际上是一位伟大的诗人，他的羽翼扇动得太强劲，飞得太高，只有勇敢的人才能追随。雪莱钦佩他的口才——他合唱团复杂的节奏、他长篇华丽的描述、他用新词表达几乎无法表达的事物的技巧和勇气；他的悲剧所承载的深刻而复杂的精神意义；以及创造这些宏大情节和超人人物的伟大想象力。雪莱自己的《希腊》是“对埃斯库罗斯的《波斯人》的一种模仿；37而他为埃斯库罗斯的《被缚的普罗米修斯》创作的续集《解放了的普罗米修斯》即使没有在思想深度上超越了这位希腊诗人，但在高尚性上却确实超越了这位希腊诗人。
Next, the Greek tragedians. Aeschylus, whom he preferred far above the others, now at last returned to his rightful place in literature. As early as 1809 Shelley was quoting him;36 he translated Prometheus Bound to Byron in 1816 and to Medwin in 1820–1. Aeschylus is in fact an overpoweringly great poet, whose wings beat too strongly and soar too high for any but a bold spirit to follow. Shelley admired his eloquence—the complex rhythms of his choruses, his long bravura descriptions, the skill and daring with which he forms new words to express the almost inexpressible; the profound and complex spiritual meanings carried by his tragedies; and the grand imagination which produced those vast plots and superhuman characters. Shelley’s own Hellas was ‘a sort of imitation of The Persians’ of Aeschylus;37 while in Prometheus Unbound he wrote for Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound a sequel which actually surpassed the Greek poet in nobility, if not in depth of thought.
当他被淹死或被谋杀时，他正在读索福克勒斯的作品。38他更喜欢《俄狄浦斯剧》，他在《琴茜》的序言中特别提到了，还有《安提戈涅》，剧中的女主角与贝阿特丽斯很像。
When he was drowned, or murdered, he was reading Sophocles.38 He preferred the Oedipus dramas, which he specifically mentions in his preface to The Cenci, and Antigone, whose heroine resembles Beatrice.
对于欧里庇得斯，他肯定觉得他是愤世嫉俗和消极的，所以他不太在意；但他翻译了欧里庇得斯的《独眼巨人》，这是现存唯一完整的萨提尔戏剧。
For Euripides, whom he must have felt to be cynical and negative, he cared less; but he translated Euripides’ Cyclops, the only complete satyr-play in existence.
在散文方面，他最喜欢的作家是柏拉图，柏拉图也希望他成为他的学生。雪莱于 1818 年翻译了《会饮篇》，后来又翻译了《伊翁》、《梅尼克塞努斯》 、 《理想国》的部分内容以及柏拉图的两首情诗。英语中还有其他柏拉图主义者文学；弥尔顿本人就是其中之一；39但雪莱是最能理解的。两篇长篇散文直接受到他对柏拉图学研究的启发：《会饮篇》中的《古人爱情观论述》和《理想国》中柏拉图对诗歌的攻击后的《为诗辩护》。在后一篇中，他说柏拉图“本质上是个诗人”，因为他的想象力和语言的精彩；他只是忽略了柏拉图也是一位剧作家的事实。源自柏拉图的哲学思想影响了他的整个思想。像华兹华斯一样，他对灵魂不朽可以通过孩子对他在天堂的胎儿生活的回忆来证明的美妙思想印象深刻。（雪莱从其发明者戈德温那里借用了“产前”一词。） 《会饮篇》中的学说，即性爱可以成为通向永恒美与善感知的道路，在他的生活中和诗歌中都出现了。《Epipsychidion》是一部柏拉图主题的狂想曲。
In prose his favourite author was Plato, who would have liked him as a pupil. Shelley translated The Symposium in 1818, and later Ion, Menexenus, parts of The Republic, and two of Plato’s love-poems. There have been other Platonists in English literature; Milton himself was one;39 but Shelley was the most understanding. Two long prose essays were directly inspired by his Platonic studies: A Discourse of the Manners of the Ancients relative to the Subject of Love by The Symposium, and A Defence of Poetry by Plato’s attack on poetry in The Republic. In the latter, he says that Plato was ‘essentially a poet’ because of the splendour of his imagery and the brilliance of his language; he overlooked only the fact that Plato was also a dramatist. Philosophical ideas derived from Plato coloured all his thought. Like Wordsworth, he was impressed by the fine idea that the immortality of the soul can be proved by the child’s recollections of his antenatal life in heaven. (Shelley took the word ante-natal from its inventor Godwin.) And the doctrine of The Symposium that sexual love can be made a path towards the perception of eternal beauty and goodness appeared both in his life and in his poetry. Epipsychidion is a rhapsody on Platonic themes.
他认识忒奥克里托斯和其他田园诗人，并翻译了部分作品。在有文字记载的历史开始之前，亚洲的希腊人每年都会举行一场仪式来悼念逝去的夏天；他们为它唱歌，把它拟人化为一位心爱的年轻人，却在力量和美貌的巅峰时期被扼杀。有时，这位年轻人被称为阿多尼斯：传说讲述了维纳斯对他的爱和他的英年早逝。40他们为他唱的挽歌后来被田园诗人所采用，他们写到牧羊人和仙女为英年早逝的青年哀悼。一位朋友为田园诗人比昂写了一首这样的挽歌；许多其他诗人也阐述了同样的模式，其中最雄辩的莫过于弥尔顿在《利西达斯》中的表达。现在，当济慈在春天去世时，雪莱用这种美丽的古老形式为他创作了一首挽歌，把阿多尼斯的名字改成了更悦耳的阿多尼斯。同样的两千年历史的主题在雪莱的挽歌中再次出现，但它们被改变了，以便对济慈来说变得真实。41雪莱没有称他为真正的牧羊人，而是说
Theocritus and the other bucolic poets he knew and in part translated. Before written history began, the Greeks in Asia celebrated an annual rite dedicated to mourning the dead summer; they sang songs for it, and personified it as a beloved youth cut off in the flower of his strength and beauty. Sometimes the youth was called Adonis: the legend told of Venus’ love for him and of his untimely death.40 The dirge they sang for him was later taken up by the pastoral poets, who wrote of shepherds and nymphs mourning for a fair youth who died too soon. For the pastoralist Bion, a friend wrote such a lament; and many other poets elaborated the same pattern, none more eloquently than Milton in Lycidas. And now, when Keats was cut off in his springtime, Shelley took the beautiful old form to make a threnody for him, changing the name of Adonis to the more melodious Adonais. The same twothousand-year-old themes reappear in Shelley’s dirge, and yet they are changed so as to become real for Keats.41 Instead of calling him an actual shepherd with Arcadian sheep, Shelley speaks of
快速的梦想......
他们是他的羊群，在他年轻的心灵的活溪流旁
喂养他们。四十二
the quick Dreams …
Who were his flocks, whom near the living streams
Of his young spirit he fed.42
阿多尼斯在山中被一头野猪咬伤致死，他的哀悼者们悲伤地责备他的大胆行为。因此雪莱问道：
Adonis was wounded to death by a wild boar in the mountains, and his mourners sadly reproached him for his daring. So Shelley asks:
你为何过早地离开人类踏足的道路
，为何用软弱的双手却有强大的内心，
敢于攻击洞穴中未放牧的恶龙？
Why didst thou leave the trodden paths of men
Too soon, and with weak hands though mighty heart
Dare the unpastured dragon in his den?
济慈所面对的恶龙和他（像比昂一样）喝下的毒药是评论家和他们蓄意致命的恶意。43
The dragon that Keats faced, and the poison which (like Bion) he drank, were the reviewers and their deliberately deadly malice.43
随后，有一段时间，喜剧诗人阿里斯托芬的绚丽想象力让雪莱着迷。44他最大的失败之作是《俄狄浦斯王》或《大脚暴君》，这是一部基于卡罗琳王后丑闻的阿里斯托芬式闹剧。合唱团是一群猪从他窗前经过时发出的滑稽声音启发他创作的，是一群“猪群”，与阿里斯托芬的青蛙、黄蜂和鸟群合唱团相似；但讽刺意图太过刻薄和粗俗，无法与阿里斯托芬的作品相提并论，而阿提卡喜剧的形式也无法复兴。
Then, for a time, the brilliant imagination of the comic poet Aristophanes fascinated Shelley.44 His greatest failure, Oedipus Tyrannus or Swellfoot the Tyrant, was an attempt at an Aristophanic farce-comedy based on the scandalous affair of Queen Caroline. The chorus, suggested to him by the comical noises of a herd of pigs that passed his window, is a ‘swinish multitude’, parallel to Aristophanes’ choruses of frogs, wasps, and birds; but the satiric intention is too ungenerous and crude to make the play comparable with Aristophanes, and the form of Attic comedy was impossible to resuscitate.
雪莱最喜欢的拉丁诗人是年轻的斯多葛派卢坎。45在阅读了《内战》的前四本书后，他写信给霍格说，这是一首“天才之作，超越了维吉尔”。46后来，在《为诗辩护》中，他说卢坎是一只“假鸟”，而不是真正的诗人。尽管如此，他还是钦佩卢坎热情洋溢的修辞、对暴君的憎恨、斯多葛主义的一些方面（例如，人类灵魂起源于神圣之火的思想47 )，以及他描绘恐怖场景和生物的深厚诗意。这些描绘中最著名的是卢坎对非洲沙漠中袭击卡托军团的蛇的描述，这些蛇造成了不只一种而是多种不同的死亡。48它们的受害者或萎缩或燃烧起来，或膨胀而失去人形，或融化成液体……这些蛇给许多诗人留下了深刻印象：但丁将这一场景带入了《地狱篇》，24 弥尔顿则将这一场景带入了他自己的地狱。49雪莱在《伊斯兰的反抗》和《解放了的普罗米修斯》中，经常用可怕的名字来提及怪物。50《解放了的普罗米修斯》中可怕的狄摩西像显然也源自卢坎；51卢坎本人也出现在《阿多尼斯》中，悼念济慈，因为他是另一位未能实现名望的继承者。52
Shelley’s favourite Latin poet was the young Stoic Lucan.45 After reading the first four books of the Civil War, he wrote to Hogg that it was a ‘poem of wonderful genius, and transcending Virgil’.46 Later, in A Defence of Poetry, he said Lucan was a ‘mock-bird’ rather than a real poet. For all that, he admired Lucan’s perfervid rhetoric, his hatred of tyrants, some aspects of his Stoicism (for instance, the idea that the soul of man originates from the divine fire47), and his deeply poetic power of imagining macabre scenes and beings. One of the most famous of these evocations is Lucan’s description of the snakes that attacked Cato’s legions in the African desert, inflicting not one but many different kinds of death.48 Their victims shrivelled away or burst into flames, swelled up out of human semblance, or melted into liquid matter… . These snakes have impressed many poets: Dante brought the scene into Inferno, 24, Milton into his own hell.49 Shelley often mentions the monsters with their monstrous names in The Revolt of Islam and Prometheus Unbound.50 The awful figure of Demogorgon in Prometheus Unbound apparently originated from Lucan also;51 and Lucan himself appears in Adonais, to mourn Keats as another inheritor of unfulfilled renown.52
他的朋友梅德温说，雪莱的无神论思想始于学校，当时他读了普林尼在《自然史》中论述诸神的章节，以及卢克莱修的诗歌，而作为伊壁鸠鲁学派的代表，卢克莱修认为诸神与世界无关。53麦布女王的铭文 出自卢克莱修：除此之外，雪莱身上几乎没有他的影响的痕迹。
His friend Medwin said that Shelley’s atheism began at school, when he read Pliny’s chapters on the gods, in the Natural History, and the poem of Lucretius, who as an Epicurean believed the gods had nothing to do with the world.53 The epigraph of Queen Mab is from Lucretius: otherwise there is little trace of his influence in Shelley.
维吉尔对战争的必然性抱有悲观态度，并赞美帝国，因此对雪莱来说，除了作为自然诗人之外，他没有什么意义。但至少他们两人的灵魂曾经相遇过。在他最著名的短诗中，维吉尔在残酷的内战结束时写下了这首诗，他预言一个神奇婴儿的诞生将带来一个和平的新时代，一个符合自然的生活时代。54千年历史模式从黄金时代重新开始，将再次展开：阿尔戈英雄将再次启航，第二次特洛伊战争将爆发。但他没有追求永久重复的想法，而是徘徊在永久和平、不劳而获的地球和无桨的海洋的主题上。55雪莱在《希腊》的最后合唱中重复了这一理想：
Vergil, with his pessimistic belief in the inevitability of war and his praise of empire, could mean little to Shelley except as a nature poet. But once at least their two spirits met. In the most famous of his smaller poems, written at the end of the atrocious civil wars, Vergil prophesied that the birth of a miraculous baby would bring in a new era of peace and of life according to nature.54 The thousand-year pattern of history, starting again in the Golden Age, would unroll itself once more: the Argonauts would sail again and there would be a second Trojan war. But he did not pursue the idea of perpetual repetition, and lingered rather on the theme of perpetual peace, unlaborious earth, and oarless sea.55 This ideal was repeated by Shelley in the last chorus of Hellas:
世界伟大时代重新开始，
黄金岁月重现，
大地像蛇一样更新
她冬天褪去的杂草。
The world’s great age begins anew,
The golden years return,
The earth doth like a snake renew
Her winter weeds outworn.
但是，他本着维吉尔的精神，纠正了主人的矛盾，大喊道：
But, in the spirit of Vergil, he corrected his master’s inconsistency, crying:
哦，不要再写特洛伊的故事了，
如果大地上必须有死亡之卷！……
哦，停止吧！仇恨和死亡必须重现吗？
停止吧！人类必须杀戮和死亡吗？
Oh, write no more the tale of Troy,
If earth Death’s scroll must be! ...
Oh, cease! must hate and death return?
Cease! must men kill and die?
雪莱的想象力虽然非常丰富，但是如果他没有研究过希腊罗马的雕塑和建筑，如果他没有在罗马生活过，他就不可能创作出他成熟诗篇中那些壮丽的风景和雄伟的人物。56他在《解放了的普罗米修斯》的前言中说，这部作品的大部分内容是在罗马的废墟中写成的。两代人之前，吉本也曾在同样的废墟中想象过《罗马帝国衰亡史》。然而，那是一本充满清醒的顺从和秋日悔恨的书。雪莱的戏剧是在“那最神圣的气候中充满活力的苏醒的春天，以及它使人精神陶醉的新生命”的灵感下创作的。这种对比集中体现了两个时代的差异。吉本坐在废墟中回首过去。雪莱在废墟中找到了未来的灵感；他的诗歌是从永恒重生的不朽昨日的壮丽碎片中重生的美。
Vivid as Shelley’s imagination was, he could never have created the superb scenery and majestic figures of his mature poems unless he had studied Greco-Roman sculpture and architecture, and unless he had lived in Rome.56 In his preface to Prometheus Unbound he says it was largely written among the ruins of Rome. Two generations earlier Gibbon had imagined The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire while sitting among those same ruins. Yet that was a book of clear-sighted resignation and autumnal regret. Shelley’s drama was composed under the inspiration of ‘the vigorous awakening spring in that divinest climate, and the new life with which it drenches the spirits even to intoxication”. The contrast epitomizes the difference between the two eras. Gibbon sits among the ruins and looks backward towards the past. Shelley finds in the ruins an inspiration for the future; his poetry is a rebirth of beauty from the magnificent fragments of that immortal yesterday which is eternally reborn.
对于雪莱来说，希腊精神最重要的礼物就是自由。希腊人实行真正的宗教自由。虽然苏格拉底因异端罪名被处死，但那是一个政治和精神极度紧张的时代；雅典受到宗教迫害的影响远小于所有现代国家：雪莱钦佩伟大的宗教诗人埃斯库罗斯的主要原因之一是他写了一部悲剧，其中的英雄反抗暴君上帝。政治自由是雅典民主的口号，也是希腊文明最伟大的成就之一。正如联合起来的希腊国家抵抗了古代波斯人的奴役一样，雪莱希望他们能够摆脱现代土耳其人的专制——并且现代世界所有类似的专制都将永远被粉碎。性自由也超越了古代波斯人设定的限制。
For Shelley, the most important gift of the Greek spirit was freedom. The Greeks practised genuine freedom of religion. Although Socrates was executed on a charge including heresy, that was at a time of extreme political and spiritual strain; and Athens was far less affected by religious persecutions than all modern states have been: one of the chief reasons for Shelley’s admiration of that great religious poet, Aeschylus, was that he wrote a tragedy whose hero defies the tyrant, God. Political freedom was the watchword of Athenian democracy, and another of the greatest achievements of Greek civilization. As the combined Greek states had resisted enslavement by the ancient Persians, so Shelley hoped they would cast off the despotism of the modern Turks—and that all similar despotisms throughout the modern world would be shattered for ever. Sexual freedom also, beyond the limits set by
那个伟大的教派，
其教义是，每个人都应该
从人群中选择一个情妇或朋友，57
that great sect,
Whose doctrine is, that each one should select
Out of the crowd a mistress or a friend,57
柏拉图对话中的一些演讲者都承认了这一点，雪莱也实践了这一点，尽管结果令人沮丧。最后，所有这些自由都是希腊人的核心原则——思想自由的表达：它基于这样的信念：人的天性本身就能够做到最好。雪莱和希腊人一样，对自然说“是”，甚至对人性也说“是”。
was assumed by some of the speakers in Plato’s dialogues and practised by Shelley, in spite of its melancholy results. Finally, all these freedoms were expressions of that central Greek principle, the freedom of thought: which is based on the belief that man’s nature is, in itself, capable of the best. Shelley was like the Greeks in saying Yes to nature: even to human nature.
然而，希腊人对他来说不仅仅是要模仿的榜样或要效仿的对手。因此，他几乎从未模仿荷马，但年复一年地阅读他的著作。荷马和其他伟大的古典作家对他的影响太大，以至于无法在他的任何一部作品中追溯。就像他喜欢在俯瞰地中海的塔楼上写作，或者在罗马斗兽场的花丛和拱门中写作，或者在意大利北部的群山面前写作一样，他对希腊人的不断研究也为他提供了伟大的榜样和高贵的同伴。
Yet the Greeks meant to him much more than models to copy or rivals to emulate. Thus, he scarcely ever imitated Homer, and yet read him year after year. From Homer, as from the other great classical writers, he took an influence too large to trace in any one of his writings. Just as he preferred to write in a tower overlooking the Mediterranean Sea, or among the flowers and arches of the Colosseum, or with the mountains of northern Italy before his eyes, so his constant study of the Greeks gave him examples of greatness and companions in nobility.
§ 5. 意大利
§ 5. ITALY
唉，
意大利之歌是在痛苦中孕育并诞生的。
Alas, in agony is conceived and born
the song of Italy.
LEOPARD11
LEOPARD11
革命阅读和思想的骚动正在意大利各州激起波澜。但巴洛克时代晚期的腐败在那里已经根深蒂固。道德、智力，甚至意志力都国家分裂、腐败寡头和小暴君的统治使年轻作家们陷入了困境。因此，年轻作家们更难找到出路。那些奋力拼搏的人通常会在过程中遭受巨大的痛苦。他们的生活充满了痛苦的冲突。他们在阴郁或绝望的沉默中死去。他们的作品不像济慈和谢尼埃的宁静抒情；它没有雪莱和歌德的乐观主义；它没有拜伦阴郁的马泽帕能量。它非常悲观。它是来自深渊的呐喊。但即使是这种呐喊也是音乐。
The ferment of revolutionary reading and thinking was stirring the states of Italy. But there the corruption of the late baroque age had sunk more deeply. Morality, intellect, even will-power were drugged by the division of the nation and its subjection to corrupt oligarchies and petty tyrants. Therefore it was more difficult for young writers to make their way towards the light. Those who did fight their way up and out usually suffered terribly while doing so. Their lives were torn with agonizing conflicts. They died in gloomy or despairing silence. Their work is unlike the serene lyricism of Keats and Chénier; it has none of the optimism of Shelley and Goethe; it has not the sombre Mazeppa energy of Byron. It is profoundly pessimistic. It is a cry from the abyss. But even that cry is music.
我们听到了三种声音：悲剧、挽歌和抒情。
We hear it in three voices: tragic, elegiac, and lyric.
维托里奥·阿尔菲耶里伯爵于 1749 年出生在一个古老、富裕的贵族家庭，从小被亲戚忽视，教育水平也极其低下。虽然他显然才华横溢，渴望精神食粮，但他却一无所获。他甚至不懂意大利的文学语言托斯卡纳语——只会法语和当地的皮埃蒙特方言。柏拉图说，一个才华横溢的人如果被误导，总是会遭受最严重的腐化；2阿尔菲耶里是如此堕落。他一成为自己的主人，就陷入了放荡，但这还不足以释放他火山般的能量。他骑着快马；他参加决斗；他有炽热的爱情；他带着恶魔般的焦躁不安游历整个欧洲，从一个国家到另一个国家，从苏格兰到俄罗斯，从挪威到葡萄牙……
Count Vittorio Alfieri was born of an old, noble, and wealthy family in 1749, neglected by his relatives, and atrociously ill educated. Although he was obviously talented and hungry for spiritual food, he was starved. He did not even know Tuscan, the literary language of Italy—only French, and a local Piedmontese dialect. Plato says that a brilliant character always suffers the worst corruption if misdirected;2 and Alfieri was so corrupted. As soon as he became his own master he plunged into dissipation, which still was not enough to discharge his volcanic energies. He rode swift horses; he fought duels; he had burning love-affairs; he travelled with demoniac restlessness throughout Europe, from country to country, from Scotland to Russia, from Norway to Portugal… .
二十多岁时，他开始自学——没有规划自己的未来，只是用孟德斯鸠、爱尔维修、卢梭和伏尔泰来充实自己那饥渴的头脑。通过他们，他认识了普鲁塔克。他把《罗马名人传》通读了四五遍。在这里，他的想象力第一次找到了值得自己去研究的主题。在他那本引人入胜的自传中，他说，当他阅读时，他会跳起来，钦佩凯撒、布鲁图和加图等人，然后为自己成为暴政的臣民而悲惨地哭泣。3通过阅读蒙田的作品（他因不理解其中的拉丁文和希腊文引文而恼火），以及一位睿智的意大利神父对他的教育和诗意鼓励，他的思想最终走上了正轨，他称这位神父为“活生生的蒙田”。
In his twenties he began to educate himself—not planning his future, but merely feeding his starved mind with Montesquieu and Helvetius and Rousseau and Voltaire. Through them he met Plutarch. He read the Parallel Lives all through four or five times. Here, for the first time, his imagination found subjects worthy of itself to work upon. In his fascinating autobiography he says that, as he read, he would leap to his feet with admiration for such men as Caesar, Brutus, and Cato, and then weep at his own misery in being a subject of a tyrannical government.3 His mind was finally set in its right track by his reading of Montaigne (where he chafed at not understanding the Latin and Greek quotations) and by the educational and poetic encouragement given him by a wise Italian abbe, whom he called ‘a Montaigne in the flesh”.
1775 年，他创作了第一部悲剧《埃及艳后》。这部悲剧上演后，广受好评。但他知道，这部悲剧还不够完美。他没有说出他想说的话。我们可以看出原因。他没有可以借鉴的典范，只有梅塔斯塔西奥和拉辛的悲剧（通过这些悲剧，他只能隐约感受到希腊罗马戏剧的力量）和伏尔泰的虚假悲剧。他读不懂希腊文；他对悲剧所属的文学核心传统几乎一无所知。但他却猜到了。他开始了严格的自学，发誓再也不说或写法语，学习拉丁语和托斯卡纳语，并以他特有的快速和精力创作悲剧。
In 1775 he wrote his first tragedy, Cleopatra. It was performed, and warmly applauded. Yet he knew it was inadequate. He had not said what he had in him to say. We can see why. He had no models to work on, but the tragedies of Metastasio and Racine (through which he could only distantly feel the force of Greco-Roman drama) and the artificial and basically false tragedies of Voltaire. He could read no Greek; and he knew scarcely anything of the central tradition of literature, to which tragedy belongs. Yet he divined it. He started a course of severe self-education, taking a vow never again to speak or write French, studying Latin and Tuscan, and working at his tragedies with all his characteristic driving speed and energy.
他的余生也充满了戏剧性——他与查理王子的妻子私奔，他放弃了在撒丁岛国王的领地，以换取摆脱国王警察的束缚，他出版了讽刺国王、贵族、中产阶级和平民的讽刺作品，他逃离了法国大革命的恐怖统治，4他以《高卢仇恨者》（Misogallo）一书讽刺拿破仑入侵的军队，在年近五十时学习希腊语，创立荷马骑士团……。这确实比他的悲剧更具戏剧性。
The rest of his life was stirringly dramatic—his elopement with Prince Charlie’s wife, his renunciation of his estates in the king of Sardinia’s territories as the price of freedom from the king’s police, his publication of satires pouring scorn on kings, nobles, middle class, and commoners, his escape from the French revolutionary Terror,4 his savage lampoons called The Gaul-hater (Misogallo) on the invading troops of Napoleon, his learning Greek when nearly fifty, his foundation of a knightly Order of Homer… . It was indeed more variously dramatic than his tragedies.
他总共创作了二十二部作品。5它们是迄今为止意大利创作的最优秀的悲剧，标志着意大利戏剧文学达到了新的高度。它们涉及重要而有趣的历史主题，从阿伽门农到洛伦佐·德·美第奇，从扫罗到苏格兰玛丽女王；人物刻画清晰，情感鲜明；诗体为无韵诗，充满活力，有时甚至有些刺耳，但控制得当。拜伦在很多方面与阿尔菲耶里相似，他常常让我们感觉到他的口才已经变成了狂野的奔跑，并随他而去。有时他甚至会鞭策自己。阿尔菲耶里骑着一匹同样凶猛的骏马；它是黑色的，不知疲倦；但他紧紧抓住缰绳。
He produced twenty-two in all.5 They were far the best tragedies ever composed in Italian, and marked a new high level in his country’s dramatic literature. They deal with important and interesting historical subjects, ranging from Agamemnon to Lorenzo de’ Medici, from Saul to Mary Queen of Scots; the characters are clearly drawn and the emotions boldly differentiated; the medium is blank verse, energetic and sometimes harsh, but firmly controlled. Byron, who in many ways resembles Alfieri, often gives us the feeling that his eloquence has broken into a wild gallop and run away with him. Sometimes he even lashes it on. Alfieri rides a steed quite as violent; it is black and tireless; but he has a tight grip on its reins.
他的悲剧被指责缺乏戏剧性。其中有些是这样的：尽管这些悲剧很崇高，但这些作品并不令人满意。这有两个不同的原因。一个是阿尔菲耶里决心通过删去所有情节和次要情节来保持行动的统一性——这不是为了向亚里士多德表示屈从，而是为了专注于英雄主义。另一个是几乎所有革命时代作家的共同习惯：他会就重要的理想——爱国主义、暴政、孝道——发表长篇大论，并用这些来代替行动。戏剧的本质是变化。然而，在 1780 年，发表关于暴政的大胆演讲是如此新颖，即使它没有推动情节发展，也显得具有戏剧性。
His tragedies have been accused of being undramatic. Some of them are: despite their nobility, these are his less satisfactory works. Two different reasons account for this. One is Alfieri’s own resolution to preserve the unity of action by cutting out all episodes and sub-plots—not as a gesture of subservience to Aristotle, but in order to concentrate on heroism. The other is the habit common to nearly all the writers of the revolutionary era: he makes long speeches on important ideals—patriotism, tyranny, filial love—and substitutes these for action. The essence of drama is change. Yet in 1780 the utterance of a bold speech on tyranny was so novel that, even if it did not advance the plot, it seemed to be dramatic.
尽管如此，阿尔菲里还是写了一些优秀的剧本：例如《密尔哈》，这是一部俄狄浦斯情结的有力变奏，讲述了一个女孩无可救药地爱上了自己的父亲的故事；6 梅洛普 (Merope )，一个紧张的阴谋，其中（相当可信）一位母亲几乎下令处决自己的儿子；7和一个出色的扫罗，展示了暴力疯狂与智慧理智之间的斗争，既在国王自己的精神内部，也在他女儿、儿子和继承人大卫的影响与他邪恶的大臣押尼珥的权力之间的冲突中。
Still, Alfieri wrote some fine plays: for instance, Myrrha, a powerful variation on the Oedipus theme, in which a girl falls hopelessly in love with her own father;6 Merope, a tense intrigue in which (quite credibly) a mother almost orders her own son executed;7 and a superb Saul, showing the struggle between violent madness and wise sanity, both within the spirit of the king himself, and in the conflict between the influence of his daughter, his son, and his successor David, and the power of his evil minister, Abner.
阿尔菲埃里的悲剧最重要的意义在于它们以古典形式传达了革命信息。他的三分之二的戏剧以希腊罗马历史和传说为主题。8他尽可能地将所有这些作品的模式与古典悲剧相提并论。几乎所有作品都包含对暴政的大胆谴责和对自由的勇敢赞美。有时英雄过于善良，而暴君则过于邪恶；但并非总是如此；事实上，暴政与英雄主义之间的界限就是黑与白、坏与好之间的界限。他的悲剧形式的纯粹性增强了阿尔菲里社会抗议的力量，在这方面他是雪莱的先驱。
The chief importance of Alfieri’s tragedies is that they put a revolutionary message into a classical form. Two-thirds of his plays are on themes from Greco-Roman history and legend.8 All are in a pattern which he assimilated as closely as he could to that of classical tragedy. Nearly all contain bold denunciations of tyranny, gallant eulogies of freedom. Sometimes the heroes are too whitely good, and the despots too blackly evil; but not always; and in truth the frontier between tyranny and heroism is the frontier between black and white, between bad and good. The purity of his tragic form enhances the power of Alfieri’s social protest, in which he is a precursor of Shelley.
他的写作形式间接地源自希腊和罗马悲剧。但他最熟悉的悲剧是拉辛和伏尔泰的悲剧。在所有古代诗人中，他最接近塞涅卡；但他没有像文艺复兴时期的剧作家那样仔细地研究塞涅卡。从形式上讲，他所做的是将巴洛克悲剧简化并提升为更真正的古典悲剧。
The form in which he wrote was derived indirectly from Greek and Roman tragedy. But the tragedies which he knew best were those of Racine and Voltaire. Of all the ancient poets, he was closest to Seneca; yet he did not study him as carefully as the Renaissance playwrights did. Formally, what he did was to simplify and dignify baroque tragedy into something more truly classical.
阿尔菲里的信息内容大胆而简单：打倒暴政！暴政是为了拥有者利益而行使的权力。通常一个人会成为暴君；但一个家庭、一个团体或一个阶级——甚至工人阶级——也可能成为暴君。9在这种信仰上，孟德斯鸠和爱尔维修是他的先行者，安德烈·谢尼埃也是他的亲密盟友。10在阿尔菲里发表他的论文《论君主论文学》（1786 年）之前，他曾读给谢尼埃听。次年，谢尼埃在他自己的《论文学的完美与颓废》和田园诗《自由》中表达了类似的理想。11谢尼埃和阿尔菲里都将自由和文学等同起来。没有自由，他们认为，美德是不可能的；没有美德，伟大的作家就不可能存在。阿尔菲耶里本人暴力专横的性格使他对暴君——他自己很可能就是暴君——既感兴趣又恨之入骨。无情的意志；可怕的残忍，甚至对自己的家人也施以残忍的背叛——这些都是暴君的品质。12他们在他的臣民中滋生了极度的恐惧、无原则的背叛、对金钱的腐败崇拜以及一切道德标准的废除；13有些人的忧郁是因为他们确信完全自由的生活是不可能的，而英雄们的反抗是坚决的，即使注定失败，他们也会更加坚决。阿尔菲耶里的决心总结了他自己革命时代最美好的一面，同时重塑了古典悲剧的精神。
The content of Alfieri’s message is bold and simple: down with tyranny! Tyranny is power exercised for the sake of its possessor. Usually one man makes himself a tyranny; but a family, a group, or a class—even the working class—can be a tyrant.9 In this belief he had predecessors in Montesquieu and Helvetius, and a close ally in André Chénier.10 Before Alfieri published his treatise On the Prince and Literature (1786), he read it to Chénier, who expressed similar ideals next year in his own Essay on the Perfection and Decadence of Literature and his idyll Liberty.11 Both Chénier and Alfieri equated liberty and literature. Without liberty, they held, virtue was impossible; and without virtue, great writers could not exist. Alfieri’s own violent imperious character made him feel for the tyrant—which he himself might easily have been—both interest and hatred. Relentless will; terrifying cruelty, exercised even against his own family; serpentine treachery—these are the tyrant’s qualities.12 Among his subjects they breed abject fear, unprincipled treachery, a corrupt reverence for money, and the abolition of all standards of morality;13 in some, a gloomy melancholy begotten of the certainty that a full free life is impossible, and in heroes, a determined revolt, all the more resolute if it is doomed. In that resolution Alfieri summed up the best of his own revolutionary era, and at the same time re-created the spirit of classical tragedy.
阿尔菲耶里的戏剧有很多模仿者——有些人，如文森佐·蒙蒂（意大利人骚塞），在当时比阿尔菲耶里本人更成功。他们中最好的诗人是威尼斯人乌戈·福斯科洛，他于 1778 年出生于希腊的桑特岛，1827 年在伦敦流亡期间去世。尽管他的剧作与他的其他作品相比并不重要，但它们却像他的老师一样充满了革命和民族主义的热情。但和许多其他人一样，福斯科洛对最伟大的革命家拿破仑·波拿巴感到失望。每个人都知道拿破仑最初是被压迫民族的解放者、暴君的毁灭者；然后是法国民族主义侵略的领袖；最后是共和主义的背叛者、自由的刺客、法国和几乎整个欧洲的皇帝。大家都知道贝多芬是如何将他的《英雄》交响曲献给解放者的，而当他听说拿破仑的新王朝计划时，他撕下了献词页，并在作品上题词“纪念一位伟人”。大家都知道华兹华斯在欢呼自由的太阳升起之后——
Alfieri’s dramas had many imitators—some, like Vincenzo Monti (the Italian Southey), more successful in their day than Alfieri himself. The best poet among them was the Venetian Ugo Foscolo, who was born in the Greek island of Zante in 1778, and was to die an exile in London in 1827. Unimportant though his plays were in contrast with his other work, they resounded with the same revolutionary and nationalist ardour as those of his master. But like so many others, Foscolo was cruelly disappointed by the greatest of all revolutionists, Napoleon Bonaparte. Everyone knows how Napoleon at first appeared as the liberator of oppressed nations, the destroyer of tyrants; and then as the leader of French nationalist aggression; and lastly as the betrayer of republicanism, the assassin of liberty, the emperor of the French and almost of all Europe. Everyone knows how Beethoven dedicated his ‘Heroic’ Symphony to the liberator, and then, when he heard of Napoleon’s new dynastic plans, tore off the dedicatory page and inscribed the work ‘to the memory of a great man’. Everyone knows how Wordsworth, after hailing the rising sun of liberty—
在那个黎明活着是幸福的，
但年轻才是天堂——14
Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive,
But to be young was very heaven—14
野心和战争的风暴使欧洲陷入黑暗。从波兰到西班牙，同样的幻灭感让整个欧洲大陆的年轻人感到厌恶。
saw it darkened by the tempests of ambition and war. From Poland to Spain, the same disillusionment sickened the youth of the whole continent.
福斯科洛曾作为志愿者在拿破仑的军队中战斗。1797 年，他在一首《解放者波拿巴颂》中向他致敬。几周后后来，拿破仑根据《坎波福尔米奥条约》将福斯科洛的故乡威尼斯的领土卖给了奥地利。福斯科洛那一代人随之而来的绝望被写进了一部关于不幸的爱情、精神痛苦和自杀的小说《雅科波·奥蒂斯的最后几封信》中——这是歌德的《少年维特之烦恼》的延伸，超越了个人主义，进入了爱国主义。
Foscolo fought as a volunteer in Napoleon’s armies. In 1797 he saluted him in an Ode to Bonaparte the Liberator. A few weeks later Napoleon sold the territory of Foscolo’s homeland, Venice, to Austria, by the treaty of Campo Formio. The ensuing despair of Foscolo’s generation was immortalized in a novel of unhappy love, mental agony, and suicide, The Last Letters of Iacopo Ortis—an extension of Goethe’s Sorrows of Werther beyond individualism into patriotism.
福斯科洛是一位出色的古典学者。和谢尼埃一样，他在童年时期就听到周围人讲现代希腊语；和谢尼埃一样，他继续深入研究古希腊语，学识渊博。15即使在他较为个人化的抒情诗中，也可以听到希腊和罗马诗歌的优美回响。16然而，他最伟大的诗篇不是回声的和弦，而是古代世界和现代世界的完整而生动的相互渗透；断言历史是我们赖以生存的价值观之一；宣称过去并没有消亡，它启发了现在；警告说，如果现在忘记了过去，它就会消亡。这就是他著名的挽歌《论坟墓》。
Foscolo was a competent classical scholar. Like Chénier, he heard modern Greek spoken around him in his childhood; like Chénier, he went on to study ancient Greek with taste and erudition.15 Graceful echoes of Greek and Roman poetry can be heard even in his slighter personal lyrics.16 His greatest poem, however, is not a chord of echoes, but a complete and vital interpenetration of the ancient and modern worlds; an assertion that history is one of the values we live by; a claim that the past is not dead while it inspires the present; a warning that the present is dead if it forgets its past. This is his famous elegy On Tombs.
1806 年，新革命政府颁布了一项命令，旨在引入死者之间的平等和友爱。该命令规定所有遗体无一例外都应埋葬在公共墓地，墓碑大小完全相同，墓志铭由当地政府审查和“协调”。福斯科洛可能将此视为一种卑鄙的暴政，并在一篇辛辣的讽刺作品中对其进行了谴责。如果他真的这么做了，他的诗就不会比引发这首诗的法令流传更久。相反，他对该命令的整个背景进行了思考，直到他得出了埋葬习俗最广泛、最深刻的人性意义。他反思道，建造坟墓并在墓碑上刻上名字和头衔，作为死者在幸存者心中继续生活的象征。它们不应该带有悲伤和阴森的骷髅的图像；17他们应该安葬在常青树丛中，像永恒的记忆一样苍翠，或者像英国那样安葬在城外的花园中。最重要的是，伟人的墓地是国家生活的焦点，也是对活着的人的鼓励。如果帕林 118躺在罪犯旁边；佛罗伦萨的圣十字教堂是意大利最伟大的圣殿之一，里面埋葬着马基雅维利、米开朗基罗、伽利略，是的，现在还有阿尔菲里。一直以来都是如此。爱琴海对岸有缪斯喜欢出没的坟墓。一个盲人曾经在这些坟墓中徘徊，他们给他讲了他们的故事，他他为那里的幽灵们献上了一首歌。那首歌让《特洛伊的赫克托尔》名声大噪
In 1806 the new revolutionary government issued an order designed to introduce equality and fraternity among the dead. It enjoined that all bodies without exception should be buried in a public cemetery, under tombstones of exactly the same size, with inscriptions censored and ‘co-ordinated’ by the local authorities. Foscolo might have viewed this as a piece of petty tyranny, and denounced it in a bitter satire. If he had, his poem would scarcely have survived longer than the ordinance which provoked it. Instead, he meditated on the whole context of the order, until he reached the broadest and most deeply human meaning of the custom of burial. Tombs are built (he reflected) and gravestones are carved with names and titles, as a symbol of the continuing life of the dead in the minds of those who survive. They should not bear images of woe and dismal skeletons;17 they should be among evergreen trees, green as a deathless memory, or in gardens outside the city as they are in Britain. Above all, the tombs where great men lie are a focus of national life, and an encouragement to greatness among the living. It would be shameful for Parin118 to lie beside some criminal; and the Holy Cross church in Florence, which holds the graves of Machiavelli, of Michelangelo, of Galileo, yes, and now of Alfieri, is one of the greatest sanctuaries of Italy. So it has always been. Across the Aegean Sea lie tombs which the Muses love to haunt. A blind man once wandered among these tombs, and they told him their story, and with his song he did homage to the shades that lived there. That song made Hector of Troy famous
无论何时何地，人们都崇敬和哀悼为祖国而流的鲜血
，而太阳却依然
照耀着人类的不幸。19
wherever men revere and mourn the blood
shed for the fatherland, while still the sun
illumines the misfortunes of mankind.19
从形式上看，这首优美的诗是希腊罗马挽歌的后代。它的现代祖先是十八世纪英国的挽歌沉思录：布莱尔的《坟墓》、杨的《夜思》、格雷的《乡村墓地挽歌》；以及它们在法国的继承者，勒古夫和德利尔的反思诗。人们很容易将《论坟墓》视为一封信，而不是挽歌：它是无韵诗，写给诗人平德蒙特，平德蒙特则回信了《书信》。但罗马诗人也向富有同情心的朋友写挽歌，这首诗极富想象力和情感的基调使它成为一首挽歌——文学作品中最崇高、最广泛的挽歌之一。
In form this fine poem is a descendant of the Greco-Romanelegy. Its modern ancestors are the English eighteenth-century elegiac meditations: Blair’s The Grave, Young’s Night Thoughts, Gray’s Elegy written in a Country Churchyard; and their successors in France, the reflective poems of Legouve and Delille. It is tempting to see On Tombs as a letter, rather than an elegy: it is in blank verse, and is addressed to the poet Pindemonte, who replied in an Epistle. But the Roman poets also addressed elegies to sympathetic friends, and the deeply imaginative and emotional tone of the poem makes it an elegy—one of the noblest and broadest in literature.
它的思想始于诗人自己的时代，并追溯到意大利伟大历史，直至欧洲文化中心潮流的源头：特洛伊战争和荷马的诗歌。作为对时间成为永恒这一事实的沉思，因此它是但丁喜剧的后代。但它是一首异教诗，而不是基督教诗。20福斯科洛没有谈论基督教关于死亡和永生的教义。他知道，人们可以将坟墓视为死亡的提醒；但他认为，这样做几乎与要求所有坟墓都相同且无法区分一样不充分。这等于否定了人类所能达到的最高境界。现在包含过去，并依靠过去而生存。坟墓就像诗歌一样，是过去伟大成就的记录，也是未来成就的刺激。缪斯女神既能记住，又能激励人心。
Its thought begins with the poet’s own day, and moves back through the history of Italy’s greatness to the source of the central stream in European culture: the Trojan war and the poems of Homer. As a meditation on the fact that time becomes eternity, it is therefore a descendant of Dante’s Comedy. But it is a pagan poem, not a Christian poem.20 Foscolo does not speak of the Christian doctrine of death and eternal life. He knows that it is possible to think of graves as reminders of mortality; but he believes that to do this is almost as inadequate as to demand that all graves should be equal and indistinguishable. That is to deny much of the highest of which humanity is capable. The present contains the past and lives by it. Tombs, like poems, are a record of past greatness and a stimulus to future achievement. The Muses both remember and inspire.
尽管福斯科洛的挽歌是对革命政府法令的抗议，但他本人却是一位革命诗人：因为他呼吁意大利人摆脱卑鄙的懒惰，建立一个新的国家，配得上将他们与罗马的庄严和希腊的英雄主义联系在一起的辉煌的过去。
Although Foscolo’s elegy was a protest against a decree of the revolutionary government, he himself was none the less a poet of revolution: for he was calling on the Italians to break away from their ignoble lassitude, and to make themselves a new nation, worthy of the magnificent past which linked them with Roman gravity and Greek heroism.
贾科莫·莱奥帕尔迪伯爵（1798-1837）是意大利最悲伤的抒情诗人，他在一个没有爱的乡下家庭长大，他唯一的朋友是书籍。和费内隆和吉本一样，他通过阅读父亲的藏书来教育自己。与他们不同，他因过度学习而毁掉了自己的健康。这，加上他的孤独和母亲的忽视，永远地玷污了他的灵魂。
Count Giacomo Leopardi (1798-1837), the saddest lyric poet of Italy, grew up in a loveless provincial home where his only friends were books. Like Fénelon and Gibbon, he educated himself by devouring his father’s library. Unlike them both, he ruined his health by excessive study. This, with his loneliness and his mother’s neglect, permanently darkened his soul.
不到二十岁，他就成为了一位杰出的希腊学者。21十五岁时，他撰写了一部天文学史。十六岁时，他翻译了六世纪历史学家赫西基乌斯的两部作品，并附有一篇传记文章；一篇关于波菲利对新柏拉图主义哲学家普罗提诺生平的拉丁文评论，附有注释和修正；以及一篇关于帝国时期几位重要修辞学家的拉丁文评论。22十七岁时，他发表了《论古人通俗错误》。到二十岁时，他所写的学术著作比一些现代教授一生所写的还要多。但他觉得自己的体力和精神还不足以开始长期的研究生涯；他发现意大利几乎没有人关心学术。他像阿尔菲耶里一样焦躁不安，但远没有他精力充沛，而且受制于对父母的依赖，他（在获得自由后）从一个城市到另一个城市旅行，除了偶尔遇到像尼布尔这样的外国学者，或者偶尔遇到像焦尔达尼这样的意大利文学家，他找不到任何人可以交谈。23他自己的诗中有很多关于孤独和无家可归的凄美形象：孤独的麻雀；亚洲平原上流浪的牧羊人；火山山坡上孤独生长的金雀花。他的歌词充满了疑问——紧迫而悲伤的问题，没有人听到，也从未得到解答。
Before he was twenty, he made himself a distinguished Greek scholar.21 At fifteen, he composed a history of astronomy. At sixteen, he wrote a translation of two works by the sixth-century historian Hesychius, with a biographical essay; a Latin commentary, with notes and emendations, on Porphyry’s life of the Neoplatonist philosopher Plotinus; and a Latin commentary on several important rhetoricians of the imperial period.22 At seventeen he produced an Essay on the Popular Errors of the Ancients. By the age of twenty he had written more works of scholarship than some modern professors do in their entire lives. But he did not feel himself physically and mentally strong enough to embark on a long career of research; and he found that hardly anyone in Italy cared for scholarship. Restless like Alfieri, but far less vigorous, and shackled by dependence on his parents, he travelled (after being set free) from city to city, finding no one to talk to except an occasional foreign savant like Niebuhr, or, rarely, an Italian litterateur like Giordani.23 His own poetry has many poignant images of loneliness and homelessness: the solitary sparrow; the wandering shepherd on the plains of Asia; the broom growing alone on the slopes of a volcano. And his lyrics are full of questions—urgent and sad questions which no one hears, and which are never answered.
和我们研究过的许多诗人一样，莱奥帕尔迪一开始的写作方式是翻译古典作家的作品，然后试图与他们竞争。十七岁时，他翻译了莫斯库斯的诗歌和小讽刺史诗《青蛙和老鼠之战》。24十八岁时，他尝试翻译《奥德赛》的部分内容。这是他出版的第一部作品。但人们对此要么冷漠，要么嗤之以鼻。二十五
Like so many of the poets we have studied, Leopardi began writing by translating classical authors, and then by trying to rival them. At seventeen he translated the poems of Moschus and the little mock epic, The Battle of Frogs and Mice.24 At eighteen he ventured on an experimental translation of part of the Odyssey. This was his first published work. It was received with cold indifference or sarcastic laughter.25
1817 年初，为了追求更高的境界，他发表了一首《海神颂歌》和两首“来自希腊”的匿名颂歌的译本，并附有说明性注释。没有这样的赞美诗；没有这样的颂歌。莱奥帕尔迪编造了它们。他在注释中说，这首赞美诗的作者不是西蒙尼德斯或米罗——事实上，它看起来像是卡利马科斯一位才华横溢的学生的作品。短颂歌——通常以献给爱和献给月亮——莱奥帕尔迪说他“很乐意将其归功于阿那克里翁”。这些无辜伪造品的出版标志着他人生中的一个重要转折点。他已经觉得自己至少可以与同时代学者相提并论。现在他开始追赶希腊诗人，为在同一领域——抒情诗领域工作做准备。同样地，五十年前，另一个名叫查特顿的不幸男孩创作了非常出色的原创诗歌，并将它们伪装成他所钦佩的过去的遗物。
Early in 1817, aspiring higher, he issued translations of a Hymn to Neptune and two anonymous odes ‘from the Greek’, with illustrative notes. There was no such hymn; there were no such odes. Leopardi invented them. In his notes he said the author of the hymn was not Simonides or Myro—in fact, it looks like the work of a talented pupil of Callimachus. The short odes—which are characteristically addressed To Love and To the Moon—Leopardi said he ‘would gladly ascribe to Anacreon’. The publication of these innocent forgeries marked an important turning-point in his life. He already felt he could at least equal the scholars of his own time. Now he set out to equal the poets of Greece, in preparation for his own work in the same field, lyric poetry. Just in the same way fifty years before, another unhappy boy called Chatterton had produced original poems of remarkable merit, and disguised them as relics of the past he admired.
成年后，莱奥帕尔迪与他的同代人雪莱和同时代的其他年轻诗人一样，放弃了基督教信仰，成为一名自由思想者，对希腊诸神怀有深厚的感情。26他曾短暂地成为社会改革家，反对保守主义和镇压势力。他同情日益高涨的民族主义运动——不仅仅是为了抵抗外国的扩张，而且是为了积极地复兴意大利人的智慧、口才和历史感。在他的第一首原创诗歌中，三首重要且紧密相连的抒情诗，他唤起了他所希望的新文艺复兴的不同方面。这三首诗分别是《致意大利》、《论但丁的纪念碑》和《致安杰洛·迈》，后者发现了西塞罗的《论英联邦》。27这些抒情诗的思想与福斯科洛的墓葬挽歌非常相似。它们哀叹意大利的衰败和毁灭，道德的崩塌，失去了本应从古罗马继承的勇气和决心，以及被误导的英雄主义，这种英雄主义导致意大利的年轻志愿者在俄罗斯与拿破仑作战，而不是在自己的土地上为自由而战。它们让意大利人想起但丁的高尚品格、“命运的不败敌人”、彼特拉克的甜蜜忧郁、哥伦布的探索勇气、阿里奥斯托的想象力、优美的塔索的不幸，以及最后，阿尔菲里骄傲的能量。28他们反复说过，人不能只活在当下，只为当下而活，否则就会变得像一头沉思的野兽一样迟钝和胆怯。英雄主义建立在历史之上。现代人应该感到羞耻，因为他们在面对波斯的压倒性力量时，没有列奥尼达和他的少数斯巴达人那么英勇。二十九
As he came to manhood, Leopardi made the same breaks as his contemporary Shelley and other young poets of his epoch. He gave up Christianity, and became a free-thinker, with an emotional preference for the Greek divinities.26 He became, for a brief time, a social reformer, opposed to the forces of conservatism and repression. And he sympathized with the growing movement of nationalism—not merely as resistance to foreign aggrandizement, but as a positive revival of the intelligence, the eloquence, and the historical sense of the Italians. In his first original poems, three important and closely linked lyrics, he evoked different aspects of the new renaissance he hoped for. These were To Italy, On the monument of Dante, and To Angelo Mai after his Discovery of Cicero’s ‘On the Commonwealth’’, 27 The thought of these lyrics was closely akin to that of Foscolo’s elegy on tombs. They lamented the decay and ruin of Italy, her moral disintegration, the loss of that courage and resolution which she ought to have inherited from ancient Rome, and the misdirected heroism which led her young volunteers to fight in Russia with Napoleon rather than in their own land for liberty. They reminded Italians of the nobility of Dante, ‘the unconquered enemy of Fortune’, the sweet melancholy of Petrarch, the exploratory courage of Columbus, the imagination of Ariosto, the infelicity of melodious Tasso, and, last, the proud energy of Alfieri.28 They said, and repeated, that men cannot live by the present alone, for the present alone, without becoming as dull and cowardly as a ruminating beast. Heroism is built on history. Modern men should think shame to be less heroic than Leonidas and his few Spartans, facing the overwhelming power of Persia.29
但和其他改革者一样，莱奥帕尔迪也陷入了幻灭。再加上他的孤独、疾病、家人的冷漠和吝啬，以及爱情的不幸，这一切都使他陷入了比我们想象的更深刻的绝望之中。在他那个时代的诗人中，他是最杰出的。他达到了德·昆西的《黑暗圣母》中那种清醒而绝望的痛苦：
But disillusionment came upon Leopardi, as upon other reformers. Added to his loneliness, his ill health, the coldness and stinginess of his family, and his unhappiness in love, it brought him to a depth of despair more profound than anything we have seen among the poets of his time. He reached the clear-eyed hopeless agony of De Quincey’s Our Lady of Darkness:
“她没有低下头，她那双高高的眼睛也许会被距离所遮挡。但，由于她的眼睛是那样高，所以无法被遮挡；透过她所戴的三层黑纱面纱，从地面上就能看到炽烈的痛苦之光，无论晨祷还是晚祷，无论正午还是夜晚，无论潮汐涨落，这痛苦之光都不会消散。”三十
‘She droops not; and her eyes rising so high might be hidden by distance. But, being what they are, they cannot be hidden; through the treble veil of crape which she wears, the fierce light of a blazing misery, that rests not for matins or for vespers, for noon of day or noon of night, for ebbing or for flowing tide, may be read from the very ground.’30
他以生命之名宣称生命毫无意义；或者，如果生命有意义，那也是残酷的。进步的理想是一种愚蠢的妄想。爱情本身就是一种如此强烈的体验，它最终会以它的孪生兄弟——死亡而告终。31有一次，当他沉思于此时，他想起了希腊女诗人萨福，在一个传说中，她为爱自杀：他想象她站在月光照耀的悬崖上，思考着她无可宽恕的痛苦和希望的痛苦破灭，然后投身于自由的虚无之中。32虽然许多人（拜伦、海涅、荷尔德林）都感受到了这种绝望，但其他革命诗人却没有表达过这种深不可测的绝望。在莱奥帕尔迪身上，这种绝望变成了客观判断：这个世界上的生活是无望的。他经常被视为悲观主义哲学家叔本华的先驱。通过叔本华，这条线索从莱奥帕尔迪延伸到尼采；而作为诗人，他是詹姆斯·汤姆森（《可怕的夜晚之城》）和查尔斯·波德莱尔的祖先。33
In its name he pronounced that life was meaningless; or, if it had a meaning, that it was cruel. The ideal of progress was a silly delusion. Love itself was an experience so overpowering that it must end in its twin brother, death.31 Once, brooding on this, he recalled the Greek poetess Sappho, who in one legend had killed herself for love: he pictured her standing on the moonlit precipice, reflecting on her implacable sufferings and the agonizing death of her hopes, and then hurling herself into the nothingness which is freedom.32 No other revolutionary poet expressed such abysmal despair, although many (Byron, Heine, Hölderlin) felt it. In Leopardi it turned into the objective judgement that life, in this world, is hopeless. He has often been viewed as a precursor of the philosopher of pessimism, Schopenhauer. Through Schopenhauer the line leads from Leopardi to Nietzsche; while as a poet he is the ancestor of James Thomson (The City of Dreadful Night) and Charles Baudelaire.33
随着莱奥帕尔迪的成熟，他的悲观主义逐渐发展成为一种接近完整的哲学，并在《道德短篇》中进行了阐述34 — 一系列简短的对话，风格类似卢西安。但卢西安的对话带有嘲弄的微笑，有时略带扭曲。莱奥帕尔迪的对话则露出骷髅般的笑容。有防腐师与木乃伊的对话，有死亡与时尚的对话，有孤独的冰岛人与自然的对话——不是大自然母亲，而是继母大自然，冷漠或残忍。新柏拉图主义者普罗提诺和波菲利之间有一场关于自杀的长篇讨论，还有一场关于莱奥帕尔迪经常感受到的对死亡的渴望的讨论：他本人也出现在其中，以阴郁的特里斯坦的名字出现。像面部抽搐一样一次又一次出现的可怕幽默，是我们在爱伦坡和霍夫曼的故事、波德莱尔的一些散文诗以及恶魔般的帕格尼尼的生活和个性中发现的。对话的哲学是莱奥帕尔迪自己的唯物主义人生观。
As Leopardi matured, his pessimism grew into something approaching a complete philosophy, which he expounded in his Short Works on Morals34—a series of brief dialogues in the manner of Lucian. But Lucian’s dialogues have a mocking smile, sometimes slightly twisted. Leopardi’s have a grin like a skull. There are conversations between an embalmer and his mummies; between Death and Fashion; between a lonely Icelander and Nature—not mother Nature, but stepmother Nature, indifferent or cruel. There is a long discussion on suicide, between the Neoplatonists Plotinus and Porphyry, and another on the longing for death which Leopardi so often felt: he himself appears in it, under the sombre name of Tristan. The note of ghastly humour which returns again and again like a facial tic is that which we find in the tales of Poe and Hoffmann, in some of the prose poems of Baudelaire, and in the life and personality of the demoniac Paganini. The philosophy of the dialogues is Leopardi’s own materialist conception of life.
他告诉我们，世界只是一团由地球和蒸汽组成的球体，而我们人类也不过是它所创造的动物、昆虫、树木和鱼类。那么，他继续说，为什么我们要被希望和爱这样的情感所折磨呢？为什么要被名誉和永生这样的渴望所折磨呢？我们到底为什么活着？我们所有的活动，我们的生活本身，都像夏日空气中蚊虫的舞蹈一样毫无目的，而且不那么美丽，反而更加痛苦。如果莱奥帕尔迪没有写出他那优美的歌词，他自己可能也会这样。
The world is only a ball of earth and steam, he tells us, and we men are only like the animals and insects, the trees and fishes, which it has produced. Why then, he continues, are we tortured with emotions like hope and love? with aspirations like fame and immortality? Why are we alive at all? All our activities, our life itself, are as purposeless as the dance of gnats in the summer air, and less beautiful, and more painful. This might have been true of Leopardi himself, had he not written his exquisite lyrics.
莱奥帕尔迪的思想是如此地独具一格，以至于我们几乎无法触及他作品的任何部分，并说“这是古典的，那是现代的，这又源于他对文艺复兴时期的阅读”。这一切都经过了他自己思想的熔炉，并在那里被改造了。35他的对话在形式上是希腊语。另一方面，他的诗歌是意大利长节抒情诗（canzoni）的自由变体，这种抒情诗从民歌中发展而来，在彼特拉克树立了典范之后，被数十位诗人使用。他们的语言中相当频繁地使用拉丁语，这使其具有朴素的尊严，而不是矫揉造作的外表。36书中引用了大量希腊和罗马神话和历史，莱奥帕尔迪将其与现代生活紧密联系起来，作为范例和灵感。书中还多次引用了古典思想，有时是直接引用：例如，在他的优美诗作《论古代墓葬浮雕》中，他反思道：
Leopardi’s thought is so much his own that we can scarcely lay a finger on any part of his work and say ‘This is classical, that is modern, this again comes from his reading in the Renaissance’. It has all passed through the furnace of his own mind and been transformed there.35 In form his dialogues are Greek. His poems, on the other hand, are free variants of the long-stanza Italian lyrics (canzoni) which developed out of folk-song and were used by dozens of poets after Petrarch set the model. Their language has fairly frequent latinisms, which give it austere dignity rather than the appearance of affectation.36 There are important references to Greek and Roman myth and history, which Leopardi connects closely with modern life as example and inspiration. There are also several echoes of classical thought, sometimes direct quotations: as when, in his fine poem On an Ancient Grave-relief, he reflects:
我相信，永远不见光明
是最好的——
Never to see the light
would, I believe, be best—
汲取索福克勒斯悲剧中的思想和话语。37 《萨福的最后一首歌》与奥维德的《萨福致法翁的信》情况相同，尽管它远没有那么精彩，却更加真诚；38在悲怆的梦中，他所爱的那个在远处死去的女孩出现在他面前，这重述了普罗佩修斯最精彩的挽歌之一的主题，这首挽歌是通过彼特拉克的《死神的胜利》传达给他的。三十九
taking both thought and words from a tragedy of Sophocles.37 Sappho’s Last Song is on the same situation as Ovid’s Letter of Sappho to Phaon, although it is far less brilliant and more sincere;38 and the pathetic Dream, in which the dead girl whom he had loved at a distance appears to him, restates the theme of one of Propertius’ finest elegies, which reached him through Petrarch’s Triumph of Death.39
他在古典文学中最接近的人物是伊壁鸠鲁派的卢克莱修，卢克莱修认为，创造和人类的生命纯粹是偶然的，除了其本身之外没有任何意义；大自然对我们既不仁慈也不敌视，而是漠不关心；生活的唯一合理目的是通过适度和精心选择的快乐以及对宇宙的明智理解，获得平静和安心的幸福。像卢克莱修一样，莱奥帕尔迪是一个唯物主义者；像他一样，他钦佩希腊诸神的魅力，尽管他知道他们与我们的世界实际上并没有有效的联系；40像他一样，他以惊讶和怜悯的眼光看待人类的激动和努力，就像我们看待被掉落的苹果砸中的蚁丘一样。41但是——这不仅是莱奥帕尔迪和卢克莱修之间的根本区别，也是许多现代诗人和几乎所有希腊罗马诗人之间的根本区别——莱奥帕尔迪得出的结论是，由于生命徒劳无功，生命是一种残酷的痛苦，死亡是受欢迎的；而卢克莱修的结论是，如果正确理解和把握生命，生命仍然可以活下去。即使是希腊悲剧也不意味着生命是无望的；而是在最可怕的时候，它仍然包含着高贵和美丽。也许是因为疾病折磨着莱奥帕尔迪的身体和灵魂，他从未能够与这个真理抗争。至少，不是有意识的。然而，作为一名艺术家，他抓住了它。他从古典诗歌中受益匪浅，他真正有资格与伟大的抒情诗人相提并论，是因为他以雕塑般的清晰度看待他的悲剧主题，并以我们所认为的希腊式的深情和完美的审美控制的结合来描述它们。
His closest links in classical literature are with Lucretius the Epicurean, who believed that creation and the life of man were a pure accident, having no significance beyond itself; that nature was neither kindly nor hostile to us, but indifferent; and that the only sensible purpose of living was to attain, through well-spaced and well-chosen pleasures and an intelligent understanding of the universe, a calm and reassured happiness. Like Lucretius, Leopardi is a materialist; like him, he admires the charm of the Greek deities, although he knows that they have really no effective connexion with our world;40 like him, he looks at human excitements and efforts with astonished pity, as we do at an ant-hill struck by a falling apple.41 But—here is the fundamental difference not only between Leopardi and Lucretius, but between many modern poets and nearly all Greco-Roman poets—the conclusion which Leopardi draws is that life, because of its futility, is a cruel agony where death is welcome; and the conclusion of Lucretius is that life, if properly understood and managed, is still liveable. Even Greek tragedy does not mean that life is hopeless; but that, at its most terrible, it still contains nobility and beauty. Perhaps because of the sickness which afflicted both Leopardi’s body and his soul, he was never able to fight through to this truth. At least, not consciously. Yet, as an artist, he grasped it. His chief debt to classical poetry and his truest claim to equal the great lyric poets is that he sees his tragic subjects with sculptural clarity, and describes them with that combination of deep passion and perfect aesthetic control which we recognize as Greek.
§6. 结论
§6. CONCLUSION
我们对革命一代的调查应该以莱奥帕尔迪的病痛和绝望作为结束，这是正确的。当时有那么多作家像济慈一样英年早逝；像谢尼埃一样被杀；像荷尔德林一样发疯；或者（同样重要的是）他们的想象力消亡了，靠他们的身体、他们的名声和他们永无止境的文字流淌而生存。革命时代是一场短暂的流星大火，照亮了整个天空，烧毁了被忽视的遗迹，投下了不真实的黑暗阴影，照亮了长期未被察觉的美景，并在看似阴郁的黑暗中结束，但实际上是普通日子的光明。我们已经将它与文艺复兴时期彗星般的辉煌进行了比较。然而，就像文艺复兴一样，它并没有突然结束。虽然它所释放的一些新力量受到了抑制，另一些被转移了，但许多力量还是流入了之后的一个世纪：其中之一就是对希腊罗马艺术、文学和思想的更深刻理解。
It is right that our survey of the revolutionary generations should end with Leopardi, in mortal sickness and despair. So many writers of that time died sadly young, like Keats; were killed, like Chénier; went mad, like Hölderlin; or (quite as significantly) suffered the death of their imagination, survived by their bodies, their reputations, and their interminable flow of words. The revolutionary era was a brief meteoric blaze, illumining the whole sky, burning away neglected relics, casting unreally dark shadows, lighting up beauties long unperceived, and ending in what looked like sombre gloom but was really the light of common day. We have already compared it to the comet-like brilliance of the Renaissance. Yet, like the Renaissance, it did not end abruptly. While some of the new forces it released were checked, and others were diverted, many flowed on into the century which succeeded it: and one of these was the deeper understanding of Greco-Roman art, literature, and thought.
讨论这个时代涌入文学的所有潮流是不可能的。有些潮流现在很难崇拜，如东方主义，以及奥西安和他的单弦竖琴。其他则变得非常强大。民族主义，即对民间的崇拜，在现代思想中产生了新的、有价值的差异，并帮助消除了许多无法容忍的压迫。但人类文明，一种比民族文明更高的理想，现在正面临被它们摧毁的危险。那些认为欣赏美国小说、英国诗歌、法国批评、德国哲学更重要的人，1 俄罗斯音乐、玻利维亚科学、西藏神学，而不是欣赏和改进整个人类（或几个相互关联和合作的大整体）的思想，这些都完全能够将人类变成一群互相无法理解和敌对的部落。
It has been impossible to discuss all the currents which rushed into the literature of this era. Some of them are now difficult to admire, such as Orientalism, and Ossian with his one-stringed harp. Others have grown to be dangerously powerful. Nationalism, the cult of the Folk, has produced new and valuable differentiations in modern thought, and has helped to eradicate many intolerable oppressions. But human civilization, which is a higher ideal than national civilizations, is now in danger of being destroyed by them. Those who believe it is more important to appreciate American novels, English poetry, French criticism, German philosophy,1 Russian music, Bolivian science, Tibetan theology, than to admire and improve the thought of humanity as a whole (or as a few large interrelated and co-operative wholes) are quite capable of reducing mankind to a mass of mutually unintelligible and hostile tribes.
讨论甚至列举所有在希腊和罗马的启发下为革命时代做出贡献的作家和艺术家也是不可能的。有些被忽视的人非常有趣：例如，奥地利剧作家格里尔帕泽（1791-1872），他因阿尔戈英雄三部曲而出名，并写了一系列表达他那个时代幻灭感的优美抒情诗，标题取自流亡奥维德的挽歌《黑海哀歌》。2有些人属于处于主流边缘的民族，因此他们用自己的语言再现了首先在其他地方被唤醒的灵感。波兰诗人卡西米尔·布罗津斯基和卡耶坦·科兹米安就是其中之一，他们将波兰乡村的精神融入了泰奥克里特的田园诗和维吉尔的农事诗中；还有齐格蒙特·克拉辛斯基，他写了一部关于希腊反抗罗马人的戏剧《伊里狄翁》 ——就像荷尔德林写他的《许佩里昂》反抗土耳其人一样。有些人的创作能力不如歌德、夏多布里昂、济慈和我们讨论过的其他作家。3有些人——每个人的原因各不相同——故意避开希腊和罗马的影响，尽管他们常常感受到其威力。贺拉斯在法国遭到了许多人误解，人们认为他是布瓦洛的煽动者和文学规则的传播者。4而启示录作家布莱克，虽然经常以希腊雕塑作为其绘画的模型和灵感，却高呼“古典主义！是古典主义，而不是哥特人或僧侣，用战争摧毁了欧洲！”——这句话除了与吉本的观点相矛盾外，几乎没有任何意义。5
It has also been impossible to discuss, even to name, all the writers and artists who, partially under Greek and Roman inspiration, contributed to the revolutionary era. Some of those neglected are highly interesting: for instance, the Austrian dramatist Grillparzer (1791-1872), who made his name with a trilogy on the Argonauts, and wrote a fine series of lyrics expressing the disillusionment of his time, with a title suggested by the elegies of the exiled Ovid, Laments from the Black Sea.2 Some belong to nations which stood rather on the edge of the main stream, and which therefore reproduced in their own languages inspirations which first awakened elsewhere. Such were the Polish poets Casimir Brodzinski and Kajetan Kozmian, who put the spirit of the Polish country-side into Theocritean idylls and Vergilian georgics; and Zygmunt Krasinski, who wrote a drama, Irydion, on the revolt of Greece against the Romans—as Hölderlin wrote of his Hyperion rebelling against the Turks. Some also are less richly creative writers than Goethe, Chateaubriand, Keats, and others we have discussed.3 Some—for reasons which varied with each individual—deliberately turned away from Greek and Roman influence, although they often felt its power. Horace came in for much mistaken hatred in France, as the supposed instigator of Boileau and the purveyor of literary rules.4 And the apocalyptic Blake, while constantly using Greek sculpture as models and inspirations for his drawings, cried ‘The Classics! it is the Classics, and not Goths nor Monks, that Desolate Europe with Wars!’—a sentence which has very little meaning except as a contradiction of Gibbon.5
创意时代是大量强大精神力量汇聚在一起，相互加强、更新和丰富。这样的时代是革命的时代。事实证明，它不是反古典的，而是比之前的时代更深入地渗透了古典精神。在所有形成它的能量中，希腊和罗马文化的潮流只是其中之一；但它非常强大、非常多样、非常肥沃。它促使年轻的作家和思想家为政治自由、宗教自由、审美完美、感性和精神的美而奋斗；外在自然的美，它不是死的或动物般的活着的，而是被超人的力量和可爱的精神所居住。对一些人来说，它提供了一种逃避物质主义和压迫的可恶世界的方法——我们将看到，它在整个十九世纪继续提供这种方法。一些人受到它的启发，效仿了希腊诗歌中歌唱和希腊雕像中闪耀的平衡身心生活的理想。一些最伟大的人物通过对古代文明的研究，更深刻地认识到人类生活的核心真理之一——文明是一种持续的成就。
A creative era is one in which a large number of powerful spiritual forces flow together, strengthening, renewing, and enriching one another. Such an era was the time of revolution. It has been shown that it was not anti-classical, but more deeply penetrated with the classical spirit than the age preceding it. Among all the energies that made it, the current of Greek and Roman culture was only one; but it was very powerful, very varied, very fertile. It moved young writers and thinkers to strive for political freedom; religious liberty; aesthetic perfection; beauty, sensuous and spiritual; beauty in an external nature which was not dead or animally alive, but inhabited by spirits of superhuman strength and loveliness. For some, it provided an escape from the hateful world of materialism and oppression—and this, we shall see, it continued to provide throughout the nineteenth century. Some were inspired by it to emulate the ideal of a balanced psychical and physical life which sings in Greek poetry and shines out from the Greek statues. And some, the greatest, took from their studies of antiquity a deeper sense of one of the central truths in human life—the fact that civilization is a continuous achievement.
20
帕纳索斯与敌基督
20
PARNASSUS AND ANTICHRIST
华兹华斯在他最著名的一首诗中指责他的同时代人扼杀了自己的灵魂。他说，他们什么都不想，只想赚钱和花钱；为了换取金钱，他们出卖了自己冷酷无情的心。他们无法感受到大自然的壮丽：月光下的大海、风和平静。在突然的兴奋中，他喊道，他宁愿做一个异教徒，相信希腊的神灵——因为希腊人不仅感受到了外部世界的美丽，而且还让其中充满了神灵。
IN one of his most famous poems, Wordsworth accuses his contemporaries of killing their own souls. They think of nothing, he says, but making money and spending it; and in exchange for money they have given away their hardened and worthless hearts. They cannot feel the grandeur of nature: of the moonlit sea, the winds, the calm. In a sudden fit of exaltation he shouts that he would rather be a pagan, believing in the divinities of Greece—for the Greeks not only felt the beauty of the external world, but peopled it with spirits.
因此，我站在这宜人的草地上，……
看见普罗透斯从海中升起；
或听见老特里同吹响他的花环号角。
So might I, standing on this pleasant lea, …
Have sight of Proteus rising from the sea;
Or hear old Triton blow his wreathed horn.
这首诗写于1806年。1这是革命诗人对当代唯物主义的众多抨击之一。其他对人类精神的滥用也激起了他们的抗议：宗教压迫、枯燥的社会习俗、封建主义的残余。但在他们去世后，继承他们的一代又一代作家看到反叛力量分裂和衰落，而随着十九世纪资本和工业的增长，唯物主义的力量不断增强。他们还看到，或者自认为看到，基督教曾经是穷人和被压迫者的捍卫者，现在正成为金钱、社会特权以及获得和保留这些特权的卑鄙或卑鄙手段的堡垒。十九世纪是赚钱的好时代，但对于思想家、诗人和艺术家，对于热爱自然和人类的人来说，那是地狱。
This poem was written in 1806.1 It was one of many attacks on contemporary materialism delivered by the revolutionary poets. Other abuses of the human spirit stirred them to protest also: religious oppression, arid social convention, survivals of feudalism. But after they died, the generations of writers who succeeded them saw the forces of rebellion divide and dwindle, and, with the growth of nineteenth-century capital and industry, the power of materialism increase. They saw also, or thought they saw, that Christianity, once the champion of the poor and oppressed, was becoming the stronghold of money, social privilege, and the timid or sordid tricks by which they are acquired and kept. The nineteenth century was a great time for money-making, but for thinkers, poets, and artists, for men who loved nature and humanity, it was hell.
从物质上来说，十九世纪也是丑陋的。天空因烟雾而变得阴暗；空气中弥漫着工厂的浓雾，机器的轰鸣声和噪音使空气变得刺耳。几年之内，美丽的山谷变成了数英亩的贫民窟，宁静的荒原被撕开，绿色的田野被贫瘠的矿渣掩埋。室内的图画、富人家的房子的照片（甚至包括瓦格纳和左拉这样的艺术家），街道和人群的照片，向我们展示了令人震惊的丑陋场景。数以百万计的令人厌恶的那个时期建造的建筑物和城镇、砖砌的教堂和“黑暗的撒旦磨坊”仍然让我们感到痛苦不已。
Materially also the nineteenth century was ugly. The sky had become dark with smoke; the air was thick with factory-fog and rasped by the roar and chatter of machinery. Within a few years, smiling valleys were turned into acres of slums, quiet moors were ripped open, green fields were buried under barren slag. Drawings of interiors, pictures of the homes of the rich (even of such artists as Wagner and Zola), photographs of streets and crowds, show us scenes of appalling hideousness. Millions of repulsive buildings and towns, brick churches and ‘dark Satanic mills’, constructed in that period, still afflict our eyes.
结果是，大多数十九世纪的伟大作家都憎恨和鄙视他们所生活的世界。他们在诗歌、批评、散文小说和哲学中一次又一次地表达了这种观点。其他时代也曾引起艺术家的反抗，但很难想象有哪个时期有这么多才华横溢的作家如此一致地憎恨他们所处的整个环境以及他们被迫与之共存的人们的理想。也许十二世纪的讽刺作家和流浪学生也同样憎恨他们自己的时代，但还有谁呢？
The result was that most of the great nineteenth-century writers hated and despised the world in which they lived. Again and again they said so, in poetry, in criticism, in prose fiction, and in philosophy. Other ages have provoked revolt among artists, but it is difficult to think of any other period in which so many talented authors have so unanimously detested their entire surroundings and the ideals of the people among whom they were forced to exist. Perhaps the twelfth-century satirists and student tramps hated their own times as much, but who else?
许多十九世纪的诗人觉得，他们不可能写出任何关于他们所见生活的美丽的东西。他们大喊：
Many poets of the nineteenth century felt it was impossible to write anything beautiful about the life they saw around them. They cried:
雾气遮蔽了阳光。
烟雾弥漫的矮屋
将我团团围住；
一种隐约的沮丧感
压垮了我的灵魂。2
Mist clogs the sunshine.
Smoky dwarf houses
Hem me round everywhere;
A vague dejection
Weighs down my soul.2
他们厌恶地避开周围兴起的工业城市，厌恶同时代人喜欢的庸俗书籍、绘画和戏剧，厌恶他们认为主宰那个时代的唯物主义理想。他们把目光投向其他国家和其他时代，它们本身就很美，距离越远就越美丽。他们常常把目光投向罗马和希腊。经常——但并非总是如此。还有其他充满美丽和活力的地区可以让他们逃离。高更去了塔希提岛。兰波去了爪哇，然后去了东非。皮埃尔·洛蒂和其他人去了东方。德·昆西和波德莱尔去了毒品的人造天堂。许多人回到了浪漫的中世纪。但这些都没有像希腊和罗马文化那样提供如此广阔、一致和令人满意的避难所。
They turned away in disgust from the industrial cities which were growing up around them, from the vulgar books, paintings, and plays which delighted their contemporaries, and from the materialist ideals which they thought dominated the age. They looked to other lands and other ages, beautiful in themselves and made lovelier by distance. And often they turned towards Rome and Greece. Often—not always. There were other regions full of beauty and energy to which they could escape. Gauguin went to Tahiti. Rimbaud went to Java, and then to east Africa. Pierre Loti and others went to the Orient. De Quincey and Baudelaire went to the artificial paradise of drugs. Many went back to the romantic Middle Ages. But none of these provided such a large, consistent, and satisfying refuge as the culture of Greece and Rome.
19 世纪的作家们钦佩这种文化有两个主要原因：一是因为它很美，二是因为它不是基督教的。他们认为自己的文明肮脏贪婪；他们称赞希腊人和罗马人高尚而有灵性。他们认为当代基督教卑鄙、丑陋、压抑；他们钦佩古代的宗教信仰自由、强大、优雅。望着被烟尘笼罩的天空，望着工厂烟囱和新哥特式尖塔，他们惊呼道：
Nineteenth-century writers admired this culture for two chief reasons: because it was beautiful, and because it was not Christian. They saw their own civilization as squalid and greedy; they praised the Greeks and Romans as noble and spiritual. They felt contemporary Christianity to be mean, ugly, and repressive; they admired the cults of antiquity as free, strong, and graceful. Looking at the soot-laden sky, pierced by factory chimneys and neo-Gothic steeples, they exclaimed:
伟大的上帝！我宁愿做
一个受过陈旧信仰熏陶的异教徒。3
Great God! I’d rather be
A Pagan suckled in a creed outworn.3
因此，十九世纪有两种古典艺术和思想，可以用两个象征性的名字来区分：帕纳索斯和反基督。这两种态度有时出现在同一位作家身上，甚至出现在同一本书中。但通常它们是可以区分的；它们在意图和结果上有很大不同，因此应该分开讨论。
There are, then, two types of classicizing art and thought in the nineteenth century, which can be distinguished by two symbolic names: Parnassus and Antichrist. Both attitudes sometimes appear in the same writer, and even in the same book. But usually they are distinguishable; and they differ so deeply in intention and result that they should be separately discussed.
帕那索斯
PARNASSUS
人们常说，不食人间烟尘的唯美主义者和知识分子生活在象牙塔里。4这句话说得不错，但帕纳索斯山更能象征十九世纪热爱希腊罗马文化的理想主义。1866 年至 1876 年间，一群法国诗人将这个名字赋予了他们发表作品的期刊《当代帕纳索斯》。帕纳索斯山是缪斯女神居住的山峰——她们不仅是诗歌女神，而且是历史、哲学、科学、戏剧的守护神，事实上是文明中一切超越物质关注的事物的守护神。帕纳索斯山是一座远离城市、荒野自然、高耸入云的山峰；它比象牙塔更崇高、更美丽、更强大、更真实。它不是希伯来或基督教传说中的山峰，也不是“奥雷布或西奈山的秘密山顶”，5也不是廷塔杰尔这样的中世纪堡垒，也不是现代土地上的友好山峰。6这是希腊的一座偏远山脉。法国人以这座山的名字命名了巴黎的大学、艺术和思想聚集的地方。这座山就是蒙帕纳斯，它永远与更现代（和物质化）的右岸的山相对立，右岸是圣心堂，中世纪的名字是烈士山。虽然“帕纳斯”这个词一直被保留给参与出版上述杂志的相对较小的法国诗人群体，但这个符号用途太广泛，不能局限于他们；他们所信奉的许多理想也为其他国家的诗人所共有。7因此，我们可以把整个宣扬希腊和拉丁美学理想之美、与十九世纪的美学理想相反的运动称为帕纳索斯式的美。
Unworldly aesthetes and intellectuals are often said to live in an ivory tower.4 It is a fine phrase, but Parnassus is a better symbol for the nineteenth-century idealism which loved Greco-Roman culture. The name was given by a group of French poets to the periodical in which, between 1866 and 1876, they published their work: Le Parnasse contemporain, or The Modern Parnassus. Parnassus is the mountain inhabited by the Muses—who are not goddesses of poetry alone, but patrons of history, philosophy, science, drama, in fact of everything in civilization that is above material concerns. Parnassus is a mountain: far away from cities, part of wild nature, above the world; loftier, more beautiful, stronger, more real than a tower of ivory. And it is not a mountain of Hebrew or Christian legend, ‘the secret top of Oreb, or of Sinai’,5 nor a medieval stronghold like Tintagel, nor a friendly peak in modern lands.6 It is a remote mountain in Greece. The French gave its name to the hill where the universities, the art, and the thought of Paris are assembled. It is Montparnasse, which stands in perpetual opposition to the hill on the more modern (and materialistic) right bank, crowned by the Christian church of Sacré-Coeur and bearing the medieval name of Martyrs’ Mount. Although the word ‘Parnassian’ has been kept for the relatively small group of French poets who joined in publishing the magazine mentioned above, the symbol is too broadly useful to be confined to them; and many of the ideals in which they believed were shared by poets in other countries.7 We may therefore call the whole movement to assert the beauty of Greek and Latin aesthetic ideals, in opposition to those of the nineteenth century, Parnassian.
正如我们所说，它的大部分精力都用于反对唯物主义。但这是一场复杂的运动，与大多数重要的精神事件一样，不能被充分描述为“反动”。从另一个角度来看，这是对革命时代后变得兴盛和奢侈的浪漫理想的厌恶的表达。许多帕纳斯诗人认为，如果一个拥有磨坊的百万富翁令人厌恶，那么拜伦式的海盗就是荒谬的；而现代的波纹铁皮教堂并不比一座充满丑陋怪兽和夸张圣人的中世纪大教堂更令人厌恶。因此，一些帕纳斯作家鄙视浪漫主义，因为它扭曲了生活，就像他们鄙视工业主义，因为它贬低了生活一样。他们所坚持的（他们相信的）既不是反动，也不是逃避现实，而是一组积极的美学和精神理想，这些理想是在希腊发现的，是所有名副其实的文明的基础，是永恒的真理。
Much of its energy was, as we have said, devoted to opposing materialism. But it was a complex movement, and, like most important spiritual events, cannot adequately be described as ‘reaction’. Looked at from another point of view, it was an expression of dislike for the romantic ideals which grew exuberant and extravagant after the age of revolution. Many of the Parnassians felt that, if a millowning millionaire was disgusting, a Byronic corsair was ridiculous; and that a modern corrugated-iron chapel was no more repulsive than a medieval cathedral full of hideous gargoyles and exaggerated saints. Therefore some of the Parnassian writers despised romanticism for distorting life, as they despised industrialism for degrading it. What they maintained was (they believed) neither reaction nor escapism, but a group of positive aesthetic and spiritual ideals, which, discovered in Greece, were the foundation of all civilization worthy of the name, and were eternally true.
第一个引起人们注意的帕纳索斯理想是情感控制。尽管希腊诗歌的情感表达受到限制，但它却真实而强烈。但它比夸张情感的激烈表达更真实、更核心；它通常更美丽；即使在最狂野的时候也不会贬低人类的尊严。例如，维克多·雨果的三部小说都涉及爱情——它的理想主义、爱人和被爱人之间的鸿沟，以及在伟大的爱情中超越欲望的放弃。他选择用来象征爱情这些方面的人物是一个丑陋的聋哑驼背，他爱上了一个无家可归的吉普赛人；一个在童年时被绑架并被肢解成永远咧嘴笑的面具的贵族，但却深受盲女的喜爱；一个工人，他独自一人以超人的力量和技巧赢得了一个女孩的芳心，却发现她爱上了别人，于是坐在石椅上自杀，让潮水淹没他，而当时女孩正与她的丈夫一起从他身边驶过。8这些是戏剧性的想法，并且以极大的活力表达出来；令人难忘；但不真实。
The first Parnassian ideal which claims attention is emotional control. Although its expression is restrained, the emotion of Greek poetry is none the less real and intense. But it is more genuine, more central, than violent expressions of extravagant feeling; it is usually more beautiful; and even at its wildest it does not degrade human dignity. For example, three of Victor Hugo’s novels deal with love—its idealism, the gulfs which separate lover and beloved, and the renunciation which in great love rises above desire. The characters he chooses to symbolize these aspects of love are a hideous deaf hunchback in love with a homeless gipsy, a nobleman kidnapped in childhood and mutilated into a perpetual grinning mask, but beloved by a blind girl, and a workman who, after carrying out single-handed a technical feat of superhuman strength and skill to win a girl, finds that she loves someone else, and commits suicide by sitting in a rock chair to be covered by the tide, while she sails past him with her husband.8 Dramatic ideas, these, and expressed with tremendous vigour; unforgettable; but unreal.
从如此夸张的欲望和痛苦中，帕纳索斯式的克制是一种解脱。埃德加·爱伦·坡虽然自己是一位狂热浪漫的作家，但也曾感到过这种解脱。在他的抒情诗《致海伦》中，他写给这位名字和面容都体现了希腊美的完美的女孩，他说，她宁静的美貌把他带回了家，一个
From such exaggerations of desire and suffering, Parnassian restraint was a relief. Edgar Allan Poe, although himself a wildly romantic writer, once felt that relief. In his lyric To Helen, addressed to the girl whose name and face image the perfection of Greek beauty, he said that her serene loveliness had brought him home, a
疲惫不堪的流浪者，……
在绝望的海上长期徘徊。
weary way-worn wanderer, …
On desperate seas long wont to roam.
He had been on the romantic adventure. He had felt the visionary magic
危险的大海，荒凉的仙境。9
Of perilous seas, in faery lands forlorn.9
但经过那些疯狂的幻想之后，他发现了温柔的美和一种安宁的感觉
But after those wild visions, he found gentle beauty and a sense of repose in
希腊的辉煌，
以及罗马的宏伟。
the glory that was Greece,
And the grandeur that was Rome.
马修·阿诺德（1822-88）在一首名为《酒神节；或，新时代》的优美诗歌中，将斯温伯恩等诗人的狂热情绪与产生更理智的思想和更好的诗歌的宁静进行了对比。他描述了一个炎热夏日过后的夜晚，花香四溢，星星缓缓升起；然后，突然间，一群狂野的酒神女在安静的麦穗中骚动，把篱笆上的花都拔了下来。他问牧羊人（可能是他自己或任何一位类似的诗人）为什么不参加狂欢，吹着笛子跳舞：
The contrast between the frenetic emotionalism of such poets as Swinburne and the serenity which produces saner thought and better poetry was put by Matthew Arnold (1822-88) in a fine poem called Bacchanalia; or, The New Age. He describes an evening, after a hot summer day, with the perfume of the flowers coming out and the stars rising slowly; and then, suddenly, an irruption of wild maenads rioting through the quiet sheaves and tearing out the flowers from the hedge. He asks the shepherd (who is himself or any kindred poet) why he does not join the revel, pipe for the dance:
她们的肩膀不是光滑闪亮吗？她们
的眼睛不是柔和美丽吗？
她们的脸颊不是
红润美丽吗？——
Glow not their shoulders smooth?
Melt not their eyes?
Is not, on cheeks like those,
Lovely the flush?—
但牧羊人回答说：
But the shepherd answers:
啊，多么安静啊！
多么寂静啊！
Ah, so the quiet was!
So was the hush!
法国帕纳索斯诗派领袖查尔斯-玛丽-勒内·勒孔特·德·利斯尔（Charles-Marie-René Leconte de Lisle，1818-94）用“无动于衷”这个词概括了同样的理想。同样，在批评方面，拉丁语学家德西雷·尼萨尔（Désiré Nisard，1806-88）写了一篇关于后期拉丁诗人的精彩文章，指责雨果及其追随者是堕落的作家，扭曲了文学标准，就像卢坎和斯塔提乌斯在罗马衰落时期所做的那样。10在意大利，乔苏埃·卡杜奇（1835-1907）虽然是一位革命自由主义者，也是歌德和雨果的崇拜者，但他谴责“浪漫主义”的生活态度。在古典主义和浪漫主义中11他将古典主义比作充满生机的太阳，将浪漫主义比作病态的月亮，它既不催花，也不催果，却以最大的乐趣俯视墓地和比它自己死人的脸还要苍白的骷髅。（很难不让人想起莱奥帕尔迪的许多诗写在月亮的白色光芒中，那颗代表爱与死亡的星球。）在绘画中，同样的克制理想（同样传达在希腊罗马符号中）由大卫的学生安格尔和皮维斯·德·夏凡纳的宁静幻想所表达。安格尔的《荷马的神化》宣扬了希腊思想和希腊艺术的理想主义；但它只反映了希腊精神的一半。另一半出现在他精湛的裸体画《春》中，这幅画展示了一位希腊仙女被现代的温柔和现实主义带到我们身边。她初绽的笑容，脚下的小花，使她（就像波提切利的维纳斯一样）不仅仅是一个古董模型的复制品，而且再次体现了希腊神话不可磨灭的生命力。
The same ideal was summed up by the leader of the French Parnassian group, Charles-Marie-René Leconte de Lisle (1818-94), in the word impassibility. Similarly, in criticism, the latinist Désiré Nisard (1806-88) wrote a brilliant essay on the later Latin poets, charging Hugo and his followers with being degenerate writers and distorting the standards of literature, as Lucan and Statius had done in the decadence of Rome.10 And in Italy, Giosue Carducci (1835-1907), although a revolutionary liberal and an admirer of Goethe and Hugo, denounced the ‘romantic’ attitude to life. In Classicism and Romanticism11 he compares classicism to the rich strong life-giving sun, and romanticism to the morbid moon, which ripens neither flower nor fruit, but looks down with most pleasure on graveyards and on skulls less white than its own dead face. (It is difficult not to remember Leopardi’s many poems written in the white glare of the moon, that planet of love and death.) In painting, the same ideals of restraint, conveyed likewise in Greco-Roman symbols, were expressed by David’s pupil Ingres, and by the tranquil visions of Puvis de Chavannes. Ingres’s Apotheosis of Homer proclaims the idealism of Greek thought and Greek art; but it mirrors only half of the Hellenic spirit. The other half appears in his superb nude, The Spring, which shows a Greek nymph brought close to us by modern tenderness and realism. Her dawning smile, and the little flowers at her feet, make her (like Botticelli’s Venus) something more than a copy of an antique model, and exemplify once more the inextinguishable vitality of Greek myth.
尽管希腊罗马诗歌并没有制定出诗歌结构的绝对法则，但是它对形式的控制，以及对浮夸、模糊和不平衡的避免，却是令人印象深刻的理想。因此，帕纳斯诗人推崇并践行形式的严肃性。他们觉得维克多·雨果和其他同类型的作家都在刻意追求长度、不连贯和古怪。雨果会写一首三音节长的诗，或者在一部小说的一章又一章中写满自然历史讲座和对上帝的沉思；如果十个字就足够了，他和他的追随者们绝不会只用一个字。为了避免犯这些极端错误，帕纳斯诗人追求精确、清晰，以及规则而传统的模式，而不是新奇或浮夸。
Although Greco-Roman poetry laid down no absolute laws of poetic structure, yet its control of form, and its avoidance of the extravagant, vague, and unbalanced, are impressive ideals. Therefore the Parnassians admired and practised severity of form. They felt that Victor Hugo and other writers of his type were deliberately cultivating length, incoherence, and eccentricity. Hugo would write a poem with lines three syllables long, or fill chapter after chapter of a novel with lectures on natural history and meditations about God; he and his followers would never use one word if ten would do as well. In order not to make these extreme errors, the Parnassians cultivated precision, clarity, and patterns which were regular and traditional rather than novel or extravagant.
在这一领域，他们最令人印象深刻的作品是《奖杯》 ——由何塞·玛丽亚·德·埃雷迪亚 (1842-1905) 创作的一本十四行诗集，规则完美，控制严格。12从希腊最早的传说开始，经过罗马，到中世纪和文艺复兴时期，它将整个西欧历史凝固在一系列色彩鲜艳、光彩夺目的水晶中，每一块水晶的形状都完全相同，每一块都以最强烈的方式展现出某种英雄气概或美丽时刻。因此，一首十四行诗通过描述一次拥抱，总结了安东尼和克利奥帕特拉的爱情、奢华和灾难，在拥抱中，安东尼深深地凝视着克利奥帕特拉那双带金点的蓝眼睛，看到了
In this field the most impressive of their works is The Trophies—a single book of sonnets, perfectly regular and rigidly controlled, by Jose-Maria de Heredia (1842-1905).12 Beginning with the earliest legends of Greece, and passing through Rome to the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, it freezes the whole of western European history in a series of vividly coloured and dazzlingly bright crystals, each of exactly the same form and each showing some heroic enterprise or moment of beauty at its extremest intensity. Thus, one sonnet sums up the love, the luxury, and the catastrophe of Antony and Cleopatra by describing one embrace in which Antony, gazing deep into Cleopatra’s blue eyes flecked with gold, sees
一片茫茫大海，溃败的船只四处逃窜。十三
a whole vast sea, with routed ships in flight.13
这本书就像古典诗人花费一生创作的伟大作品，与我们现在认为的科学家忘我地剔除那些无关紧要和虚假的东西。这使埃雷迪亚成为科学院的成员，而且从更大的意义上说，他是一个不朽的人。
This one book was like the great single works on which classical poets spent a lifetime, working with what we now think of as a scientist’s self-forgetfulness to cut out the inessential and the false. It made Heredia a member of the Academy, and, in an even greater sense, an immortal.
几年前，他的同时代人卡杜奇曾出版过一本模仿贺拉斯风格的、以希腊和意大利为主题的《野蛮颂歌》集。14这些节奏是对贺拉斯诗节的奇妙改编，并不是贺拉斯本人所唱的节奏，而是用晚期拉丁语和现代意大利语重音读出来的节奏。15使用这种困难的韵律的好处在于，它模仿了伟大诗歌中已经写成的僵硬形式，迫使诗人将强烈的感情、简洁的语言和极其清晰的思想结合起来。在卡杜奇的第一首诗中——让人想起贺拉斯的
His contemporary Carducci had, some years earlier, published a collection of Barbarian Odes, in the manner of Horace, on Greek and Italian themes.14 The rhythms are a curious adaptation of Horace’s metres, not as Horace himself sang them, but as they would be spoken by someone reading with the stress-accent of late Latin and modern Italian.15 The benefit of using difficult metres of that type, modelled on rigid forms in which great poetry has already been written, is that it compels the poet to combine intensity of feeling and economy of language with extreme clarity of thought. In Carducci’s first poem—reminiscent of Horace’s
我憎恨那些粗俗的暴徒，并将他们隔离开来——16
I hate the vulgar mob, and fence it off—16
他将普通的诗歌比作妓女，而将自己努力掌握的复杂形式比作被牧神在山上捕获的仙女，因为她难以征服并且反抗得如此激烈，所以才更加美丽。17
he compares ordinary poetry with a prostitute, and the complex forms he himself strives to master with a nymph caught on the mountains by a faun, and all the lovelier because she is so difficult to subdue and resists so passionately.17
然而，这一次，希腊和罗马艺术的崇拜者们并没有犯下巴洛克式的错误，从他们的模型中得出任何“规则”。帕纳斯人认为古典形式的本质不是使用传统法律，而是接受纪律，不是盲目地复制模式，而是将个人幻想置于超个人的传统之下。泰奥菲尔·戈蒂埃（1811-72）在一首优美的诗中表达了这一点，这首诗的形式虽然不是古典的，但仍然很朴素：18
This time, however, the admirers of Greek and Roman art did not make the baroque mistake of educing any ‘rules’ from their models. The Parnassians saw that the essence of classical form is not the use of traditional laws, but the acceptance of discipline, not the slavish copying of a pattern, but the subordination of personal fancies to a supra-personal tradition. Théophile Gautier (1811-72) stated this in a fine poem whose form is none the less austere because it is not classical in origin:18
不要戴上虚假的束缚！
然而，缪斯，要想稳步前行
，你必须穿上
高筒靴。
No false restraints put on!
Yet, to walk steadily,
Muse, you must don
a narrow buskin high.
（buskin 是古希腊悲剧演员为增加身高而穿的一种厚底靴，因此成为悲剧和高尚诗歌标准的象征。）
(The buskin was the thick-soled boot worn by Greek tragic actors to increase their height: hence the symbol of tragedy, and of high poetic standards.)
这首诗的结尾陈述了帕纳索斯诗人的统治理想——这种理想绝不局限于法国，甚至不局限于文学，而是传播到每一个西方国家和所有的艺术。这就是美是一种独立的价值。
The same poem ends with a statement of the ruling ideal of the Parnassians—one which was not confined to France by any means, nor even to literature, but spread to every western country and to all the arts. This is that beauty is an independent value.
这并不是什么新观点。但帕纳斯派诗人却极力宣扬它，因为其谬误要么被他们的对手不加辩驳地认定，要么被他们用十九世纪常见的那种油腔滑调地宣扬。这是对唯物主义者的蔑视，唯物主义者认为食物、住所和药品就是人类所需要的一切，或者他们自己很富有，只享受财富的炫耀——就像《我们共同的朋友》中的波德斯纳普先生；这是对现实主义者的蔑视，特别是对那些似乎喜欢描写资产阶级唯物主义和贫困潦倒的作家的蔑视；最重要的是，这是对道德和宗教宣传者的蔑视，比如《马丁·朱述尔维特》中的佩克斯尼夫先生，他认为任何艺术都是好的，除非它能给人一种进步的教训，反之亦然。针对这些人，戈蒂埃写道：
It was not a new idea. But it was proclaimed with great fervour by the Parnassians, because its falsity was either assumed by their opponents without argument, or preached in those tones of unctuous self-assurance which are so familiar in the nineteenth century. It was a defiance of the materialists, who thought that food, lodging, and medicine were all that man needed, or who, themselves rich, enjoyed nothing but the parade of riches—like Mr. Podsnap in Our Mutual Friend; a defiance of the realists, particularly of writers who appeared to enjoy describing bourgeois materialism and poverty-stricken squalor; and, above all, a defiance of the moral and religious propagandists like Mr. Pecksniff in Martin Chuzzlewit, who held that no art was good unless it taught an improving lesson, and vice versa. Against such people, Gautier wrote:
一切都会过去。唯有艺术
永垂不朽。
石像
比石头城更长久。19
All passes. Art alone
has immortality.
The bust of stone
outlives the stone city.19
勒孔特·德·利斯尔起初是一位理想主义者，希望进行社会改革，但因 1848 年自由主义的失败而心灰意冷，他用一句话概括了这一学说，将其与济慈的理想区分开来。济慈认为真与美是一回事。勒孔特·德·利斯尔说：“美不是真理的仆人。”20
Leconte de Lisle, who began as an idealist with hopes of social reform, but was soured by the 1848 defeat of liberalism, put the doctrine in a sentence which distinguishes it from the ideal of Keats. Keats had identified truth and beauty. Leconte de Lisle said: ‘The Beautiful is not the servant of the True.’20
然而，这一原则最著名的表述是“为艺术而艺术”这句话。维克多·雨果说他发明了这句话，但雨果从来没有像他自己想象的那样独创。21看来，康德及其哲学继承者们提出的理念渗透到了英国和法国，即我们有一种审美意识，可以用它来欣赏美——一种完全独立于我们的道德判断、独立于我们的智力的意识。如果这是真的，那么艺术家就是通过这种特殊的意识来创作的，将道德或智力标准引入艺术作品的欣赏是完全不相干的。康德说，艺术作品具有“无目的的目的性”，22他的意思是，它们似乎是为了某种特殊目的而创造的；但它们没有像椅子或机器那样明确界定的功能：相反，它们就像一朵花。同样，当毕加索被问及他的一幅画代表什么时，据说他回答说：“一棵树代表什么？”在英国，这一学说是由戈蒂埃的狂热崇拜者 AC 斯温伯恩 (1837-1909) 宣扬的；然后由沃尔特·佩特（Walter Pater，1839-94）以精美绝伦的语句朗诵，他的《文艺复兴史研究》成为了年轻帕纳索斯诗人的祈祷书。23
However, the most famous expression of the doctrine is the phrase Art for art’s sake. Victor Hugo said he invented it, but Hugo was never quite as original as he thought.21 It was, it seems, an infiltration into England and France of the idea worked out by Kant and his philosophical successors, that there is an aesthetic sense by which we appreciate the beautiful—a sense quite independent of our moral judgement, independent of our intellect. If that is true, it follows that the artist works through this special sense, and that it is quite irrelevant to introduce moral or intellectual standards into the appreciation of a work of art. Kant said works of art had ‘purposefulness without purpose’,22 by which he meant that they seemed to have been created to serve some special end; yet they had no clearly defined function like a chair or a machine: rather, they were like a flower. In the same way, Picasso, when asked what one of his pictures meant, is said to have replied ‘What does a tree mean?’ In England the doctrine was proclaimed by A. C. Swinburne (1837-1909), an ardent admirer of Gautier; and then set in elaborately jewelled phrases by Walter Pater (1839-94), whose Studies in the History of the Renaissance became the young Parnassians’ breviary.23
尽管许多艺术爱好者都是古典文学的崇拜者，但应该注意的是，这并不是古典学说。希腊人和罗马人并不认为艺术与道德脱节。相反，他们的文学在意图上具有深刻的道德性——除了哑剧和警句等少数类型；他们的伟大雕塑既是精神理想的表达，也是身体理想的表达。24它更像是（像拉斐尔前派的神秘主义一样）对维多利亚时代文学必须具有教化作用的态度的反抗——这种态度往往与对品味和美的极度漠不关心相结合。二十五
Although many of its devotees were admirers of the classics, it should be noted that this is not a classical doctrine. The Greeks and Romans did not believe that art was divorced from morality. On the contrary, their literature was profoundly moral in intention—except for a few minor types such as mime and epigram; and their great sculptures were expressions of spiritual as well as physical ideals.24 It was rather (like the mysticism of the Pre-Raphaelites) a revolt against the Victorian attitude that literature must be edifying—an attitude often combined with supreme indifference to good taste and beauty.25
这是一种危险的信念。佩特写道：“一切艺术都不断追求音乐的境界”：26因为在音乐中，物质已经完全融入了形式；一首乐曲除了其自身的美之外，没有任何意义。但文学不是音乐。它与人打交道，而人是道德主体：因此，在不自觉或不自觉地提出道德问题并回答这些问题的情况下，不可能写出关于人类思想和人类行为的作品。
It is a dangerous belief. ‘All art’, wrote Pater, ‘constantly aspires towards the condition of music’:26 for in music, matter has merged entirely into form; a piece of music has no meaning other than its own beauty. But literature is not music. It deals with people, and people are moral agents: therefore it is impossible to write about human thoughts and human actions without, consciously or unconsciously, raising moral problems and answering them.
从宣称艺术非道德到将其变为不道德，只有一步之遥。那些说文学与道德标准无关的人往往意味着他们希望文学拒绝当前的道德标准，并暗示要教授不同的道德标准。在于斯曼的著名小说中，一位唯美主义者独自生活，献身于纯粹美丽的生活，创作香水交响曲，阅读一些晦涩而完美的作家的作品，男主角引导一个十六岁的男孩堕落，当他被堕落到一定程度时，他会谋杀他令人厌恶的资产阶级父亲。27这一行为并非故意恶行，而是毫无道德色彩的行为，是德塞森特寻求有趣感觉的又一个插曲，或者最多是对认为婚姻和家庭值得维护的愚蠢世界的讽刺。但事实上，于斯曼知道这是邪恶的；在后来的书中，他的英雄，即他自己的投射，堕落得更低——直到他们感到罪恶的定罪，并像于斯曼一样，开始通过宗教重塑生活。同样，两位英国作家对希腊理想有着强烈的忠诚，他们都坚持帕纳索斯式的学说，即艺术与道德无关；但事实上，他们都用他们的艺术来教导一种新的道德准则，主要在性问题上。一个是斯温伯恩。另一个是佩特的学生和于斯曼的崇拜者奥斯卡·王尔德（1856-1900）。28斯温伯恩渊博的学识和令人惊叹的技艺只强调了这样一个事实：他笔下的希腊人比真正的古典希腊男人和女人更加专注于性爱；虽然王尔德表面上钦佩希腊，认为那里是美的最纯粹、激情的最强烈之处，但我们从他作品中反复暗示以及他职业生涯的毁灭中知道，就像他的朋友纪德一样，他也热爱希腊，因为那里盛行同性恋，尽管同性恋从未（至少在雅典）被视为道德上无所谓的行为。
And it is a very short step from declaring that art is non-moral to making it immoral. Those who say literature has nothing to do with ethical standards often mean that they wish it to reject current ethical standards, and by implication to teach different ones. In Huysmans’s famous novel about the aesthete who lives alone to devote himself to a life of pure beauty, composing symphonies of perfume and reading a few obscure and perfect authors, the hero initiates the corruption of a boy of sixteen, so that, when he is sufficiently corrupted, he will murder his disgustingly bourgeois father.27 This act is presented, not as a deliberately vicious deed, but as morally colourless, another episode in des Esseintes’s search for interesting sensations, or at most an ironical comment on the stupid world which believes marriage and the family worth preserving. But in fact Huysmans knew that it was evil; and in later books his heroes, the projection of himself, sank lower still—until they felt the conviction of sin, and, like Huysmans, began to remake their lives through religion. Similarly, two British writers whose devotion to Greek ideals was very marked both maintained the Parnassian doctrine that art has nothing to do with morality; but both in fact used their art to teach a new moral code, chiefly in sexual matters. One was Swinburne. The other was the pupil of Pater and the admirer of Huysmans, Oscar Wilde (1856-1900).28 Swinburne’s considerable scholarship and amazing technical skill only emphasized the fact that his Greeks led a life far more purposefully devoted to sexual ecstasy than the real men and women of classical Greece; and while Wilde ostensibly admired Greece as the home of beauty at its purest and passion at its most intense, we know from repeated hints in his work as well as from the ruin of his career that—like his friend Gide—he also loved Greece for the homosexuality which was practised there, although never (at least in Athens) accepted as morally indifferent.
所有这些原则似乎都是限制和否定。帕纳索斯山有什么积极意义吗？
All these principles seem to be restrictions and negations. Did Parnassus mean anything positive?
如果希腊和罗马文化中存在某种积极有价值的东西，那么帕纳斯作家们肯定应该把它发扬光大。他们中的大多数人都是博览群书的古典学者。阿尔弗雷德·丁尼生 (1809-92) 还是个孩子的时候，他的父亲就教他背诵贺拉斯的所有颂歌：尽管他讨厌这种“过量”，但他学会了贺拉斯高深的排词艺术，并开始尊重这位安静而独特的艺术家。他本人无疑是英国的维吉尔；他作为一名成熟诗人写的《致维吉尔》是任何艺术家对他的前辈表达的最美好的敬意之一。对于阿诺德和斯温伯恩来说，阅读希腊语和写诗是相互依存的活动。29沃尔特·萨维奇·兰多 (1775-1864) 写拉丁诗时，就像写英语一样自由。他的职业生涯始于出版一本英语和拉丁诗歌集，以及一篇支持写拉丁诗歌的论文（拉丁文），他是许多双语诗人（如弥尔顿和但丁）的继承者。他继续用两种语言写作，并说“我有时不知道一个英语单词，也不知道一个拉丁语单词”。30罗伯特·布朗宁 (1812-89) 阅读希腊语和拉丁语就像他阅读意大利语、法语和其他方言一样积极，并留下了三部希腊戏剧的译本。31乔苏埃·卡杜奇是一位文学教授，他的研究领域从中世纪到古典，再到现代散文和诗歌，非常自由。莱孔特·德·利斯尔毕业时“希腊语水平平平”，但他努力学习，讨论希腊语，将一生的大部分时间都奉献给了希腊语，并出版了《伊利亚特》、《奥德赛》和其他古典诗歌的译本，这些诗歌他对希腊世界的崇拜激发了年轻读者的热情。三十二
If there is something actively valuable in Greek and Roman culture, surely the Parnassian writers should have brought it out. Most of them were deeply read classical scholars. While still a boy, Alfred Tennyson (1809-92) was taught by his father to recite all Horace’s odes by heart: although he hated this ‘overdose’, he learned Horace’s difficult art of placing words, and came to respect the quiet inimitable artist. He himself was surely the English Vergil; and the address To Virgil which he wrote as a mature poet is among the finest tributes ever paid by any artist to his predecessor. For Arnold and Swinburne, reading Greek and writing poetry were interdependent activities.29 Walter Savage Landor (1775-1864) wrote Latin poetry as freely as English. Having begun his career by publishing a collection of English and Latin poetry, together with an essay (in Latin) supporting the practice of writing Latin verse—a tradition in which he was the successor of many bilingual poets as distinguished as Milton and Dante—he continued to write in both languages, and said ‘I am sometimes at a loss for an English word, for a Latin never’.30 Robert Browning (1812-89) read Greek and Latin as energetically as he read Italian and French and other vernaculars, and has left translations from three Greek dramas.31 Giosué Carducci was a professor of literature, and ranged with fine freedom from medieval to classical and back to modern prose and poetry. Leconte de Lisle was ‘mediocre in Greek’ when he graduated, but worked at it, discussed it, gave up much of his life to it, and published translations of the Iliad, the Odyssey, and other classical poems which inflamed his younger readers with his own adoration of the Hellenic world.32
这些诗人为何要写那么多关于罗马和希腊的世界？他们只是逃避现实者吗？失败主义者？
Why did these poets write so much about the world of Rome and Greece? Were they merely escapists? defeatists?
部分是的。但不是全部；而且诗人也几乎从未消亡过。过去从未消亡。它不断存在于思想家和富有想象力的人的脑海中。今天，我们往往对当下瞬息万变的现实过于失望，因为现实的危险如此紧迫，迫使我们去面对，但因为难以看清现实，所以它几乎不适合成为诗歌的主题。从荷马到现在，全世界大多数诗人都歌颂过比他们自己更早的时代和其他世界。莎士比亚将过去和现在融为一体。阿里奥斯托和维吉尔、弥尔顿和拉辛则以英雄般的距离更清晰、更崇高地表达了他们的理想。
Partly, yes. But not wholly; and scarcely more than poets always have been. The past is never dead. It exists continuously in the minds of thinkers and men of imagination. We tend to-day to flunk too much of the immediate and ever-changing present, which, because its dangers are so urgent, presses upon us, but which, because it is so hard to see clearly, is scarcely a fit subject for poetry. Most poets throughout the world, from Homer to this moment, have sung of ages earlier than their own, and other worlds. Shakespeare blended the past and the present. Ariosto and Vergil, Milton and Racine, expressed their ideals more clearly and nobly at a heroic distance.
十九世纪的帕纳斯诗人重现古典历史的原因有几个不同。
There were several different reasons for the re-creation of the classical past by the Parnassians of the nineteenth century.
与十九世纪的烟囱、丑陋的家具、阴郁的城市、废墟的风景和单调的服饰相比，希腊和罗马在自然上是美丽的。它们的美激发了诗人的想象力，唤起了被肮脏的现实扼杀的优美而雄辩的语言。它们的美不仅在于米洛的维纳斯的柔和曲线，还在于强烈的色彩和强烈生动的形式。济慈的继承人喜欢这种柔和的魅力，他唱道：
Compared with the chimney-pots, the hideous furniture, the dreary cities, the ruined landscapes, and the drab clothes of the nineteenth century, Greece and Rome were physically beautiful. Their beauty stimulated the imagination of poets, evoking the graceful and eloquent language which was choked by the squalid present. Their beauty lay not only in soft Venus de Milo curves, but in intense colours and strong vivid forms. The heir of Keats liked the softer charm, and sang:
一片溪流之地！有的像向下飘落的烟雾，
缓缓落下最薄的草坪面纱；
有的穿过摇曳的光影，
在下面翻滚着一片沉睡的泡沫。33
A land of streams! some, like a downward smoke,
Slow-dropping veils of thinnest lawn, did go;
And some thro’ wavering lights and shadows broke,
Rolling a slumbrous sheet of foam below.33
布朗宁更喜欢一种与他自己的风格类似的复杂活力：
Browning preferred a complex vigour not unlike his own:
绝无卑微的存在！在
秃顶的凸起处——整个头顶只有一道眉毛——
的确，血管膨胀，呈蓝色网状，
从脸颊到太阳穴涌动着红色——然后退去，
仿佛深色花冠抑制了火焰——
从未受到节制或健康的滋养。
但巨大的眼球向后转动，本土之火
傲慢地胜利着：鼻孔张开，
等待着它们的香气。三十四
And no ignoble presence! On the bulge
Of the clear baldness,—all his head one brow,—
True, the veins swelled, blue network, and there surged
A red from cheek to temple,—then retired
As if the dark-leaved chaplet damped a flame,—
Was never nursed by temperance or health.
But huge the eyeballs rolled back native fire
Imperiously triumphant: nostrils wide
Waited their incense.34
但这些诗人和其他诗人都没有限制他们的想象力回到希腊罗马的过去：这表明它并不像巴洛克时代那样是一种迂腐的古典化时尚。丁尼生，现代的维吉尔，将他的大部分精力花在重现亚瑟王的中世纪传说上。勃朗宁最大的一部单体作品是重现了十七世纪的一起谋杀案。其他人则写了一系列重现历史上伟大时刻的作品。埃雷迪亚的《战利品》开始于希腊史前时期的黄昏，赫拉克勒斯与巨大的狮子搏斗，穿过希腊到罗马，然后经过中世纪进入文艺复兴时期，再到美洲的西班牙帝国，再到埃及、伊斯兰、日本和其他遥远而美丽的幻想世界。他的老师勒孔特·德·利斯尔是法国帕纳索斯诗团的领袖，现在有时被认为是一个彻底的希腊化者，一个希腊人的转世。但他的《古代诗》开始于对印度传说的唤起，然后才传到希腊；随后他又创作了《野蛮诗》，在诗中他生动地描绘了一幅又一幅圣经古代、腓尼基、斯堪的纳维亚和凯尔特历史、中世纪生活和现代。35兰多尔本人是希腊裔英国人，他在其最重要的作品《想象中的对话》以及戏剧和戏剧场景中涉猎了大量历史
But neither these poets nor the others limited their imaginations to the Greco-Roman past: which shows that it was not a pedantic classicizing fad, as it often became in the baroque age. Tennyson, the modern Vergil, spent most of his effort on re-creating the medieval legends of Arthur. Browning’s largest single work is a reconstruction of a seventeenth-century murder case. Others wrote serial reconstructions of great moments throughout history. Heredia’s Trophies begin in the twilight of Greek prehistory, with Hercules fighting the monstrous lion, move through Greece to Rome, then past the Middle Ages into the Renaissance, out to the Spanish empire in America, thence to Egypt, Islam, Japan, and other distant, beautiful realms of the fancy. His master Leconte de Lisle was the leader of the French Parnassians, and is sometimes thought of now as having been a complete hellenist, a reincarnated Greek. But his Antique Poems begin with evocations of Hindu legend before they pass on to Greece; and he followed them by Barbarian Poems, in which he painted picture after vivid picture of biblical antiquity, Phoenician, Scandinavian, and Celtic history, medieval life, and modern times.35 Landor himself, the Greek Englishman, ranged over a great part of history in his most important work, the Imaginary Conversations, as well as in his dramas and dramatic scenes.
因此，这种回归过去的运动并不局限于那些怀念希腊和罗马的作家。它是新的历史和传奇感的一部分，在十九世纪传播和深化。吉本、温克尔曼、伍德和沃尔夫、尼布尔部分创造的历史观现在被许多公众所接受。数百本新的历史书被写出来。巨幅历史画被制作出来。历史题材戏剧的导演精心设计服装、道具和手势，使其真实准确。（这一时期的伟大歌剧——瓦格纳、威尔第、施特劳斯、普契尼和俄罗斯的歌剧——除了少数例外，都是历史和传奇的。）浪漫历史故事的作者首次开始以更准确的重建为目标。正如天文学家拍摄到一颗可能在一百万年前就已死亡的恒星照射到地球的光线一样，十九世纪的作家和艺术家也运用想象力、学识和审美技巧，将现代读者置于阳光下，置身于许多遥远的国度和世纪的人们之中。
This movement into the past was, then, not confined to those writers who had a nostalgia for Greece and Rome. It was part of a new sense of history and legend, spreading and deepening in the nineteenth century. The historical perspective that had been partly created by Gibbon, by Winckelmann, by Wood and Wolf, by Niebuhr, was now shared by many of the public. Hundreds of new history books were written. Vast historical paintings were produced. Directors of plays on historical subjects took elaborate care to make costumes, and properties, and gestures, authentic and correct. (The great operas of this period—Wagner’s, Verdi’s, Strauss’s, Puccini’s, and those of the Russians—were all, with minor exceptions, historical and legendary.) For the first time, authors of romantic stories about the past began to aim at ever closer accuracy of reconstruction. As an astronomer photographs the rays of light impinging on the earth from a star which may have died a million years ago, so nineteenth-century writers and artists, using imagination, scholarship, and aesthetic tact, placed the modern reader under the sunlight and among the people of many a distant land and century.
帕纳索斯诗人们也觉得自己的时代道德低下。他们转向希腊和罗马的世界，因为那里更高尚。他们周围的每个人都忙于赚钱和花钱，忙于赢得社会地位并维持下去，而他们自己却发现，在希腊传说中，他们可以写出年轻人的爱情、对名声的渴望或青春的快速流逝，而不会引入他们同时代人所宣扬的任何肮脏动机。
The Parnassian poets also felt that their own age was morally base. They turned to the world of Greece and Rome because it was nobler. Whereas everyone around them was occupied with making money and spending it, with winning a social position and maintaining it, they themselves found that in the Hellenic legends they could write of young love, or the desire for fame, or the rapid passing of youth, without introducing any of the sordid motives flaunted by their own contemporaries.
有人说得好，只有将法国的帕纳索斯运动和“为艺术而艺术”理论视为逃避第二共和国失败所导致的幻灭感的避难所，才能理解它。36正是出于这个原因，莱孔特·德·利尔才远离了被毁坏的现在，而去生活在一个宁静的希腊美景和生动的古代野蛮世界。兰多尔并没有那么失望，但他对当代的权力、财富和幸福标准同样蔑视。他很少提到它们，而且带着强烈的蔑视：
It has been well said that the Parnassian movement and the ‘art for art’s sake’ theories in France cannot be understood unless as a refuge from the disillusionment caused by the failure of the Second Republic.36 It was largely for this reason that Leconte de Lisle turned away from the ruined present, to inhabit a world of tranquil Greek beauty and vivid antique barbarism. Landor had not been so disappointed, but he had the same sovereign contempt for contemporary standards of power, wealth, and happiness. Seldom he mentions them, and with bitter scorn:
诅咒狭海对岸的那位酋长，
他赶着无数的牛群和羊群，他巨大的榨油机年复一年
地榨出油和酒，却想抓走哭泣的小山羊，并勒死它。
三十七
Curse on that chief across the narrow sea,
Who drives whole herds and flocks innumerable,
And whose huge presses groan with oil and wine
Year after year, yet fain would carry off
The crying kid, and strangle it for crying.37
十九世纪的作家也认为，古典人物比当代人物更能清晰、更强烈地表达普遍的情感。从这个角度来看，丁尼生的《尤利西斯》是一首典型的帕纳索斯式诗歌：大胆地表达了活力、不屈不挠的意志和探索冒险的理想，而没有考虑利润或自我牺牲等强大的维多利亚式动机。三十八
Nineteenth-century writers also felt that the universal emotions could be expressed more clearly and intensely by classical than by contemporary figures. From this point of view, Tennyson’s Ulysses is a typical Parnassian poem: a bold statement of the ideals of energy, indomitable will, and exploratory adventure, without any thought of such powerful Victorian motives as profit or self-sacrifice.38
尤其是，在希腊罗马的背景下，性激情的表达可以坦率，但又优雅而雄辩。因此，丁尼生的《卢克莱修》是一幅非常大胆的极端性紧张的画作，其中的幻想既取自卢克莱修自己的诗，也取自丁尼生的心理洞察力。在疯狂的诗人眼前闪过耀眼的原子流，血雨落在地上，女孩们围着他跳舞，圈子越来越小，之后，几幅强烈的爱与死亡的画面融合在这幅不朽的画作中：
In particular, utterances of sexual passion could be frank, and yet graceful and eloquent, in a Greco-Roman setting. Thus Tennyson’s Lucretius is a very daring picture of extreme sexual tension, with fantasies taken both from Lucretius’ own poem and from Tennyson’s psychical insight. After the flaring atom-streams that rush before the eyes of the maddened poet, and the rainstorms of blood which fall on the earth to produce girls dancing round him in narrowing circles, several strong images of love and death are fused in this immortal picture:
然后，然后，从一片黑暗中，出现了
海伦的乳房，还有一把剑悬在空中
现在在上面，现在在下面，现在直接，
指向自己要刺穿，但又羞愧地沉了下去，
看到了那一切的美丽；当我凝视时，一团火，
那场离开没有屋顶的伊利昂的火，
从它们中射出，灼伤了我，我醒了。
Then, then, from utter gloom stood out the breasts,
The breasts of Helen, and hoveringly a sword
Now over and now under, now direct,
Pointed itself to pierce, but sank down shamed
At all that beauty; and as I stared, a fire,
The fire that left a roofless Ilion,
Shot out of them, and scorch’d me that I woke.
在勃朗宁的《集市上的十五岁》中，海伦也是一位理想中的、几乎无法抗拒的诱惑，而他的《潘神与月亮》则是比丁尼生敢于刊印的任何作品都要直白的梦。莱孔特·德·利斯尔的《古代诗》明显与情色主题有关，班维尔的古典抒情诗则绝大多数与情色主题有关。尽管十九世纪有许多关于被欺骗和抛弃的女人的故事和诗歌，但很少有像丁尼生的《厄诺农》这样雄辩、大胆地描写女人的故事和诗歌。例如，尽管托尔斯泰的《安娜·卡列尼娜》具有强大的感染力，安娜自杀的悲情也令人动容，但她最后的独白——
In Browning’s Fiftne at the Fair, written after his wife died, Helen also appears as an ideal but almost irresistible temptation, while his Pan and Luna is a franker dream than anything Tennyson dared to print. Leconte de Lisle’s Antique Poems are noticeably, and Banville’s classicizing lyrics overwhelmingly, concerned with erotic themes. And although many stories and poems were written in the nineteenth century about women deceived and deserted, in few did the woman speak as eloquently, and in very few as boldly, as Tennyson’s Oenone. In spite of the cumulative power of Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina, for example, and the pathos of Anna’s suicide, her final monologue—
“生活让我们分开，我给他带来不幸，他给我带来不幸，我们无法改变彼此。我试过所有办法，但还是没能成功。哦，一个乞丐女人带着一个孩子。她以为我可怜她……”三十九
‘We are drawn apart by life, and I make his unhappiness, and he mine, and there’s no altering him or me. Every attempt has been made, the screw has come unscrewed. Oh, a beggar-woman with a baby. She thinks I’m sorry for her… .’39
——与《奥诺农》中大量高尚的意象相比，显得软弱无力，难以令人信服：
—is weak and unconvincing compared with the torrent of noble imagery in Oenone:
哦，死亡，死亡，死亡，你这片永远飘浮的云，
这世上已经有足够多的不幸者，
愿那些热爱生活的快乐灵魂远离你……
你沉重地压在我的心头，
沉重地压在我的眼皮上：让我死去吧。
O death, death, death, thou ever-floating cloud,
There are enough unhappy on this earth,
Pass by the happy souls, that love to live …
Thou weighest heavy on the heart within,
Weigh heavy on my eyelids: let me die.
现在使用希腊罗马人物和背景的主要原因之一是，它们不带个人色彩，这一点一如既往。如果将诗人自己所受的折磨转移到遥远而高贵的人物身上，那么这些问题就可以表达得更清楚，也许这些问题的紧张感也会得到缓解。最好的例子是阿诺德的《埃特纳火山上的恩培多克勒》。在这部浮士德式的戏剧中，一位哲学家兼诗人，被自己的思想所困扰，被世界问题的压力所折磨，为想象力的缓慢消亡而悲伤，等待着越来越少的与宇宙融为一体的时刻，然后与宇宙融为一体，通过跳进火山口来摧毁自我的琐碎烦恼。与此同时，一位冷静、无思无虑的年轻音乐家，歌颂着诗歌和旋律，在听得见却看不见的地方，在贫瘠的山肩和炽热的熔岩之下，在清凉的溪流和绿树之间。这是阿诺德自己的问题。这是阿诺德的两个自我，思想者和歌手。这是阿诺德对更充实的生活或死亡的愿望。如果阿诺德公开地写自己，那将是令人尴尬的，也许是荒谬的，而且效果肯定更有限。通过将冲突置于遥远的理想时代，他使成千上万的读者能够理解和同情它，他们自己也感受到了一些东西，他们可以更容易地将自己与像恩培多克勒这样模糊、传奇、普遍的人物联系起来，而不是像马修·阿诺德本人这样的个人。
One of the main reasons for using Greco-Roman characters and settings is now, as it has always been, their impersonality. Problems that torment the poet himself can be expressed more clearly, and perhaps their tension will be relieved, if they are transferred to figures both distant and noble. The best example is Arnold’s Empedocles on Etna. In this Faustian drama a philosopher-poet, troubled by his own thoughts, tormented by the pressure of world problems, saddened by the slow death of his imagination, waits for the ever rarer moment when he feels at one with the universe, and then unites himself with it and destroys the petty troubles of the self, by leaping into the crater of a volcano. Meanwhile a calm young musician, thought-free, sings the praise of poetry and melody, within hearing but out of sight, far below the barren mountain-shoulders and the fiery lava, among cool streams and green trees. This was Arnold’s own problem. These were Arnold’s two selves, the thinker and the singer. That was Arnold’s own wish for a fuller life, or death. Had Arnold written it openly about himself, it would have been embarrassing, perhaps ridiculous, and certainly more limited in its effect. By situating the conflict in a distant ideal time, he made it comprehensible and sympathetic to thousands of readers who have felt something of it themselves, and can identify themselves more easily with a vague, legendary, universal figure like Empedocles than with an individual like Matthew Arnold himself.
然而，伟大的希腊和罗马人物并非真的没有个性。他们不仅仅是塑料娃娃。他们是人，不是比我们大多数人更暗淡，而是更生动。美丽的海伦，殉道的苏格拉底——围绕着这些不朽的人物，聚集了一大堆故事、思想、图画、建议、欲望和钦佩、象征意义、私人梦想。他们的名字激发了想象力。因此，一个使用他们名字的作家经常会发现他被他们利用了——他们唤醒了他从未试图看到的景象，他的读者追寻了他几乎不希望创造的意义。
Yet the great Greek and Roman figures are not really devoid of personality. They are more than plastic dolls. They are people, not dimmer but more intensely alive than most of ourselves. The beautiful Helen, the martyred Socrates—around these immortal beings cluster a crowd of stories, ideas, pictures, suggestions, desires and admirations, symbolic meanings, private dreams. Their very names stir the imagination. Therefore a writer who uses them often finds that he is being used by them—that they awake in him visions he had not tried to see, that his readers trace significances he scarcely hoped to create.
但神话人物的这种令人回味的品质也有其危险。其一，读者如果不知道他们的名字和性格，就会错过他们的含义。由于国籍不同或受教育程度不足，不属于西方文化传统的读者可能会认出所罗门、赫拉克勒斯和尼禄的名字——但他们将无法理解这些名字和人物所具有的无数联想。另一个危险是，寻找新主题的作者可能会选择晦涩乏味的神话，这些神话既不能激发他们自己的想象力，也不能激发读者的想象力。为了避免这种情况，希腊人（和塞涅卡）通常只讲述几十个广为人知且含义丰富的传说。
But this evocative quality of mythical figures has its dangers. One is that an audience ignorant of their names and natures will miss their meaning. Readers who, by diverse nationality or by inadequate schooling, stand outside the tradition of western culture may recognize the names of Solomon and Hercules and Nero—but the innumerable associations which cling to those names and make those personalities will be lost to them. The other danger is that authors in search of new subjects may choose obscure and tedious myths which stir neither their own imaginations nor those of their readers. To avoid that, the Greeks (and Seneca) usually kept to a few dozen legends which were widely known and had many overtones of meaning.
这是帕纳索斯古典戏剧的厄运之一。斯温伯恩对阿塔兰塔不感兴趣，对厄瑞克透斯（无论他是谁）更不感兴趣。阿诺德钦佩恩培多克勒，就像丁尼生钦佩卢克莱修一样；但他对梅洛普毫不在意。40他必须写一篇很长的序言来解释这个故事，以及它之前的处理方式，以及他选择这个故事的理由；但它的他的风格与他的《荷马译本》讲座相比显得如此枯燥和尽职，表明整件事对他来说是一项无聊的任务。正如他自己所写的，“没有人能对一个他无法理解的话题做到最好。”然而，在这些戏剧中，阿诺德和斯温伯恩可以自由发挥想象力的合唱，是一首有趣的诗歌：只有它们幸存了下来。
This was one of the dooms which afflicted the classical dramas of the Parnassians. Swinburne was not interested in Atalanta, and still less in Erechtheus (whoever he was). Arnold admired Empedocles, as Tennyson admired Lucretius; but he cared nothing for Merope.40 He had to write a long preface explaining the story, and its previous treatments, and his reasons for choosing it; but its very style, so dull and dutiful compared with his lectures On translating Homer, shows that the whole thing was a boring task for him. As he himself wrote, ‘no man can do his best with a subject which does not penetrate him.’ Yet in these very plays the choruses, where Arnold and Swinburne could let their imaginations fly free, are interesting poetry: they alone have survived.
两个灵魂和一个深刻的个人问题出现在勃朗宁最长、最奇怪的古典主题诗中。《巴拉斯提翁的冒险》是一位年轻希腊女诗人的长篇独白。41她讲述了雅典军队被击败并被奴役后不久她如何抵达西西里岛；她如何通过回忆欧里庇得斯的一部戏剧而拯救了自己并为雅典辩护。西西里人渴望诗歌，但由于战争的介入，诗歌创作被中断了。巴拉斯提翁（她的名字意为野石榴花）在锡拉库扎的剧院里背诵了整部戏剧，删去了一些枯燥的部分，穿插了一些生动活泼的描述，以至于当我们阅读或聆听时，演员们就出现在我们眼前。于是，赫拉克勒斯大步走进来
Two souls, and a deeply personal problem, appeared in Browning’s largest and strangest poem on a classical theme. Balaustion’s Adventure is an enormous monologue by a young Greek poetess.41 She tells how she arrived in Sicily soon after the defeat and enslavement of the Athenian army; and how she saved herself and vindicated Athens by remembering a play by Euripides. The Sicilians were hungry for poetry, but, the war intervening, had been cut off. Balaustion (her name means Wild-pomegranate-flower) recites the entire drama in the theatre of Syracuse, cutting a few dull patches and interspersing such brilliantly vivid descriptions that, as we read or listen, the actors appear before our very eyes. So, Hercules strides in
一如既往的快乐；也许有些严肃
前面的细纹上布满了巨大的静脉，
黑色肿胀，还沾满了战露
英雄的黄色头发！——他那高大的身躯
颤抖着，每一块肌肉都沉入了
它从晚间跳起的昏昏欲睡的光滑中。
在一只手臂的护卫下，靠着
一个像女人一样的、活生生的东西，
靠着狮子外套下的心跳支撑着。
Happy, as always; something grave, perhaps
The great vein-cordage on the fret-worked front,
Black-swollen, beaded yet with battle-dew
The yellow hair o’ the hero!—his big frame
A-quiver with each muscle sinking back
Into the sleepy smooth it leaped from late.
Under the great guard of one arm, there leant
A shrouded something, live and woman-like,
Propped by the heartbeats ‘neath the lion-coat.
这部戏剧本身是一部不太像悲剧的《阿尔刻提斯》，它颠覆了奥菲斯和欧律狄斯的故事。王后阿尔刻提斯自愿代替丈夫阿德墨托斯去死。他为她感到悲痛，但却失去了她。然而，赫拉克勒斯战胜了死神，把阿尔刻提斯带回了她丈夫身边，现在阿尔刻提斯更加尴尬了。布朗宁笔下的年轻女诗人对欧里庇得斯愤世嫉俗的这个故事进行了善意的诠释。然后，在故事结束后，她又重述了一遍，赋予了它更善意的意义。显然，布朗宁试图面对和解决丈夫感到配不上妻子并失去了妻子的问题。很久以后，在一首不那么成功的诗中，他认为自己——仍然被束缚在土地和肉体上——是一个被水浮起来却正在下沉的游泳者深处，一只蝴蝶（灵魂的象征和空中的栖息者）飘浮在他上方，看着他沉重的身体模仿飞翔。42在巴拉斯提斯的第二个版本的阿尔刻提斯神话中，死去的妻子回到丈夫身边，因为她已经成为丈夫的灵魂，只要丈夫活着，她就不会死。这确实与布朗宁自己的爱情故事很接近。他本人（像赫拉克勒斯一样）曾把伊丽莎白·巴雷特从坟墓中拉出来，她死后，她的灵魂在他体内继续存在。她的一首四行诗作为整个冒险故事的题词出现，并在结尾处被引用；当然，她不仅是阿尔刻提斯，也是巴拉斯提斯本人，是爱上欧里庇得斯的抒情女孩。
The play itself is the not-quite-tragedy of Alcestis, which reverses the tale of Orpheus and Eurydice. Queen Alcestis volunteered to die instead of her husband, Admetus. He lamented her, but lost her. Hercules, however, conquered Death and brought Alcestis back to her husband, now doubly embarrassed. Browning’s young poetess gives this story, told cynically by Euripides, a kindly interpretation. Then, after reaching its end, she retells it once more, living it an even kinder meaning. Evidently Browning is trying to face and solve the problem of the husband who feels unworthy of his wife and has lost her. Long afterwards, in a less successful poem, he thought of himself—still tied down to earth and flesh—as a swimmer buoyed up by the water and yet sinking deep in it, while a butterfly (symbol of the soul and inhabitant of the air) floated above him, watching his heavy body imitating flight.42 In Balaustion’s second version of the Alcestis myth the dead wife returns to her husband because, having become his very soul, she cannot die while he lives. This was close indeed to Browning’s own love-story. He himself (like Hercules) had once pulled Elizabeth Barrett out of a grave, and after she died her spirit lived on within him. A quatrain of her poetry appears as the epigraph for the whole Adventure, and is quoted towards the end; and surely, as well as being Alcestis, she is Balaustion herself, the lyric girl who loved Euripides.
因此，并非完全出于逃避的欲望才导致许多十九世纪作家使用古典主题。他们中的一些人确实厌恶自己的同时代人。有些人确实像于斯曼的英雄和波德莱尔一样，试图将自己封闭在一个私人的人造天堂中。但许多其他人创造性地使用了希腊罗马的主题和人物，他们希望创造美丽的形象和音乐来抵消现代物质主义和丑陋，他们觉得有必要更清楚、更持久地谈论他们自己的问题和我们文明的问题。
It was not, then, wholly a desire for escape that led so many nineteenth-century writers to use classical themes. Some of them did detest their own contemporaries. Some did, like Huysmans’s hero and like Baudelaire, attempt to shut themselves away in a private artificial paradise. But Greco-Roman subjects and figures were creatively used by many others who wished to create beautiful images and music as an offset to modern materialism and ugliness, and who felt bound to speak more clearly, more, permanently, about their own problems and the problems of our civilization.
敌基督
ANTICHRIST
十九世纪，许多最狂热的古典文学爱好者都憎恨和鄙视基督教。在这方面，革命诗人——雪莱、荷尔德林等——指明了道路；但他们的后继者更加精力充沛，充满怨恨。他们热爱异教，因为其中的一切都不是基督教的。他们憎恨基督教，因为它不是希腊罗马的，或者是对希腊罗马理想的扭曲。这场冲突包括一些相同的问题，并重新唤起了许多在过去和现在的另一场战争——书籍之战中出现的相同论点。43但这一次，双方的公开战争少了，但对手之间的距离却更远了。异教徒很少直接发表言论，而是通过看似无害的故事、逃避现实的诗歌和自称客观的历史来发动攻击。
Christianity was hated and despised by many of the most ardent lovers of the classics during the nineteenth century. In this the revolutionary poets—Shelley, Hölderlin, and others—showed the way; but their successors were more energetic and rancorous. They loved paganism for everything that was not Christian in it. They hated Christianity because it was not Greco-Roman, or was a perversion of Greco-Roman ideals. This conflict included some of the same issues and revived many of the same arguments as appeared in that other war between past and present, the Battle of the Books.43 But this time it was less of a declared war between open enemies, and yet the opponents were farther apart. Seldom speaking out directly, the pagans delivered their attacks in apparently innocuous stories, escapist poems, and professedly objective histories.
反基督教徒活动背后的主要论据有三个。虽然它们经常被混淆，但最好还是分开来看。
The chief arguments which lay behind the work of the anti-Christians were three in number. Although they were often confused, they can be best considered separately.
一、基督教不属于欧洲传统，而是东方的，因此是野蛮的、令人厌恶的。
I. Christianity is not part of the European tradition; it is oriental, and therefore barbarous and repulsive.
这种态度通常与半公开的反犹太主义有关。它出现在著名东方学家欧内斯特·勒南 (1823-1892) 的著名著作《卫城祈祷》中。44这篇祷文是向雅典的守护神雅典娜所写的，她是真理、智慧和美的女神，是世界的最高和中心神。在祷文中，勒南将基督教称为“一种来自巴勒斯坦叙利亚人的外来邪教”，将使徒保罗称为“一个丑陋的小犹太人，讲着叙利亚人的希腊语”。勒南的主要著作《基督教的起源》与十九世纪宗教怀疑论的兴起有很大关系：尽管它以崇敬的态度对待耶稣本人，认为他是一位了不起的人，并以对那些实现了不可能的人的钦佩对待他的追随者，但它强调了他们是犹太人，是亚洲传统的一部分的观点。
This attitude is usually connected with half-acknowledged anti-Judaism. It appears in the famous Prayer on the Acropolis by the eminent orientalist Ernest Renan (1823-1892).44 The prayer is an address to Athene, patroness of Athens, as goddess of truth, wisdom, and beauty, the supreme and central divinity of the world. In it Renan speaks of Christianity as ‘a foreign cult, which came from the Syrians of Palestine’, and of the apostle Paul as ‘an ugly little Jew, speaking the Greek of the Syrians’. Renan’s chief work, The Origins of Christianity, had much to do with the rise of religious scepticism in the nineteenth century: although it treats Jesus himself with reverence as a remarkable man, and his followers with the admiration due to men who achieved the impossible, it emphasizes the idea that they were Jews, and that they were part of an Asiatic tradition.
类似的态度也出现在阿纳托尔·法朗士（1844-1924）身上，他是伟大的帕纳索斯诗人勒孔特·德·利斯尔的早期崇拜者。45在著名的短篇小说《犹大的统治者》中，46他将本丢·彼拉多描绘成一位退休的年老官员，在巴伊亚过着奢侈的生活。在与朋友讨论他的职业生涯时，彼拉多表达了对犹太人最尖锐的蔑视和仇恨，认为犹太人是一个残忍、不文明的狂热部落。他的朋友回忆起自己爱上了一位美丽的红发犹太女子，她生活在一个充满“士兵、江湖骗子和税吏”的邪恶地下世界；她是一个野蛮但非常性感的舞者；但她消失了，和一个年轻的加利利奇迹创造者的追随者在一起。
A similar attitude appears in Anatole France (1844-1924), an early admirer of the great Parnassian Leconte de Lisle.45 In a famous short story, The Governor of Judea,46 he presents Pontius Pilate as an elderly official in retirement, taking the waters in great luxury at Baiae. Discussing his career with a friend, Pilate expresses the most biting scorn and hatred for the Jews as a cruel and uncivilized tribe of fanatics. His friend recalls being in love with a beautiful red-haired Jewess, who lived in a vile underworld of ‘soldiers, mountebanks, and publicans’; she was a barbaric but wonderfully voluptuous dancer; but she disappeared and took up with the followers of a young Galilaean miracle-worker.
“他自称是拿撒勒人耶稣，因某种罪行被钉死在十字架上。庞提乌斯，你还记得这个人吗？”
‘He called himself Jesus the Nazarene, and he was crucified for some crime. Pontius, do you remember the man?”
本丢彼拉多皱起眉头……沉默了一会儿：
Pontius Pilate frowned… . After some moments of silence:
“耶稣？”他低声问道。“拿撒勒人耶稣？我不记得他了。”
‘Jesus?’ he murmured. ‘Jesus the Nazarene? I do not recall him.’
当然，这个故事是胡说八道。耶稣被处死在犹大是一件引人注目的事件，伴随着严重的混乱，当然也给彼拉多留下了深刻的印象。没有一位罗马官员会忘记被迫做出如此引人注目（和不符合罗马精神）的举动，比如在公开场合洗手为自己辩解。但法国对事实的扭曲是这种对基督教的解释的典型特征：它的创始人和他的第一批追随者是来自村庄和贫民窟的贫穷犹太人，对于有文化的人来说太过不起眼罗马人难忘。同样的感觉也启发了法国的《泰伊丝》，她是一位可爱、文明、享乐主义的亚历山大妓女，与一位野蛮、狂热的沙漠基督教僧侣形成了鲜明对比。后者皈依了基督教，让她将自己的才华和美貌奉献给上帝，但后者在与泰伊丝接触后，却因自己邪教的夸张暴力而从极度纯洁走向极度罪恶。奥斯卡·王尔德的《莎乐美》中也有同样的感觉，剧中争执的犹太人很怪异（施特劳斯在为剧作配乐时强调了他们的怪异），施洗者圣约翰是一个像印度苦行僧一样令人震惊的人物，整部剧的气氛是乖僻、东方和邪恶的。
The story is nonsense, of course. The execution of Jesus was a striking event in Judea, accompanied by serious disorders, and certainly made a strong impression on Pilate. No Roman official could forget having been forced to make a gesture as striking (and as un-Roman) as washing his hands in public self-exculpation. But France’s distortion of the facts is characteristic of this interpretation of Christianity: that its founder and his first followers were poor Jews from villages and slums, too obscure for a cultured Roman to remember. The same feeling inspired France’s Thais, a contrast between the lovely, civilized, Epicurean courtesan of Alexandria, and the barbarous, fanatical, Christian monk of the desert who converted her, leading her to place her talents and her beauty at the service of God, but who, by the exaggerated violence of his own cult, was driven after contact with her from the extreme of purity to the extreme of sin. It is traceable also in Oscar Wilde’s Salomé, where the disputing Jews are grotesque (Strauss emphasized their grotesqueness when he added music to the play), St. John the Baptist an appalling figure like a Hindu ascetic, and the atmosphere of the entire play perverse, oriental, and evil.
2.基督教意味着压抑，异教意味着自由。
2. Christianity means repression, paganism means liberty.
我们已经在雪莱身上看到了这种信念。乔苏埃·卡杜奇对此进行了有力的表达，他从自由主义的狂热开始了他的职业生涯，并对那些反对意大利解放和统一的人怀有强烈的仇恨。他认为最坏的压迫力量是罗马天主教会及其领袖庇护九世，他一次又一次地攻击他。47他的前任是意大利人阿尔菲里 (Alfieri)；48但远远超越了他。他最著名的宣言是他的赞美诗《致撒旦》（写于 1863 年，发表于 1865 年）。这与波德莱尔的《撒旦连祷》截然不同，后者是向可怜者的守护神祈祷；事实上，波德莱尔很不喜欢新异教徒。这是一首赞美进步精神的赞歌——卡杜奇称之为撒旦，因为他认为罗马天主教会一直反对进步和人类精神的自由生活。他赞美撒旦是统治波斯阿里曼、小亚细亚阿斯塔特、黎巴嫩和塞浦路斯维纳斯和阿多尼斯等幸福异教世界的神；是中世纪女巫和炼金术士——科学的先驱——的守护神；是安慰者，给可怜的艾洛伊丝送去维吉尔和贺拉斯所描述的美的幻象，即使隔着修道院的围墙，她也无法忘记他们；作为伟大改革家的启蒙者，布雷西亚的阿诺德、威克里夫、胡斯、萨沃纳罗拉、路德；现在作为科学的胜利领袖，驾驭着征服耶和华的烈火战车穿越世界。这辆战车就是火车头。49从更广泛的意义上讲，它是现代科学进步的形象，它使人类超越了时间和地点的限制，而且卡杜奇相信，它将使人类摆脱控制思想的警察。
We have already seen this belief in Shelley. It was given vigorous expression by Giosue Carducci, who began his career with a passion for liberalism, and a violent hatred for those who opposed the liberation and unification of Italy. Among the forces of oppression he thought the worst was the Roman Catholic church, and its head, Pius IX, whom he attacked again and again.47 He had an Italian predecessor, Alfieri;48 but went far beyond him. His most famous manifesto is his hymn To Satan (written in 1863, published in 1865). This is quite unlike Baudelaire’s Litanies of Satan, the invocation to the patron of the wretched; indeed, Baudelaire much disliked the neo-pagans. It is a hymn to the spirit of progress—whom Carducci calls Satan because he believes that progress and the free life of the human spirit have always been opposed by the Roman Catholic church. He praises Satan as the god who ruled the happy pagan worlds of Ahriman in Persia, Astarte in Asia Minor, Venus and Adonis in Lebanon and Cyprus; as the patron of the witch and the alchemist—those forerunners of science—in the Middle Ages; as the consoler sending wretched Héloïse visions of the beauty described by Vergil and Horace, whom, even behind nunnery walls, she could not forget; as the inspirer of the great reformers, Arnold of Brescia, Wycliffe, Huss, Savonarola, Luther; and now as the victorious leader of science, riding through the world on the chariot of fire which has conquered Jehovah. This chariot is the locomotive.49 In a larger sense it is the image of modern scientific progress, which raises man above the limits of time and place, and which, Carducci believed, would free him from the policemen who controlled thought.
卡尔杜奇另一首引人注目的反基督教诗歌是《克里图姆努斯泉畔》，这是一条为罗马诗人所熟知的翁布里亚河流。这条清澈的河水仍然从亚平宁山脉流淌而下。农民们仍然在河里给挣扎的羊洗澡，给巨大的白牛饮水。这条河见证了翁布里亚和伊特鲁里亚的衰落，以及罗马的崛起。它见证了汉尼拔的入侵，罗马遭受苦难并取得了胜利。但是罗马如今已不再胜利，因为一个红头发的加利利人登上卡皮托利欧山，告诉她背起十字架。仙女们尖叫着逃走了。身着黑衣的僧侣们来了；他们造了一片沙漠，并称之为天国。卡尔杜奇呼吁罗马精神从这片沙漠中崛起，并在现代工业进步中重生，解放人类。
Another remarkable anti-Christian poem by Carducci is By the Springs of Clitumnus, the Umbrian stream known to the Roman poets. The clear river still flows down from the Apennines. The peasants still dip the struggling sheep in it, and water the great white oxen. This is the river that saw the fall of Umbria’s power, and of Etruria, and then the rise of Rome. It saw the invasion of Hannibal, when Rome suffered and triumphed. But Rome now triumphs no longer, since a red-haired Galilaean ascended the Capitol and told her to take up the Cross. The nymphs fled, shrieking. Black-clad monks came; they made a desert, and called it the kingdom of God. From this desert Carducci calls on the spirit of Rome, reincarnated in that of modern industrial progress, to rise and free mankind.
在法国，莱孔特·德·利尔创作了一部《基督教通俗史》，这是一部对教会及其腐败——嗜血的宗教裁判所、贪婪的教皇、可怕的迷信——进行猛烈抨击的著作。他暗示，希腊罗马异教在一千年间没有产生过与焚烧异端基督徒相比的暴行，也没有产生过对人类精神的如此虐待。他两次写了希帕蒂娅的悲剧故事，希帕蒂娅是美丽的亚历山大女孩，她的灵魂受到新柏拉图主义哲学的滋养，与她的身体一样美丽。她被一群基督教暴徒剥光衣服，用锋利的贝壳活活剥皮，然后被烧死。你，女祭司和美的化身（莱孔特·德·利尔喊道），
In France, Leconte de Lisle produced a Popular History of Christianity, which was a savage philippic against the church and its corruptions—blood-thirsty inquisitors, greedy popes, terrifying superstitions. A thousand years of Greco-Roman paganism, he implied, had produced no atrocities to compare with the burning of heretic Christians, no such abuses of the human spirit. Twice he wrote the tragic story of Hypatia, the beautiful Alexandrian girl whose soul, nourished on the Neoplatonic philosophy, was as beautiful as her body. She was stripped naked by a Christian mob, flayed alive with sharp shells, and then burnt. You, priestess and incarnation of beauty (cried Leconte de Lisle),
被卑鄙的加利利人击打和咒骂。50
were struck and cursed by the vile Galilaean.50
莱孔特·德·利尔的朋友路易斯·梅纳德 (Louis Menard, 1822-1901) 不仅喜欢希腊道德而非基督教道德，而且认为希腊宗教是更真实的宇宙哲学图景——在其他人看来，希腊宗教似乎是各种迷信、诗意神话和半懂半懂的野蛮残余的混乱但有时美丽的集合。在希腊多神教和其他书籍中，他断言多神教代表一个有序的宇宙，其中充分发展的自然力量联合起来产生和谐。那是一个和平的共和国。基督教一神教，所有人都服从一个至高无上的上帝，他说，是一个君主制，具有绝对权力的所有弊端。根据梅纳德的说法，希腊宇宙体现了法治，耶和华的统治是武力统治。他接着说，看看《创世纪》，其中对人类施加劳动是一种惩罚。将其与希腊人的态度更健康、更自然，他们相信他们的神发明了农业、葡萄种植和其他有用的艺术，以造福人类。梅纳德不仅仅是一个有趣的老怪人：他被描述为“诗人中的学者——也许是学者中的诗人”。51
Leconte de Lisle’s friend Louis Menard (1822-1901) not only preferred Greek to Christian morality but justified Greek religion—which to others seems a confused though sometimes beautiful congeries of disparate superstitions, poetic myths, and half-understood barbarian survivals—as being a truer philosophical picture of the universe. In Hellenic Polytheism and other books he asserted that polytheism represented an orderly cosmos, where the forces of nature, fully developed, unite to produce harmony. That is a peaceful republic. Christian monotheism, where all is subject to one supreme God, is, he said, a monarchy with all the vices of absolute power. The Greek cosmos embodied the rule of law, according to Menard, and the rule of Jehovah was the rule of force. And, he went on, look at the book of Genesis, in which work is imposed on mankind as a punishment. Compare that with the healthier and more natural attitude of the Greeks, who believed that their gods invented agriculture, the cultivation of the vine, and other useful arts in order to benefit mankind. Menard was more than an interesting old eccentric: he has been described as ‘a scholar among poets—and perhaps a poet among scholars’.51
尤其是，一些十九世纪的作家厌恶基督教，因为它限制了性自由，而崇拜希腊罗马异教，因为（他们相信）希腊的爱情是自由而无所顾忌的。一边是苍白的加利利人，宣扬禁食和贞洁。另一边是一片野树林，里面有两个情人：
In particular, some nineteenth-century writers detested Christianity because of its restrictions on sexual liberty, and admired Greco-Roman paganism because (they believed) love in Greece was free and unashamed. On one side is the pale Galilaean, preaching fasts and virginity. On the other is a wild wood with two lovers:
笑着又掩饰的嘴唇柔软如
树上的笑叶分开了
视线，挡住了视线，
神在追寻，少女躲了起来。
常春藤与酒神的头发一起落下，
遮住了她的眉毛，遮住了她的眼睛；
野藤滑落，叶子光秃秃的，
明亮的胸脯缩短成叹息……52
And soft as lips that laugh and hide
The laughing leaves of the trees divide
And screen from seeing and leave in sight
The god pursuing, the maiden hid.
The ivy falls with the Bacchanal’s hair
Over her eyebrows hiding her eyes;
The wild vine slipping down leaves bare
The bright breast shortening into sighs …52
美丽的诗歌，美丽的梦想：尤其是在维多利亚时代，衣着厚重，习俗繁琐。但事实上，它所推崇的理论认为希腊人的性放纵程度远远超出了他们承认或欣赏的程度——除了亚历山大等少数国际大都市。有时，它通过混淆希腊文化和东方文化来扭曲历史事实。
Beautiful poetry, beautiful dreaming: especially in a Victorian world of heavy clothes and cumbrous conventions. But the theory from which it flowed did in fact credit the Greeks with far more sexual licence than they admitted or admired—except in a few cosmopolitan cities like Alexandria. Sometimes it distorted the facts of history by confusing Hellenism with Orientalism.
这里的“大罪人”——他多么欢迎这个称号啊！——是皮埃尔·路易斯（1870-1925），一个恶毒但才华横溢的作家。53他在学校没有学过希腊语，读过荷马的拙劣译本后，甚至不喜欢《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》，直到他找到了莱孔特·德·利尔的译本。“这是一个启示”：他继续读了莱孔特·德·利尔的所有译本，然后在十八岁时开始认真学习希腊语。奇怪的是，有多少现代诗人在学校里毫无热情地学习拉丁语，然后在青春期，在更强烈的动力下，自学了希腊语言或文学：济慈、雪莱、歌德，还有很多人。路易斯一直很崇敬莱孔特·德·利尔，因为他教他将古典希腊视为人类身体和精神的理想家园；路易斯·梅纳尔，他称梅纳尔为“一个伟大的异教徒，一个圣人”，并在自己的故事《新的乐趣》中模仿梅纳尔。路易斯在二十三岁时，首次将《新约》中优美的警句翻译成法语叙利亚-希腊诗人墨勒阿革洛斯，二十四岁时翻译了琉善的《妓女的谈话》，二十五岁时创作了一部使他成名的作品。
Here the great sinner—how he would have welcomed the title!—is Pierre Louys (1870–1925), a vicious but talented writer.53 He did not learn Greek at school, and, having read a poor translation of Homer, disliked even the Iliad and Odyssey until he found Leconte de Lisle’s version. ‘It was a revelation’: he went on to read all Leconte de Lisle’s translations, and then, at eighteen, began to learn Greek seriously. Strange how many modern poets have learnt Latin without enthusiasm at school, and then, under a more vital impetus, have taught themselves the Greek language or literature in adolescence: Keats, Shelley, Goethe, many more. Louys always revered Leconte de Lisle for teaching him to think of classical Greece as the ideal home of the human body and spirit; and Louis Menard, whom he called ‘a great pagan, a saintly man’ and imitated in his story A New Pleasure. At twenty-three Louys produced the first French translation of the exquisite epigrams of the Syrian-Greek poet Meleager, at twenty-four a rendering of Lucian’s Courtesans’ Conversations, and at twenty-five the book which made his name.
这就是《比利蒂斯之歌》，一本散文诗集，据说是从古墓中发现的一份希腊手稿翻译而来。它以日记和希腊警句集的混合形式，讲述了一个古希腊农家女孩的自传，她在初恋死后，成为萨福的女同性恋者和女诗人圈子中的一员，然后，同样自然而然地幸福地，成为了塞浦路斯的一名庙妓。纪德（第一版献给他）说，比利蒂斯是以路易斯在比斯克拉遇到的阿拉伯女孩梅里姆·本·阿塔拉为原型的；这些风景让人想起了路易斯在北非和埃及的旅行；这些关于同性恋和卖淫的诗歌中坦率的表达不是希腊的，而是东方的。54奇怪的是，在《敢于挑战弗里吉亚人》问世这么久之后，却看到另一位传奇作家使用与“在坟墓中发现的手稿”相同的手法来携带现代发明。55但这一次，它找到了一个侦探来揭露它，找到了一个真正的希腊学者来揭露它的虚假性。柏林希腊语教授、伟大的乌尔里希·冯·维拉莫维茨-莫伦多夫非常清楚，《比利蒂斯之歌》是一位年轻的现代作家“凭空捏造”的；但是，因为路易斯假装它们是从真实的希腊手稿翻译而来的，所以他像鹰扑向兔子一样扑向了路易斯。他的评论有十页，密密麻麻，撇开了路易斯的业余学术，甚至时代错误，专注于这本书的关键缺陷：东方的激情和奢侈被归因于自律的希腊人，同性恋的欲望被描绘成萨福艺术的驱动力。他总结说，一个过着比利蒂斯那样生活的女人不可能写出伟大的诗歌；认为希腊人的目标是创造这样的艺术或这样的人，这完全歪曲了希腊人的理想。56
This was The Songs of Bilitis, a collection of prose poems supposed to be translated from a Greek manuscript found in a tomb. It gives, in a form which is a cross between a diary and a volume of Hellenistic epigrams, the autobiography of a peasant girl of ancient Greece who, after the death of her first love, became a member of Sappho’s circle of Lesbian lovers and poetesses, and then, just as naturally and happily, a temple-prostitute in Cyprus. Gide (to whom the first edition was dedicated) says Bilitis was modelled on Meriem ben Atala, an Arabian girl Louys met in Biskra; the landscapes are remembered from Louÿs’s tours in north Africa and Egypt; the open-eyed frankness of the poems on homosexuality and prostitution is not Greek but oriental.54 It is strange, so long after ‘Dares the Phrygian’, to see another romancer using the same device of the ‘MS. found in a tomb’ to carry a modern invention.55 But this time it found a detective to expose it and a real hellenist to show its falsity. The great Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, professor of Greek at Berlin, knew perfectly well that The Songs of Bilitis were made ‘out of whole cloth’ by a young modern author; but, because Louys had pretended they were translations from an authentic Greek manuscript, fell upon him like a hawk on a rabbit. His review, in ten closely printed pages, brushes aside Louys’s amateur scholarship, and even the anachronisms, to concentrate on the crucial faults of the book: that oriental passions and extravagances are attributed to the self-disciplined Greeks, and that a homosexual lust is represented as the moving force of Sappho’s art. A woman who led a life like Bilitis, he concludes, could not have written great poems; and it is a complete falsification of the Greek ideals to think they aimed at producing such art or such people.56
路易斯曾写过一首诗，说当所有其他的希腊神灵都死去时，只有爱神幸存下来。57在比利蒂斯之后的第二年，他为她更极端的化身写了一本浪漫小说。《阿佛洛狄忒》于 1896 年 4 月初自费出版，并立即成为畅销书，6 月出版了第 26 版。（这本书仍然很受欢迎，但吸引了一些非常令人反感的插画家。）这是公元前一世纪亚历山大的故事，女主角是一名妓女，男主角是一名更受追捧的雕塑家，对爱情也同样厌倦。只有她的冷漠吸引了他；在她许下承诺并让他梦想占有她之后（这一幕主要引用了《所罗门之歌》），他再次失去了兴趣，直到她因亵渎神明冒充阿佛洛狄忒而穿着女神偷来的礼服被残忍地处死后，他才重新燃起兴趣。他以她的尸体为模型，雕刻出了他的杰作。
Louÿs once wrote a poem saying that, when all the other Greek divinities died, only the goddess of love survived.57 The year after Bilitis he dedicated a romantic novel to her more extreme avatars. Aphrodite was published at his own expense in early April 1896, and became an immediate best-seller, reaching its twenty-sixth edition in June. (Still very popular, it has attracted some outstandingly repulsive illustrators.) It is a story of Alexandria in the first century before Christ, the heroine a courtesan, the hero a sculptor even more sought after and not less bored with love. Only her indifference attracts him; after she promises herself and he dreams of possessing her (in a scene largely composed of quotations from the Song of Solomon), he loses interest again, to regain it only when she has been cruelly executed for blasphemously posing as Aphrodite in the goddess’s stolen regalia. Using her corpse as a model, he carves his masterpiece.
这本古怪作品的直接文学祖先是法国的《泰雅丝》、梅里美的《卡门》（“如果你不爱我，我爱你”）和福楼拜的《萨朗波》。其结构基于希腊悲剧，共五幕，第四幕结尾处有一个转折；作品中充满了模仿或引述希腊文学某些领域的细节。但它描绘的并不是希腊人的生活。女主角是一名叙利亚妓女（书中尖锐地影射犹太人是半野蛮的亚洲前哨），场景是通晓多种语言的亚历山大大都市（当时它的希腊化程度不亚于现代新奥尔良的法国化或里约热内卢的葡萄牙化），女神比爱琴海泡沫中诞生的微笑幽灵更加可怕、更加亚洲化，其道德观虽然引人注目，但却与我们通过最伟大的诗歌和哲学所了解的希腊不同。每个时代都能在经典中找到自己想要的东西。显然，路易斯和他的读者想要的不是伊利索斯的清澈之水（苏格拉底在伊利索斯河边向年轻的斐德罗讲述激情和理性的掌控），而是浑浊的尼罗河中的一股清水。
The immediate literary ancestors of this odd book were France’s Thais, Mérimée’s Carmen (‘if you do not love me, I love you’), and Flaubert’s Salammbô. In structure it was based on Greek tragedy, having five ‘acts’ with a peripeteia, or sudden reversal, at the end of the fourth; it was filled with details imitated or quoted from certain regions of Greek literature. But it was not a picture of Greek life. Its heroine was a Syrian prostitute (there are pointed allusions to Jewry as a half-barbarous Asiatic outpost), its scene the polyglot megapolis of Alexandria (which was then no more Greek than modern New Orleans is French or Rio de Janeiro Portuguese), its goddess a divinity far more terrible and Asiatic than the smiling spirit born of Aegean sea-foam, and its morality, though striking, unlike all we know of Greece through its greatest poetry and philosophy. Every age finds what it wants in the classics. Evidently what Louys and his readers wanted was not the clear water of Ilissus, beside which Socrates talked to young Phaedrus of passion and the mastery of reason, but a draught from the turbid Nile.
3.基督教胆怯而软弱，异教强大而激烈。
3. Christianity is timid and feeble, paganism is strong and intense.
另一位因爱希腊而自毁形象的德国人对这一理论进行了猛烈抨击。弗里德里希·威廉·尼采 (1844-1900) 曾跟随维拉莫维茨-莫伦多夫就读于德国最好的古典学校普福塔，25 岁之前就成为巴塞尔大学的教授，并于 1872 年提出了关于希腊悲剧起源的理论，该理论遭到维拉莫维茨的猛烈抨击，认为该理论在历史上是错误的，但包含了一些心理学事实。58他认为希腊艺术的本质被错误地描述为平静、冷漠、雕像般的。他认为，希腊艺术的本质源自狄俄尼索斯所代表的狂野力量与阿波罗的精神之间的张力，狄俄尼索斯是游走于森林和山脉的酒神，残忍而不可教化，阿波罗是光明、美丽、治愈和艺术之神。这是艺术感作用于野蛮潜意识而非中性材料的结果敦促。因此，希腊艺术不是冷漠、苍白和毫无生气的，希腊戏剧也不是高高在上、形式化的智力活动：它们是暴力冲突的产物，代表的不是宁静的安宁，而是来之不易的胜利。
The theory was put with great violence by another of the Germans who were destroyed by their love for Greece. Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844-1900) went to the best German classical school, Pforta, with Wilamowitz-Moellendorff; became professor at Basle before he was twenty-five; and in 1872 produced a theory of the origin of Greek tragedy which—bitterly attacked by Wilamowitz—was historically false but contained some psychological truth.58 He held that the essence of Greek art was misrepresented as calm, impassive, statuesque. It grew, he believed, out of a tension between the wild forces represented by Dionysus, god of the dithyrambic frenzy, cruel and uncivilizable, which roves the forests and mountains, and the spirit of Apollo, god of light, beauty, healing, and art. It was the result of the artistic sense working, not on a neutral material, but on savage subconscious urges. So Greek art is not cool and white and lifeless, a Greek play not a lofty, formalized, intellectual exercise: they are the products of violent conflict, and represent not serene repose but a hard-earned victory.
尼采欣赏希腊艺术的强烈性、难度和贵族气质。他鄙视基督教，因为他认为基督教软弱、简单、粗俗。诗歌之鹰埃斯库罗斯是他的英雄之一。另一位希腊作家在历史的早期阶段，即公元六世纪的阶级战争期间写作，他深深地引起了尼采的兴趣，并帮助他形成了对基督教道德理想的厌恶。这个人就是泰奥格尼斯，他称他的寡头同僚为“好人”，称平民为“坏人”——或者，正如我们仍然所说的，带着对封建区别的回忆，称其为“绅士”和“恶棍”。59和泰奥格尼斯一样，尼采认为只有少数有权势的人的道德价值观才值得尊重。他厌恶基督教，认为它是“奴隶的道德”和“群居动物的道德”。他认为，和平缔造者有福意味着“不要为自己的权利而战”，温柔的人有福意味着“当你受到挑战时，躺下”（并感到高兴，因为你的征服者将在来世受到诅咒）。爱邻居的福音在尼采看来就像苏格拉底对正义的定义在煽动者和宣传家看来一样60 — 是让少数强壮、聪明、精力充沛、勇敢、不关心他人、能够统治世界的人屈服于那些旨在削弱他们的才能和降低他们天生优势的优柔寡断的规则的诡计。他将基督教描述为犹太人对罗马人和整个世界的报复策略：
Nietzsche admired Greek art for its intensity; its difficulty; its aristocratic quality. He despised Christianity because he thought it weak, easy, and vulgar. Aeschylus, the eagle of poetry, was one of his heroes. Another Greek, who wrote at an earlier stage in history, during the class-wars of the sixth century, interested Nietzsche deeply and helped to form his dislike for Christian moral ideals. This was Theognis, who called his fellow oligarchs ‘good’ and the commoners ‘bad’—or, as we still say, with a reminiscence of feudal distinctions, ‘gentle men’ and ‘villains’.59 Like Theognis, Nietzsche held that only the moral values of the powerful few were worthy of respect. He loathed Christianity as the ‘morality of slaves’ and of ‘herd-animals’. He thought that Blessed are the peacemakers meant Don’t fight for your rights’, that Blessed are the meek meant Lie down when you are challenged (and feel happy because your conqueror will be damned in the next world). The gospel of loving one’s neighbour seemed to Nietzsche—as Socrates’ definitions of justice seemed to the demagogue and the propagandist60—to be a trick to get the few strong, clever, energetic, brave men, who care nothing for others and who can rule the world, to submit to namby-pamby rules designed to cripple their talents and reduce their natural superiority. And he described Christianity as a Jewish stratagem of revenge on the Romans and on the whole world:
“击垮强者，使伟大的希望变成虚幻，使对美的快乐享受产生怀疑，使所有独立性、阳刚之气、征服力、主宰力以及最高级和最成功的人所特有的所有本能变成不确定性、良心不安和自我瓦解，事实上，使对尘世事物和对地球统治的所有热爱转变为对地球和尘世事物的仇恨——这就是教会的任务。”61
‘To smash the strong, to make great hopes sickly, to cast suspicion on the happy enjoyment of beauty, to bend all independence, virility, conquest, mastery, all instincts that are peculiar to the highest and most successful type of man, into uncertainty, troubles of conscience, disruption of the self, in fact to convert all love for earthly things and for the domination of the earth into hatred for the earth and earthly things—that was what the Church made its task.’61
“犹太人——一个‘为奴而生’的民族，正如塔西佗和整个古代世界所说，‘万民中的天选之民’，正如他们自己所说和所相信的那样——犹太人巧妙地扭转了价值观……他们的先知将‘富人’、‘无神论者’、‘坏人’、‘暴力’、‘感官’混为一谈，并首次将‘世界’一词打上可耻的标签。这种价值观的转变……体现了犹太民族的意义：道德上的奴隶起义由此开始。”62
‘The Jews—a people “born for slavery”, as Tacitus and the entire ancient world would say, “the chosen people among the peoples”, as they themselves say and believe—the Jews have carried out a masterly reversal of values … their prophets have confused “rich”, “godless”, “bad”, “violent”, “sensuous” all together, and for the first time have stamped the word “world” as a shameful expression. In this transformation of values … lies the significance of the Jewish people: with it begins the slave-revolt in morality.’62
然而，在尼采关于基督教和异教冲突的极其不系统的言论中，我们仍然可以找到证据，表明他看得比这更深。他知道苏格拉底是第一批批评本能和传统道德的人之一，这种道德长期以来一直自足，但在不断变化的世界中无法继续保持这种道德；从这个意义上说，石匠苏格拉底是加利利木匠的先驱之一。63
And yet it is possible to find, among the extremely unsystematic utterances of Nietzsche on the conflict of Christianity and paganism, evidence that he saw deeper than that. He knew that Socrates was one of the first to criticize a morality of instinct and tradition which had long been, but in a changing world could not continue to be, sufficient unto itself; and that in that sense Socrates the stonemason was one of the forerunners of the Galilaean carpenter.63
尼采曾经说福楼拜是一位“正派公民”，他通过痛苦地享受中产阶级的愚蠢来折磨自己。64但尼采培养了贵族的弱点，崇拜祖先，憎恨同辈。和他一样，古斯塔夫·福楼拜（1821-80）厌恶十九世纪的道德观，鄙视当代基督教，认为它不适合聪明人，65并说世界经历了三个阶段，最后一个阶段是最低级的：异教、基督教和臭鼬，而他自己的时代则被臭鼬统治。66他对这个肮脏时代的主要抱怨是它的琐碎。没有人能过上真正充实的生活。每个人都是二流幻想的奴隶，无论是他自己创造的（就像那个乡下医生的妻子发明的浪漫梦想）还是报纸和其他垃圾工厂带来的。67福楼拜不写诗，但是他和丁尼生或戈蒂埃一样，深刻地感受到了他那个世纪的丑陋。有时，他会在冷酷的现实主义小说中解剖它，有时，他会重建过去的世界，那里没有虚假的浪漫，而是炽热的激情和热切的禁欲主义；没有头戴大礼帽、拿着存折的中产阶级，而是战士、野蛮人和圣人；没有路易-拿破仑，而是圣安东尼和哈米尔卡。《萨拉姆博》是世界上最伟大的历史小说之一，它讲的不是希腊，也不是罗马，而是迦太基的对手文化。现代的布鲁盖尔的《圣安东尼的诱惑》讲述的是一位早期埃及的基督教隐士。福楼拜这两本书的素材都是希腊文和拉丁文，但主题都在古典世界的边界上或之上。和路易斯一样，他通过阅读古典文学，形成了自己对优于现代世界的价值观的反驳。佩特引用了福楼拜的一封信，信中福楼拜说他正在重读《埃涅阿斯纪》，其中的语句像难忘的旋律一样萦绕在他心头。68但像路易斯一样，他不能，或者不会，描述希腊罗马的最高状态文明与他所过和所憎恨的生活形成鲜明对比。他写的关于过去的书极其残酷，与希腊和现代理想相比，带有东方的反常。福楼拜对自己庸俗时代的憎恨使他（像尼采一样）对极端对立面产生了钦佩：他没有伪造它，而是用他在迦太基和底比斯找到的材料构建了它，迦太基和底比斯位于希腊和罗马更平静、更富裕、更平衡的世界的更极端。
Nietzsche once spoke of Flaubert as a ‘decent citizen’ who tormented himself by bitterly enjoying the stupidity of the middle class.64 But Nietzsche cultivated the aristocratic foible of admiring his ancestors and hating his peers. Like him, Gustave Flaubert (1821-80) detested nineteenth-century morality, despised contemporary Christianity as unfit for intelligent people,65 and said that the world had passed through three stages, the last being the lowest: paganism, Christianity, and skunkery, his own age being ruled by the skunks.66 His chief complaint against the era of skunkery was its pettiness. No one could live a genuine, full life. Everyone was the slave of second-rate delusions, whether created by himself (as the provincial doctor’s wife invented dreams of romance) or delivered by the newspapers and other garbage-factories.67 Flaubert did not write poetry; but he felt the ugliness of his century as acutely as a Tennyson or a Gautier. Sometimes he would dissect it in a coldly realistic novel; and sometimes he would reconstruct the world of the past, where, instead of bogus romances, there were fiery passions and ardent asceticisms, instead of the middle class with top-hat and bank-book there were warriors and barbarians and saints, instead of Louis Napoleon there were St. Anthony and Hamilcar. Salammbo, one of the greatest historical novels in the world, is not about Greece, nor about Rome, but about the rival culture of Carthage. That modern Brueghel, The Temptation of St. Anthony, is about an early Christian hermit in Egypt. The sources from which Flaubert drew his material for both books are Greek and Latin, but the subjects lie on or over the frontiers of the classical world. Like Louys, he was guided towards his counter-assertion of values superior to those of the modern world by reading classical literature. Pater quotes a letter in which Flaubert says he is re-reading the Aeneid, with its phrases haunting him like unforgettable melodies.68 But like Louys he could not, or would not, describe the highest states of Greco-Roman civilization as a contrast to the life he lived and hated. The books he wrote on the past were ferociously cruel, and, compared with both Greek and modern ideals, perverse in an oriental way. Flaubert’s hatred of his own vulgar age pushed him (like Nietzsche) into admiration for the extreme opposite: he did not falsify it, but constructed it from materials which he found in Carthage and the Thebaid, on the further extreme of the calmer, richer, better-balanced world of Greece and Rome.
但尽管遭到反对，基督教仍然是一股重要力量。许多十九世纪作家钦佩早期基督徒的纯朴信仰、道德纯洁、活力和勇气。他们认为，那些将异教世界描绘成人间天堂的诗歌和小说实际上是虚假的，在道德上是危险的。他们坚信福音正在拯救世界，并开始表明，当福音首次被传播时，它在一个更加腐败和残酷的时代遭到了更为激烈的反对。夏多布里昂在《殉道者》中表达了这一观点，但其形式和不当的风格使它未能被广泛传播。69但散文小说的兴起促进了许多基于古典文献、描述罗马帝国基督教和异教理想冲突的通俗小说的产生。这些小说并非都写得很好——它们的审美水平远低于斯温伯恩的诗歌和其他异教反对派：但它们的发行量和影响力都很大。特别是，它们确立了这样一种信念：罗马的灭亡是因为它是一个不道德的异教帝国。现在人们普遍相信这一点，而西方和东方帝国都是在正式成为基督教之后很久才灭亡的事实却被人们忽视了。
But Christianity, in spite of this opposition, was still a vital force. Many nineteenth-century writers admired the simple faith, the moral purity, the energy and courage of the early Christians. They thought the poems and novels which represented the pagan world as a heaven on earth were false in fact and morally dangerous. Confident that the gospel was saving the world, they set out to show that, when it was first preached, it had met with even more bitter opposition from an age even more corrupt and brutal. Chateaubriand put this point of view in The Martyrs, whose form and ill-chosen style kept it from reaching a very wide public.69 But the rise of prose fiction encouraged the production of a number of popular novels based on classical documents and describing the conflict between Christian and pagan ideals in the Roman empire. They were not all well written—they were on a far lower aesthetic level than Swinburne’s poems and the rest of the pagan opposition: but they had an immense circulation and influence. In particular, they established the belief that Rome fell because it was an immoral pagan empire. This is now widely believed, and the fact that both the western and the eastern empires fell long after they had officially become Christian is ignored.
其中最著名的小说是：
The best known of these novels are:
埃格尔·布尔沃-利顿，即后来的利顿勋爵 (1803-73) 所著的《庞贝的最后日子》 (1834 年)，戏剧性地描述了基督教和异教之间的斗争，并通过象征性地摧毁一个邪恶的异教城市来强调这一点。
The Last Days of Pompeii (1834), by E. G. E. L. Bulwer-Lytton, later Lord Lytton (1803-73), a melodramatic description of the struggle of Christianity and paganism emphasized by the symbolic destruction of a wicked pagan city.
查尔斯·金斯利（Charles Kingsley，1819-75 年）的《希帕提娅》（Hypatia ，1853 年）讲述了北方蛮族、希腊和罗马的软弱异教徒、以美丽的亚历山大女哲学家为代表的更高理想、圣奥古斯丁等虔诚高尚的基督徒以及残忍的基督教暴徒私刑处死异教徒之间的冲突，这是一个更为复杂的故事。希帕提娅。70金斯利给这本书起了副标题《老面孔的新敌人》，他认为希帕提娅被谋杀的根源在于宗教不宽容，他认为这种不宽容在他的时代正在发芽。
Hypatia (1853), by Charles Kingsley (1819-75), a more complex story of the conflict between the northern barbarians, the effete pagans of Greece and Rome, their higher ideals as represented by the beautiful girl-philosopher of Alexandria, earnest and noble Christians like St. Augustine, and the cruel intolerance of the Christian mob that lynched Hypatia.70 Kingsley sub-titled the book New Foes with an Old Face, feeling that the murder of Hypatia sprang from the root of religious intolerance, which he thought was sending out new shoots in his day.
《宾虚》（1880 年），作者是刘易斯·华莱士（1827-1905 年），他在南北战争期间担任北方军队的少将，拯救了华盛顿，阻止了南方邦联的进攻。他的书以激动人心且令人难忘的场景，戏剧化地描述了耶稣在世时罗马人、犹太人和基督徒之间的互动。主人公是一位犹太贵族，因企图谋杀罗马官员而被判处在船上服苦役。他作为船上奴隶的生活、他的海难和逃生、他母亲和妹妹的麻风病康复，以及最重要的，与他的罗马朋友和敌人进行的著名的战车比赛，都是有史以来对古代世界最生动的描述。
Ben-Hur (1880), by Lewis Wallace (1827-1905), who served as a major-general in the Northern army during the Civil War, and saved Washington from the Confederate advance. His book, in exciting and often memorable scenes, dramatizes the interaction of Romans, Jews, and Christians during the lifetime of Jesus. The hero is a Jewish nobleman condemned to the galleys on the charge of attempting to murder a Roman official. His life as a galley-slave, his shipwreck and escape, the healing of his mother and sister from leprosy, and above all the famous chariot-race against his Roman friend and enemy, are among the most vivid descriptions of the ancient world ever published.
《往昔岁月？》 （Quo Vadis?，1896 年）是著名波兰小说家亨利克·显克微支（Henryk Sienkiewicz，1846-1916 年）的作品，它详细记述了尼禄统治时期以及彼得和保罗传教期间基督教对罗马的渗透，结尾处对尼禄迫害的描述令人毛骨悚然——显克微支对德国和俄罗斯迫害波兰者的仇恨使这部作品更加生动。这个故事实际上是一份爱国宣言，尽管遭受了可怕的苦难，早期基督教的小团体仍然在反抗庞大而强大的帝国的压迫，表达了显克微支对自己波兰的钦佩和希望。女主角是一位来自北欧地区的基督教公主，后来成为波兰，这一事实过分强调了两者之间的联系。71遵循真实的历史文献——尽管并不总是很准确；其中有对圣彼得、尼禄和佩特罗尼乌斯的敏锐人物描写；72但情节实在太过耸人听闻，结尾处，一个巨大的波兰人在竞技场中徒手杀死了一头巨大的德国野牛，以解救被赤身裸体绑在野牛角上的公主。
Quo Vadis? (1896), by the eminent Polish novelist Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846-1916), is a laboriously detailed account of the penetration of Rome by Christianity during the reign of Nero and the ministry of Peter and Paul, ending with bloodcurdling descriptions of the Neronian persecutions—which gain fervour from Sienkiewicz’s hatred for the German and Russian persecutors of Poland. The story is really a patriotic manifesto, in which, despite frightful sufferings, the small community of early Christians vindicating itself against the oppressions of a vast and powerful empire expresses the admiration and hope which Sienkiewicz felt for his own Poland. The correspondence is rather over-emphasized by the fact that the heroine is a Christian princess from the area of northern Europe which later became Poland.71 Authentic historical documents are followed—although not always quite accurately; there are acute character-sketches of St. Peter, Nero, and Petronius;72 but the plot, which culminates with a gigantic Pole killing a huge German aurochs in the arena with his bare hands in order to free the princess tied naked to its horns, is really too sensational.
这些书之所以受到人们的关注，很大程度上来自于它们生动的历史细节，而这些细节是更广泛、更深入的十九世纪的研究所提供的古代历史知识。73费奈隆的《忒勒马科斯》在早期就受到了同样的兴趣，后来，《青年阿纳卡西斯游记》也成为了数代以来的畅销书。74即使在麦考利平淡的内心深处，他的苏格兰血统和浪漫主义民谣热情也与尼布尔的理论相融合，尼布尔认为早期罗马的主要历史记录是关于重大事件的民间诗歌：结果就是他激动人心的《古罗马之歌》；75学校图书馆里仍然充斥着伪装成小说的教科书，比如贝克尔的《加卢斯》，其缺点是内容太多，艺术性太少。
Much of the interest in these books came from their vivid historical detail, which was a product of the broader and deeper knowledge of ancient history made available by nineteenth-century research.73 Fénelon’s Telemachus owed part of its popularity to the same interest, at an earlier stage, which later made The Travels of Young Anacharsis in Greece a continuous best-seller for generations.74 Even in the prosaic heart of Macaulay, his Scottish blood and the romantic ballad-fervour blended with Niebuhr’s theory that the chief early Roman historical records were folk-poems about great events: the result was his stirring Lays of Ancient Rome;75 and school libraries are still full of text-books disguised as fiction, like Becker’s Gallus, whose fault is that they have too much matter and too little art.
然而，基督教小说的影响力更多地归功于它们反驳了理性主义对圣经传统的批判，这种批判始于大卫·施特劳斯的《耶稣传》，并在整个十九世纪发展成为一种高大而不稳定的假说结构。如果不以信仰和理性接受基督教传统，就不可能相信基督教。因此，纯粹理性的批判有时将福音和信仰的增长纯粹视为“一种产品，如糖或硫酸”，实际上是反基督教的。与此相反，这些小说表明基督教的建立是上帝为拯救精神垂死的世界而有意干预的结果。在十九世纪诞生的革命阵痛之后，这种解释对许多人来说非常受欢迎。
The Christian novels, however, owed more of their influence to the fact that they countered the rationalist criticism of biblical tradition which began with David Strauss’s Life of Jesus and grew to a tall and shaky structure of hypothesis throughout the nineteenth century. It is impossible to believe in Christianity without accepting its traditions with faith as well as with reason. Therefore the purely rational type of criticism, which sometimes treated the gospel and the growth of the faith purely as ‘a product, like sugar or vitriol’, was in effect anti-Christian. Against that, these novels showed the establishment of Christianity as the deliberate intervention of God to save a spiritually dying world. After the revolutionary pangs which brought the nineteenth century to birth, this interpretation was, to many, very welcome.
最后，正如我们在概述中指出的那样，当时一些最杰出的诗人、哲学家和小说家正在捍卫异教伦理和异教理想，而十九世纪基督教的道德观念则受到直接和暗示性的攻击。作为反击，这些小说家现在创作了支持基督教的故事，以新的形式、更强有力的事实基础复活了书籍之战的论点 1。76他们的反宣传至今仍发挥着积极作用。这是基督教精神与希腊罗马精神（通过这些精神传到我们这里）之间众多冲突之一，这些冲突也是冲突的汇合。
Finally, as we have shown in outline, pagan ethics and pagan ideals were being defended by some of the most eminent poets, philosophers, and novelists of the day, and the morality of nineteenth-century Christianity was being attacked directly and by implication. As a counter-attack, these novelists now produced pro-Christian stories which revived Argument 1 of the Battle of the Books—in a new form, with a stronger foundation of fact.76 Their counter-propaganda had an effect still very active to-day. It was another of the many conflicts, which are also confluences, between the spirit of Christendom and the spirit (through which it reached us) of Greece and Rome.
还有一部小说值得更深入地关注，因为它与其他小说属于不同的类别。这就是沃尔特·佩特的《伊壁鸠鲁派的马略》（1885 年）。它研究的是基督教皈依的过程，不是通过激情或奇迹，而是通过反思。它的主人公是一位深思熟虑的年轻罗马贵族，住在安东尼时代——吉本和其他人认为这是人类在地球上存在的最高点。起初，家神和农场精灵的热情异教信仰让他感到足够。母亲和一位怀疑论者的密友的去世使他陷入了怀疑之中。他成为了一个伊壁鸠鲁主义者。然后，在结识并崇拜马可·奥勒留之后，他转向了斯多葛主义。从斯多葛主义，他更深入地渗透到了精神领域。当他即将成为一名基督徒时，他被捕了（在一次基督教会议上），并为他还不属于的信仰而死。像维吉尔一样，像许多高贵的异教徒一样，他已经成为一个配得上基督的灵魂。
There is one other novel which deserves deeper attention, since it is in a different category from the rest. This is Walter Pater’s Marius the Epicurean (1885). It is a study of the process of Christian conversion, not through passion or miracle, but through reflection. Its hero is a thoughtful young Roman noble, living in the age of the Antonines—which Gibbon and others believed to be the highest point ever reached by human existence on this planet. At first the warm paganism of the household gods and the spirits of the farm is enough for him. The deaths of his mother and of a close friend, a sceptic, plunge him into doubt. He becomes an Epicurean. Then, after meeting and admiring Marcus Aurelius, he rises to Stoicism. From Stoicism he penetrates deeper into the realm of the spirit. He is about to become a Christian when he is arrested (at a Christian meeting), and dies for the faith to which he does not yet belong. Like Vergil, like many noble pagans, he has become a soul worthy of Christ.
这本充满诗意的书比我们描述过的其他书少了很多动作和个人趣味，但对异教和基督教的精华有更深的理解。它展示了漫长而艰难的皈依过程，就像罗马帝国晚期许多有思想的灵魂所经历的那样，也像十九世纪许多同样不安的灵魂所经历的那样。它没有把从希腊和罗马到基督教的伟大历史变革描述成一场战争，一方获胜，另一方被消灭，而是让我们看到了希腊和罗马精神生活的最高级元素在基督教中被吸收和转化的长期相互渗透。
This deeply poetic book has far less action and personal interest than the others we have described, but much more understanding of the best in both paganism and Christianity. It shows the long difficult process of conversion as it occurred in many thoughtful souls of the late Roman empire, and as it was repeated in many no less troubled spirits of the nineteenth century. And, instead of showing the great historical change from Greece and Rome to Christendom as a war, in which one side was victorious and the other crushed out of existence, it makes us see the long inter-penetration by which the highest elements of Greek and Roman spiritual life were taken up and transformed in Christianity.
21
世纪的学术
21
A CENTURY OF SCHOLARSHIP
“是时候品味生活了，”另一个人会说，
“拉开帷幕！”
‘Time to taste life,’ another would have said,
‘Up with the curtain!’
这个人反而说，“接下来才是真正的生活？
再忍耐一下！”
This man said rather, ‘Actual life comes next?
Patience a moment!
尽管我已经掌握了学习的繁琐文字，
但仍然有评论。’
Grant I have mastered learning’s crabbed text,
Still there’s the comment.’
布朗宁1
BROWNING1
在革命时代之后、第一次世界大战结束的那个世纪里，古典知识的传播范围和深度都在增加。人们对希腊和罗马的了解比以往任何时候都多；了解希腊和罗马的人也比以往任何时候都多。但两条增长曲线并不重合。在最初的五六十年里，它们大致平行。此后，一条曲线开始下降，而另一条曲线则不断上升——也许速度更慢，但一直持续到 1914 年。
DURING the century which succeeded the revolutionary era and closed with the First World War, classical knowledge increased both in distribution and in depth. More was known about Greece and Rome than ever before; and more people learnt something about Greece and Rome than ever before. But the two graphs of increase did not coincide. During the first fifty or sixty years they ran roughly parallel. After that, one began to turn down, while the other kept on going up—more slowly, perhaps, but still continuously until 1914.
整个世纪，学者们对希腊罗马古代的探索越来越多，越来越多的知识被整理成表格，供人们查阅。到 1914 年，普通专业古典学家的图书馆比 1814 年他的前任大了 10 倍，大学图书馆中可供使用的书籍数量是其前任的 50 倍。
Throughout the century scholars were discovering more and more about Greco-Roman antiquity, and the growing sum of knowledge was being tabulated and made more and more available. By 1914 the library of the average professional classicist was ten times larger, and the books at his disposal in his college library fifty times more numerous, than those which his predecessor in 1814 could command.
与此同时，古典知识的传播范围起初有所扩大，随后逐渐减弱。在十九世纪的最初六七十年，现有的学校和大学规模不断扩大；许多新的私立、宗教和国家资助的学校纷纷成立；越来越多的男孩甚至女孩被鼓励入学；教育目的开始变得严肃起来。古典教育从希腊和拉丁学术的显著进步中获得了巨大的推动力，也从广受赞誉的作家那里获得了巨大的推动力，这些作家的古典知识是他们声誉的一部分：歌德、夏多布里昂、丁尼生。然而，到了十九世纪八十年代，古典学开始失去其在教育中无可争议的首要地位。其他学科——尤其是物理科学——被要求满足对实验人员和技术人员的需求。大学里引入的新学科开始争夺关注：政治哲学、经济学、心理学。现代语言被更广泛地教授，作为通向文化和商业的途径。显然，每年都有大量儿童进入公立学校，教授希腊语和拉丁语变得不切实际。物质繁荣的普遍增长标志着十九世纪与人类历史上几乎所有其他时代都不同，这鼓励了人们对“实用”学校的广泛需求，这种学校首先要训练男孩和女孩制造东西和赚钱。由于所有这些原因，在第一次世界大战之前的两代人中，学校和大学的古典文学教学逐渐减少。这一过程还有另一个可能不那么明显的原因，将在本章后面讨论。
Meanwhile the distribution of classical knowledge at first increased; and then fell off. In the first sixty or seventy years of the nineteenth century the existing schools and universities grew bigger; many new ones were founded, private, and religious, and state-supported; more boys and even girls were encouraged to attend; a new seriousness of educational purpose made itself felt. Classical education gained a great impetus from the striking advances in Greek and Latin scholarship which were being achieved, and also from the inspiration of widely admired authors whose classical knowledge was part of their reputation: Goethe, Chateaubriand, Tennyson. However, towards the eighteen-eighties the classics began to lose their hitherto undisputed primacy in education. Other subjects—particularly the physical sciences—were called upon to supply the demand for experimentalists and technicians. New disciplines introduced in universities began to compete for attention: political philosophy, economics, psychology. Modern languages were taught more widely, as avenues to both culture and commerce. It became obviously impracticable to teach Greek and Latin to the huge numbers of children now entering public schools every year. The general increase in material prosperity which marked the nineteenth century out from nearly all other eras in human history encouraged a widespread demand for schooling which was ‘practical’, which would train boys and girls first and foremost to make things and earn money. For all these reasons the teaching of classics in schools and universities fell off in the two generations preceding the first war. The process had another, perhaps less apparent cause, which will be discussed later in this chapter.
十九世纪初，一个人坐在图书馆里就能掌握整个古典知识。他必须天赋异禀，身体健康、才华横溢、有钱有势、受过良好的训练，还要有希腊人所说的“厚颜无耻”；但他还是能做到的。吉本先生在这个主题之外花了很多时间和精力，但仍然掌握了其中的大部分；而本特利和波尔森、马比隆和尼布尔则几乎完全掌握了。但到了这个时期的末期，没有人可能知道关于希腊和罗马的一切。他所能期望的最好结果是了解基本原理，追随研究的主要方向，并熟悉自己选择的几个领域，这些领域阐明了古典时代的其余部分。 （优秀学者与糟糕学者之间的区别之一在于，前者专注于互补的主题，这些主题共同照亮了他大部分感兴趣的领域，而后者则研究边缘和不相关的领域，就像边境行政官试图了解一个帝国的核心问题，却没有成功。）这不仅仅是因为人们对希腊和罗马文明的了解已经变得太多，书籍太多，一个人无法阅读。古典知识已经沿着数十条不同的路线迅速而深入地发展，这些知识过于多样化和专业化，以至于任何人都无法掌握它们，除了最有天赋和最勤奋的学者之外，任何学者都不可能在一生中研究完它们。
At the beginning of the nineteenth century one man could sit in a library and master the whole of classical knowledge. He would have had to be exceptionally gifted, with health, talent, money, good training, and what the Greeks called ‘brazen bowels’; but he could have done it. Mr. Gibbon, who spent much time and effort outside the subject, still mastered a great deal of it; while Bentley and Porson, Mabillon and Niebuhr, came very close to complete coverage. But at the end of the period no one man could possibly have known all that was to be known about Greece and Rome. The best he could hope for was to understand the fundamentals, to follow the main channels along which research was moving, and to be at home in a number of fields chosen by himself as illuminating the rest of classical antiquity. (One of the differences between a good and a bad scholar is that one specializes in topics which complement each other, and together light up most of the general area of his interest, while the other works on peripheral and unrelated provinces, like the frontier administrator who tries without success to understand the central problems of an empire.) It was not merely that the sum of things known about Greek and Roman civilization had become too large, that there were too many books for one man to read. Classical knowledge had been developed, rapidly and intensively, along dozens of divergent lines, too varied and specialized for anybody to master them all, and for any but the most gifted and industrious of scholars to survey in a single lifetime.
十九世纪古典知识的增加和强化，部分归因于学者们更密切的接触哲学与社会和政治生活之间的密切联系，部分归功于现代工业技术的运用，但主要是归功于物理科学方法在当时被视为介于艺术和哲学之间的领域的应用。例如：
The increase and intensification of classical knowledge in the nineteenth century were due partly to the closer contact of scholars with social and political life, partly to the use of modern industrial techniques, but chiefly to the application of the methods of physical science to what had until then been regarded as a field midway between art and philosophy. For instance:
1.通过应用实验科学的直接探索方法，开发了新的知识分支。
1. New branches of knowledge were developed through the application of the direct exploratory methods of experimental science.
考古学已经存在了几个世纪，主要是为了艺术目的。随着海因里希·施利曼（1822-90 年）的工作，考古学现在有了新的意义。施利曼是一位退休的商人，他于 1873 年发现并发掘了特洛伊遗址，并于 1876 年发掘了迈锡尼遗址。他有前辈；他犯了很多错误；然而，通过将探险家果断而实用的原则应用于开放的学术领域，他确实创造了历史。
Archaeology had existed for centuries, chiefly for artistic ends. It now acquired new meaning with the work of Heinrich Schliemann (1822-90), a retired business-man who discovered and excavated the sites of Troy in 1873 and Mycenae in 1876. He had predecessors; and he committed many errors; yet by applying the decisive and practical principles of the explorer to an open field of scholarship, he literally made history.
直到十九世纪中叶，几乎没有现代人见过纸莎草纸。纸莎草纸是用巨大的竹子状芦苇切片制成的埃及纸片：直到公元 100 年以后，它们都是希腊和罗马的常用书写材料。之前已知从古代留存下来的最古老的文件是写在牛皮纸上、刻在粘土上或雕刻和绘制在石头上的。但在十八世纪，人们从庞贝古城的姊妹城市赫库兰尼姆的废墟中发现了一些严重烧焦、几乎无法辨认的纸莎草纸卷。接下来，在埃及发现了几卷或多或少完好的纸莎草纸，这些纸莎草纸被人传阅，直到被欧洲收藏。然后，探险队前往埃及，探索前希腊定居点的遗址和其他可能的地区，并开始带回大量保存在干沙中的纸莎草纸。有些是文学作品，但大多数是直接出自作者之手的财务、法律和个人文件。阅读和解释它们成为古典学术的一个新分支。
Scarcely any modern man had seen papyri until after the middle of the nineteenth century. Papyri are pieces of the Egyptian paper made from slices of giant bamboo-like reeds: they were the usual Greek and Roman writing-material until after A.D. 100. The oldest documents previously known to have survived from antiquity were written on vellum, incised in clay, or carved and painted on stone. But in the eighteenth century a number of rolls of papyrus, badly charred and almost unreadable, were recovered from the ruins of Herculaneum, the sister city of Pompeii. Next, a few rolls, more or less intact, were discovered in Egypt, and passed from hand to hand until they reached European collections. And then expeditions went out to Egypt, explored the sites of former Greek settlements and other likely areas, and began to bring back loads of papyri which had been preserved in the dry sands. Some were literary, but most were financial, legal, and personal documents straight from the hand of the writer. To read and interpret them became a new branch of classical scholarship.
人类学、语言学、比较宗教学和其他知识部门虽然并不完全是新兴的，但现在已成为实用科学，并在古典学这一特殊领域中得到扩大和发展。
Anthropology, linguistics, comparative religion, and other departments of knowledge, although not wholly new, were now founded as practical sciences, enlarged, and developed in the special field of classics.
2.应用科学方法对古典知识的既定分支进行修正和阐述。
2. Established branches of classical knowledge were revised and elaborated by the application of scientific method.
希腊罗马世界的历史得到了批判性分析——就像基督教的传统一样，现在，人们对埃及、巴比伦、原始欧洲以及整个中世纪和现代历史的审视不再停留在讲坛或书桌上，而是放在显微镜下。
The history of the Greco-Roman world was critically analysed—in the same way as the traditions of Christianity, the records of Egypt, Babylonia, and primitive Europe, and the whole of medieval and modern history were now scrutinized, not from the pulpit or the writing-desk, but under the microscope.
古典文学也受到了细致入微的审视。希腊和拉丁作家的手稿、他们写作的文学模式、个人和学派之间的联系，以及单个作家的词汇、来源和内容都得到了前所未有的详细研究。
Classical literature also was subjected to clinically detailed examination. The manuscripts of the Greek and Latin authors, the literary patterns in which they wrote, the affiliations between individuals and schools, and the vocabulary, sources, and content of single authors were all studied in hitherto unparalleled detail.
希腊和罗马文学和历史被重新解释，并借鉴了其他学科的方法和结果。我们对荷马的了解不仅通过研究其他民族的史诗（芬兰人、盎格鲁撒克逊人、印第安人）而得到扩展，而且通过发现《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》中提到的一些城市，以及与荷马时代的人使用的武器、装饰品和器皿相媲美的武器、装饰品和器皿也得到了扩展。希腊戏剧的起源通过人类学的对比和重建得到了阐明。（这样做的唯一问题是，它有时会将希腊和罗马的有意识的艺术置于比它们应有的更重要的位置：例如，古代高度发达的修辞艺术被忽视了。）
Greek and Roman literature and history were reinterpreted in the light of the methods and results of other branches of study. Our knowledge of Homer was enlarged not only by the study of the epics of other peoples—the Finns, the Anglo-Saxons, the Indians—but by the discovery of some of the cities mentioned in the Iliad and Odyssey, and of weapons, ornaments, and utensils comparable with those used by Homer’s people. The origins of Greek drama were illuminated by anthropological parallels and reconstructions. (The only trouble with this was that it sometimes relegated the conscious arts of Greece and Rome to a less important place than they deserved: for instance, the art of rhetoric, highly developed in antiquity, was neglected.)
3.古典知识的许多领域中零散的事实现已完整、集中并可随时查阅。
3. The scattered facts in many fields of classical knowledge were now completed, centralized, and made readily available.
正如巴洛克时期编纂的约翰逊词典在 19 世纪被牛津英语词典所取代一样，早期小型古典手册也被许多人编写的力求完美的大型参考手册所取代：词典——利德尔和斯科特的希腊语词典、拉丁语同义词典；百科全书——达伦伯格和萨利奥的古典古物词典、保利-维索瓦-克罗尔的巨著《古典古物百科全书》。世界上所有已知的希腊铭文都收集在Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum（俗称CIG）中，而所有拉丁铭文都收集在CIL中。许多作者编纂了多卷有关希腊和罗马宗教、政治发展、文学、美术等的大型详细综合史。
Just as Johnson’s Dictionary, made in the baroque period, was succeeded in the nineteenth century by the Oxford English Dictionary, so the smaller classical handbooks of earlier times were now replaced by great reference manuals written by many hands and aiming at absolute completeness: dictionaries—Liddell and Scott’s Greek lexicon, the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae; encyclopaedias—Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des antiquites classiques, the enormous Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. All the known Greek inscriptions in the world were collected in the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, familiarly known as the CIG, and all the Latin ones in the CIL. Large, detailed, comprehensive histories of Greek and Roman religion, political development, literature, fine art, &c., were compiled, often by many authors and in many volumes.
4.采用大规模生产的方式，使古典书籍能够被广大公众阅读。
4. Mass-production methods were used to make classical books available to a wide public.
出版了标准格式的长系列古典文本，最终目标是涵盖所有古典文学：莱比锡托伊布纳 (Teubner) 出版的系列文本是最大的，其次是牛津古典文本和法国的迪多系列。
Long series of classical texts in a standard format were published, with the ultimate aim of covering all classical literature: the set issued by Teubner of Leipzig was the largest, and next, far behind, the Oxford Classical Texts, and the Didot series in France.
大学出版社开始出版大量关于“一切可知事物”的学术著作，其中大部分是十九世纪最优秀的知识丰碑之一。
The university presses began publishing a vast variety of scholarly works on ‘everything knowable’, the mass of which is one of the finest intellectual monuments of the nineteenth century.
教育出版商为学校和大学出版了一系列带注释的版本。自文艺复兴以来，除了（与之类似的）带有拉丁文散文版本和注释的标准文本集（现称为德尔芬系列）之外，没有发行过类似的版本，因为它们是为尊贵的海豚殿下或法国王太子设计的。该系列中最好的是德国的 Teubner 学校系列和英国的红色 Macmillans。
Educational publishers produced series of annotated editions for schools and colleges. Nothing like these had been issued since the Renaissance except—significant parallel—the collection of standard texts with Latin prose versions and notes, now known as the Delphin series, because they were designed ad usum serenissimi Delphini, for the use of His Serene Highness the Dolphin, or Dauphin of France. The best in this line are the Teubner school series in Germany and the red Macmillans in Britain.
希腊和拉丁经典作品的标准翻译清单开始出版。为了帮助愚笨和受教育不足的学童，逐字逐句的粗制滥造的翻译造成了很大的伤害。博恩系列（被吉卜林和格雷夫斯在贺拉斯的《第五颂歌》中戏仿）扼杀了许多聪明男孩对古典文学的兴趣，因为它让古典文学看起来既丑陋又愚蠢。现在它已被非常不均衡的洛布系列所取代，其中包含大约 200 位作家。法国有布德系列（以拉伯雷的学者朋友纪尧姆·布德命名），通常很有用，但有时不可靠。
Lists of standard translations of Greek and Latin classics began to be published. A great deal of harm was done here by hack word-by-word translations made to help dullards and ill-taught schoolboys. The Bohn series (parodied by Kipling and Graves in Horace’s Fifth Book of Odes) helped to kill the interest of many intelligent boys in classical literature by making it appear both ugly and stupid. It has now been replaced by the very unequal Loeb series, which contains some 200 authors. France has the Bude collection (named after Guillaume Bude, the scholarly friend of Rabelais), often useful but sometimes unreliable.
5.十九世纪科学与工业所发展起来的专业化技术被应用于古典学术研究以及其他所有学科。
5. The technique of specialization developed by nineteenth-century science and industry was applied to research in classical scholarship, as to every other branch of learning.
现在，几乎难以想象有大量的文章、论文、散文、小册子、学位论文、专著和论文问世了，这些文章、论文、散文、小册子、学位论文、专著和论文涉及小的知识领域、个别作者的特定方面、从更大范围中选出的单个事实、新理论、未知的人物、未猜测到的联系、未观察到的相似之处和未追踪到的推导——一部分是受那些正在建立自己学科的教授的命令，一部分是为了让作者获得博士学位，一部分是为了获得晋升。一篇不起眼的文章，2但也常常出于无私的信念，认为任何对知识的客观贡献，无论多小，都是有价值的。
An almost inconceivable number of articles, papers, essays, pamphlets, dissertations, treatises, and theses on small areas of knowledge, particular aspects of individual authors, single blocks of facts selected from a larger range, new theories, unknown personalities, unguessed connexions and unobserved parallels and untraced derivations, was now produced—partly under the orders of professors who were building up their own subjects, partly to gain the doctorate for their authors, partly to win promotion out of an obscure post,2 but also often from the disinterested belief that any objective contribution to knowledge, however small, was valuable.
创办期刊的目的是收集研究成果，否则这些研究成果可能无法发表，或者像许多论文一样，可能在限量版中消失；大概也是为了组织对某些值得探索的古典知识领域的研究。这些期刊中最重要的期刊的合集现在摆满了许多书架，包含了大量有价值的信息。这些期刊包括Hermes、Philologus、莱茵博物馆、古典季刊、美国语言学杂志、La Revue de Philologie、Mnemosyne和Neue Jahrbücher fur das klassische Altertum。
Periodicals were founded, to collect the results of research which might otherwise remain unpublished, or like so many dissertations be lost in the limbo of limited editions; and, presumably, to organize the study of certain fields of classical knowledge which deserved exploration. The collected product of the most important of these journals now fills many bookshelves and contains a vast amount of valuable information. Such are Hermes, Philologus, the Rheinisches Museum, The Classical Quarterly, The American Journal of Philology, La Revue de Philologie, Mnemosyne, and the Neue Jahrbücher fur das klassische Altertum.
6.为了把所有这些活动结合起来，欧洲和美国各地都成立了社团：聚会和交谈，通信和批评，讨论共同感兴趣的问题，总的来说，鼓励古典学研究。所有这些活动都发展成为对真理的国际探索，一个“世界联盟”，但它因第一次世界大战而停滞和瘫痪，在试图恢复之后，第二次世界大战又进一步破坏了它。
6. And to join all these activities together, societies were founded throughout Europe and America: to meet and talk, to correspond and criticize, to discuss problems of common interest, and in general to encourage scholarship in the classics. All this activity was growing into an international exploration of truth, a ‘federation of the world’, but it was halted and crippled by the First World War, and, after an attempt at recovery, still further damaged by the Second.
各国学者之间自由交流知识的时代是否会在未来几个世纪内重现，这似乎值得怀疑。斯坦利·卡森（1944 年遇害）曾经说过，现在这一代人让他想起了罗马诗人西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯——一位成为克莱蒙主教的高卢贵族。西多尼乌斯在法国隐居了几年（公元 461-67 年），拜访了他的朋友，并给一大群通信者写信。这些信件生动有趣，在他死后经历了几个世纪的野蛮、屠杀、帮派统治和原始主义，不知何故得以幸存。奇怪的是，西多尼乌斯没有预见到那些世纪，或者任何类似的东西：至少在他写信的时候没有。他时不时提到一个女人被歹徒带走并卖掉，3或描述了一个比任何罗马人都强大的半文明的北方蛮族君主。但他不明白，蛮族和不法之徒将变得越来越多，越来越强大；富裕的文明城市将受到攻击并在连绵不断的战争和入侵中被摧毁；贸易路线将被切断，并在几个世纪内保持断层状态；地图不是重新排列颜色，而是分裂成一个个孤立的碎片；法律、科学、哲学、培养的行为准则，当然还有他自己喜爱的文学和艺术宝藏，都将消亡，其中大部分似乎将永远消亡，一些将在人们一知半解的粗略变化中幸存下来，一些将像行神迹的圣人的遗物一样保存在修道院里，其余的将像休眠的种子一样躺在坟墓和坑里，只有几百年后重见天日时才会焕发活力。
Whether those days of free exchange of knowledge between men of learning in all countries will return within the next few centuries seems doubtful. Stanley Casson (killed in 1944) used to say that the present generation reminded him of one of the latest Roman poets, Sidonius Apollinaris—a Gallic noble who became bishop of Clermont. Sidonius spent some years (A.D. 461–67) living in retirement in France, visiting his friends and writing letters to a large circle of correspondents. The letters, which are bright and interesting, somehow survived the many centuries of savagery, massacre, gang-rule, and primitivism which followed his death. The odd thing is that Sidonius did not foresee those centuries, or anything like them: at least, not while he was writing his letters. Every now and then he mentioned that a woman had been carried off by outlaws and sold,3 or described a half-civilized northern barbarian potentate who was more powerful than any Roman. But he did not understand that the barbarians and the outlaws were going to become more and more numerous and powerful; that the rich civilized cities were going to be attacked and destroyed in repeated wars and invasions; that the trade-routes would be broken, and remain broken for centuries; that the map was not rearranging its colours, but breaking up into isolated fragments; that law, and science, and philosophy, and cultivated codes of behaviour, and of course the treasures of literature and art which he himself loved, were about to dissolve, most of them apparently for ever, some to survive in gross transformations half-understood, some to be preserved in monasteries like the relics of miracle-working saints, and the rest to lie in tombs and pits like dormant seeds, to become alive only when they were restored to the light, hundreds of years later.
我们视野中这么多阴影是否是另一个漫漫长夜的前兆，就像席多尼乌斯即将降临的漫漫长夜一样？我们还不能确定。但现代学者一定感到遗憾，他们不得不在这样一个时代工作，即不再有那种有助于建立十六和十九世纪学习和文化的慷慨的超国家友谊，而是越来越难以在世界各地交换意见，越来越难以从遥远的国家带来可以自由表达新观点和重要观点的书籍，越来越难以与远方的学者进行多方面的通信，并且不会遇到除了共同寻求真理之外的其他困难，也越来越难以感到自己是世界范围内艺术和学习结构的一部分，这种结构比分裂人类的所有东西都更伟大：民族和信仰、恐惧和仇恨。
Are these shadows on so many of our horizons the outriders of another long night, like that which was closing in upon Sidonius? We cannot yet tell. But modern scholars must regret that they have to work during a time when, instead of that generous supranational comradeship which helped to build the learning and culture of the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, it is becoming more and more difficult to exchange opinions across the world, to bring from distant countries books where new and vital points of view are freely expressed, to carry on many-sided correspondences with far-off scholars and encounter no difficulties other than those involved in the common search for truth, and to feel oneself part of a world-wide structure of art and learning, greater than all the things that divide mankind: nationalities and creeds, fear and hate.
十九世纪和二十世纪初，古典学术界的新生力量对文学（并通过文学影响社会）产生了三个特殊影响，即历史、翻译和教育。第三个影响无疑是最重要的。
There were three special fields in which the new forces in classical scholarship affected literature (and, through literature, society) during the nineteenth century and the opening of the twentieth century. These were history, translation, and education. The third is by all odds the most important.
19 世纪的学者们重写了希腊罗马世界的历史。这项工作至今尚未完成，但到 1914 年已经取得了很大进展。
The history of the Greco-Roman world was rewritten by the scholars of the nineteenth century. The job is still unfinished, but it had been carried well forward by 1914.
处理希腊和罗马历史以及所有历史的现代方法是由一位成为柏林教授的德裔丹麦人巴托尔德·格奥尔格·尼布尔（1776-1831）引入的。4尽管古代历史的轮廓和许多细节已经为人所知，或被认为已经为人所知，但尼布尔重新评价了它们，坚持区分他通过第一手和第二手信息，以及不断改进填补空白的方法，来研究历史。他的许多原则与巴洛克学者的工作原则基本相同，但他应用这些原则更加严格、更有活力、更富有想象力。通过他的教学，学者们逐渐习惯了这样一种观点：任何在事件发生很久之后才写作的历史学家都是不安全的；当这样的历史学家是唯一的权威时，我们不应该全盘接受他所说的一切，而应该试图通过他的著作找到他使用的资料来源。例如，我们关于早期罗马历史的主要权威是李维。但李维与塔克文和贺拉修斯的距离，就像我们与玫瑰战争的距离一样远。因此，我们必须努力发现他所讲述的故事有什么样的真实的当代证据，事实上，他对早期罗马到底了解多少。尼布尔推测，他使用的主要证据是通过口口相传的古老民谣。如果这是真的，那么显然李维对那个时期的记述将远没有看上去那么可靠，而且会显得夸张、片面和过于简单。
The modern method of dealing with Greek and Roman history, and indeed all history, was introduced by a German-descended Dane who became professor at Berlin: Barthold Georg Niebuhr (1776-1831).4 Although the outlines and many of the details of ancient history were already known, or believed to be known, Niebuhr revalued them by insisting on the distinction between first-hand and second-hand information, and by evolving methods of filling in the gaps. Many of his principles were fundamentally the same as those governing the work of the baroque scholars, but he applied them more rigorously, energetically, and imaginatively. Through his teaching, scholars grew accustomed to the idea that it is unsafe to trust any historian who writes long after the events he describes; and that, when such a historian is the only authority available, we should not swallow all he says, but rather try to penetrate through his writings to the sources which he used. For instance, our main authority for the history of early Rome is Livy. But Livy was as remote from Tarquin and Horatius as we are from the wars of the Roses. Therefore we must try to discover what sort of authentic contemporary evidence he had for the stories he related, in fact, how much he really knew about early Rome. Niebuhr conjectured that the main evidence he used was ballads handed down from old times by word of mouth. If this were true, obviously Livy’s account of the period would be far less reliable than it appears, it would be melodramatic and biased and oversimplified.
麦考利在《古罗马歌谣》中，曾试图以极富想象力的方式，重新构建这些歌谣：他的序言对尼布尔的理论进行了有益的总结，尽管我们大多数人都急于达到不可抗拒的奔腾，而忽略了其有节奏的散文。
A brilliant imaginative attempt to reconstruct these ballads was made by Macaulay in the Lays of Ancient Rome: his preface gives a useful summary of Niebuhr’s theory, although most of us skip its measured prose in our eagerness to reach the irresistible gallop of
他踉踉跄跄地靠在赫米尼乌斯身上，
只喘了一口气；
然后，像一只受伤而发狂的野猫，
扑向阿斯图尔的脸。
He reeled, and on Herminius
He leaned one breathing-space;
Then, like a wild cat mad with wounds,
Sprang right at Astur’s face.
唯一的困难是几乎没有任何证据表明这样的歌谣曾经存在过。尼布尔属于革命时期；因此他钦佩未受污染的农民，他认为农民的民间诗歌应该比后来专业诗人创作的任何诗歌都美丽得多。5
The only difficulty is that there is hardly any evidence that such ballads ever existed. Niebuhr belonged to the Time of Revolution; and as such he admired the unspoilt peasantry, which he felt ought to have a folk-poetry far more beautiful than anything produced in later times by professional poets.5
（麦考利正确地强调了这一事实：这一原则并不是新的，而是由尼布尔复兴和注入活力的。6利奥波德·兰克 (Leopold Ranke, 1795-1886) 进一步强调了这一点，他用“展示真正发生的事情”这句话表达了十九世纪历史学家的理想。7兰克不是古典史学家，而是现代史学家，他自己也说过，在写他著名的《现代史学家批判》时，他并没有想到尼布尔。但他确实尼布尔书房中尊贵的位置上摆放着他的半身像；并且（正如蒙森所说）“所有的历史学家都是尼布尔的学生”。)8
(Macaulay rightly stresses the fact that the principle was not new, but had been revived and energized by Niebuhr.6 It was given additional weight by Leopold Ranke (1795-1886), who stated the ideal of the nineteenth-century historian in the phrase ‘to show what really happened’.7 Ranke was not a classical but a modern historian, and he himself said that in writing his famous Criticism of Modern Historians he was not thinking of Niebuhr. Yet he had Niebuhr’s bust in the place of honour in his study; and (as Mommsen said) ‘all historians are Niebuhr’s pupils’.)8
但如果我们找不到任何当代的证据，如果我们所有的书都是过时的和富于想象力的，我们怎样才能发现真正发生了什么呢？尼布尔回答说，我们可以通过推理来发现。社会力量不会出乎意料地出现并迅速消失。它们会留下持久的影响。尽管没有目击者留下对它们的描述，但我们可以从这些结果中推断出这些力量的性质和相互作用。而且，我们可以从其他地方的相似之处来加强我们的推论。因此，尼布尔能够根据自己对丹麦和北德农民的了解以及自己作为公共财政专家的经验来解释早期罗马经济史中的几个复杂问题。因为他的另一项原则是社会进化的概念，它应用于古典时代。根据这一理论，国家就像人类在一生中一样成长和变化。因此，了解这一发展规律的历史学家有可能（借助于在其他国家生活史中观察到的相似之处）根据一个民族后来发展的已知事实，追溯到没有直接证据的早期阶段。AJ 汤因比的《历史研究》在更大范围内出色地运用了这一原则；19 世纪，尼布尔的作品帮助英国创作了格罗特的《希腊史》、阿诺德的《罗马史》和麦考利的《英国史》。
But if we cannot find any contemporary evidence, if all our books are late and imaginative, how can we discover what really happened? By inference, Niebuhr replies. Social forces do not emerge unexpectedly and disappear quickly. They leave long-lasting results. From the results we can infer the character and interaction of the forces, even though no eyewitness has left us a description of them. And we can strengthen our inferences from parallels elsewhere. Thus, Niebuhr was able to explain several complex problems in the economic history of early Rome from his own knowledge of the Danish and north German peasantry and his own experience as an expert in public finance. For another of his principles was the concept of social evolution, applied to classical antiquity. Nations, according to this theory, grow and change just as human beings do in the course of a lifetime. It is possible, therefore, for a historian who understands the regular stages of that development to work back (with the help of parallels observed in the life-history of other nations) from the known facts in the later development of a people, to reconstruct an earlier stage for which there is no direct evidence. A. J. Toynbee’s A Study of History contains a brilliant application of this principle on a much larger scale; and in the nineteenth century Niebuhr’s work helped, in England, to produce Grote’s History of Greece, Arnold’s History of Rome, and Macaulay’s History of England.
十九世纪最伟大的古典历史学家是西奥多·蒙森 (1817-1903)。他在 1854-6 年出版了三卷《罗马史》，涵盖了共和国的兴衰。然后他就停止了。他再也没有继续写帝国的历史——尽管三十年后，他对帝国统治下的各省进行了精彩的描述。这次停职很奇怪，更奇怪的是，蒙森活了这么久，写了这么多。他写了关于罗马货币和罗马刑法的论文，价值非凡。他的《罗马宪法》被称为“有史以来关于政治制度的最伟大的历史论文”。9他编辑了庞大的《拉丁铭文语料库》——这项任务需要的精力和组织能力不亚于修建一条横贯大陆的铁路，更不用说蒙森为此所投入的无与伦比的知识了。
The greatest classical historian of the nineteenth century was Theodor Mommsen (1817-1903). He published three volumes of his Roman History in 1854–6, covering the rise and fall of the republic. Then he stopped. He never went on to write the history of the empire—although, thirty years later, he produced a brilliant description of the provinces under imperial rule. This arrest is peculiar, all the more peculiar because Mommsen lived so long and wrote so much. He produced uniquely valuable treatises on the Roman coinage and Roman criminal law. His Roman Constitutional Law has been called ‘the greatest historical treatise on political institutions ever written’.9 And it was he who edited the huge Corpus of Latin Inscriptions —a task which demanded as much energy and organizing ability as building a transcontinental railway, to say nothing of the unrivalled knowledge Mommsen brought to bear on it.
许多人试图解释为何他的罗马史不完整。历史学家中的历史学家富埃特认为，蒙森之所以不写关于帝国的内容，是因为(a)他对皇帝的个人历史不感兴趣，以及(b)他不想仅仅重写塔西佗和苏埃托尼乌斯的作品。10这显然是一个不充分的解释，因为罗马帝国除了塔西佗、苏埃托尼乌斯和皇帝的个人历史之外，还有更多值得了解的内容：蒙森知道这一点。
Many attempts have been made to explain why his history of Rome was left incomplete. Fueter, the historian of historians, suggested that Mommsen refrained from writing about the empire because (a) he had no interest in the personal history of the emperors, and (b) he did not want merely to rewrite Tacitus and Suetonius.10 This is clearly an inadequate explanation, for there is much more in the Roman empire than Tacitus, Suetonius, and the personal history of the emperors: and Mommsen knew that.
汤因比先生在《历史研究》的开篇就谈到了工业体系的技术和思维方式对现代历史思想的入侵。他以蒙森为例，说蒙森在写完共和国史之后，“几乎感到羞愧，将自己巨大的精力和才能用在了别的方面”。11汤因比先生认为，其他渠道包括收集历史的“原材料”并监督它们的“制造”，就像工厂领班监督一系列汽车的制造一样；汤因比先生的结论是，在这方面，蒙森屈服于工业化的精神压力。12这也许是真的。部分原因可能是真的。但这并不能解释蒙森的罗马史著作的突然中断，以及其开篇和后续作品之间的基调差异。
Mr. Toynbee begins his Study of History with a discussion of the invasion of modern historical thought by techniques and ways of thinking derived from the industrial system. He takes Mommsen as an illustration of this. He says that after Mommsen had written his history of the republic, ‘he became almost ashamed of it and turned his magnificent energy and ability into other channels’.11 Those other channels, Mr. Toynbee suggests, were the collection of the ‘raw materials’ of history and the work of superintending their ‘manufacture’, as a plant foreman superintends the construction of a series of motor-cars; and in this, Mr. Toynbee concludes, Mommsen was yielding to the spiritual pressures of industrialization.12 This may be true. Part of it probably is. But it does not explain the abrupt break in Mommsen’s work on Roman history, the difference in tone between its beginning and its continuance.
哥伦比亚大学校长巴特勒在他的回忆录中提到了蒙森问题。他写道，他自己
President Butler of Columbia University mentions the Mommsen problem in his reminiscences. He writes that he himself
“在泽勒的一个星期天晚上的聚会上，听到蒙森说，他之所以没有将他的《罗马历史》延续到帝国时期，是因为他始终无法弄清楚到底是什么导致了罗马帝国的崩溃和罗马文明的衰落。”十三
‘heard Mommsen say, at one of Zeller’s Sunday evening gatherings, that the reason why he had never continued his Romische Geschichte through the imperial period was that he had never been able to make up his mind as to what it was that brought about the collapse of the Roman Empire and the downfall of Roman civilization.’13
这看起来是一个更深层次的解释，也许能让我们更接近真相。罗马历史是蒙森无法回答的问题吗？然而，他以主权自信和才华回答了罗马共和国的问题。为什么他不能回答帝国的问题？他觉得帝国不能用共和国来解释吗？或者，也许他认为他自己对共和国的解释是错误的？
This looks like a deeper explanation, and perhaps brings us closer to the truth. Was Roman history a question which Mommsen could not answer? Yet he had answered the question of the Roman republic with sovereign confidence and brilliance. Why could he not answer the question of the empire? Did he feel that the empire could not be explained by the republic? or, perhaps, did he come to think that his own explanation of the republic was wrong?
蒙森的《罗马史》是他唯一允许自己表达个人情感的学术著作，他的个人判断与客观事实陈述处于同一水平。这本书写得有力，有时甚至有些激烈，对政治的强调远远超过对罗马文明其他方面的强调。书中不断进行现代的类比，斯宾格勒从那时起就让我们习惯了这种类比。小加图的形象就像堂吉诃德。罗马贵族看起来像德国容克。庞培是个愚蠢的军士长；西塞罗是一个软弱的记者，一个没有原则或性格坚强的狡猾律师。尤利乌斯·凯撒——其他历史学家认为他是一个因个人野心而毁掉国家的政治骗子——凯撒是超人，是理想的罗马人。书中充满了活力、激情和即时感。
Mommsen’s Roman History is the only scholarly work in which he allowed his personal emotions to appear, and his personal judgements to stand on the same level as objective statements of fact. It is powerfully, sometimes violently, written, with far more emphasis on politics than on all other aspects of Roman civilization. Modern parallels are constantly drawn, in the manner to which Spengler has accustomed us since. The younger Cato appears as Don Quixote. The Roman aristocrats look like German Junkers. Pompey is a stupid sergeant-major; and Cicero is a flabby journalist, a shifty lawyer without principles or strength of character. Julius Caesar—whom other historians have seen as a political crook who ruined his country out of personal ambition—Caesar is superman, the ideal Roman. Energy, passion, a sense of immediacy boil through the book.
现在，蒙森不仅是一名学者，还是一名政治家。他深深卷入了 1848 年的革命，不得不离开他的职位以避免遭到报复。显然，他的《罗马史》是受他自己在 1848 年大败中的经历所激发的。他无法钦佩软弱的自由主义者。他厌恶德国的封建地主。他觉得工人阶级是被动的，而不是主动的。那么他能钦佩什么呢？行动派的人，主宰弱者、打破顽固派、塑造被动派并建立一个强大帝国的大师。他希望德国有这样一个人：俾斯麦。他写道，这样的人是罗马的救星：凯撒。
Now, Mommsen was not only a scholar but a politician. He was deeply involved in the revolution of 1848, and had to leave his post to avoid reprisals. It is clear, then, that his Roman History was sparked by his own experience of the 1848 debacle. He could not admire the weak liberals. He loathed the feudal landowners of Germany. The working classes he felt to be passive, not active. What could he admire, then? The man of action, the masterspirit who would dominate the weaklings and break the stiffnecked and mould the passive and make a single powerful Reich. He wished for such a man in Germany: a Bismarck. He wrote that such a man had been the salvation of Rome: Caesar.
那么，为什么他不继续写帝国的历史呢？难道不是因为他觉得，帝国终究还是失败了？如果凯撒和凯撒主义适合罗马，那么蒙森就必须证明罗马帝国比罗马共和国更幸福、更有道德、更强大。但他做不到这一点。事实上，他确实描述了各省，因为在帝国政权统治下，它们实际上更幸福。在他的《罗马宪法》中，他提出了这样的理论：奥古斯都的统治是一种“二元政治”——权力由参议院分权，而不是君主制——皇帝的权力源于罗马共和宪法。这看起来像是试图以一种与那些实际生活在这种统治下的罗马人的抱怨无法协调的方式为皇帝的统治辩护。任何一部罗马帝国的历史都必须面对专制主义的问题，以及各种形式的反抗：元老院和斯多葛学派的反对、军事起义，以及基督徒的反对。蒙森无法面对这个问题，因为他不愿将他的答案必然导致的结论应用到当时刚刚诞生的德意志帝国上。
Why then did he not go on, and write the history of the empire? Was it not because he felt that, after all, the empire had been a failure? If Caesar and Caesarism were right for Rome, then Mommsen would have had to show that the Roman empire was happier, more virtuous, and more powerful than the Roman republic. And this he could not do. He did in fact describe the provinces, because they were actually happier under the imperial regime. In his Roman Constitutional Law he advanced the theory that the rule of Augustus was a ‘dyarchy’—a division of power with the senate rather than a monarchy—and that the emperor’s powers flowed out of the Roman republican constitution. This looks like an attempt to justify the rule of the emperors in a way which cannot be harmonized with the complaints of those Romans who actually lived under it. Any history of the Roman empire must face the problem of absolutism, and of the various forms of resistance to it: the senatorial and Stoic opposition, the military revolts, and the very important opposition of the Christians. Mommsen could not face this problem because he shrank from applying to the German empire, then just coming to its birth, the conclusions to which his answer must lead.
相反，他把大量的精力花在描述罗马天才的最伟大成就之一上，这个成就始于共和国，由皇帝完成——罗马法。后人将永远感谢他用实力和洞察力阐述这个庞大而重要的主题。但是，如果法律是罗马精神伟大的支柱之一，那么人文文化就是另一个支柱。因此，令人遗憾的是，蒙森被他自己所处时代和地方的政治抱负误导，对这位比其他所有人都更能将希腊罗马哲学和文学思想传播到现代世界的人做出了彻底错误的评价。早期帝国不仅是奥古斯都，还有维吉尔。而在共和国的最后一代，对于世界的未来，凯撒的工作并不比西塞罗的工作更重要。14
Instead, he spent much of his enormous energy on describing one of the greatest achievements of the Roman genius, which was begun by the republic and carried to completion by the emperors—Roman law. Posterity will always be grateful to him for the power and penetration which he used to expound this vast and important subject. But, if law is one of the pillars of Roman spiritual greatness, humane culture is another. It is regrettable, therefore, that Mommsen was misled by the political aspirations of his own time and place into making a radically false estimate of the man who, more than all others, transmitted Greco-Roman philosophical and literary thought to the modern world. The early empire is not only Augustus; it is Vergil. And in the last generation of the republic, and for the future of the world, the work of Caesar was no more vital than the work of Cicero.14
另一位尼布尔的精神继承者是努马-丹尼斯·富斯特尔·德·库朗日 (1830-89)，他是一位爱国的法国人，就像蒙森是一位德国人一样。正如兰克通过深入历史学家的档案馆阅读威尼斯大使的实际报告而出名一样，富斯特尔·德·库朗日也要求以希腊或罗马文献的形式提供证据，以证明任何关于古代历史的断言。他最喜欢的问题是“Avez-vous un texte?”，他自称是唯一一位读过公元前六世纪到公元十世纪所有拉丁文本的人。15蒙森强调政治制度和个别政治家在创造历史中的作用，而福斯特尔则认为，它们都不如社会事实重要，因为社会事实是这些制度的表现和结果。在成名作《古城》中，他提出了宗教是塑造制度的决定性因素的理论，而制度是政治的框架，因而也是历史的框架。他展示了随着地方小神灵变得无用和消失，崇拜这些神灵的小国如何失去了身份，融入更大的民族国家；随着民族国家（尤其是罗马）接受更具世界性、更具普遍性的神灵，一种世界宗教，就像太阳升起而群星熄灭一样，最终占据了整个天空。汤因比会说，普遍宗教是内部宗教的产物。无产阶级，这是与后来的罗马帝国的普遍国家平行的现象；但福斯特尔认为，基督教通过推翻旧的崇拜，摧毁了希腊罗马社会，并在其废墟上建立了基督教世界。
Another spiritual descendant of Niebuhr, but as patriotic a Frenchman as Mommsen was a German, was Numa-Denys Fustel de Coulanges (1830-89). Just as Ranke made his reputation by going behind the historians to the archives and reading the actual reports of the Venetian ambassadors, so Fustel de Coulanges demanded evidence, in the shape of a Greek or Roman document, for any assertion made about ancient history. His favourite question was ‘Avez-vous un texte?’ and he boasted of being the only man who had read every Latin text from the sixth century B.C. to the tenth century of the Christian era.15 Where Mommsen emphasized the role of political institutions and individual statesmen in making history, Fustel regarded them both as less important than the social facts of which they were expressions and results. In the book which made his name, The Ancient City, he worked out the theory that religion was the determinant factor in moulding the institutions which are the framework of politics, and hence of history. He showed how, as little local deities became inadequate and disappeared, the small states that worshipped them lost their identities, merging into larger nation-states; and how, as the nation-states (Rome in particular) adopted more cosmopolitan, more universal deities, a world-religion, like the sun rising as the stars go out, at last occupied the whole firmament. Toynbee would say that the universal religion was the work of the internal proletariat, a phenomenon parallel to the universal state which was the later Roman empire; but Fustel held that Christianity, by overthrowing the old cults, destroyed Greco-Roman society and established Christendom on its ruins.
随后，他又用一生的时间研究法国政治史，即法国不再完全罗马化的时期：《古代法国政治制度史》。这部著作的主要目的是驳斥一些现代历史学家的观点，证明罗马高卢并没有在公元 5 世纪法兰克、西哥特和勃艮第入侵时被日耳曼部落征服、粉碎和改变；因此，高卢的语言、法律、宗教和社会结构并没有德国化；“日耳曼美德”使颓废的法国人重生的理论——无论德国人的感情多么愉悦——都与事实不符；说法国贵族是征服者的日耳曼人的后裔，而附庸和农民是被征服的高卢人的后裔，这一理论是完全错误的——该理论将法国大革命描述为一千多年前开始的斗争的最新战役之一。这个问题在十八世纪就已由杜博斯（Dubos）与布兰维利埃（Boulainvilliers）争论过，但随着十九世纪民族主义情绪的兴起，这个问题有了新的意义。16福斯特尔对入侵的解释花了很长时间才被深入人心，并受到严厉抨击，但现在已被广泛接受，而且不仅仅是在法国。
He then went on to spend his life on a political history of France during the period when it was ceasing to be fully Roman: History of the Political Institutions of Ancient France. The main purpose of this work was to confute a number of modern historians by proving that Roman Gaul was not conquered, not crushed and transformed, by Germanic tribes in the Frankish, Visigothic, and Burgundian invasions of the fifth century A.D.; that the language, law, religion, and social structure of Gaul were consequently not germanized; that the theory of ‘German virtues’ regenerating the decadent French was—however pleasing to the emotions of Germans—false to the facts; and that it was quite untrue to say that the French nobility was descended from conquering Germans and the vassals and peasants from conquered Gauls—a theory which would represent the French Revolution as one of the latest battles in a struggle which had begun more than a thousand years before. This question had been argued in the eighteenth century, by Dubos against Boulainvilliers, but had gained new importance with the rise of nineteenth-century nationalist feeling.16 Fustel’s interpretation of the invasions took long to penetrate and was bitterly attacked, but is now widely accepted, and not in France alone.
这些伟人中的最后一位，也是第一位调查整个过去宇宙的现代超级历史学家（当代人就像一颗新的、并不特别重要的小行星一样）是爱德华·迈耶（1855-1930），他是一位学者，不仅精通希腊语和拉丁语，还精通这些语言中较为深奥的方言，以及希伯来语、阿拉伯语、梵语和埃及语。他写了第一部有用的埃及史；一部关于古代世界经济发展的宝贵记述；以及一部未完成的《古代世界史》——他永远无法完成这部史，因为随着新发现的出现，这部史不断被修订。迈耶对历史的特殊贡献是结合了吉本和尼布尔的思想——尽管各国的发展各不相同，但它们都是人类文明史这一共同过程的一部分。因此，如果不了解地中海其他地区的历史，就不可能理解希腊人民。孤立的观点是扭曲的。这一点现在已得到广泛承认——在政治、科学、比较文学、美学史、宗教史中。迈耶非常钦佩《西方的衰落与没落》一书的作者奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒（1880-1936） ；而像斯宾格勒和汤因比这样的现代世界史学家才是他真正的继承者。17
The last of these great men, and the first of the modern super-historians who survey the whole universe of the past (to which the present generation is attached, like a new and not particularly significant asteroid), was Eduard Meyer (1855-1930), a scholar qualified by a knowledge not only of Greek and Latin but of their more abstruse dialects, and of Hebrew, Arabic, Sanskrit, and Egyptian. He wrote the first useful history of Egypt; an invaluable account of the economic development of the ancient world; and an unfinished History of the Ancient World —which he could never complete because it was constantly being revised as fresh discoveries were made. Meyer’s special contribution to history was a combination of the ideas of Gibbon and Niebuhr—that, although nations develop severally, they are all parts of a common process, the history of human civilization. Thus, it is impossible to understand Greece without knowing the history of the other Mediterranean peoples. Isolated views are distorted. This is now widely recognized—in politics, in science, in comparative literature, in aesthetic history, in the history of religion. Meyer much admired Oswald Spengler (1880-1936), the author of The Decline and Fall of the West; and it is the modern universal historians like Spengler and Toynbee who are his real successors.17
十九世纪和二十世纪初，许多古典书籍被译成英文，许多新的翻译理论被付诸实践，取得了一些辉煌的成果，但总体效果并不令人满意。
Many translations of classical books were made during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; and a number of new theories of translation were put into practice. There were some brilliant results. But the total effect was unsatisfying.
翻译是一门很难的艺术。译者必须是一位优秀的外语学者——或者能够接触到优秀学术成果，同时还具有准确预测其中正确和有用之处的天赋。而且，他必须是一位非常优秀的作家。用散文把自己的想法写在纸上已经够难了，用诗歌写就更难了；但要把另一个用另一种语言思考的人的想法写下来，虽然可以免去创作的痛苦，但在寻找合适的词语和选择合适的顺序时，却要遭受最痛苦的折磨。现在，在这一时期，翻译这门艰难的艺术并没有像古典学习和一般文学的其他分支那样发展得那么远或那么稳固。在讨论原因之前，让我们先对这个领域进行概述。最好先研究一下英语翻译者，他们为本书的大多数读者所熟知，是欧洲翻译总体趋势的典型代表。
Translation is a difficult art. The translator must be a good scholar in a foreign language—or else have access to the results of good scholarship, together with an unerring flair for divining what is right and useful among them. And he must in his own language be an extremely good writer. It is hard enough to set one’s own thoughts on paper in prose, still harder in poetry; but setting down the thoughts of another man who thought in another tongue means that, although one is spared the pangs of creation, one suffers the keenest tortures in finding the right words and choosing the right order for them. Now, during this period the difficult art of translation did not progress so far or so surely as other branches of classical learning and of general literature. Before we discuss the reasons for this, let us survey the field. It will be best to examine the English translators, who are better known to most readers of this book, and who are typical of the general trends in European translation.
英文中有关这一主题的最有趣文献是马修·阿诺德的演讲《论荷马的翻译》和他的论文《论荷马的翻译。最后的话》（1861-2 年）。这两篇文章都针对古怪的 FW 纽曼教授于 1856 年出版的博学且做作的《伊利亚特》诗体翻译，尤其是针对纽曼序言中的假设。18维多利亚时代的批评家通常会对某一批评进行一般性讨论；但尽管阿诺德最初通过引入查普曼、蒲柏、考珀和其他荷马译者来扩大他对这一主题的处理，但他最终陷入了与纽曼的相当琐碎的争论，这模糊了问题的总体轮廓，降低了他原本打算保持的基调。他也没有通过加入一些笨拙而又他自己设计和创作了不规则的六音步诗。但他的批评的主要优点是，它清晰而令人难忘地强调了荷马是一位诗人，一位伟大而高尚的诗人。
The most interesting documents on the subject in English are Matthew Arnold’s lectures On translating Homer and his essay On translating Homer. Last words (1861-2). Both were aimed at an erudite and affected verse translation of the Iliad published in 1856 by the eccentric professor F. W. Newman, and in particular at the assumptions in Newman’s preface.18 It was a common practice for Victorian critics to attach a general discussion to a particular criticism; but although Arnold at first broadened his treatment of the subject by bringing in Chapman, Pope, Cowper, and other translators of Homer, he eventually fell into rather trivial disputation with Newman, which blurred the general outline of the problem and lowered the tone he had intended to maintain. Nor did he assist his criticism by including some lumbering and irregular hexameters of his own design and manufacture. But the chief merit of his criticism is that it emphasizes, clearly and unforgettably, the fact that Homer is a poet, a great and noble poet.
作为革命时期思想运动的一部分，人们对民间诗歌的兴趣重新燃起，这极大地改变了人们对荷马的总体评价。蒲柏认为他是相当原始宫廷的宫廷诗人。蒲柏的许多继任者（尽管不是全部）都认为他是押韵的荷马，并将他的作品翻译成轻快的韵律和古雅的民谣语言。纽曼的序言和翻译方式使他成为这一流派的杰出代表，因为他避开了巴洛克翻译家的冷酷，落入了民谣贩子的陷阱。他写道：
The revival of interest in folk-poetry, which was part of the movement of thought in the revolutionary era, had greatly changed the general estimate of Homer. Pope saw him as a court poet in a rather primitive court. Many (though not all) of Pope’s successors saw him as Homer the Rhymer, and translated him into the jaunty metre and quaint old-fashioned language of the ballads. Newman’s preface and the manner of his translation made him an excellent representative of this school, for, by recoiling from the polished ice of the baroque translators, he had fallen among the hedges and ditches of the ballad-mongers. He writes:
“荷马本人的风格是直接、通俗、有力、古雅、流畅、喋喋不休、充满公式、多余的小品词和肯定的感叹词……在所有这些方面，它都类似于古老的英国民谣……荷马风格的道德品质与英国民谣相似，我们需要一种同样天才的韵律。它必须从根本上具有音乐性和通俗性。只有那些由于拥有这些品质而容易沦为打油诗的韵律才适合再现古代史诗……我应该古雅；我不应该怪诞。”19
‘The style of Homer himself is direct, popular, forcible, quaint, flowing, garrulous, abounding with formulas, redundant in particles and affirmatory interjections… . In all these respects it is similar to the old English ballad… . The moral qualities of Homer’s style being like to those of the English ballad, we need a metre of the same genius. It must be fundamentally musical and popular. Only those metres which, by the very possession of these qualities, are liable to degenerate into doggerel, are suitable to reproduce the ancient Epic… . I ought to be quaint; I ought not to be grotesque.’19
这篇序言后面是他自己发明的古怪词汇表：behight（= stipulate）、bragly（= braw，proudly fine）、gramsome（= direful）、sithence（= ever since）等等。然后他开始写二十四本民谣韵律书，这些韵律书模仿
This preface is followed by a glossary of his own quaint words: behight (= stipulate), bragly (= braw, proudly fine), gramsome (= direful), sithence (= ever since), and so forth. And then off he pelts into twenty-four books of ballad metre, modelled on
她亲吻他的脸颊，亲吻他的头发，
就像以前经常做的那样，哦，
她喝下他流淌的鲜血，
在亚罗河的沼泽地上。
She kissed his cheek, she kamed his hair,
As oft she did before, O,
She drank the red blood frae him ran,
On the dowie houms o’ Yarrow.
但只有意志非常坚定的维多利亚时代的人，在读到《海船之战》之前，才会拒绝承认荷马丰富的词汇、宽广的描述和流畅的修辞无法被压缩成这么小的旋律。结果就是阿诺德所谴责的痛苦的不协调：
But only a very strong-willed Victorian could have refused to see, before he ever reached the Battle at the Ships, that Homer’s rich vocabulary, spacious descriptions, and flowing rhetoric could not be crushed into that little ditty-measure. The result was the painful incongruity which Arnold denounced:
在汽车的车轴下面，
Beneath the car the axle,
宽阔的圆形边缘，布满了人类的鲜血。20
And the broad rims orbicular, with gore of men were pelted.20
阿诺德对这个译本的批评有两个结果。第一，他摧毁了荷马和民谣。他通过摧毁纽曼的译本做到了这一点，但顺便他也攻击了麦金的《荷马民谣》和麦考利的《古罗马民谣》。21第二，他将荷马与但丁和弥尔顿放在同一水平，将他们的伟大视为不同但可比，将莎士比亚的快速力量与荷马的宁静进行比较，与现代诗人华兹华斯、朗费罗和丁尼生进行比较，几乎始终保持着对伟大诗歌及其各种可能性的明确、不做作的热爱，从而使荷马批评摆脱了学究气、猜测、剖析和低俗的泥潭。他的演讲是对欧洲和美国盛行的对荷马的学术态度的含蓄抗议——《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》是关于青铜时代和早期铁器时代的非凡事实的收集；它们是荷马语法的丰碑（当然，它之所以如此有趣，是因为它与阿提卡语法不同）；它们是爱奥尼亚方言的迷人遗迹；或者任何其他东西，除了一个基本事实：它们曾经是、现在仍然是伟大的诗歌，是全世界最伟大的诗歌之一。
Arnold’s criticism of this translation had two results. The first was that he destroyed the false parallel between Homer and the ballads. This he did by destroying Newman’s translation, but in passing he also attacked Maginn’s Homeric Ballads and Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome.21 The second was that, by putting Homer on a level with Dante and Milton, by discussing their grandeurs as being unlike but comparable, by defining the difference between Shakespeare’s rapid power and the serenity of Homer, by introducing illuminating comparisons with the moderns, Wordsworth, Longfellow, and Tennyson, and by maintaining almost throughout a tone of unmistakable, unaffected love for great poetry with all its various possibilities, he raised Homeric criticism out of the morass of pedantry, conjecture, dissection, and tastelessness into which it had been sinking. His lectures were an implicit protest against the scholarly attitudes to Homer which had become prevalent throughout Europe and America—that the Iliad and Odyssey were remarkable collections of facts about the Bronze and early Iron Ages; that they were monuments of Homeric grammar (which of course is so interesting because of its differences from Attic grammar); that they were fascinating relics of the Aeolic dialect; or anything except the essential fact that they were, and remain, great poems, among the greatest in the whole world.
尽管如此，阿诺德的批评仍有错误和夸大其词，而纽曼的观点也有一定的正确性。22他们两人都没有充分论证这个关键问题。然而，它却是根本问题。每当需要对一部伟大的经典作品进行新的翻译时，这个问题就会再次出现。阿诺德首先说，荷马史诗的每一个译者都应该记住，并在自己的译本中表明，荷马史诗是（1）快速的，（2）语言平实直接的，（3）思想平实直接的，（4）高尚的。他接着指出，荷马史诗的各种英译本都是因为缺少这些品质之一而失败的。大多数读者会同意他第一、第三和第四点的观点。但他与纽曼争论的关键是第二点。因为荷马史诗的语言往往与平实直接完全相反，而且似乎无可否认地晦涩难懂。这提出了一个根本的品味问题，与学术难题密切相关，阿诺德和纽曼都应该详细分析一下。下面是困难的概述。
For all that, there were mistakes and overstatements in Arnold’s criticism, while Newman had a certain amount of right on his side.22 And the crucial problem was not fully argued out by either of them. Yet it is fundamental. It recurs whenever the time comes for a new translation of a great classic to be made. Arnold begins by saying that every translator of Homer should remember, and in his version show, that Homer is (1) rapid, (2) plain and direct in language, (3) plain and direct in thought, and (4) noble. He goes on to show how various English translations of Homer have failed through missing one or other of these qualities. Most readers would agree with him on the first, and third, and fourth. But the crux of his argument with Newman was the second. For Homer is often the very reverse of plain and direct in language, and seems undeniably obscure and odd. This raises a radical question of taste, closely connected with difficult problems of scholarship, which both Arnold and Newman ought to have analysed in detail. Here is an outline of the difficulty.
荷马使用的词语是其他希腊诗人从未使用过的；他非常自由地使用奇怪的动词形式、粒子组合、韵律技巧以及过时字母和组合的遗迹不同的方言和难以理解的叫喊。他的一些短语看起来确实不自然和扭曲。希腊人自己也发现很难解释他的语言的这些部分。学者们争论的不是它的细微差别，而是它的真实含义。博学的暗示诗人（如阿波罗尼乌斯）在自己的诗歌中嵌入了它的片段：仍然不太理解它，但希望它能产生正确的效果，就像查特顿和布朗宁用slug-horn和斯宾塞用derring-do一样。这是一种非常灵活和铿锵有力的语言，但它很奇怪和困难。
Homer uses words which no other Greek poet ever employs; he is very free with strange verbal forms and combinations of particles and metrical tricks and relics of obsolete letters and combinations of disparate dialects and unintelligible ejaculations. Some of his phrases look really unnatural and distorted. The Greeks themselves found it difficult to explain such parts of his language. Scholars argued—not about its fine shades, but about its real meanings. Erudite allusive poets (like Apollonius) embedded fragments of it in their own poetry: still not quite understanding it, but hoping that it would produce the right effect, like Chatterten and Browning with slug-horn and Spenser with derring-do. It is a splendidly flexible and sonorous language, but it is odd and difficult.
然而，荷马的思想是直接、朴素的。
Nevertheless, Homer’s thought is direct and plain.
如果我们看一下《伊利亚特》的主题，这种现象就不难理解了。书中的人物、动机和故事情节都很直接、直白。但故事的背景和附属物却很奇怪，很难理解：武器、策略、风俗——并不是说它们像《贝奥武甫》中的风俗那样离我们很远，而是因为它们在另一个方面很困难，显然是由于混乱和不相容。（即使我们透过荷马的比喻看到的生活也不同于他笔下人物的生活。）现在，假设一位伟大的诗人融合了许多他作为伟大诗歌或伟大诗歌素材的载体的传统——短语、过渡公式、高贵的形容词；以及附有名人并由一代又一代工匠润色的叙述和描述段落。假设有时这些传统是相互冲突的，因为它们来自不同的地方和时代，或者通过不同的渠道。再假设诗人本人并不总是能从理智上理解所有的短语和描述，但认为它们很有价值，因为它们是伟大事件的背景，是伟人在世时的习惯。最后，假设这样一位诗人生活在长期的入侵、迁移和破坏的末期，在此期间，风俗和语言经历了许多变化，有些幸存下来，有些只模糊地记得，有些则被一扫而空，而英雄主义、美和高尚诗歌的理想却依然存在——不是残存，而是得到了启发和强化。这样的诗人可能是荷马，他的诗歌可能看起来像《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》。
This phenomenon is not so hard to understand if we look at the subject-matter of the Iliad. The characters, and their motives, and the lines of the story, are direct and plain. But the settings, the accessories, are odd and difficult: weapons, strategy, customs—it is not that they are remote from us, like the customs of Beowulf, but that they are difficult in another way, apparently through confusion and incompatibility. (Even the life which we see through the windows of Homer’s similes is different from the life led by his characters.) Now, suppose a great poet had blended many traditions which he had received as vehicles of great poetry or of great poetic material—phrases, transitional formulas, ennobling adjectives; and passages of narrative and description, attached to famous names and polished by the work of generations of craftsmen. Suppose that sometimes these traditions were conflicting, because they came from different places and times, or through different channels. Suppose, again, that the poet himself did not always intellectually understand all the phrases and descriptions, but felt them to be valuable because they were the setting of noble events, the very habit of great men as they lived. And finally, suppose that such a poet had lived towards the end of a long succession of invasions, migrations, and destructions, in which customs and language had suffered many changes, some surviving, some only dimly remembered, and others swept away, while the ideals of heroism and beauty and noble poetry had remained—not surviving with the skin of the teeth, but illumined and intensified. Such a poet might be Homer, and his poetry might look like the Iliad and the Odyssey.
那么问题就是，如何在英语诗歌中传达我们在阅读时所获得的极其复杂的印象荷马。叙事流畅，修辞气势磅礴，整首诗的广度和深度如此巨大，见证了构思和创作这部作品的精神之伟大。然而，尽管它如此精彩，语言有时却奇怪而晦涩，描述的细节难以理解。这就是翻译史诗的难点。
The problem then is how to convey, in English verse, the extremely complex impression which we receive when reading Homer. The narrative is swift, the rhetoric sweeps us on grandly and surely, the scope and depth of the whole poem are so vast that they bear witness to the magnificence of the spirit which conceived and worked it out. But, for all its splendour, the language is sometimes odd and obscure, and details of the descriptions are hard to comprehend. That is the difficulty of translating the epics.
阿诺德只发表了三次演讲和一篇文章，而纽曼则在其长篇反驳中没有充分研究这个问题。他们从不同的角度来探讨这个问题。纽曼在希腊语方面做得最好，因为他确实强调并证明了荷马语言的奇特之处，这使得我们不可能称其为“极其平实和直接”。但他忽略了一个基本事实——显然是因为他看不到它。这就是阿诺德看到的事实；阿诺德在英语方面做得最好。事实是，即使荷马的语言看起来很奇怪，它也总是很美：生动地装饰，或令人难忘，或声音丰富而悦耳，或三者兼而有之。纽曼的版本和他的原则的错误之处在于他忽略了美。阿诺德有品味，纽曼没有。只有穿着破烂的亚该亚人才能诅咒他。
Arnold, who confined himself to three lectures and one article, and Newman, in his long rebuttal, did not examine this question fully. They approached it from different sides. Newman had the best of it in Greek, because he did emphasize and prove the strangeness of Homer’s language, which makes it quite impossible for us to call it ‘eminently plain and direct’. But he omitted one essential fact—apparently because he was incapable of seeing it. That was the fact which Arnold saw; and Arnold had the best of it in English. The fact is that, even when Homer’s language seems odd, it is always beautiful: vividly decorative, or curiously memorable, or rich and melodious in sound, or all together. What was wrong with Newman’s version, and with his principles, was that he omitted beauty. Arnold had taste; Newman had none. Dappergreaved Achaeans, alone, would damn him.
但问题还有另一个方面，纽曼在序言中提到了这一点，而阿诺德在他的第一次演讲中则予以驳斥，但这并非无关紧要。译者是否应该试图重现荷马诗歌对希腊读者产生的影响？如果荷马史诗对他们来说很难，那么英译本是否也应该让英语读者觉得很难？阿诺德说，这个问题毫无意义，“原因很简单，我们不可能知道《伊利亚特》是如何‘影响它的自然听众的’”。然而，这并不完全正确。即使不考虑纽曼在答辩中给出的语言学事实，我们也有足够的证据证明《伊利亚特》给古典希腊人的印象是古怪而古老的，而它的高贵之处就在于他们觉得这种古怪和古老的印象。 （当然，荷马本人为之歌唱的人们一定对史诗情有独钟，他们无疑和荷马本人一样深刻地理解和感受着它。）另一方面，我们永远不能忘记，古典希腊人在童年时期就学习了荷马，并且一生都在不断地引用和听荷马。因此，尽管他的语言听起来与众不同，但他们却觉得它很熟悉：即使他们错过了确切的当他们发现这些词语的含义或发现它们的形状很奇特时，他们就感受到了诗歌的含义。
But there was another aspect of the problem, which Newman raised in his preface and Arnold dismissed in his first lecture, but which is not irrelevant. Should a translator try to reproduce the effect Homer’s poetry produced on its Greek audiences? If Homer seemed difficult to them, should the English translation be made to seem difficult to English readers? Arnold said the question was meaningless, ‘for this simple reason, that we cannot possibly tell how the Iliad “affected its natural hearers” ‘. This is, however, not quite true. We have enough evidence, even apart from the philological facts given by Newman in his Reply, to know that the Iliad struck the classical Greeks as odd and antique, and that some of its nobility consisted for them in that impression of oddity and antiquity. (Of course, the men for whom Homer himself sang, steeped in epic poetry as they must have been, no doubt understood and felt it as deeply as he himself did.) On the other hand, we must never forget that the classical Greeks learnt Homer in childhood, and were constantly quoting and hearing Homer throughout their lives. Therefore, although his language sounded unlike anything else, they found it quite familiar: even if they missed the exact meaning or found the words peculiarly shaped, they felt what the poetry meant.
这与现代情况类似。几代以来，英国人和苏格兰人一直在学校和主日学校阅读詹姆斯王钦定版圣经；他们每周至少一次在教堂里听到有人大声朗读和讲解；它被一次又一次地引用；它的许多短语已经融入英语。其中大部分内容都很熟悉；但并不是所有人都能理解。谁知道anathema是什么意思，或者它的扩展Anathema Maran-atha是什么意思？23兽的印记是什么？虚心的人是谁？24甚至我前面几段所用的夸张手法，也都毫发无损，只要仔细观察就会发现非常奇怪。25但所有这些和许多其他类似的短语在整个十九世纪都为受过教育的英语人士所熟悉，并且人们在使用时能够感知到它们的大部分含义和所有力量，这可以很好地替代智力理解。由于受过教育和熟悉，古典希腊人在处理荷马的语言时具有这种感知。这就是为什么他的诗被称为希腊圣经的原因之一。
There is a modern parallel for this. For many generations the English and Scots have been reading the King James version of the Bible at school and Sunday-school; they have been hearing it at least once a week read aloud and expounded in church; it has been quoted again and again; many of its phrases have passed into the English language. Most of it is quite familiar; and yet it is not all understood. Who knows what anathema means, or its expansion Anathema Maran-atha?23 What is the mark of the beast, and who are the poor in spirit?24 Even the hyperbole which I used a few paragraphs ago, escape with the skin of the teeth, is very strange as soon as one looks closely at it.25 But all these and many other such phrases were familiar to educated English-speaking people throughout the nineteenth century, and were used with a perception of most of their meaning and all of their force which was a good substitute for intellectual comprehension. That was the sort of perception which, thanks to education and familiarity, the classical Greeks had when dealing with Homer’s language. That is one of the reasons why his poetry has been called the Bible of Greece.
因此，荷马如何打动那些深爱他的古希腊观众的问题既不是无解的也不是无关紧要的：建议与英语圣经进行类比（尽管省略了荷马的宏伟诗句和大部分洪亮的音调）为寻找风格的问题提供了解决方案。《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》可以翻译成钦定本的强烈、生动、庄重、常常悦耳动听、常常奇怪和古老但又熟悉和受欢迎的散文。在第三次演讲即将结束时，阿诺德本人尝试翻译《伊利亚特》第 6部分，通过引用圣经来证明他的措辞是正确的，并建议荷马史诗翻译者以克鲁登的《圣经索引》为指南，以解决语言困难。
The question how Homer struck the classical Greek audiences who loved him so much is then neither insoluble nor irrelevant: The suggested parallel of the English Bible (although omitting Homer’s magnificent verse and much of his sonority) offers a solution to the problem of finding a style. The Iliad and Odyssey might be translated into the strong, vivid, dignified, often melodious, often strange and archaic and yet familiar and welcome prose of the Authorized Version. Arnold himself, towards the end of his third lecture, attempted a translation of part of Iliad 6, justified his choice of words by citing the Bible, and recommended Homeric translators to take Cruden’s Concordance to the Holy Scriptures for a guide in difficulties of language.
这也是十九世纪末最具影响力的荷马英文译者所采用的解决方案。安德鲁·朗（1844-1912）不是古典学者，经常哀叹自己对希腊语的相对无知；但他对世界英雄时代及其诗歌有着广泛的了解，而且他的品味令人钦佩。他的《荷马与史诗》驳斥了那些挑剔的批评，这些批评导致学者们将这两首诗剖析为由威拉莫维茨整理的杂乱无章的“诗歌”集。被称为“拙劣者”的，是将常识提升到了光辉的境界。与更精确的古典主义者合作，他于 1879 年制作了《奥德赛》（与 SH Butcher 合作）的版本，并于 1883 年制作了《伊利亚特》（与 Walter Leaf 和 Ernest Myers 合作）的版本。它们非常受欢迎。它们的风格庄严而不浮夸，并且通过使用詹姆斯国王译者的词汇和句法，设法变得几乎和荷马一样多变和奇怪，几乎一样易懂和高贵。但它们是散文：一个致命的缺陷。阅读荷马的散文翻译，无论技巧多么娴熟，就像听一位钢琴家，无论多么有天赋，演奏贝多芬的第九交响曲一样。
This also was the solution adopted by the most influential English translator of Homer in the late nineteenth century. Andrew Lang (1844-1912) was not a classical scholar, and often lamented his relative ignorance of Greek; but he had a vast knowledge of the heroic ages of the world and their poetry, and he had admirable taste. His Homer and the Epic, in refuting the niggling criticism which had led scholars to dissect the two poems into collections of ill-assorted ‘lays’ put together by what Wilamowitz called a ‘botcher’, was common sense raised to the point of brilliance. In collaboration with more exact classicists he produced versions of the Odyssey (with S. H. Butcher) in 1879 and the Iliad (with Walter Leaf and Ernest Myers) in 1883. They became very popular. Their style was stately without being inflated, and, through use of the vocabulary and syntax of the King James translators, contrived to be almost as varied and strange, almost as intelligible and noble, as Homer. But they are in prose: a fatal defect. To read a prose translation of Homer, however skilful, is like hearing a single pianist, however gifted, playing a version of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony.
马修·阿诺德本人显然感觉到了他在讲座中尝试的六音步翻译的失败。他没有再尝试翻译荷马。但是在 1853 年和 1855 年发表的两首英雄诗中，他已经尝试用英语诗歌来体现他认为最重要的荷马优点。这些诗是史诗片段，希腊人称之为epyllia 。它们比他模仿索福克勒斯和墨洛珀的作品流传的时间更长，因为它们不仅仅是模仿。在某些方面，它们根本不是英雄，也没有希腊主题：巴尔德·德特来自挪威，索赫拉布和鲁斯塔姆来自波斯传说。这两首优秀的作品包含了一些荷马的高贵品质，一些（但不是全部）贵族形式主义，以及许多强烈的朴素风格；他的场景和人物——部落军队、单打独斗的战士首领、英雄般的神和神一样的英雄——具有半原始的特质，行为优先于言语和思想，超自然和人性紧密交织；一些对荷马和维吉尔伟大段落的改编；26几个重要的结构元素，如庄严的演讲、宏伟的人群场景、传统的绰号，以及最重要的，从自然中抽取的、为了自己的美而精心设计的明喻。弥尔顿已经使用过这种出色的手法（尽管不够频繁），其他现代英雄诗人也是如此。阿诺德热爱大自然，他带来了许多与荷马相媲美的广阔的自然意象。有时在高贵性上可与孤独的鹰的比喻相媲美27与荷马最伟大的作品一样伟大；生动性可与荷马媲美——这是现代史诗作家的主要困难，阿诺德通过选择我们可以清晰想象的相似性解决了这个问题，生动而令人回味，但又适合东方和北方的他的诗歌主题；28但强度却无法相比，因为其中大多数都非常明显地反映出恐惧、悲伤或无助。二十九
Matthew Arnold himself apparently felt the failure of the hexameter translations with which he experimented in his lectures. He made no more attempts to translate Homer. But in two heroic poems which he published in 1853 and 1855 he had already tried to embody in English verse some of what he thought the most important Homeric excellences. The poems are epic fragments, what the Greeks called epyllia. They have lived longer than his imitation of Sophocles, Merope, because they are much more than imitations. In some ways they are not heroic at all, and neither has a Greek theme: Balder Dead comes from Norse, and Sohrab and Rustum from Persian legend. These two fine pieces contain something of the nobility of Homer, some though not all of his aristocratic formalism, much of his strong simplicity; the half-primitive quality of his scenes and characters—tribal armies, warrior chiefs in single combat, hero-like gods and godlike heroes, the primacy of the deed over word and thought, the supernatural and the human closely intertwined; a few close adaptations of great passages from Homer and Vergil;26 several important structural elements, such as the stately speeches, great crowd-scenes, conventional epithets, and, most of all, similes drawn from nature and elaborated for the sake of their own beauty. Milton had already used this splendid device (although not often enough), and so had other modern heroic poets. Arnold, who loved nature deeply, brought in many spacious nature-images comparable to those of Homer. Comparable sometimes in nobility, for the simile of the lonely eagle27 is as great as all but the greatest of Homer; comparable in vividness—the cardinal difficulty of the modern epic writer, which Arnold solved by choosing similitudes clearly imaginable by us, vivid and evocative, and yet appropriate to the oriental and northern subjects of his poems;28 but not comparable in strength, for most of them, very revealingly, reflect fear, or grief, or helplessness.29
但总体而言，阿诺德的两首诗的精神和风格并不是荷马式的。它们是两次被移除的荷马式风格。其风格极其朴素而直接，远超荷马式风格。有时一节接一节、一个接一个的分句都以“And :”开头，这是圣经的习惯而非荷马式的习惯。句法简单明了，没有荷马的任何怪癖，尽管它常常保留他长期沿袭下来的风格。其词汇在多样性和华丽性上远比荷马的简单。与荷马的相比，其诗句节奏平静而单调。如果你在高原峡谷度过夏日，你周围的空气将会温暖而芬芳，微风将会吹向你，中午时分轻轻吹拂，黎明和傍晚时分强劲吹拂，而且几乎总是从同一个方向吹来。如果你爬上山顶，在山顶上度过一整天，天堂的风会袭击你、推挤你、抚摸你、迷惑你、威胁你、激励你、抬高你，但永远不会让你觉得自己比它们更强大。如果它们在乎，它们会压垮你。阿诺德是山谷里的微风。荷马是山峰间的空气。
But in the main the spirit and the style of Arnold’s two poems are not Homeric. They are Homer twice removed. The style is eminently plain and direct, much more so than Homer’s. Sometimes verse after verse, clause after clause, begins with And: which is a biblical rather than a Homeric habit. The syntax is straightforward, with none of Homer’s quirks, although often it has his long-sustained roll. The vocabulary is far simpler than Homer’s in variety and splendour. And the verse-rhythm, compared with Homer’s, is calm and monotonous. If you spend a summer day in a highland glen, the air around you will be warm and perfumed, and the breeze will blow on you, lightly at noon, strongly at dawn and evening, nearly always from one direction. If you climb the mountain and spend the day on the top, the winds of heaven will attack you, jostle you, caress you, confuse you, threaten and excite and exalt you, but never leave you feeling that you are more powerful than they. If they cared, they could crush you. Arnold is the breeze in the valley. Homer is the air among the peaks.
但阿诺德的读者最怀念的是《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》中那种充满活力与勇敢的精神。他的意象虽然优美，却令人忧郁。他诗歌的主题是一位年轻英雄的悲惨而无谓的死亡，这是每个人杀死自己所爱之物的宿命。哀悼、伟大的没落、承诺的浪费 —— 这些都是中心思想。这种透彻的悲观主义，加上较慢的节奏和较温柔的意象，清楚地表明阿诺德的灵感并非来自荷马，而是来自一个与他更像的人，即忧郁、敏感、负担过重的维吉尔。有些人认为，在《索拉博》和《鲁斯塔姆》中，他实际上超越了维吉尔 —— 尤其是在精彩的结尾，这不仅仅是一个史诗般的明喻，但似乎是从史诗中发展而来的。当鲁斯塔姆独自一人留在夜幕降临时，场景变得越来越暗，越来越小，我们发现自己追随的不是任何人类的斗争，而是雄伟的阿姆河，它流经战场，远离战场，向北流去，在沙漠中与冲突和浪费力量和美丽，直到最后，就像一位英雄在痛苦中获得胜利一样，它找到了自己的
But what readers of Arnold miss most is the spirit of energy and daring which fills the Iliad and Odyssey. His images, although beautiful, are melancholy. The theme of his poems is the tragic and useless death of a young hero, the doom by which each man kills the thing he loves. Mourning, the decline of greatness, the waste of promise—these are the central thoughts. This penetrating pessimism, with the slower pace and tenderer imagery, makes it clear that Arnold was inspired not by Homer but by a man much more like himself, the melancholy, sensitive, overburdened Vergil. In Sohrab and Rustum some would hold that he actually surpassed Vergil—particularly in the superb close, which is more than, but seems to have grown out of, an epic simile. As Rustum is left alone with his dead son in the gathering night, the scene darkens and grows smaller, and we find ourselves following, not any human struggle, but the majestic river Oxus which flows past the battlefield, and away from it towards the north, itself to meet conflict and to waste strength and beauty among the deserts, until at last, like a hero reaching triumph through agony, it finds its
明亮的水域之家……明亮
而宁静，新沐浴的星光从其底部
出现，照耀着咸海。
luminous home of waters … bright
And tranquil, from whose floor the new-bath’d stars
Emerge, and shine upon the Aral Sea.
阿诺德之后，很少有人成功地将荷马史诗改编成英文诗歌。丁尼生在 1863 年的《康希尔》一书中强调了阿诺德的失败，称这“充分证明了在英语中使用六音步诗是不可能的”：他本人认为无韵诗是唯一合适的英语韵律，他通过添加对《伊利亚特》 8.542-65 的精妙翻译来表明这一点，阿诺德在他的第一次演讲中讨论过这首诗，并将其部分翻译成散文。当然，丁尼生的亚瑟王诗包含许多“微弱的荷马回声”。30但和阿诺德一样，他的英雄风格更多是模仿维吉尔而非荷马——事实上，当他向亲王展示
After Arnold there were few successful attempts to turn Homer into English verse. Tennyson emphasized Arnold’s failure, in a note in the 1863 Cornhill, saying that it had ‘gone far to prove the impossibility’ of using hexameters in English: he himself held that blank verse was the only appropriate English metre, and he showed it by adding a fine rendering of Iliad, 8. 542–65, which Arnold had discussed and partly translated into prose in his first lecture. Of course, Tennyson’s Arthurian poems contained many ‘faint Homeric echoes’.30 But, like Arnold, he modelled his own heroic style more on Vergil than on Homer—and indeed he conceived his duty towards the Prince Consort, when he presented
亚瑟王就像一位现代绅士，
King Arthur, like a modern gentleman,
类似于维吉尔对屋大维·奥古斯都的态度。31
as similar to that of Vergil towards Octavian Augustus.31
通过他的讲座，阿诺德消除了荷马是民谣贩子的观念。在朗的翻译中，荷马显得庄严、缓慢、庄重。十九世纪末，塞缪尔·巴特勒 (1835-1902) 用他敏锐的、厌恶传统的智慧来解决这个问题。他首先指出史诗有时是故意搞笑的。在一篇简短的演讲《荷马的幽默》 (1892) 中，他认为《伊利亚特》中希腊人的英雄气概被夸大了，这首诗可能是由一个同情特洛伊人的人写的，他夸大其词是为了取笑征服者；他强调了学者们一致认可的观点，即《奥德赛》中的诸神“太过人性化”，甚至有些可笑——例如，在一个场景中，赫拉迷住了她的丈夫宙斯，众神与人类之父，将他的注意力从特洛伊战争转移到更为紧迫的问题上。这种方法的效果是使史诗人性化，打破了它们的传统框架，并允许它们作为现代小说的先驱受到批评。巴特勒在《奥德赛的作者》（1897 年）中延续了这一过程，他主要通过“没有人能写出这样的作品”之类的论点，认为《奥德赛》的作者是奥德赛的年轻公主瑙西卡，她生活在公元前 1050 年左右西西里岛西部的特拉帕尼，她选择让这首诗成为对男性化《伊利亚特》的女性化反击。巴特勒甚至知道她是如何写的——“用尖锐的硬化青铜风格……在铅板上书写”。32尽管巴特勒的批评缺乏历史视角，它进一步推翻了沃尔夫所宣扬并被数十位德国学者采纳的理论（第 384 页），即史诗是“歌谣”的集合。巴特勒不仅将《奥德赛》描绘成一个人的作品，而且从狼群发现的困难和不协调之处中，重建了一个容易犯错的人类女作家。
Through his Lectures Arnold had abolished the conception that Homer was a ballad-monger. In Lang’s translations Homer appeared stately, slow-paced, solemn. Towards the end of the nineteenth century Samuel Butler (1835-1902) brought his sharp convention-hating intelligence to the problem. He began by pointing out that the epics were sometimes deliberately funny. In a short lecture, The Humour of Homer (1892), he suggested that the heroic prowess of the Greeks in the Iliad was so overdone that the poem was probably written by someone with Trojan sympathies, who exaggerated in order to poke fun at the conquerors; and he emphasized what has been agreed by scholars, that the gods are presented as ‘human, all too human’, to the point of being ridiculous—for instance, in the scene where Hera fascinates her husband Zeus, father of gods and men, and diverts his attention from the Trojan war to a much more urgent matter. The effect of this approach was to humanize the epics, to break their frame of convention and allow them to be criticized as ancestors of the modern novel. Butler continued this process in The Authoress of the Odyssey (1897), where he contended, largely by arguments of the ‘no man could have written this’ type, that the Odyssey was written by Nausicaa, the young princess of Od. 6, that she lived in Trapani in western Sicily, about 1050 B.C., and that she chose to make the poem a feminine counterblast to the masculine Iliad. Butler even knew how she wrote it—’with a sharply pointed style of hardened bronze … on plates of lead’.32 Although Butler’s criticism lacked historical perspective, it carried farther the movement to discredit the theory preached by Wolf and taken up by dozens of German scholars (p. 384), that the epics were assemblages of ‘lays’. Butler not only made the Odyssey the work of one person, but, from the difficulties and incongruities smelt out by the Wolf-pack, reconstructed a fallible human authoress.
巴特勒于 1898 年出版了《伊利亚特》的散文译本，并于 1900 年出版了《奥德赛》的散文译本。正如他在《奥德赛的女作者》第一章中所说，他认为布彻和兰格的译本“倾向于沃尔多尔街”，因为那里卖的是假古董；而他自己更喜欢托特纳姆法院路，因为那里的商品朴素、便宜、时尚。结果，他的译本缺乏原文的韵律和大部分文体惯例，缺乏丰富的词汇、灵活的句法和响亮的声音。但它们仍然包含了他认为的本质内容 — — 情节、人物塑造和演讲。巴特勒创作易于阅读的散文译本可能是一个有益的举措，因为在他写作的那个时期，人们倾向于欣赏散文小说，尊重但忽略诗歌；而《奥德赛》就是用来欣赏的。然而，遗憾的是，没有诗人站出来给我们整个面包，而不是半个面包。
Butler published prose translations of the Iliad in 1898 and the Odyssey in 1900. As he said in chapter 1 of The Authoress of the Odyssey, he felt that the Butcher and Lang translation showed ‘a benevolent leaning towards Wardour Street’, where the bogus antiques are sold; and that he himself preferred Tottenham Court Road, where the goods are plain, cheap, and up to date. The result was that his translations lacked the metre, most of the stylistic conventions, the rich vocabulary, the flexible syntax, and the sonority of the original. They still contained what he considered the essentials—plot, characterization, and speeches. It was probably a useful action on Butler’s part to create an easily readable prose translation, for the period when he wrote was inclined to enjoy prose fiction and to respect, but ignore, poetry; and the Odyssey was meant to be enjoyed. Still, it is a pity that no poet arose to give us the whole, rather than half a loaf.
TE 劳伦斯（1888-1935）在另一部《奥德赛》的散文译本中部分追随了巴特勒的脚步，该译本于 1932 年以他的新笔名肖出版。他也认为这首诗是一个单一的故事，由一个熟悉《伊利亚特》的作家讲述，他对书籍和家庭生活比对行动和危险更熟悉；但对他来说，作者不是一位年轻的公主，而是一位年迈的书呆子，“像沃尔特·司各特一样糊涂的古物研究者”。33他的译文风格是试图用散文形式来表达荷马诗中必不可少的那些传统修辞手法的效果，但效果并不令人满意——就像装饰和支撑彩色玻璃窗的横条一样。巴特勒指责早期的译者倾向于伪古人。劳伦斯说《奥德赛》的作者本人就是伪古人。这假定了比任何人类都拥有的知识都要丰富，是的，即使是这个堕落时代的六位学者也无法提出这样的假设。结果就是我们对《智慧七柱》的期望：充满活力和敏捷的句子和段落，词汇做作，而且经常（“我的夫人，到目前为止，我们俩都已经竭尽全力地努力了”）34荒谬可笑。
T. E. Lawrence (1888-1935) followed Butler part of the way in another prose translation of the Odyssey, published under his new name of Shaw in 1932. He too felt that the poem was one single story told by one single writer intimately familiar with the Iliad and better acquainted with books and home-life than with action and danger; for him, though, the author was not a young princess but an elderly bookworm, ‘as muddled an antiquary as Walter Scott’.33 The style of his translation was an unsatisfactory attempt to render in prose some of the effect of those conventional turns of speech which are essential parts of the Homeric verse—like the bars that punctuate and support a stained-glass window. Butler accused earlier translators of leaning towards the sham antique. Lawrence said the author of the Odyssey himself was a sham antique. This assumed knowledge far greater than any human being possesses, yea, even six scholars of these degenerate days could not raise such an hypothesis. The result was what we should expect from Seven Pillars of Wisdom: energetic and swift sentences and paragraphs, with a vocabulary affected and often (‘Lady mine, hitherto we have both travailed exhaustively’)34 ludicrously false.
实际上，只有两种主要方法可以解释《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的不协调和不可理解之处。一种说法是，这两首诗由完全不同的、或多或少独立的材料组成，由于属于同一大传统，它们被吸引到一起，但从未被任何聪明的创作者构建成一个单一的结构。这是沃尔夫理论。另一种理论在上文第 482 页有所阐述；巴特勒和劳伦斯也赞同这一理论，尽管他们大大低估了传统对早期作者的影响力，并使史诗诗人难以置信地意识到这一点。最好的例证可以从另一种艺术中得出。哥特式大教堂是由大量完全不同且往往不协调的材料组成的。有时它们最初的计划从未完成，有时计划被修改，从而给同一座建筑带来两种不同类型的塔楼，而且几乎总是古老的简单性被后来的精心设计所覆盖，但并没有被掩盖。然而，几乎每座伟大的建筑都有一份总体规划，有时由一个人或一个团体担任总建筑师。规划宏伟、清晰、引人注目，而不一致之处通常来自于希望将规划的微妙表达与对传统的崇敬结合起来，而这是早期伟大艺术（或许是所有伟大艺术）的一个基本要素。
In fact there are only two major ways of accounting for the incongruities and incomprehensibilities of the Iliad and the Odyssey. One is to say that the poems grew up of disparate and more or less independent materials, which were attracted together because they belonged to the same large tradition, but which were never built into a single structure by any intelligent creator. This is the Wolf theory. The other is stated on p. 482 above; and to it adhere Butler and Lawrence, although they much underrate the power of tradition over an early author, and make the epic poets improbably self-conscious. The best illustration can be drawn from another art. The Gothic cathedrals are masses of disparate and often incongruous material. Sometimes their original plan was never completed, sometimes it was altered so as to give the same building two different kinds of tower, and nearly always the older simplicity was overlaid, but not concealed, by later elaborations. And yet almost every one of these great buildings had a master-plan, and sometimes a single man or group as master-builder. The plan is grand, and evident, and dominating, while the incongruities usually come from a wish to combine subtler expressions of that plan with the reverence for tradition which is an essential element in early, perhaps in all, great art.
难题仍未解决：难以找到一种合适的风格，不仅要把荷马的作品翻译成诗歌，还要把其他杰作翻译成诗歌，因为这些作品被老式或不充分的版本所掩盖，现代读者无法阅读。吉尔伯特·默里教授将许多希腊悲剧和阿里斯托芬的一些作品翻译成十九世纪晚期的风格，这种风格很大程度上归功于斯温伯恩，也归功于威廉·莫里斯。他的译本虽然很有魅力，但缺乏希腊语的力量；如今，他们的风格非但没有让我们清楚地看到原文，反而显得是一种添加和扭曲。TS 艾略特在一篇令人不快但可以解释的暴力文章中攻击了他们，35并且，显然的是，未来古典书籍的翻译本为了到达需要它们的读者群，必须掌握和扩展艾略特为之做出最大努力的新诗歌风格。
The difficulty remains unsolved: the difficulty of finding a suitable style in which to translate into poetry not only Homer but the other masterpieces which are concealed from modern readers by old-fashioned or inadequate versions. Professor Gilbert Murray has translated many of the Greek tragedies and some of Aristophanes into a late nineteenth-century style which owes much to Swinburne and something to William Morris. His translations, for all their charm, lack the strength of the Greek; and nowadays their style, instead of allowing us to see the original clearly, appears as an addition and distortion. T. S. Eliot has attacked them in an essay of disagreeable, but explicable, violence,35 and it seems clear that future translations of classical books must, in order to reach the public that needs them, master and expand the new poetic style which Eliot has done most to develop.
但困难远不止于选择一种风格。在整个十九世纪，我们可以发现翻译中学术与文学、知识与品味之间的冲突。关于翻译的最有趣和最有活力的思想来自业余翻译家——阿诺德、朗、巴特勒、劳伦斯。像纽曼和威拉莫维茨这样的教授，有种致命的魔力。36 Murray 的作品是古典学者翻译的众多作品中最好的，这些译本大部分枯燥无味，有些甚至糟糕得令人难以忍受。许多译本给读者留下的印象是，作者们讨厌自己的文学，对文学一无所知，因为他们使用的语言既不现代，也不优美，甚至不真实。这种矛盾是十九世纪和二十世纪文化中根深蒂固的疾病的表现。这种疾病在教育问题和古典研究的衰落中表现得更加明显。
But the difficulty goes deeper than the choice of a style. Throughout the nineteenth century we can trace a conflict, in the matter of translation, between scholarship and literature, between knowledge and taste. The most interesting and vital ideas on translation have come from the amateurs—Arnold, Lang, Butler, Lawrence. The professors, like Newman and Wilamowitz, have a killing touch.36 Murray’s were far the best of a long line of translations by classical scholars, most of which were dull and some excruciatingly bad. Many of these give readers the impression that their authors hate their own literature and know nothing about it, for they write in a language neither modern, nor beautiful, nor even real. This conflict is an expression of a deep-seated illness in the culture of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The illness is even more clearly manifest in the problem of education and in the decline of classical studies.
“我小时候的经历和五十年前的人们一样——老师的唯一任务就是给学生灌输语法和韵律，而不是古典文学……结果我们厌恶色诺芬和他的一万个故事，厌恶荷马，而李维和西塞罗只是名字和任务……我的经历和上千人的经历一样，但我记得，我们渴望优秀的文学作品……在雾中攀登帕纳索斯山真是太可悲了！”
‘As a boy I had the common experience of fifty years ago—teachers whose sole object was to spoonfeed classes, not with the classics but with syntax and prosody … with the result that we loathed Xenophon and his ten thousand, Homer was an abomination, while Livy and Cicero were names and tasks… . My experience was that of thousands, yet, as I remember, we were athirst for good literature… . What a tragedy to climb Parnassus in a fog!’
这是威廉·奥西尔爵士对他 1866 年在加拿大一所学校接受古典教育的描述。37他是一个聪明、精力充沛的男孩，充满活力和好奇心，随时准备沉浸在任何有趣的事物中。然而，他的校长设法让他对古典文学感到厌恶，因为他给他布置的作业“主要是背诵荷马和维吉尔的无数行诗句，借助施雷维柳斯的词典和罗斯的语法阅读，其中的定义分别用希腊语和拉丁语书写”。与此同时，另一位真正热爱科学的老师带着男孩们进行了有趣的实地考察，与他们谈论化石和地壳的形成，并通过显微镜向他们展示奇迹。结果，年轻的奥西尔投身于科学，并成为一名出色的医生。他早年被任命为约翰霍普金斯大学的第一位医学教授，后来他离开这所大学，成为牛津大学的皇家医学教授。他一生都崇拜古典文学和古典学者——尤其是两位文艺复兴时期的伟人，他们都是医生和人文主义者，布朗和利纳克雷。38他建立了一个精美的古典图书馆。他不厌其烦地警告他的学生，自然科学（包括医学）只是教育内容的一半，伟大的文学（希腊和罗马的古典文学是最伟大的）才是更重要的部分。但是，尽管他并不希望自己的职业生涯发生任何变化，但他从未停止过对由于糟糕和不正当的教学而无法充分理解古典文学的遗憾。
That is Sir William Osier’s description of his classical education at a Canadian school in 1866.37 He was a clever energetic boy, full of life and curiosity, ready to be absorbed in anything interesting. However, his headmaster managed to disgust him with classical literature, by setting him work which ‘consisted largely in the committing to memory of countless lines of Homer and Virgil, read with the aid of Schrevelius’ lexicon and Ross’s grammar, in which the definitions were in Greek and Latin respectively’. Meanwhile another master, who had a real love for science, took the boys for fascinating field-trips, talked to them about fossils and the formation of the earth’s crust, and showed them marvels through the microscope. The result was that young Osier plunged into science, and became a brilliant doctor. At an early age he was appointed the first professor of medicine at Johns Hopkins University, which he left only to become Regius Professor of Medicine at Oxford. Throughout his life he admired classical literature and classical scholars—in particular, two great men of the Renaissance who were both physicians and humanists, Browne and Linacre.38 He built up a fine classical library. He was never tired of warning his students that the natural sciences, including medicine, were only half the material of education, and that great literature (the classics of Greece and Rome being the greatest) was the more important part. But, while he did not wish his career other than it had been, he never ceased to regret that, through bad and perverse teaching, he had been denied the full understanding of the classics.
奥西尔是 19 世纪众多杰出人物之一，他们发现糟糕的教学甚至会扼杀年轻人对优秀文学的热爱。以下是尼古拉斯·默里·巴特勒 (Nicholas Murray Butler) 于 1879 年对纽约哥伦比亚学院古典文学作品的描述，他后来成为哥伦比亚大学校长，几十年来一直占据美国教育界的首位：三十九
Osier was one of many distinguished men of the nineteenth century who found that bad teaching stifled even the readiest youthful impulse to love good literature. Here is a description of the classical work at Columbia College in New York, in 1879, written by Nicholas Murray Butler, who later became president of Columbia and for decades occupied the first place among American educators:39
“当时的古典文学教学几乎完全是那种枯燥无味的教学方式，这种教学方式几乎扼杀了美国的古典文学研究。德里斯勒教授当时是杰伊教授（希腊语），他是一位品格高尚、心智健全、学识渊博的人。然而，他过于注重语法的细微细节，以至于我们的眼睛只能盯着地面，几乎从未瞥见我们所研究的伟大作品的美感和更大的意义。例如，我记得在大二 [= 第二年] 的第一学期，我们和德里斯勒博士一起阅读欧里庇得斯的《美狄亚》，但学期结束时，我们只读完了 246 行。换句话说，我们从未知道《美狄亚》讲的是什么，也从未看到故事的意义或其文学艺术的质量……在拉丁语方面，查尔斯·肖特教授是一个学究……无论他与贺拉斯、尤维纳尔还是塔西佗打交道，他总是关注这些作家的研究所揭示的那些不太重要的事情。’
‘The teaching of the classics in those days was almost wholly of that dry-as-dust type which has pretty near killed classical study in the United States. Professor Drisler, who was then the Jay Professor (of Greek), was a man of remarkable elevation of character and of mind as well as a sound and thorough scholar. He was, however, so given to insistence upon the minutest details of grammar that our eyes were kept closely fixed on the ground and we hardly ever caught any glimpse of the beauty and larger significance of the great works upon which we were engaged. For example, I recall that during the first term of the sophomore [= second] year we were to read with Dr. Drisler the Medea of Euripides and that when the term came to an end we had completed but 246 lines. In other words, we never came to know what the Medea was all about or to see either the significance of the story or the quality of its literary art… . In Latin Professor Charles Short was a pedant if ever there was one… . Whether he was dealing with Horace, with Juvenal, or with Tacitus, he was always attending to the less important matters which the study of these authors suggested.’
几年后，在另一所美国名校，一位年轻人也经历了同样糟糕的情况，后来他成为全美最受爱戴的文学教师之一。威廉·莱昂·菲尔普斯在描述 1883-4 年的耶鲁时说道：
In another great American college a few years later the same dismal condition is recorded by a young man who later became one of the best-loved teachers of literature in all America. Describing Yale in 1883–4, William Lyon Phelps says:
“我们大多数的教室都很枯燥，教学也纯粹是机械的；一个诅咒笼罩着整个学院，这是教学艺术的污点。许多教授只是准备好的背诵的听众；他们从来没有表现出任何生动的兴趣，无论是对研究还是对学生。我记得我们整个学年每周有三个小时的荷马。老师从来没有改变过单调的例行公事，从来没有发表评论，只是叫每个人背诵或扫描，说“那就行了”，记下标记；所以在六月的最后一次背诵中，在经历了整整一年这种难以忍受的课堂苦差事之后，我很惊讶地听到他再次毫无强调地说道，“荷马的诗歌是人类思想史上最伟大的诗歌，阶级被打破了”，然后我们就走到阳光下。40
‘Most of our classrooms were dull and the teaching purely mechanical; a curse hung over the Faculty, a blight on the art of teaching. Many professors were merely hearers of prepared recitations; they never showed any living interest, either in the studies or in the students. I remember we had Homer three hours a week during the entire year. The instructor never changed the monotonous routine, never made a remark, but simply called on individuals to recite or to scan, said “That will do”, put down a mark; so that in the last recitation in June, after a whole college year of this intolerable classroom drudgery, I was surprised to hear him say, and again without any emphasis, “The poems of Homer are the greatest that have ever proceeded from the mind of man, class is dismissed,” and we went out into the sunshine.’40
我们从同一时期的英国公立学校里听到了同样的冷酷言论；而且，再次强调，让他们感到不安的不是敌对的批评家，而是一位后来在希腊工作并热爱希腊文学的原创作家：EF 本森 (EF Benson) 评价马尔伯勒 (Marlborough)：
From a British public school at the same period we can hear the same dry bones rattling; and once again it is not a hostile critic who rattles them, but an original writer who later worked in Greece and loved Greek literature for its own sake: E. F. Benson on Marlborough:
“……这个体系是多么的糟糕啊，它抹去了人类本能和可爱的一切趣味和美感，却把人类最灵活的语言（希腊语）当成一系列代数公式来教授。如果想象力被激发，这些枯燥无味的不规则语言会多么令人欣喜……。但在我学习希腊语的时候，老师们的方法就像那些让学生砍伐干柴，希望让他们了解曾经在阿提卡山坡上被风吹得沙沙作响的树木的本质的人一样。”41
‘… How dismal was the system, which, expunging all human interest and beauty from a subject that is instinct with humanity and loveliness, taught a language [Greek], and that the most flexible of all human tongues, as if it had been a series of algebraical formulae. How willingly would those dry irregularities have been learned if the imagination had first been kindled… . But at the time when I was learning Greek, the methods of tutors resembled that of those who, by making their pupils chop up dry faggots of wood, hoped to teach them what was the nature of the trees that once the wind made murmurous on the hillsides of Attica.’41
传记中还有许多关于这种现象的例子——不是愚笨的人，也不是“务实”的商人，也不是讨厌纪律的古怪艺术家，也不是从小就致力于科学研究的人，而是真正热爱古典文化的人。显然，19 世纪的古典研究出了严重问题。
Many more examples of this phenomenon could be quoted from the biographies—not of dullards, nor of ‘practical’ business men, nor of erratic discipline-hating artists, nor of men devoted from boyhood to scientific research, but of genuine lovers of classical culture. Clearly something went profoundly wrong with the study of the classics in the nineteenth century.
在本章的开头，我们说过，在 1914 年结束的整个世纪中，有关希腊和罗马的知识稳步增加。然而，在同一时期，古典知识的传播在最初上升之后开始下降。在学校学习希腊语和拉丁语的男孩和女孩越来越少。在大学里选择古典课程的学生越来越少。公立学校的拉丁语和希腊语教学受到了直接攻击，而且通常都取得了成功。规定拉丁语是大学入学必备资格的规定被放宽或取消。人们对希腊和拉丁诗歌、哲学和历史的普遍熟悉程度逐渐下降，因此，虽然在十九世纪上半叶，议会辩论者引用维吉尔的话、记者在社论中介绍希腊历史插图是很自然的，但到了十九世纪末，这种行为会被视为卖弄学问或矫揉造作，几乎没有其他选择。对公众的影响。 1870 年或 1880 年左右，这股潮流一直在上涨，现在却动摇了，停止了，并开始越来越快地退去。 有些人认为这是进步的标志。 另一些人则认为，一个大众粗俗和“哥特式无知”的新时代即将到来，就像蒲柏在《群愚记》结尾处所描述的那样。 无论如何，这是一个庞大而复杂的事件，仍然很难从正确的角度看待它。
At the opening of this chapter we said that the available knowledge of Greece and Rome increased steadily throughout the century that ended in 1914. Yet during that same period the distribution of classical knowledge, after an initial rise, fell away. Fewer boys and girls learnt Greek and Latin at school. Fewer students chose classical courses at the university. Direct attacks were made on the teaching of Latin and Greek in public schools, and they were usually successful. The regulations prescribing Latin as a necessary qualification for admittance to a university were relaxed or abandoned. The general familiarity with Greek and Latin poetry, philosophy, and history dwindled, so that, while in the first part of the nineteenth century it would have been quite natural for a debater in Parliament to cite Vergil and for a journalist writing a leading article to introduce illustrations from Greek history, by the end of the century that would have been regarded as pedantry or affectation, and would have had little or no other effect on the public. The tide which had been rising until about 1870 or 1880 now faltered, stopped, and began to ebb more and more rapidly. Some thought that this was a sign of Progress. Others concluded that a new age of mass vulgarity and ‘Gothic ignorance’, like that described by Pope at the end of the Dunciad, was setting in. In any case, it was a large and complex event, which is still difficult to see in proper perspective.
和所有复杂事件一样，公众对古典研究兴趣的下降有多种不同的原因。其中一些原因与古典文化无关，另一些原因与之只有间接联系，还有一些原因实际上是古典学习变化过程的一部分。
Like all complex events, the decline of public interest in classical studies had a number of different causes. Some of these had nothing to do with classical culture, others were only indirectly connected with it, others again were actually part of the changing process of classical learning.
在某种程度上，这很自然地归因于科学、工业化和国际贸易的快速发展。这创造了新的学科，这些学科似乎更适合在学校和大学里教授：化学、物理、经济学、现代语言、心理学、政治哲学。通过主张自己的权利，这些学科迫使古典学在学校里占据更少的时间，并带走了许多优秀的古典学学生。
To some extent, it was due quite naturally to the rapid advance of science, industrialism, and international trade. That created new subjects, which appeared to have a better right to be taught in schools and universities: chemistry, physics, economics, modern languages, psychology, political philosophy. By asserting their rights, these subjects forced the classics to occupy less of the school day, and took away many of the good classical students.
另一个原因是普及教育的引入。拉丁语和希腊语是相当难的语言，向全体学生教授它们就像训练每个学生画画或拉小提琴一样不切实际。在少数国家，某些时期，所有学校都教授拉丁语；但要么这些学校没有为全体人口服务，要么（如苏格兰）公众对教育格外尊重，不是因为教育的金钱回报，而是因为它的精神威望，因为受过教育的人是真正的贵族。但民主在发展过程中通常会反对这些精英。学校教授和尊重的科目是每个人都能吸收的科目。一个促成因素是，民主制度下的学校教育似乎越来越晚才开始发挥作用，并且在早期只教授基础知识。语言等困难的东西留到以后再讲。但是，学习希腊语和拉丁语的最好方法是从九岁左右开始，此时孩子的思维非常灵活，可以毫不费力地记住任何东西，并且可以快速完成基本的记忆工作，以便孩子在达到欣赏年龄时能够理解和欣赏希腊语和拉丁语文学。
Another reason was the introduction of universal education. Latin and Greek are fairly difficult languages, and it is quite as impractical to teach them to the whole school population as to train every pupil to paint or play the violin. In a few countries, at certain periods, Latin has been taught in all the schools; but either those schools did not serve the whole population, or else (as in Scotland) the public had an exceptional respect for education, not because of its reward in money, but because of its spiritual prestige, because educated men were the real aristocracy. But democracy as it advances usually turns against such elites. The subjects taught and respected in schools are the subjects which everyone can assimilate. A contributory factor is that schooling under a democracy seems to get to work later and later, and to spend the early years teaching only the fundamentals. Difficult things like languages are left till later. But of course the best way to learn Greek and Latin is to begin at nine or so, when the mind is so flexible that anything prints it without an effort, and the essential memory-work can be got quickly over, in time to let the boy understand and appreciate Greek and Latin literature when he reaches the appreciative age.
但肯定其中一个主要原因是经典作品教得不好。当然，总是有懒惰和不感兴趣的老师，比如吉本的导师玛格达伦的沃尔德格雷夫：
But certainly one of the chief reasons was that the classics were badly taught. Of course, there have always been lazy and uninterested teachers, like Gibbon’s tutor Waldegrave of Magdalen:
“我的导师……建议我们每天早上十点到十一点阅读泰伦斯的喜剧。在牛津大学，我的进步仅限于三四部拉丁戏剧；甚至对一部优雅经典的学习，本可以通过比较古代和现代戏剧来说明，却沦为对作者文本的枯燥和字面解释。”四十二
‘My tutor … proposed that we should read every morning, from ten to eleven, the comedies of Terence. The sum of my improvement in the University of Oxford is confined to three or four Latin plays; and even the study of an elegant classic, which might have been illustrated by a comparison of the ancient and modern theatres, was reduced to a dry and literal interpretation of the author’s text.’42
枯燥而直白，因为沃尔德格雷夫既不关心这个主题，也不关心学生是否把喜剧当作艺术品来对待。吉本最终甚至放弃了这些辅导时间，因为它们“似乎同样没有好处和乐趣”。他的导师根本不理会。
Dry and literal, because Waldegrave did not care enough either for the subject or for the pupil to bother about treating the comedies as works of art. Eventually Gibbon gave up even these tutorial hours, since they ‘appeared equally devoid of profit and pleasure’. His tutor paid no attention whatever.
然而，这并不是让奥西尔、巴特勒、菲尔普斯和本森以及十九世纪许多其他人厌恶的那种糟糕的教学。他们的老师很少懒惰。他们的问题完全不同。我们已经在拜伦（第 413 页）和雨果（第 407 页）身上看到了这种做法，并观察到了它引起的强烈反应。他们可能是好学生。拜伦自己说他懒惰，但并不迟钝。43他记得很多古典文学，尽管教得不好。雨果也有活跃的思维，渴望读到好书；但他的胃口被扼杀了。成千上万的人也遭遇了同样的情况。他们的抱怨总是一样的。那就是古典文学被过分强调精确性所破坏——尤其是语法用法和句法解释，巴特勒称之为“对最细微的细节的坚持”和 Osier“干壳”。这可以用一个令人钦佩的故事来总结，这个故事是关于一位校长向他的学生介绍最伟大的希腊悲剧之一：
Yet that was not the kind of bad teaching that disgusted Osier and Butler, Phelps and Benson, and so many others in the nineteenth century. Their masters were seldom indolent. The trouble with them was quite different. We have already seen it at work, and observed the violent reaction it produced, in Byron (p. 413 f.). and Hugo (p. 407). Potentially they were good pupils. Byron says himself that he was idle, but not slow.43 He remembered a great deal of classical literature, badly taught though it was. Hugo, too, had an active mind, greedy for good books; but his appetite was choked. The same thing happened to thousands of others. Their complaint was always the same. It was that classical literature was spoilt by being taught with an over-emphasis on precision—and particularly on grammatical usage and syntactical explanation, what Butler called ‘insistence on the minutest details’ and Osier ‘dry husks’. It can be summed up in the admirable story about the headmaster who introduced his pupils to one of the greatest of Greek tragedies by saying:
“孩子们，这个学期你们将有幸阅读索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯王》，这是一部真正的语法宝库。”四十四
‘Boys, this term you are to have the privilege of reading the Oedipus Coloneus of Sophocles, a veritable treasure-house of grammatical peculiarities.’44
要讨论为什么在十九世纪古典文学教师会越来越多地犯这些错误，需要写一本书。部分原因是考试制度的加强；部分原因是“好考生”因记忆力和准确性的提高而获得的丰厚奖学金和奖品的增加；部分原因是教师观念的改变古典研究，我们将在后面讨论；很大程度上，它受到十九世纪本身的精神影响，这种精神崇尚纪律、制度、鞭笞、勤奋和事实。狄更斯在《艰难时世》中讽刺了这种教学方式——他称其中一章为“谋杀无辜者”——尽管他的格雷格莱德先生和冷酷务实的校长麦克乔克姆希尔德先生对科学比对古典学更感兴趣，但他们是维多利亚时代对所有教育普遍态度的典范：教育应该是精确、困难和无趣的。纪律是它的方法，也是它的最终目标。现在，没有精确性就不可能教授拉丁语和希腊语：语法和句法是语言研究的基本部分；但有必要给年轻人更多的东西。每个了解孩子的人都知道，他们会以惊人的精确度和对细节的关注来做他们感兴趣的事情——编密码、画地图、学习飞机和星星的名字。但细节必须是一种手段，而不是目的本身；任何老师如果为了细节本身或为了“纪律”而试图强调细节，都会发现他的工作很困难，其结果也是令人厌恶的。
To discuss why teachers of the classics should have been increasingly guilty of these errors during the nineteenth century would require a volume. Partly it was caused by the strengthening of the examination system; partly by the multiplication of rich scholarships and prizes to be won by ‘good examinees’ for displays of memory and accuracy; partly by a change in the ideals of classical study, which we shall discuss later; and very largely by the ethos of the nineteenth century itself, which admired Discipline, and System, and Flogging, and Hard Work, and Facts. Dickens satirized that sort of teaching in Hard Times —he called one of the chapters ‘Murdering the innocents’—and although his Mr. Gradgrind and the coldly factual schoolmaster Mr. McChoakumchild were more interested in science than in the classics, they were examples of a widespread Victorian attitude to all education: that it ought to be exact, difficult, and pleasureless. Discipline was its method, and its ultimate aim. Now, it is impossible to teach Latin and Greek without precision: grammar and syntax are essential parts of the study of the languages; but it is necessary to give the young something more besides. Everyone who knows children knows that they will work with amazing precision and attention to detail on something that interests them—making a code, or drawing a map, or learning the names of aircraft and stars. But the detail must be a means, and not an end in itself; and any teacher who attempts to drive in the detail for its own sake, or for the sake of ‘discipline’, will find his work difficult and its results hateful.
大学古典文学教学有时会因另一个事实而受到损害。随着研究的不断深入，许多大学教师成为希腊罗马历史、文学、语言学和相关学科深奥分支的专家。有时，他们过于专业化，以至于与学生失去了联系。在牛津和剑桥，导师制不鼓励这种做法，该制度以导师和本科生之间的思想不断接触为基础。结果是，这些大学的教学水平在整个世纪中都异常高：他们很少抱怨上述问题；事实上，如果不能同时进行教学和研究，导师通常认为他们有责任牺牲研究。但在欧洲大陆和美国的名牌大学，经常会发现一位教授的讲座令所有学生（除了他最好的学生）都听不懂或感到厌恶，因为他的智力生活在一种稀薄的氛围中，大多数人都无法呼吸。
University teaching of the classics was sometimes injured by another fact. As research progressed farther and farther, many university teachers became specialists in abstruse branches of Greco-Roman history, literature, philology, and kindred subjects. Sometimes they carried specialization so far that they lost touch with their pupils. At Oxford and Cambridge this was discouraged by the tutorial system, which is based on the constant contact of minds between dons and undergraduates. The result was that the standard of teaching in these universities was exceptionally high throughout the century: from them came few complaints like those quoted above; in fact, the dons usually felt it their duty to sacrifice research to teaching, if both could not be carried on. But in the great universities of the Continent and the United States it was not uncommon to find a professor whose lectures were unintelligible or repulsive to all but his best students, because his intellectual life was spent in an atmosphere too rarefied for most of them to breathe.
但最糟糕的坏教学却有不同的原因。这就是人们认为学习希腊语和拉丁语是一门科学，而且仅仅是一门科学。对我们来说，这似乎是显而易见的夸张。显然，在古典研究中，就像在任何其他类型的研究中一样，必须使用准确性、组织性、客观性和清晰度等科学美德。显然，应用科学的方法可以有效地应用于希腊罗马文学和历史的许多领域。但古典研究的主题并非完全是客观事实，甚至不是主要的客观事实，与地质学材料相当。其中大部分，以及其中最好的大部分，是艺术；艺术必须用品味和想象力来研究，就像用照相机和卡尺一样。其中大部分是历史，历史研究涉及道德判断，而历史写作则需要审美选择。然而，以德国人（他们以勤奋而非品味而闻名）为首的十九世纪古典学者决心他们的职责是科学。这一决定在很大程度上破坏了这门学科的教学。
But the worst kind of bad teaching had a different cause. This was the belief that the study of Greek and Latin was a science, and nothing but a science. To us now this appears an obvious exaggeration. Clearly the scientific virtues of accuracy, organization, objectivity, and clarity must be used in classical research as in any other kind of study. Clearly the methods of applied science can usefully be employed in many areas of Greco-Roman literature and history. But the subject-matter of classical study is not wholly, or even chiefly, objective facts comparable to the material of geology. Much of it, and much of the best of it, is art; and art must be studied with taste and imagination as well as with cameras and callipers. Much of it is history, and historical research involves moral judgement, while historical writing entails aesthetic choice. However, the nineteenth-century classical scholars, led by the Germans (who are more noted for their industry than for their taste), resolved that their duty was to be scientific. This resolution did much to ruin the teaching of the subject.
这一点在 AE Housman 矛盾的一生中得到了很好的体现。他是一位优秀的诗人，也是一位敏感的文学批评家，尽管他的能力有限。但他在古典学方面的主要工作是试图确定普罗佩提乌斯、尤维纳尔、卢坎和马尼利乌斯的原文——即消除无知的抄写员和中世纪学者在他们的诗歌中引入的错误和晦涩难懂之处。这虽然困难但必要，但最终是一种被美化的校对形式。他并不特别喜欢这四位诗人，或者说他不喜欢。（实际上，敏感的爱情诗人、残酷的讽刺作家、咆哮的斯多葛派和学者隐居者确实吸引了他性格中的某些方面。）他说他之所以选择他们是因为他们提出了难题。在伦敦大学的就职演讲中，他宣称古典学没有任何正当性，只是它以自己的方式——以众多可能的方式之一——满足了人类对知识的渴望。不是为了有用的知识：它提供的信息并不比天文学的发现更适用于日常生活。不是为了精神启蒙：我们不必希望通过它“改变和美化我们的内在本质”（他说）——因为，虽然古典文学确实能提高欣赏优秀事物的能力，但大多数人并不具备这种能力，他们在精神上是聋子和盲人。因此，我们学习古典文学只是因为我们天生渴望知识。豪斯曼没有详细解释为什么人们应该选择学习希腊和拉丁文学，而不是特立尼达的卡里普索歌曲和西藏寺院的赞美诗（这些歌曲也会提供复杂的主题）但他很快地用一两句话（明显不如他通常用酸尖针刺的语气来表达他确信的观点）说，这是个人喜好问题。他会拒绝承认希腊人和罗马人的著作在客观上和普遍上更美吗？它们与我们这些在某种程度上是他们精神后裔的人更相关吗？四十五
It is well exemplified in the paradoxical life of A. E. Housman. He was a fine poet, and a sensitive, though limited, critic of letters. But his chief work in the classics consisted of trying to establish the original text of Propertius, Juvenal, Lucan, and Manilius—that is, of removing the mistakes and unintelligibilities introduced into their poems by ignorant copyists and medieval scholars. Difficult and necessary as this is, it is ultimately a glorified form of proofreading. And he did not care particularly for these four poets, or said he did not. (Actually, the sensitive love-poet, the cruel satirist, the ranting Stoic, and the scholarly recluse did appeal to certain sides of his character.) He said he chose them because they presented difficult problems. In his inaugural lecture at London University he declared that classical scholarship had no justification whatever, except that in its way—in one of many possible ways—it satisfied man’s desire for knowledge. Not for useful knowledge: the information it provided was no more applicable to daily life than the discoveries of astronomy. Not for spiritual enlightenment: we need not hope through it to ‘transform and beautify our inner nature’ (he said)—because, although classical literature does sharpen the faculty of appreciating what is excellent, most people do not possess such a faculty, and are spiritually deaf and blind. We study the classics, therefore, only because the desire for knowledge is innate in us. Housman did not explain in detail why anyone should choose to study Greek and Latin literature rather than the Calypso songs of Trinidad and the hymns of the Tibetan monasteries (which would also provide intricate subjects of study); but, in a rapid sentence or two (noticeably less clear than the usual acid-tipped needle-stab with which he made the points he was sure of), he said it was a matter of personal preference. Would he have refused to admit that the writings of the Greeks and Romans are, objectively and universally, more beautiful? that they are more relevant to us, who are at some removes their spiritual descendants?45
有一件事可以说明这种态度，既可悲又可笑。豪斯曼曾经讲授过贺拉斯的抒情诗，专注于文本、句法和韵律，并“添加对所讨论段落的解释所需的评论”，46从不看他的学生，也从不提诗歌的本质。但是——
One incident which illustrates this attitude is both pathetic and comic. Housman used to lecture on Horace’s lyrics, concentrating on the text, syntax, and prosody, adding ‘just so much commentary as was necessary for the interpretation of the passage under discussion’,46 never looking at his pupils, and never mentioning the essentials of the poetry. But—
“1914 年 5 月的一个早晨，剑桥的树上开满了鲜花，他读到了……贺拉斯第四卷的第七首颂歌……他像往常一样，以才华、机智和讽刺的态度剖析了这首颂歌。然后，两年来他第一次抬头看着我们，用完全不同的声音说：‘我想花几分钟时间把这首颂歌简单地当作诗歌来思考。’我们以前与豪斯曼教授打交道的经历让我们确信，他会认为这种做法不值一提。他深情地大声朗读了这首颂歌，先是用拉丁文，然后用他自己的英文译本（现在是《更多诗歌》中的第五本）。‘那首，’他急忙说道，几乎像一个泄露秘密的人，‘我认为是古代文学中最美的诗，’然后快步走出了房间。’四十七
‘one morning in May, 1914, when the trees in Cambridge were covered with blossom, he reached … the seventh ode in the fourth book of Horace… . This ode he dissected with the usual display of brilliance, wit, and sarcasm. Then for the first time in two years he looked up at us, and in quite a different voice said: “I should like to spend the last few minutes considering this ode simply as poetry.” Our previous experience of Professor Housman would have made us sure that he would regard such a proceeding as beneath contempt. He read the ode aloud with deep emotion, first in Latin and then in an English translation of his own (now the fifth in More Poems). “That,” he said hurriedly, almost like a man betraying a secret, “I regard as the most beautiful poem in ancient literature,” and walked quickly out of the room.’47
一名目睹这一幕的人说：“我担心这老家伙会哭。”他确实会哭。部分原因是他极其敏感，刮胡子时甚至连回忆起几行诗都感到不舒服，因为他的皮肤会竖起，刀刃会转动；但部分原因是他感到尴尬，因为他觉得自己让个人情感流露出来，侵入了他所认为的应该是客观的思想领域，冷若冰霜，明亮如手术台。
One of the men who watched this said, ‘I was afraid the old fellow was going to cry.’ He was. In part, because of the extreme sensitivity which made it uncomfortable for him even to recall certain lines of poetry while he was shaving, because his skin bristled and turned the razor’s edge; but in part also because of his embarrassment at feeling that he had permitted personal emotion to escape, and invade what he held should be nothing but an objective field of thought, sterile as ice, bright as an operating-table.
这种认为古典文学研究和教学应该纯粹且科学客观的信念毁掉了许多教师和许多优秀学生。这在很大程度上导致了十九世纪下半叶公众对古典文学兴趣的衰退。广义上讲，这意味着古典学者更有责任去扩展知识而不是去传播它。在文艺复兴时期和革命时代，学者和公众之间的鸿沟是通过教学、提问、宣传、模仿、翻译和效仿的不断交流来弥合的，但现在，这一鸿沟已经扩大成了一道鸿沟。
This belief that the study and teaching of the classical literatures ought to be purely and scientifically objective has spoilt many a teacher and many, many good pupils. It was largely responsible for the recession in public interest in the classics during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Put broadly, it has meant that classical scholars feel more obliged to extend knowledge than to disseminate it. The gap between the scholar and the public, which in the Renaissance and in the revolutionary era was bridged by a constant interflow of teaching and questioning and propaganda and imitation and translation and emulation, has now widened to a gulf.
在本章前面，我们讨论了过去一百年中对古典诗歌的一些翻译，并指出这些翻译总体上并不令人满意。这一事实是学者与公众之间缺乏沟通的另一个方面。很少有学者认为翻译他们所读的书是值得的：如果他们这样做，他们很容易选择一种可悲的老式风格，这种风格非但不能引起非古典读者的兴趣和刺激，反而会让他们反感。希望尝试翻译和改编的非专业人士经常会发现，专家的工作在他们所追求的美感周围筑起了一道难以逾越的荆棘之墙。
Earlier in this chapter we discussed some of the translations of classical poetry made during the last hundred years, and pointed out that on the whole they were unsatisfactory. That fact is another aspect of the lack of communication between scholars and the public. Few scholars think it worth while to translate the books they read: and, if they do so, they are apt to choose a woefully old-fashioned style which, instead of interesting and stimulating a non-classical reader, repels him. Non-specialists who wish to try their hand at translating and adapting often find that the work of the specialists has built an impenetrable zariba of thorns around the beauty they are seeking.
关于古典主题的学术著作的写作很少是好的，有时甚至故意令人反感。这主要归咎于德国人。他们总是觉得写出好的散文很难；他们以科学的名义培养了艰深和粗俗。蒙森实际上曾说过“尽管勒南的文笔优美，但他是一位真正的学者”。48一个很好的例子是德国古典学巨著——保利-维索瓦-克罗尔的《古典其他科学实务百科全书》。它包含大量有价值的信息，经过了全面而仔细的分析。但即使对于学者来说，阅读它也是痛苦的。句子中充斥着括号、引文和交叉引用，语言晦涩难懂，甚至双栏密排版也令人反感。每次使用它，我都会想起朗普里埃的古典词典，这是一本单卷本的词典，学术性远不如它，但写得好得多，约翰·济慈在学校的最后几年里，最喜欢读这本书。
The actual writing of scholarly books on classical subjects is seldom good, and is sometimes deliberately repulsive. For this the Germans are chiefly to blame. They have always found it hard to write good prose; in the name of science, they have cultivated difficulty and gracelessness. Mommsen is actually reputed to have said ‘In spite of his beautiful style, Renan was a true scholar’.48 A very good example is provided by the huge German encyclopaedia of classical learning, Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll’s Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. It contains a monumental amount of valuable information, fully and carefully analysed. But it is, even for scholars, painful to read. The sentences are clogged with parentheses and citations and cross-references, the language is thick and technical, and even the format, close type in double column, is repellent. I never use it without thinking of Lemprière’s classical dictionary, a single volume, far less scholarly and far better written, which, in his last years at school, was the favourite reading of John Keats.
甚至大多数古典书籍的格式都很丑陋。托伊布纳系列丛书几乎囊括了所有希腊和拉丁文学，并附有拉丁文序言和手稿变体和推测列表，但格式却丑陋不堪。牛津古典文本和布德系列丛书虽然更好一些，但几乎无法吸引读者。为什么人们可以买到一本读起来很舒服的多恩或歌德的作品，却很难找到一本不像医学教科书的尤维纳尔或欧里庇得斯的作品呢？49
Even the format of most classical books is ugly. The essential Teubner series, containing practically every Greek and Latin work, with Latin prefaces and a list of manuscript variations and conjectures, is hideous. The Oxford Classical Texts and the Bude series are better, but they scarcely attract the reader. Why is it that one can buy an edition of Donne or Goethe which is a pleasure to handle, and can hardly find a Juvenal or Euripides which does not look like a medical text-book?49
与科学的错误比较导致了古典研究中更多的错误和夸大。一个奇怪的现象是“寻找来源”的习惯，这种习惯最初是对诗人、历史学家或哲学家使用的材料的合理探究，后来发展到荒谬的地步，人们认为一首诗中的所有内容，甚至像《埃涅阿斯纪》这样的诗，都来自早期的作家。这是一个典型的科学假设，即一切都可以通过综合来解释，但它忽略了创作这一基本的艺术事实。50
The false parallel with science caused many more errors and exaggerations in classical study. One odd one was the habit of Quellenforschung, the search for sources, which began as a legitimate inquiry into the material used by a poet, historian, or philosopher, and was pushed to the absurd point at which it was assumed that everything in a poem, even such a poem as the Aeneid, was derived from earlier writers. It is a typical scientific assumption that everything can be explained by synthesis, but it omits the essential artistic fact of creation.50
科学方法以及知识的扩展也造成了古典研究的碎片化。几十年来，大多数学者都喜欢撰写关于单个作者、单个作者的不同方面、社会和文学史的微小领域、晦涩、边缘和未探索的主题的小型研究。与此同时，在重大的核心主题上仍有许多工作要做。人们普遍认为，学者们实际上选择撰写安全的主题，因为很少有人知道这些主题，这种看法并非毫无根据。在德国，只向那些做出“原创研究”的学生授予博士学位的习俗是发明出来的。由于 19 世纪后期美国和德国大学之间的密切关系，这种习惯传播到了美国，现在在美国肆意盛行。每年都有数百名博士候选人撰写论文，研究的主题往往既不让他们自己感兴趣，也不让别人感兴趣；博士们也很少根据他们后来更成熟的知识重新探索这些主题。通常为这种做法辩护的理由是，每篇论文都像一块砖，有助于建造伟大的学术大厦。就其本身而言，这种形象是相当真实的；但地形上越来越多地散落着砖块，这些砖块的制造和倾倒都没有任何计划，除非是为了覆盖每一寸裸露的地面。随着砖块的堆积，学术任务变得越来越困难。与此同时，从外面看，没有看到大教堂的出现，也很少有建筑商出现。因为制砖并不能培养建筑师。
The scientific approach, as well as the expansion of knowledge, has also been responsible for the fragmentation of classical study. For several decades the majority of scholars have preferred writing small studies of single authors, of separate aspects of single authors, of tiny areas of social and literary history, of topics obscure and peripheral and unexplored. Meanwhile, much remains to be done on the great central subjects. There has been a widespread belief, not without foundation, that scholars actually chose to write on subjects which were safe because so few people knew anything about them. In Germany the custom was invented of awarding doctoral degrees only to students who had produced a piece of ‘original research’. Because of the close relation between American and German universities in the latter part of the nineteenth century, the habit spread to the United States, where it now rages unchecked. Hundreds of Ph.D. candidates every year produce dissertations on subjects which often interest neither themselves nor anyone else; and which the doctors seldom re-explore in the light of their later, more mature knowledge. The defence usually offered for this practice is that each of the dissertations is like a single brick, which helps to build the great edifice of scholarship. The image is true enough as far as it goes; but the terrain is getting more and more littered with scattered heaps of bricks which are manufactured and tipped out without any plan whatever, unless it be to cover every inch of exposed ground. As they accumulate, the task of scholarship becomes not less but more difficult. And meanwhile, those looking in from outside see no cathedral arising, and very few builders have appeared. For brick-making does not produce architects.
因此，现代古典学术的根本错误就在于它过于注重研究，过于注重解释，学者对知识的获取比传播更感兴趣，否认或蔑视其工作在当代世界的现实意义，并助长了它现在所抱怨的公众对知识的忽视。学者对社会负有责任——不亚于劳动者和商人的责任，而是更大。他的首要职责是了解真相，其次是传播真相。因为古典学术是希腊和罗马文化独特而宝贵的影响的主要渠道之一，这些影响仍然鲜活而丰富，仍然具有不可估量的刺激作用，通过这些影响可以传播到现代世界——它已经不止一次，而是两次、三次甚至更多次地拯救了这个世界，使其免受物质主义和野蛮主义的反复攻击。
It is, then, the fundamental fault of modern classical scholarship that it has cultivated research more than interpretation, that it has been more interested in the acquisition than in the dissemination of knowledge, that it has denied or disdained the relevance of its work in the contemporary world, and that it has encouraged the public neglect of which it now complains. The scholar has a responsibility to society—not less, but greater, than that of the labourer and the business man. His first duty is to know the truth, and his second is to make it known. For classical scholarship is one of the main channels through which the uniquely valuable influence of the culture of Greece and Rome, still living and fertile, still incalculably stimulating, can be communicated to the modern world—the world that it has already, not once but twice and thrice and oftener, saved from the repeated attacks of materialism and barbarism.
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象征主义诗人和詹姆斯·乔伊斯
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THE SYMBOLIST POETS AND JAMES JOYCE
有一群重要的现代诗人，我们可称他们为象征主义者。1他们认为单个事件和个别的人都是琐碎的、短暂的、不重要的；2除非它们被证明是永恒真理的象征，否则它们就不能成为值得艺术创作的主题。这本身就是希腊人的想法。柏拉图教导说，世界上的每件事物都只是天堂中完美模式的拙劣复制品，只有那些了解这种模式的人才能理解它。3柏拉图指的是哲学家。而象征主义者则认为，只有富有想象力的艺术家才能在琐碎的日常事物中看到重大意义。毫无疑问，这是他们自己的想法：他们不是有意识的柏拉图主义者。然而，构成他们人生观的许多最令人难忘的象征都来自希腊神话中丰富的想象世界。
THERE is an important group of modern poets who may be called symbolists.1 They believe that single events and individual persons are petty, transient, unimportant;2 that they cannot be made into subjects worthy of art unless they are shown to be symbols of eternal truths. This in itself is a Greek idea. Plato taught that every thing in the world was merely a poor copy of its perfect pattern in heaven, and that it could not be understood except by those who knew that pattern.3 Plato meant philosophers. The symbolists, on the other hand, would say that only imaginative artists could see high significance in trivial daily things. No doubt that is their own conception: they are not conscious Platonists. Yet many of the most memorable symbols which compose their vision of life come from the rich imaginative world of Greek myth.
他们的作品不多，但他们的作品却非常有影响力。许多当代诗人现在正致力于深化和阐述他们的发现。他们的领袖人物和他们受希腊传奇启发而创作的最著名作品是：
They have not written much, but their books have been very influential. Many contemporary poets are now engaged on intensifying and elaborating their discoveries. Their leaders, and their most notable works inspired by Greek legend, are:
斯特凡·马拉美 (1842–98)：
Stéphane Mallarmé (1842–98):
希罗底（1869）
Herodias (1869)
牧神的午后(1876 年)
The Afternoon of a Faun (1876);
他的朋友保罗-安布鲁瓦瓦莱里（Paul-Ambroise Valéry，1871-1945）：
his friend Paul-Ambroise Valéry (1871–1945):
年轻的命运（1917）
The Young Fate (1917)
《水仙》片段（1922年）
Fragments of ‘Narcissus’ (1922)
皮提亚女先知(1922 年)
The Pythian Prophetess (1922);
艾兹拉·庞德（生于 1885 年）：
Ezra Pound (born 1885):
艾兹拉·庞德人物(1917 年收集)
Personae of Ezra Pound (collected 1917)
诗章（1933–47）
Cantos (1933–47);
他的朋友TS艾略特（生于1888年）：
his friend T. S. Eliot (born 1888):
普鲁弗洛克及其他观察（1917年）
Prufrock and other observations (1917)
阿拉·沃斯·普雷克(1920)
Ara Vos Prec (1920)
荒原（1922）
The Waste Land (1922)
斯威尼·阿戈尼斯特斯（1932 年）。
Sweeney Agonistes (1932).
我们可以把这些人和一位散文家联系起来。他的风格和目的在很多方面与他们不同；但他希腊传说与希腊神话的运用，以及分享其他几种重要的技巧和态度，使希腊神话与希腊神话紧密相连。这是
Together with these we may consider one prose-writer. His style and his aims differ from theirs in many respects; yet he is linked with them by his use of Greek legend, and by sharing several other important techniques and attitudes. This is
詹姆斯·乔伊斯（1882-1941）：
James Joyce (1882–1941):
青年艺术家肖像（1916）
A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1916)
《尤利西斯》（1922 年）。
Ulysses (1922).
希腊和罗马文化对象征主义诗人的影响常常被忽视，因为他们的写作方法与古典作家不同。他们留下了很多想象空间。但希腊诗人是否也留下了很多想象空间？是的，但希腊诗人陈述了要点，并允许听众提供细节。象征主义诗人不陈述要点。相反，他们描述细节，这些细节虽然不是中心，但却如此生动，令人难以忘怀。
The influence of Greek and Roman culture on the symbolist poets is often overlooked because their method is not like that of the classical writers. They leave much to the imagination. But do the Greek poets also not leave much to the imagination? Yes, but the Greeks state the essentials, and allow the hearer to supply the details. The symbolist poets do not state the essentials. Instead, they describe the details, which, although not central, are so vivid as to haunt the mind.
这是德彪西和拉威尔在音乐上、莫奈和惠斯勒在绘画上所采用的技巧。这些艺术家尽可能地把想象留给观者，这样观者自己也成了艺术家，因为他必须帮助创作诗歌、音乐印象或为他勾勒出的画面。印象派艺术家和作家就是为了达到这个目的。他们认为大多数人无法或不愿意为欣赏美而付出任何努力。他们还认为——这里柏拉图会再次承认他们是他的学生——最重要的真理和美太崇高或太脆弱，无法描述。但他们否认——这里他们不是希腊人——基本真理可以通过系统思维越来越接近。相反，他们认为，正如看一颗暗淡的星星的最好方法是看它的一侧一样，获得深刻或美丽的想法的最好方法是抓住一个细节，尽管这个细节看起来是边缘的，甚至是无关紧要的，但它仍然不可避免地把思想带到明亮的中心。这种观念既有中国特色，也有日本特色，并受到十九世纪后期人们对远东艺术日益增长的钦佩的鼓舞。惠斯勒是马拉美的密友，他收集日本绘画，模仿东方艺术的难以捉摸；庞德最好的诗歌中有几组早期中国抒情诗的翻译；而马拉美在对自己理想的最明确声明中，4声称他
This is the technique of Debussy and Ravel in music, of Monet and Whistler in painting. Such artists leave as much as possible to the imagination of the beholder, who thus becomes an artist himself, for he must help to create the poem, or the musical impression, or the picture which is adumbrated for him. The impressionist artists and writers intend this. They believe that most people are unable or unwilling to contribute any effort to the appreciation of beauty. They believe also—and here again Plato would have recognized them as his pupils—that the most important truths and beauties are too lofty or too fragile to be described. But they deny—and here they are un-Greek—that the essential truths can be approached more and more closely by systematic thought. On the contrary, they think that, just as the best way to see a faint star is to look to one side of it, so the best way to reach a profound or beautiful idea is to grasp a detail which, although apparently peripheral and even irrelevant, still carries the mind inevitably to the bright centre. This conception is Chinese and Japanese, and was encouraged by the growing admiration for Far Eastern art in the later decades of the nineteenth century. Whistler, who was a close friend of Mallarmé, collected Japanese pictures and emulated the elusiveness of oriental art; among Pound’s best poems are several groups of translations from early Chinese lyrics; and Mallarmé, in one of his most decisive announcements of his own ideals, 4 asserts that he
抛弃残酷
国家的贪婪艺术，并……
模仿清澈、敏感的中国
will discard the greedy art of a cruel
country, and …
copy the limpid, sensitive Chinese
在脆弱的瓷器上，画上几行字，让人想起夜晚、新月和像一只蔚蓝的眼睛一样向上凝视的湖泊。艾略特和庞德精心设计的不规则韵律和神秘的暗示，瓦莱里精炼而浓缩的思想，马拉美回避的梦幻般的幻想，都是由许多现代诗人特有的极端敏感和微妙的心理意识产生的。它们也是对侵入性、明显性和粗俗性的刻意逃避，转向隐私和遥远，转向理想的困难。这种反应对于现代文学的社会功能非常重要。它的灵感很大程度上是东方的。当然，从中心意义上讲，它不是古典的。
in painting, upon frail porcelain, a few lines which merely evoke evening, a crescent moon, and a lake gazing upwards like an azure eye. The carefully irregular metres and cryptic allusions of Eliot and Pound, the distilled and compressed thought of Valéry, the evasive dreamlike fancies of Mallarmé, are all produced by the extreme sensitivity and subtle psychological awareness which are characteristic of many modern poets. They are also a deliberate retreat from the intrusive, the obvious, and the vulgar, towards privacy and remoteness, towards the difficulty of the ideal. This reaction is a fact of great importance for the social function of modern literature. It is largely oriental in inspiration. Certainly it is not, in the central sense, classical.
这些诗人在形式和逻辑上也并非古典的。这并不是说他们的作品含糊不清。他们在描述读者应该注意的具体细节时足够精确。马拉美告诉我们他要在湖边画多少芦苇。庞德在《诗章》中提供了美国和英国方言的音标。（乔伊斯也一丝不苟地准确地记录和重复了酒吧里听到的每一个声音、商店橱窗里瞥见的每一个广告。）但他们陈述的是细节。中心思想以及细节与中心思想的表达留给读者去理解。从一个印象到另一个印象的转换就像梦一样令人眼花缭乱地迅速和不规则，以至于连细节都显得难以捉摸、转瞬即逝。因此，这种写作的逻辑顺序极其模糊，有时不是由思维规律决定的，而是由作者的一些私人兴奋决定的。说这些作者没有古典的形式感，并不意味着他们不使用希腊人创造的外部模式。（事实上，他们有时确实会这样做。）这意味着他们避开对称性、连续性、流畅性、和谐性和逻辑性，而倾向于突然、不可预见、看似任意的过渡（不仅是在一段文章的各个部分之间，而且在句子和短语之间），一种类似于未经排练的独白或随机对话的一般模式，而不是任何平衡思想的规律性进展，以及故意避免或隐藏整体的智力基础。
Nor are these poets classical in their form, in their logic. It is not that their works are vague. They are precise enough in describing the particular details which the reader is to notice. Mallarmé tells us how many reeds he would paint beside the lake. Pound presents phonetic transcripts of American and English dialects in his Cantos. (Joyce, too, is scrupulously exact in reporting and echoing every noise heard in a bar, every advertisement glimpsed in a shop-window.) But what they state is the detail. The central thought, and the articulation of the detail with the central thought, are left for the reader to work out. And the transitions from one impression to another are made with the bewildering rapidity and irregularity of a dream, so that even the details appear evasive, evanescent. The logical sequence of such writing is, therefore, extremely obscure, and is sometimes shaped not by the laws of thought so much as by some private excitements of the writer. To say that these authors have not a classical sense of form does not mean that they do not use external patterns created by the Greeks. (As a matter of fact, they sometimes do.) It means that they eschew symmetry, continuity, smoothness, harmony, and logic, in favour of abrupt, unforeseeable, apparently arbitrary transitions (not only between sections of one passage but between sentences and phrases), a general pattern which resembles an unrehearsed monologue or a random conversation rather than any regular progression of well-balanced ideas, and a deliberate avoidance or concealment of the intellectual substructure of the whole.
如果你看克劳德·莫奈的一幅画，你首先会看到一大堆令人愉悦的色彩。当你凝视时，它自己聚集起来变成建筑物正面不同光线的游戏——或者是一片树林，还是一朵云？不，这是一座大教堂。这是一座大教堂。走近一点。现在除了蓝色、金色和乳白色的玫瑰色的模糊之外什么都没有。退后一步再看。这是鲁昂大教堂的大门，两座塔楼高耸于其上。这样的印象派绘画比印象派诗歌更清晰，因为它与一个可识别的场景相关，其结构不是由画家的幻想决定的，而是强加给他的。然而，在莫奈的大教堂里，我们看到的却是阳光。建筑只是光在其上发生反应的表面的排列；拱门和柱子的巨石，雕像的精雕细琢和布置，结构内重量、推力、质量的复杂相互作用，都融入了彩虹之中。
If you look at one of Claude Monet’s pictures, you will first of all see a mass of delectable colours. As you gaze, it assembles itself into a play of different lights on the facade of a building—or is it a wood, or a cloud? No, it is a large church. It is a cathedral. Step closer. There is nothing now except blurs of blue and gold and opalescent rose. Step back and look again. It is the great door of Rouen Cathedral, with the two towers rising above it. Such an impressionist picture is clearer than impressionist poetry, because it is bound to a recognizable scene with a structure not dictated by the painter’s fancy but imposed on him. And yet, in Monet’s cathedral, what we see is sunlight. The architecture is only an arrangement of surfaces on which light reacts; and the massive stones that rise into arch and column, the precise carving and disposition of the statuary, the complex interplay of weight, thrust, mass within the structure, are all melted into a rainbow.
所有这些作家都力图使用古典模式，仿佛他们觉得需要某种形式来指导他们。但结果通常是扭曲的或支离破碎的。例如，艾略特出版了一部“阿里斯托芬式情节剧的片段”，其标题为模仿悲剧的《斯威尼的力士》。显然，他想发展当今的肮脏与古典过去的高贵之间的对比，以至于创作了一部模仿悲剧，其中的人物是典型的美国和英国粗俗者，如斯威尼和多丽丝，对话是酒吧和派对上公然的空洞的喋喋不休（偶尔会出现令人震惊的残酷句子），歌词是一系列噩梦般的爵士合唱，但形式却是最纯粹、最对称的古典主义。然而，他从未完成过。在《希罗底》中，马拉美创作了一部微型希腊戏剧的三个片段，但他也没有完成。瓦莱里的《纳西索斯残篇》虽然在思想上并不完整，但在形式上也是不完整的。
All these writers have endeavoured to use classical patterns, as though they felt the need of some form to guide them. But the results have usually been distorted or fragmentary. Eliot, for instance, has published ‘fragments of an Aristophanic melodrama’ called by the mock-tragic title Sweeney Agonistes. Apparently he intended to develop the contrast between the squalor of to-day and the nobility of the classical past, so far as to create a mock tragedy in which the characters were typical American and British vulgarians like Sweeney and Doris, the dialogue the blatant empty jabbering of pubs and parties (intensified by an occasional sentence of startling brutality), the lyrics a series of nightmare jazz choruses, but the form that of the purest and most symmetrical classicism. However, he has never finished it. In Herodias Mallarmé created three fragments of a miniature Greek drama, but he could not finish that either. Valéry’s Fragments of Narcissus’ also are incomplete in form, though not in thought.
乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》特别清楚地表明，这些作家虽然希望自由，却发现自己不得不采用一些外部暗示的形式，而这些形式往往源于古典。为了容纳乔伊斯想要用来唤起都柏林生活的大量回忆和描述，他必须找到一个大而坚固的模型。如果他不这样做，整本书可能就会像它的最后一章一样没有形状，布卢姆夫人昏昏欲睡的内心独白，一个长达四十页的句子，或者它的后继者《芬尼根的守灵夜》，它是一片仅靠联想磁力聚集在一起的梦粒子星云。因此，他选择以荷马的《奥德赛》为原型，并在其中加入了时间和地点的统一。主要情节类似于《奥德赛》：一个足智多谋的中年流浪者克服一切考验和诱惑，回到家中，找到妻子和儿子，而一个年轻人则开始生活，在寻找失踪的父亲的路上，生活考验着他，也教育着他。高潮是二人在长期分开流浪之后终于相遇的场景。流浪的犹太人布卢姆将学生斯蒂芬·德拉洛斯从一场醉酒的争吵中救了出来，德拉洛斯因自己拒绝在母亲临终前敬拜上帝的歇斯底里的回忆而陷入争吵；两人回到布卢姆的家。斯蒂芬的家人没有给他一个家，布卢姆的妻子不忠，他的小儿子也死了。现在，悲痛的父亲找到了孤儿。
Joyce’s Ulysses shows with particular clarity how these writers, though wishing to be free, yet find themselves bound to adopt some externally suggested form, which is often classical in origin. To hold the vast discharge of reminiscence and description which Joyce wanted to use in evoking Dublin life, he had to find some large, firm mould. If he had not, the whole thing might have been as shapeless as its last chapter, Mrs. Bloom’s drowsy interior monologue, the single sentence which runs for forty pages, or its successor Finnegans Wake, which is a nebula of dream-particles held together only by the magnetism of association. He therefore chose to model it on Homer’s Odyssey, to which he added the unities of time and place. The main plot resembles that of the Odyssey: a resourceful middle-aged wanderer makes his way through trials and temptations towards his home, wife, and son, while a young man sets out into life, which tests and educates him as he makes his way towards his lost father. The climax is the scene in which, after long separate wanderings, the two meet at last. The wandering Jew, Bloom, saves the student Stephen Dedalus from a drunken row into which he is driven by hysterical memories of his refusal to worship God at his mother’s death-bed; the two go home to Bloom’s house. Stephen’s own family has not given him a home, Bloom’s wife is unfaithful, and his little boy is dead. Now the bereaved father has found the orphaned son.
但许多读者在读完《尤利西斯》时，并未意识到它是模仿《奥德赛》而写的。原稿引用了荷马的引文作为章节标题；但乔伊斯在出版前将其删除。5标题《尤利西斯》6是一个迹象，但被乔伊斯自己的笔名所掩盖。他称自己为年轻时的代达罗斯，而传统上并没有任何将《尤利西斯》与工匠代达罗斯联系起来的记载。即使是看过该书与《奥德赛》大致相似的读者也肯定不会注意到， 《尤利西斯》中的每一章、几乎所有出现时间超过片刻的人物以及他们使用的许多无生命的东西都是与《奥德赛》中的元素平行设计的。例如，奥德修斯流浪时的四个女人在《尤利西斯》中再次出现。秘密仙女卡吕普索就是打字员克利福德，她与布卢姆通信但却保持隐形；年轻的公主瑙西卡就是青春期的格蒂·麦克道威尔，他在海边向她倾诉淫秽的想法；把人变成野兽的喀耳刻是妓院的老板，奥德修斯在那里遇见了年轻的代达罗斯；忠诚的妻子佩内洛普就是他不忠的妻子莫莉。风之洞是都柏林报社的形象；巨人波吕斐摩斯是一个粗鲁暴力的孤僻爱尔兰人；奥德修斯燃烧的木头就是布卢姆的雪茄；等等。如果没有了解乔伊斯并显然从他口中得到线索的学者们的帮助，这些相似之处大部分都太过模糊，难以辨认。7其中许多故事被曲解得毫无意义。例如，聪明的英雄奥德修斯为了让他的船员摆脱波吕斐摩斯的魔爪，就让他喝醉，磨尖并烧焦了一根树干，烧掉了巨人的一只眼睛。布鲁姆的雪茄剧情节中的这一部分，因此两根燃烧的木棍的对应关系是一种多余的阐述
But many readers could go through Ulysses without realizing that it was patterned on the Odyssey. The original manuscript had quotations from Homer as chapter-headings; but Joyce removed them before publication.5 The title Ulysses6 is an indication; but it is obscured by Joyce’s own pseudonym. He calls his young self Dedalus; and there is no tradition of any link between Ulysses and the craftsman Daedalus. Even a reader who had seen a general resemblance to the Odyssey would surely not observe that every chapter in Ulysses, almost all the characters who appear for more than a moment, and many of the inanimate things they use are designed to be parallel to elements in the Odyssey. For instance, the four women of Odysseus’ wanderings reappear in Ulysses. The secret nymph Calypso is the typist Clifford, who corresponds with Bloom but remains invisible; the young princess Nausicaa is the adolescent Gerty MacDowell, towards whom he directs lewd thoughts on the sea-shore; Circe, who turns men into beasts, is the keeper of the brothel where he meets young Dedalus; and the faithful wife Penelope is his faithless wife Molly. The Cave of the Winds is imaged by a Dublin newspaper-office; the giant Polyphemus is a coarse violent insular Irishman; Odysseus’ burning log is Bloom’s cigar; and so on. Most of these parallels are too obscure to be recognizable without the work of the scholiasts who knew Joyce and apparently received the clues from his own lips.7 Many of them are so distorted as to be meaningless. For example, the clever hero Odysseus got his crew out of the power of Polyphemus by making him drunk, sharpening and heating a tree-trunk, and burning out the giant’s one eye. Bloom’s cigar plays such part in the plot, and the correspondence of the two burning sticks is therefore a piece of supererogatory elaboration
《尤利西斯》和《奥德赛》的细节相似，但艺术上却毫无意义。乔伊斯想从史诗中得到的是它的结构计划，但除了最基本的轮廓外，他没有做到。《奥德赛》的情节理所当然地受到了大多数读者的赞赏。荷马以高超的技巧和看似毫不费力的轻松解决了让奥德修斯和他的儿子忒勒马科斯在他们的探索中越来越接近的问题，而不是让他们在高潮前相遇，讲述了奥德修斯漫长流浪的所有先前的冒险经历，为他在最后的单枪匹马的英雄主义做准备，保持并增加情节之间的悬念，提供令人满意的最终结局，并始终将读者的注意力集中在主要人物身上。但乔伊斯将史诗中的事件重新安排成十八个部分，这些部分的连接结构要松散得多，其中大多数只是通过最薄弱的纽带——巧合——连接在一起。他用了好几页的篇幅报道事件，只是因为这些事件恰好发生在 1904 年 6 月 16 日的都柏林。如果他没有决心遵守时间的统一性，他可能会报道 15 日发生的所有事情，让这本书的篇幅增加一倍。同样的批评也适用于情节和人物的处理。《奥德赛》是一个探索的故事：父子俩互相寻找（虽然奥德修斯实际上并不是在寻找忒勒马科斯，而是试图夺回他的家园和他的妻子）。《尤利西斯》不是探索的故事。布卢姆和达达洛斯只是在都柏林闲逛，没有任何单一的目的。他们彼此并不认识，属于不同的世界。当他们见面时，达达洛斯喝醉了，不明白发生了什么；他，而不是尤利西斯-布卢姆，自始至终占据着注意力的焦点；他们的偶然交往永远无法发展成真正的父子关系。因此，这本书的高潮是德达洛斯拒绝了他的亲生母亲，并被一个假父亲发现。这个漫无目的、没有结论的故事情节是《尤利西斯》给读者带来失望的主要原因。其余的，可以归咎于乔伊斯缺乏选择性。这本书一开始就把注意力集中在“庄重、丰满的巴克·穆里根”身上，他在几章之后就消失了；8它继续通过对不重要的人和事物进行精彩生动的描述；然后，在一段难以阅读的章节之后，这部剧以问答形式播出，意在表现醉酒后思维的逐渐集中，最后以布卢姆夫人一段无关紧要的独白结束，而布卢姆夫人从未出现过，我们对她几乎和达达洛一样陌生。
The parallelism between details of Ulysses and the Odyssey is close but artistically pointless. What Joyce wanted from the epic was its structural plan, and that, except in the barest outline, he failed to take. The plot of the Odyssey has, with justice, been admired by most of its readers. With superb skill and yet with apparently effortless ease Homer solves the problems of bringing Odysseus and his son Telemachus closer and closer together in their quest without letting them meet until just before the climax, of telling all the previous adventures of Odysseus’ long wanderings so as to prepare for his single-handed heroism at the end, of maintaining and increasing the suspense from episode to episode, of providing a satisfying final resolution, and of concentrating the reader’s attention upon the main figures throughout. But Joyce has rearranged the incidents of the epic into eighteen sections which have a far looser connecting structure, and most of which are united only by that weakest of bonds, coincidence. For pages and pages he reports events only because they happened to occur in Dublin on the 16th of June 1904. Had he not been determined to observe the unity of time, he might have reported everything that occurred on the 15th too, and made the book twice as long. The same criticism applies to the plot, and to the treatment of the characters. The Odyssey is the story of a quest: father and son search for each other (although really Odysseus is not looking for Telemachus but trying to regain his home and his wife). Ulysses is not the story of a quest. Bloom and Dedalus merely wander through Dublin, unguided by any single purpose. They do not know each other and belong to dissimilar worlds. When they meet, Dedalus is too drunk to understand what has happened; he, not Ulysses-Bloom, occupies the centre of attention throughout; and their chance association can never grow into a real father-son relationship. Thus, the climax of the book is that Dedalus rejects his true mother and is found by a false father. This rambling inconclusive story-line is responsible for much of the disappointment Ulysses causes to its readers. For the rest, Joyce’s lack of selectivity can be blamed. The book begins by centring attention on ‘stately, plump Buck Mulligan’, who drops out of sight after a few chapters;8 it continues through brilliantly vivid descriptions of unimportant people and things; and then, after an unreadable chapter in the form of question-and-answer, meant to represent the gradual focusing of the mind after a bout of drunkenness, ends with a vast irrelevant monologue by Mrs. Bloom, who has never appeared and is almost as unknown to us as she is to Dedalus.
因此，乔伊斯和象征主义诗人太过敏感或太过任性，无法接受古典形式的创作纪律。但他们欣赏和使用古典传奇的创作。希腊神话在这些诗人的象征主义中扮演着比其他任何材料（自然意象除外）更重要的角色，而且更为有力，因为它们虽然不幼稚，但显然是不合理的。
Joyce and the symbolist poets are, then, too sensitive or too wilful to accept the creative discipline of classical forms. But they admire and use the creations of classical legend. Greek myths play a more important part in the symbolism of these poets than any other material (except nature-imagery), and are all the more powerful because they are, though not childish, apparently unreasonable.
首先，他们都使用希腊神话人物来象征某些精神态度：使它们永远清晰易懂，同时又生动逼真——更真实，因为它们远离庸俗、暴力、偶然、短暂的此时此刻。马拉美确信，也许其他人也部分相信，只有理想才是有价值的，理想就是通过艺术或死亡清除了其非本质属性的生命。（他为爱伦坡写的墓志铭的第一句话描述了这位现已不朽的诗人，
First, they all employ Greek mythical figures to symbolize certain spiritual attitudes: to make them permanently intelligible and yet vividly real—all the more real because they are distant from the vulgar, violent, accidental, transitory Here-and-Now. Mallarme was convinced, and perhaps the others too believe in part, that only the ideal is valuable, and that the ideal is life purged of its inessential attributes by art, or by death. (The first words of his epitaph on Poe describe the poet, now immortal,
最终被永恒改变成为他自己。)9
as changed by eternity into Himself at last.)9
因此，将复杂的个人情感融入传奇的象征性人物中，就是使其永垂不朽，成为艺术。
So, to take a complex personal emotion and to embody it in a symbolic figure of legend is to immortalize it, to make it art.
这些象征性人物中最著名的是马拉美的《牧神的午后》中的牧神。马拉美本人称这首诗为田园诗，因此它是从忒奥克里托斯开始的一系列田园诗中最新的一首。10 一半是梦，一半是音乐，这是牧神一半是卡利班一半是爱丽儿的独白。他俘获了两个仙女；她们逃走了；他梦见了她们，想知道短暂的未完成的拥抱本身是否是一个梦，梦见俘获其他人……也许是维纳斯自己……亵渎神明……他在正午的炎热中睡去，再次做梦。牧神象征着男人对女人的情色梦，这些梦不仅由动物的欲望组成，还由对脆弱和精致的美的崇敬组成，以及对理想的渴望，这种理想因为难以捉摸或危险而更加令人向往。牧神毛茸茸、长角、性欲旺盛得像山羊；但他也是一位音乐家和诗人：一个梦想家。没有梦想，他的欲望就只是兽性的；没有欲望，他的梦想就是空洞的。马拉美有幸将他的作品翻译成音乐，由克劳德·德彪西创作，11其《牧神午后前奏曲》敏感而温柔地追随着梦境，就如牧神的笛声唤起白色背部的线条一样。
The most famous of these symbolic figures is the Faun in Mallarmé’s The Afternoon of a Faun. Mallarme himself calls the poem an eclogue, so that it is one of the latest in the long succession of pastoral poems which begins with Theocritus.10 Half dream and half music, it is the monologue of a faun half Caliban and half Ariel. He has captured two nymphs; they have escaped; he dreams of them, wonders if the brief incomplete embrace was itself a dream, dreams of capturing others … perhaps Venus herself … sacrilege … he sleeps in the noonday heat, to dream again. The Faun symbolizes man’s erotic dreams of women, dreams which are composed not only of animal desire but of reverence for fragile and delicate beauty, and of aspiration towards an ideal all the more desirable because it is elusive or dangerous. Hairy, horned, goatlike in lust is the Faun; but he is also a musician and a poet: a dreamer. Without the dreams, his desires would be merely bestial; without the desires, his dreams would be empty. Mallarmé had the good fortune to have his work translated into music by Claude Debussy,11 whose Prelude to the Afternoon of a Faun follows the dream as sensitively, as caressingly, as the Faun’s flute evokes the line of a white back.
马拉美的《希罗底》中的公主希罗底是牧神的对立面。她年轻、可爱、纯洁如月，象征着骄傲纯洁的美，她排斥一切可以侵犯她的东西——从她老保姆的抚摸到狮子的野蛮，从会淹没她一丝不苟的头发的香水，到香水可能让她更亲近的情人的念头。她热爱“贞洁的恐怖”，在与她那卑躬屈膝、爱抚她的保姆的对话中，她一直为贞洁辩护，语气尖锐而金属，就像牧神的语气温暖而麝香。然而，她抗议得太多了。她知道这一点。在她的最后一句话中，她指责自己撒谎，并预见到她的童年，也就是她的少女时代，会像冰冷明亮的石头一样分崩离析，不可抗拒的成长茎会从中刺出。12
The princess Herodias in Mallarmé’s Herodias is the antithesis of the Faun. Young, lovely, virginal as the moon, she is a symbol of the proud pure beauty which repels everything that can violate it—from the touch of her old nurse to the savagery of lions, from the perfumes which would drown her immaculate hair to the thought of the lover whom the perfumes might bring nearer. She loves ‘the horror of virginity’, which she defends, throughout a dialogue with her cringing caressing nurse, in tones as sharp and metallic as the Faun’s were warm and musky. And yet she protests too much. She knows it. In her last speech she accuses herself of lying, and foresees her childhood, which is her maidenhood, breaking apart like cold bright stones through which are thrust the irresistible stalks of growth.12
经过几次实验和长期的沉默之后，马拉美的崇拜者和学生瓦莱里于 1917 年创作了一首诗，这首诗融合了《牧神的午后》和《希罗底》的许多主题，但其晦涩程度却胜过这两部作品。13这是《年轻的命运》（La Jeune Parque），一篇约500行的独白。14 Parque在拉丁语中是Parca，是命运三女神之一；但说话者的怀疑、无知和激情的激动表明她不是，或者还不是，生活在永恒世界中的三位不可阻挡的精灵之一，永远纺织、测量和切割人类生命的线条。尽管如此，她还是一个受希腊罗马启发的人物，崇拜太阳，躲避一条她称之为 Thyrsus（酒神巴克斯激情的象征）的蛇。这首诗用彩虹般的隐喻和华丽的怪癖描述了：15一个年轻女人或灵魂在人生的危机时刻所经历的疑惑、焦虑、绝望、兴奋、高潮、悔恨和平静的满足。她从一组状态进入另一组状态，即它的对立面和敌人：从睡眠（在梦见一条蛇之后，她“被蛇所伤”）到清醒，从平静到恐惧，从无动于衷到温柔，从不加思索的活动到思考，从无知到自知，从简单到复杂，从冬天到春天，从童贞到爱的梦想和对母性的恐惧，从烦恼的夜晚（充满了对阳光明媚、无忧无虑的白天的回忆）到可怕的黎明，脚下的土地在移动，有沉入大海的危险，最后迎来更加美好而富饶的一天。她不仅象征着女孩成长为女人的过程，还象征着灵魂在面对自我审视还是单纯生存的选择时所遭受的痛苦，以及理想被迫成为现实时所遭受的痛苦；等等。瓦莱里将这些张力结合到一个活生生的人物身上，这个人物在最艰难的选择和改变的时刻讲述着自己的故事，被恰当地称为年轻的命运。
After a few experiments and a long silence, Mallarmé’s admirer and pupil Valéry produced in 1917 a poem which combined many of the themes of The Afternoon of a Faun and Herodias, while outdoing them both in obscurity.13 This is The Young Fate (La Jeune Parque), a monologue in some 500 lines.14 Parque is in Latin Parca, one of the three Fates; but the doubt and ignorance and passionate excitement of the speaker show that she is not, or not yet, one of the three inexorable spirits who live in the world of eternity, for ever spinning, measuring, and cutting the threads of human life. Still, she is a creature of Greco-Roman inspiration, adoring the sun and recoiling from a serpent whom she calls Thyrsus (the Bacchic symbol of passion). The poem describes, in a flow of iridescent metaphors mixed with tinsel eccentricities,15 the questioning, anxiety, despair, excitement, orgasm, remorse, and calm fulfilment experienced by a young woman, or spirit, at a crisis of her life. She passes from one group of states to another, its opposite and enemy: from sleep (after a dream of a snake by which she was ‘known more than wounded’) to waking, from calm to fear, from impassibility to tenderness, from unreflective activity to thought, from ignorance to self-knowledge, from simplicity to complexity, from winter to spring, from virginity to dreams of love and fears of motherhood, from troubled night (filled with reminiscence of sunbright thoughtless day) to a terrifying dawn when the very earth underfoot moves and threatens to lapse into sea, and then at last to the welcome and richer day. She symbolizes not only the passage of a girl into womanhood, but the pangs of the soul confronted with the choice of examining itself or simply living, the rewarding agony of the ideal when it is forced to become part of reality; and much else. Valéry has combined these tensions into one living figure who, speaking at the moment of her most difficult choice and change, is rightly called a young Fate.
在瓦莱里创作的名为《纳西索斯残篇》的断断续续的独白中，虽然意象远没有那么珍贵，但声音却更加精妙。瓦莱里用纳西索斯的形象来象征远离他人、思考和崇拜“取之不尽的我”、因爱自己在森林水池中的美貌而死去的自我。16当纳西索斯弯下腰，拥抱他亲爱的形象时，当他触摸并打破液体镜子，进入那双越来越靠近他的黑眼睛时，他达到了自我否定、自我陶醉的最后狂喜。
In a broken monologue called Fragments of Narcissus’, far less precious in imagery and more skilful in sound, Valéry used the figure of Narcissus, who died for love of his own beauty mirrored in a forest pool, to symbolize the self which is happiest away from others, contemplating and adoring ‘the inexhaustible I’.16 As Narcissus bends lower and lower to embrace his dear image, as he touches and breaks the liquid mirror and enters the dark eyes which grow closer and closer to him, he reaches the last ecstasy of self-annulling self-absorption.
这些诗中的许多意象都是关于性的；尽管瓦莱里的评论家和瓦莱里本人通常认为他的主要问题是心灵在外部和内部沉思世界之间分裂，但他的诗歌也表达了对性爱的恐惧，认为性爱是一种支配、利用和羞辱独立自我的力量。年轻的命运女神和纳西索斯都喜欢更平静的满足。纳西索斯完全放纵自己。命运女神发现她对自己的爱唤醒了一条隐藏的蛇。第三首诗《皮提亚女先知》完成了三部曲。17瓦莱里在这里描绘了一个女人的恐惧和痛苦，她被一种内在但又不属于她自己的力量所控制，而这种力量又存在于女祭司的形象之下，而女祭司只有在被阿波罗附身时才能预言。这首诗主要象征着艺术家的痛苦，他发现自己被迫以牺牲自己的平静和独立为代价，说出创造精神所指示的话语；但与纳尔齐斯相得益彰的性暗示是显而易见的，并增加了它的力量。
Much of the imagery in these poems is sexual; and although Valéry’s commentators and Valéry himself have usually written as though his chief problem were that of the mind divided between the external and internal worlds of contemplation, his poetry also expresses a horror of sexual love as a power which dominates, uses, and humiliates the independent self. The young Fate and Narcissus both prefer calmer satisfactions. Narcissus abandons himself entirely to himself. The Fate finds that her own love for herself awakes a hidden serpent. A third poem, The Pythian Prophetess, completes the trilogy.17 Here Valery presents the horrors and the agonies of a woman mastered by a power which is within her and yet is not herself, under the figure of the priestess who could prophesy only when possessed by Apollo. Chiefly, the poem symbolizes the pangs of the artist who finds himself forced, at the cost of his own peace and independence, to utter the words dictated by the creative spirit; but the sexual undertones which make it complementary to Narcissus are unmistakable, and increase its power.
乔伊斯还使用象征性和神话人物来描述自己年轻时的形象。他称自己为斯蒂芬·达达罗斯：斯蒂芬是因为他受过圣斯蒂芬公园大学学院的教育，而达达罗斯则是取自神话中的发明家。18被逐出雅典，被国王关押在克里特岛米诺斯、代达罗斯用蜡和羽毛制作了翅膀，教会自己和儿子伊卡洛斯飞翔，并通过空中逃走了。19乔伊斯对这个神话深有感触。《艺术家肖像》结尾日记的最后几句话是向“老父亲、老工匠”祈求，希望他们帮助他离开都柏林，踏上未知的征程，日记的题词则引用了奥维德版本的传说之一。20 代达罗斯是他希望效仿的“未知艺术”的探索者。在他看来，在都柏林构思《尤利西斯》和《芬尼根的守灵夜》相当于代达罗斯的发明。不仅在新颖性上，而且在本质上：因为代达罗斯既是迷宫的建造者，乔伊斯的两本巨著在保密性和复杂性方面可与迷宫相媲美，也是逃离岛屿监狱的翅膀的制造者。乔伊斯的翅膀是让他离开都柏林的才华，也是让他至少在一段时间内超越肮脏的日常世界的想象力。
Joyce also used symbolic and mythical figures to describe himself as a young man. He called himself Stephen Dedalus: Stephen because he owed his education to University College by St. Stephen’s Green, and Dedalus after the mythical inventor.18 Exiled from Athens, and kept in the island of Crete by King Minos, Daedalus made wings of wax and feathers, taught himself and his son Icarus to fly, and escaped through the air.19 Joyce felt this myth very deeply. The last words of the diary which concludes A Portrait of the Artist are an invocation to the ‘old father, old artificer’ to help him in leaving Dublin and launching himself on the unknown, while its epigraph is a quotation from one of Ovid’s versions of the legend.20 Daedalus was the explorer of ‘unknown arts’ whom he wished to emulate. To conceive Ulysses and perhaps Finnegans Wake in Dublin was for him the equivalent of Daedalus’ inventions. And not only in novelty, but in nature: for Daedalus was both the constructor of the labyrinth, to which Joyce’s two vast books are comparable in secrecy and intricacy, and also the maker of wings on which to escape from an island prison. Joyce’s wings were the talent that took him out of Dublin, and the imagination that raised him, for a time at least, above the sordid daily world.
除了希腊神话人物，这五位作家还使用了希腊故事。他们通过这些故事来诠释重要的精神体验、信仰和抱负。这是神话诞生的最初目的之一。正是因为人类是邪恶的，因为自然灾害与复仇之神的行为相似，所以人们才会讲述巴比伦、犹地亚和希腊的洪水故事。正是因为人们认为纯洁可以增强战士的力量，所以人们才会编造参孙和加拉哈德的传说。每个国家都有这样的故事，其中许多故事愚蠢、可怕或令人厌恶，难以理解或像梦一样令人难以忘怀。21希腊神话故事丰富多彩，清晰易懂，令人难忘，美不胜收。这些神话故事不仅没有消亡，反而仍然鲜活生动，在我们的心中生机勃勃。
As well as Greek mythical figures, these five writers use Greek stories. Through them they interpret important spiritual experiences, beliefs, aspirations. This is one of the original purposes for which myths are created. It is because men are wicked and because natural catastrophes resemble the acts of an avenging god that people tell the story of the Flood, in Babylonia, Judea, and Greece. It is because purity is felt to increase a fighter’s strength that men make the legends of Samson and Galahad. Every nation has such stories, many of them as silly, as terrifying or disgusting, as unintelligible or as haunting as dreams, which they are.21 The Greeks have the greatest store of clear, memorable, beautiful myths. Far from being dead, they are still alive and fertile in our mind.
其中一个故事早在《奥德赛》中就已出现。英雄奥德修斯因暴风雨和灾难而远离了回家的路。在女巫喀耳刻的建议下，他前往亡灵世界，向先知提瑞西阿斯询问回家的最佳路线。这是一次严峻的考验，但对于聪明而坚定的奥德修斯来说，这并不是一场压倒性的考验。他举行了正确的仪式，拜访了正确的鬼魂，向母亲和朋友表示敬意，并在几位伟大的历史人物出现后，谨慎地撤离。22
One of these stories appears as early as the Odyssey. The hero Odysseus is carried far from his homeward way by storms and disasters. At the advice of the sorceress Circe, he visits the world of the dead in order to ask the seer Tiresias his best route home. It is a grim ordeal, but, for the clever determined Odysseus, not an overwhelming one. He carries out the right rituals, interviews the right ghost, pays his devoirs to his mother and friends, and, after the appearance of several great personages of the past, withdraws discreetly.22
其他希腊英雄也访问了冥界——赫拉克勒斯和忒修斯靠武力，奥菲斯靠艺术；但是没有一首关于他们冒险经历的伟大诗歌流传下来，尽管奥菲斯的传说已经成为世界文学的一部分。维吉尔用拉丁语改编了这个神话，并赋予它更深的含义。他的英雄埃涅阿斯被流放和无地，在永生的西比尔的指引下，带着象征永生的金枝前往冥界。23他从已故的父亲那里学会了如何到达和建立他未来的家园，并看到了一群尚未诞生的英雄，在那里，那些将成为他继承人的强大的罗马人，在一个尚未建立的罗马，将在他的眼前展现他们的威严。
Other Greek heroes visited the underworld—Heracles and Theseus by force, Orpheus by art; but no great poem on their adventures has survived, although the Orpheus legend has become part of world literature. In Latin the myth was taken up by Vergil, who gave it a deeper meaning. His hero Aeneas, exiled and landless, visits the underworld, guided by the immortal Sibyl and carrying as a symbol of immortality the golden bough.23 From his dead father he learns how to reach and establish his future home, and is shown a limbo of heroes still unborn, in which the mighty Romans who are to be his heirs, in a Rome yet uncreated, pass in all their majesty before his eyes.
显然，这个神话有很多含义；但其中一个主要含义是，勇敢的人必须战胜死亡，或者经历地狱，才能找到自己的家。在早期和中世纪的基督教会中，基督本人被描述为在被钉十字架后和复活前在地狱里度过了三天，通过释放一些囚犯和战胜魔鬼来行使他的王权。福音书中没有提到这一点：它不是耶稣原著的一部分，而是改编自英雄成功穿越死亡世界的传说。后来另一位伟大的诗人继续讲述这个故事。但丁被永远流放出家门，像奥德修斯和埃涅阿斯一样在陌生的人和城市中流浪，他写了一首诗，在诗中，他自己在维吉尔的带领下穿过地狱，前往天堂的家，就像佩内洛普一样，他失去的爱人贝阿特丽丝在那里等着他。
Obviously the myth means many things; but one of its chief meanings is that the brave man must conquer death, or go through hell, before he finds his home. In the early and medieval Christian church Christ himself was represented as having spent three days in hell after his crucifixion and before his resurrection, exercising his kingly power by delivering some prisoners and triumphing over the devils. There is no mention of this in the gospels: it was not part of the original story of Jesus, and was an adaptation of the legend of the hero’s successful journey through the world of death. Then another great poet took up the tale. Exiled for ever from his own home, wandering like Odysseus and Aeneas among strange men and cities, Dante wrote a poem in which he himself, guided by Vergil, passed through hell in order to make his way to his home in heaven, where like Penelope his lost love Beatrice awaited him.
一位现代象征主义者曾将这个神话用在诗歌中。埃兹拉·庞德最大的一首诗的暂定标题是《诗章》，承认它受到了但丁的影响。诗的开头是荷马史诗中关于奥德修斯下地狱的生动而部分难以理解的版本，24并接着讲了几幕庞德讨厌的人物，如资本家、战争贩子和记者，被关进淫秽而可怕的但丁地狱。叶芝断言，《诗章》的另一个动机是转变，庞德的灵感来自奥维德的《变形记》，25但除了对奥维德神话人物的几点引用外，我看不出这种影响在诗中有多大作用。
One of the modern symbolists has used this myth in poetry. Ezra Pound’s largest poem bears the provisional title Cantos, which acknowledges a debt to Dante. It begins with a vigorous and partly unintelligible version of the Homeric account of Odysseus’ visit to hell,24 and goes on to several scenes in which figures whom Pound hates, such as capitalists, warmongers, and journalists, are put into obscene and hideous Dantesque hells. Yeats asserted that the other motive of the Cantos was transformation, and that Pound was inspired by Ovid’s Metamorphoses, 25 but I cannot see much effect of this influence in the poem, except for a few references to the characters of Ovid’s myths.
乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》是该传奇的下一部大型作品。但乔伊斯认为地狱之行并不重要。根据他的评论家的说法，26帕迪·迪格纳姆在老鼠出没的墓地里举行葬礼，这与奥德修斯访问死亡世界是平行的。女巫们的在第2部分末尾的安息日，德达罗斯醉醺醺地梦见自己穿过夜城，这个梦让所有读者都觉得被比但丁的魔鬼更卑鄙但同样邪恶的魔鬼所包围，据说这与奥德修斯拜访喀耳刻相对应。27尽管有官方的说法，但我们觉得乔伊斯在这一章中描述的是地狱，是他在《艺术家的肖像》中预见到的地狱。28地狱的下行循环是贫穷、酗酒和淫欲。
Joyce’s Ulysses is the next large treatment of the legend. But Joyce makes the visit to hell relatively unimportant. According to his scholiast,26 Paddy Dignam’s funeral in the rat-haunted cemetery is the parallel to Odysseus’ visit to the world of death. The witches’ sabbath at the end of section 2, the drunken dream in which Dedalus passes through nighttown, and which gives all its readers the impression of being beset by devils meaner but not less evil than Dante’s, is said to correspond to Odysseus’ visit to Circe.27 Despite that official version, we feel that in this chapter Joyce is really describing hell, the hell he foresaw in A Portrait of the Artist,28 the hell whose descending circles are poverty, drunkenness, and lust.
大多数艺术家都曾用神话来美化当代生活。路易十四被他的宫廷画家描绘成奥林匹克诸神之一。在世界最大的摩天大楼之下，美国的发明天才和美国的巨大能量被描绘成普罗米修斯和阿特拉斯的形象。但象征主义者有时使用希腊神话（即与人物不同的故事）来贬低生活：与古典传说中的英雄主义或美丽形成鲜明对比，表明当今的男人和女人是多么的卑鄙。这就是《尤利西斯》中史诗般的平行线的主要目的。它将强大、高贵、宏伟的过去与肮脏、贫穷、野蛮的现在形成鲜明对比，在现在，一切都是肮脏和屈辱，甚至性爱，甚至战斗的勇气（德达洛斯被打得无助，刚从鞭打中被救出来），甚至放弃的尊严（当他母亲的恳求鬼魂出现在他面前时，德达洛斯喊出了最粗俗的淫秽话语）。尤利西斯并不像汤姆·琼斯那样是模仿英雄的，而是反英雄的。29任何读过这本书的人都不会怀疑它的力量。它被称作粪池里的一场爆炸。对它的最常见的批评是，它的肮脏被夸大了；但提出这种批评的人中，很少有人在人生的前二十年是在大工业城市度过的。事实不是它的肮脏被夸大了，而是它没有被欢乐、活力和天生的健康所抵消，而这些是人类生活的一部分，即使在都柏林，即使在贫民窟；它低估了偶然性的力量，即使在肮脏的环境中，它也能提供欢乐的时刻和美丽的停顿。它的典范《奥德赛》更加平衡。《奥德赛》并不全是英雄叙事。在巴洛克时代，它因其庸俗的现实主义而遭人鄙视。30它的英雄没有羽毛，也没有驻扎地。他失去了盔甲、士兵、船只和财宝，赤身裸体地被扔到一个陌生的岛上，公主们自己洗衣服。当他回到家时，他不得不住在一个养猪人的小屋里，像乞丐一样畏缩着才能靠近自己的家。没有人在家里，除了他的老狗，没有人认出他。老狗向他打招呼，然后高兴地死在虱子堆里。一只长满虫子的老狗死在粪堆里，难道不是肮脏的极点吗？不。阿格斯的最后姿态是一种忘我的高贵，他仍然是我们心中的英雄人物，而布卢姆失踪儿子的幽灵，穿着伊顿公学的西装，上面镶着钻石和红宝石纽扣，手里拿着一根象牙手杖，故意表现得廉价、粗俗、令人厌恶。31
Most artists have used myths to ennoble contemporary life. Louis XIV was portrayed by his court painters among the Olympian gods. Below the world’s hugest skyscrapers America’s genius for invention and America’s titanic energy are imaged by the figures of Prometheus and Atlas. But the symbolists sometimes use Greek myths (that is, the stories as distinct from the figures) to degrade life: to show, by contrast with the heroism or beauty of classical legend, how sordid the men and women of to-day have made themselves. That is the chief purpose of the epic parallel in Ulysses. It contrasts the strong, noble, statuesque past with the nasty, poor, brutish present, in which everything is dirt and humiliation, even sexual love, even the courage of combat (Dedalus is knocked helpless and just saved from a thrashing), even the dignity of renunciation (when his mother’s beseeching ghost appears to him, Dedalus yells out the crudest of obscenities). Ulysses is not mock-heroic like Tom Jones, but anti-heroic.29 No one who has read it can doubt its power. It has been called an explosion in a cesspool. The commonest criticism of it is that its filth is exaggerated; but few of those who offer this criticism have spent the first twenty years of their lives in a large industrial city. The truth is not that the filth is exaggerated, but that it is not balanced by the gaiety, vigour, and native wholesomeness which are part of man’s life, even in Dublins and even in slums; and that it underestimates the power of chance, even in squalid surroundings, to provide moments of fun and pauses of beauty. Its model, the Odyssey, is better balanced. The Odyssey is not all a heroic narrative. In the baroque age it was despised for its vulgar realism.30 Its hero wears no plumes and has no quarterings. He loses his armour, his men, his ships, and his treasure, and is cast naked on a strange island where princesses do their own washing. When he reaches home he has to live in a swineherd’s hut and cringe like a beggar in order to get near his own house. No one recognizes him in his home, except his old dog, which greets him and dies of joy among its lice. Is the death of a verminous old dog on a dunghill not the nadir of squalor? No. The last gesture of Argus was one of self-forgetting nobility, and he remains a heroic figure in our hearts, while the phantom of Bloom’s lost son, in an Eton suit with diamond and ruby buttons and an ivory cane, is deliberately and effectively cheap, vulgar, and repellent.31
少了些污秽，多了些美丽，但同样令人绝望，TS艾略特用希腊传说为现代生活的卑鄙投下纯洁而又发人深省的光芒。文艺复兴时期的诗人用希腊罗马神话和历史作为崇高的背景，来美化他们所描写的英雄事迹。32艾略特则恰恰相反。当这位文艺复兴时期的诗人将他的男主角比作赫克托尔，将他的女主角比作海伦时，他把他们描绘得更加勇敢、更加美丽。通过将斯威尼离开搭讪女孩与忒修斯抛弃情妇阿里阿德涅相提并论，艾略特表明现代的不忠是卑鄙的——因为容忍它的世界是卑鄙、粗俗、重复和自满的，甚至因为演员也缺乏在英雄时代将犯罪提升为悲剧的风格。33
Less filthily, more beautifully, but no less despairingly, T. S. Eliot has used Greek legend to cast a pure but revealing light on the meanness of modern life. The poets of the Renaissance used Greco-Roman myth and history as a noble background to dignify the heroic deeds they described.32 Eliot does the opposite. When the Renaissance poet compared his hero to Hector or his heroine to Helen, he made them more brave and more beautiful. By comparing Sweeney leaving a pick-up girl to Theseus deserting his mistress Ariadne, Eliot shows the modern infidelity to be vile—because the world which tolerates it is ignoble, coarse, repetitious, and complacent, and because even the actors lack that style which, in a heroic era, elevates a crime into a tragedy.33
斯威尼是艾略特创造的人物之一，用来代表他所看到的我们这个世界的某些趋势。从他的名字来看，斯威尼应该是移民到美国的爱尔兰农民的后裔；他可能在波士顿与艾略特有过交集，他的亲戚从已故的乔治·阿普利和其他婆罗门戴着手套的手中夺取了权力；34他是一个坚强、多毛、躯体紧张的穴居人，不顾及他人的感受，喜欢下流的交往，擅长做出冒犯性的手势。在《夜莺中的斯威尼》中，他在客栈吃完饭后漫不经心地坐在那里喝着咖啡，和一起喝咖啡的妓女们聊天：他感到自信而欣快。王室得意洋洋的阿伽门农国王在宴会后被他的妻子谋杀；当时夜莺的歌声和现在一样。艾略特提到阿伽门农的直接目的是要充分展现出当时的恐怖。直到最后一节，他只是在描述一个酒吧场景，可疑的，甚至是险恶的，但并不凶残，这是斯蒂芬·德拉洛斯的夜城里的东西。但阿伽门农的呼喊（“啊，我被击中了致命一击，内心深处！”）一响起，房间就变暗了，脸色也变了，落日的余晖就像地板上的血迹。还有一个更深层次的目的：通过对比来强调今天的肮脏，当甚至我们的罪行也是粗俗的。35最后一节说，在阿伽门农被谋杀后，夜莺
Sweeney is one of the figures Eliot has created to typify certain tendencies he sees in our world. By his name, Sweeney should be the descendant of Irish peasant immigrants to America; he may have crossed Eliot’s path in Boston, where his kin seized power from the gloved hands of the late George Apley and other Brahmins;34 he is a tough, hairy, somatotonic cave-man with no regard for the feelings of others, a liking for low associations, and a talent for making offensive gestures. In Sweeney among the Nightingales he sits carelessly over his coffee after a meal in an inn, chatting with the prostitutes who shared it: he feels confident and euphoric. Royal and triumphant, King Agamemnon was murdered by his wife after a banquet; and the nightingales sang then as they are singing now. Eliot’s immediate purpose in mentioning Agamemnon is to bring out the full horror of the situation. Until the last stanza, he is merely describing a taproom scene, suspicious, even sinister, but not murderous, something out of Stephen Dedalus’ night-town. But as soon as Agamemnon’s cry (‘ah, I am struck a deathblow, deep within!’) is evoked, the room darkens, the faces change, the sunset looks like blood on the floor. There is also a deeper purpose: to accentuate by contrast the sordidness of to-day, when even our crimes are vulgar.35 The last stanza says that the nightingales, after the murder of Agamemnon,
让它们的液体筛落下来，
玷污僵硬的、蒙羞的裹尸布。
let their liquid siftings fall
To stain the stiff dishonoured shroud.
这句话是艾略特自己对传说的补充，它以令人厌恶的巧妙音效，将诗中主导的美与肮脏的对比思想融合成一个形象。
This sentence is Eliot’s own addition to the legend. With its revoltingly skilful sound-effect, it fuses into one image the contrasting ideas of beauty and squalor which dominate the poem.
都说每个作曲家都有自己最喜欢的乐器；而更不可信的是，他所有的音乐都可以浓缩成一个口头禅。当然，艾略特的大部分诗歌都源于当今残酷的物质主义与脆弱的精神生活之间的对比，精神生活注定会在与物质主义的冲突中遭受痛苦，尽管它会生存下来、致残或变形。这种对比在《夜莺中的斯威尼》中表现得比较粗糙，但在《荒原》2中得到了提炼。菲洛梅拉被她的姐夫忒柔斯绑架、强奸、监禁和残害；她的舌头被扯掉；但她把这个故事编织成挂毯，把这件哑巴但会说话的艺术品送给了姐姐普罗克妮，并和她一起进行了一场可怕的复仇，以至于她们都不再是人类，变成了鸟——普罗克妮变成了燕子，菲洛梅拉变成了夜莺，虽然夜莺看不见了，被囚禁在黑夜里，但它仍然永远歌唱着激情和痛苦。这个神话成为欧洲语言中最早的诗歌之一，它从奥维德那里重新进入了文学领域，成为古老的法语改编作品。36它经历了数个世纪的歌曲（“旋律优美的菲洛梅尔”），在巴洛克时代变得沉闷，并为被错误地称为“浪漫”的诗人复兴——
They say that every composer has his favourite instrument; and, less credibly, that all his music can be distilled into one pet phrase. Certainly a great deal of Eliot’s poetry grows out of the contrast between the brutal materialism of to-day and the frail life of the spirit which is bound to suffer in conflict with it, although it will survive, maimed or transfigured. This contrast appears in a crude form in Sweeney among the Nightingales. It is refined in The Waste Land, 2. Philomela was kidnapped, raped, imprisoned, and mutilated by her sister’s husband Tereus; her tongue was torn out; but she wove her story into tapestry, sent the dumb but speaking work of art to her sister Procne, and joined her in a revenge so horrible that they all ceased to be human and changed into birds—Procne to the swallow, and Philomela to the nightingale which, although invisible and imprisoned in the night, still sings for ever of passion and of pain. This myth made one of the first poems in any European language when it re-entered literature from Ovid in an old French adaptation.36 It lived through centuries of song (‘Philomel with melody’), grew dull in the baroque age, and revived for the poets falsely called ‘romantic’—
燕子，我的妹妹，噢燕子妹妹三十七
Swallow, my sister, O sister swallow37
——在二十世纪的荒原上再次歌唱，同样凄美。
—to sing again, not less poignantly, above the waste land of the twentieth century.
诗人既是鸟又是先知。在这两种形象中，他都反对武力、野蛮、物质主义和无爱。艾略特的诗中还有另一个比夜莺更复杂的人物，象征着这种反对。这就是希腊先知提瑞西阿斯，艾略特称他为《荒原》中最重要的人物。38提瑞西阿斯出现在一些非常奇怪的传说中。他警告俄狄浦斯他那令人难以置信的厄运；奥德修斯冒险进入死者的世界就是为了找到他。但在此之前，他已经变成了一个女人七年，然后又变回了一个男人，所以他经历了来自两个男人的爱。男人和女人的观点。因为他宣称女人比男人更能从中得到乐趣，因此在与丈夫朱庇特的争执中决定反对朱诺，愤怒的女神使他失明；但朱庇特通过赋予他预言的力量来补偿这一点。三十九
The poet is both bird and prophet. In both incarnations he is opposed to force, brutality, materialism, lovelessness. There is another figure in Eliot’s poetry, more complex than the nightingale, which symbolizes that opposition. This is Tiresias, the Greek prophet whom Eliot calls the most important personage in The Waste Land.38 Tiresias appears in some very strange legends. He warned Oedipus of his unbelievable doom; and it was to find him that Odysseus ventured into the world of the dead. But before that he had been changed into a woman for seven years and then back into a man, so that he had experienced love from both the man’s and the woman’s point of view. Because he declared that women have more pleasure in it than men, and thereby decided against Juno in a dispute with her husband Jupiter, the indignant goddess struck him blind; but Jupiter compensated this by giving him the power of prophecy.39
泰瑞西阿斯在艾略特的诗中有多重含义。从某种意义上说，他就是艾略特。因为艾略特在创作早期诗歌时，把自己想象成女性，软弱而细腻，与统治世界的男性暴力形成鲜明对比。1917 年，他将自己拟人化为普鲁弗洛克先生——这个名字由“假正经”和“长袍”组成，这两个元素是敏感和女性气质。在《荒原》中，普鲁弗洛克先生变成了泰瑞西阿斯，
Tiresias has several meanings in Eliot’s poetry. In a way, he is Eliot. For Eliot in writing his early poems imagined himself to be feminine in weakness and delicacy, in contrast with the masculine violence which rules the world. In 1917 he personified himself as Mr. Prufrock—a name composed of prude and frock, the same two elements, hypersensitivity and femininity. In The Waste Land Mr. Prufrock becomes Tiresias,
满脸皱纹的老人，40
old man with wrinkled dugs,40
他并不将自己与那些抢走财物的有进取心的男人联系起来，而是将自己与那些被抢走的无助的女人联系起来：
and identifies himself not with the enterprising man who takes, but with the defenceless woman who is taken:
我，提瑞西阿斯，已在这张长沙发或床上承受了一切。41
I Tiresias have foresuffered all
Enacted on this same divan or bed.41
提瑞西阿斯因为女性特质而无助，也因为他是盲人而无助。在索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯》中，他被人牵着手带上舞台，用棍子敲着路，摸索着，依赖着别人，而俄狄浦斯本人在不到两个小时后也变成了这样。然而，尽管他双目失明，他却是一个先知。他看不见普通的日光，却能看透黑暗。他的失明是他拥有第二视力的原因和条件。对艾略特来说，他象征着这样一个事实：那些最深刻理解世界的人，那些拥有内在之眼的诗人和思想家，在实际的日常生活中是盲目和无助的；他们以牺牲常识为代价获得了这种罕见的天赋。
Defenceless because of his femininity, Tiresias is also helpless because he is blind. In Sophocles’ Oedipus he is led on stage by the hand, tapping his way with a stick, groping and dependent as Oedipus himself is to become scarcely two hours later. And yet, although blind, he is a seer. Blind to the ordinary daylight, he can see into the darkness. His blindness is the cause and condition of his power of second sight. For Eliot he symbolizes the fact that those who understand the world most deeply, the poets and thinkers who have the inward eye, are blind and helpless in practical daily life; and that they gain the rare gift at the cost of the common sense.
最后，泰瑞西阿斯老了。他的年龄使他变得聪明，但也使他变得无能。他周围的世界充满了像斯威尼一样的年轻人，他们既不了解过去，也不了解未来。和泰瑞西阿斯一样，艾略特的脑海中浮现出许多世纪的古代历史；当他沉思这些历史时，它们帮助他承受了现实的打击；但它们使他变得苍老和虚弱。在其他地方，在一个不太成功的形象中，他把自己比作一只老鹰，42远见卓识的鸟。这个主题在《荒原》的题词中反复出现：
Finally, Tiresias is old. His age makes him wise, but it also makes him impotent. The world which surrounds him is full of young violent unfeeling men like Sweeney, who know nothing of the past and see nothing of the future. Like Tiresias, Eliot has many centuries of antiquity present to his mind; as he broods on them, they help him to bear the blows of the present; but they make him old and weak. Elsewhere, in a less successful image, he compares himself to an aged eagle,42 the far-sighted bird. The theme recurs in the epigraph to The Waste Land:
“我亲眼在库迈看到了西比尔，她被挂在一个瓶子里，当孩子们问她‘西比尔，你想要什么？’她回答说‘我想死’。”
‘I myself saw the Sibyl at Cumae, hanging up in a bottle, and when the kids said to her “Sibyl, what do you want?” she answered “I want to die”.’
这是一个奇怪的民间传说。43西比尔是一位女先知，她的寿命为一千年，但无法永葆青春，因此她逐渐消瘦，只剩下一个没有身体的预言之声。正是她引导埃涅阿斯穿越死亡世界。当特里马尔基奥在瓶子里看到她时，她可能已经变成了一只蚱蜢，干瘦而尖锐。她兼具了艾略特在提瑞西阿斯身上发现的主要含义：她是女性，她很虚弱，她太老了，渴望死亡，但她是一位先知。
This is an odd piece of folk-lore.43 The Sibyl was a prophetess who had a life-span of a thousand years, but without eternal youth, so that she gradually wasted away into nothing but a bodiless prophetic voice. It was she who guided Aeneas through the world of death. When Trimalchio saw her in the bottle, she had perhaps been changed into a grasshopper, dry, thin, but shrill. She combines the chief meanings that Eliot finds in Tiresias: she is female, she is weak, she is so old that she longs for death, but she is a seer.
我们讨论了希腊传说在象征主义作品中的运用，既提供了象征性人物，又作为不朽故事的来源。古典世界对象征主义作家还有另一个功能，这个功能不那么重要，它与其他思想世界共享，但仍必须提及。这就是提供隐喻和典故的装饰背景。从中抽取了美丽而脆弱的图像，这些图像几乎太小而不能被称为象征。当马拉美看着他要为诗歌和诗人同行干杯的香槟酒杯时，他看到泡沫变成了魔幻海洋的泡沫，从中可以瞥见塞壬的白色侧翼。44当艾略特思考军事力量的辉煌与残暴时，他想象罗马的鹰和喇叭。四十五
We have discussed the use of Greek legend in the work of the symbolists, both to supply symbolic figures and as a source of immortal stories. The classical world has another function for the symbolist writers, which is less important, which it shares with other worlds of thought, but which must still be mentioned. This is to provide a decorative background of metaphor and allusion. Images, beautiful but frail, almost too small to be called symbols, are drawn from it. When Mallarmé looks at the glass of champagne in which he is to toast poetry and fellow poets, he sees the froth changed into the foam of magic seas, in which there is a glimpse of the white flanks of the Sirens.44 When Eliot thinks of the splendour and brutality of military power, he images it in the eagles and trumpets of Rome.45
这些作家对艺术之美——与自然之美截然不同的人工之美——极为敏感。华兹华斯在对一大群金色水仙花的回忆中找到了力量和慰藉。但对于艾略特来说，六句诗句是他用来支撑废墟的碎片。它们出现在《荒原》的结尾，匆忙地、几乎绝望地堆砌在一起。46其中一个短语来自马略·伊壁鸠鲁的晚期拉丁诗歌《维纳斯的守夜》，47让人想起（在斯温伯恩的韵律中）夜莺的姐妹——燕子。同样，《荒原——涉及水之死的主题——让人想起希腊诗集中许多关于溺水水手的墓志铭。48这是一门高度专业化的艺术。不能指望大众能够理解它。如果他们能理解，那就太了不起了。埃兹拉·庞德曾经喊道：
These writers are extremely sensitive to artistic beauty—beauty made by men, as distinct from natural beauty. Wordsworth found strength and consolation in the memory of a host of golden daffodils. But for Eliot, half a dozen quotations from poetry are the fragments he has shored against his ruins. They come at the end of The Waste Land, heaped together hastily, almost despairingly.46 One is a phrase from the late Latin poem that haunted Marius the Epicurean, The Vigil of Venus,47 which evokes (in the rhythm of Swinburne) the swallow, sister of the nightingale. So also, part 4 of The Waste Land—which is concerned with the theme of Death by Water—is an evocation of the many epitaphs on drowned sailors in the Greek Anthology.48 This is highly specialized art. The masses cannot be expected to understand it. It would be stupendous if they could. Ezra Pound once cried:
一想到
如果古典文学得到广泛传播美国会变成什么样子
，我就睡不着觉。49
The thought of what America would be like
If the classics had a wide circulation
Troubles my sleep.49
But most of this group believe that the mass-man is Sweeney, who cannot hear the nightingales.
这些作家对希腊罗马文学的贡献很难评估。当然。象征主义者是难以捉摸的诗人，乔伊斯是一位神秘的小说家。他们的方法倾向于伪装和改变他们脑海中闪过的所有材料，直到只剩下一个暗示、一个细微差别、一个怪诞、一个戏仿的回忆、一个在梦中重复的短语、一个凄美的回声。他们不想解释。他们从不大喊大叫。他们温和地对那些想听的人说话。庞德因发表以下诗歌而受到猛烈攻击和嘲笑：50
The debt of these writers to Greco-Roman literature is difficult to assess. Naturally. The symbolists are elusive poets, and Joyce is a cryptic novelist. Their methods tend to disguise and transform all the material that passes through their minds, until nothing is left but a hint, a nuance, a grotesque, a parodic reminiscence, a phrase repeated in a dream, a poignant echo. They do not care to explain. They never shout. They speak gently to those who wish to hear. Pound was bitterly attacked and derided for publishing the following poem:50
纸莎草
PAPYRUS
春天…
太长了…
贡古拉…
Spring …
Too long …
Gongula …
但几乎没有一位批评家愿意去理解书名并听取其中的建议。然而，这些建议却很清晰，而且想象力丰富。学者们在埃及曾经的希腊语村庄的废墟中搜寻，发现了许多奇迹般保存了十五或二十个世纪的纸莎草纸堆（见第 468 页）。这些纸莎草纸上的大部分文字都不是文学作品：它们是书信、学校练习或税单。但偶尔我们会发现著名作家的诗歌或散文。有时这些作品在中世纪中世纪就消失了，被认为是丢失了。有时它们只是碎片——但却很珍贵，就像一只手或头部是一件丢失的雕塑杰作所剩下的全部。一张撕碎的纸莎草纸上的几个字可能是我们能从一首伟大的诗歌中恢复的全部；但它们却以不朽的口吻说话。
But hardly any of his critics cared to understand the title and listen for its suggestions. Yet they are clear, and boldly imaginative. Searching through the ruins of what were once Greek-speaking villages in Egypt, scholars have found many heaps of papyri miraculously preserved for fifteen or twenty centuries (see p. 468). Most of the writings on these papyri are not literary: they are letters, or school exercises, or tax-sheets. But occasionally we find poems or prose pieces by famous authors. Sometimes these are works which vanished in the Dark Ages and had been given up for lost. Sometimes they are merely fragments—yet precious, like the hand or head which is all that remains of a lost masterpiece of sculpture. A few words on a torn sheet of papyrus may be all that we can recover of a great poem; but they speak in the accents of immortality.
现在，“贡古拉”这个词在精美的希腊抒情诗人萨福的诗歌中出现了两次。51这是萨福的一个学生的名字。我们对她几乎一无所知，只知道她深受萨福喜爱。因此，庞德在这首诗中所做的就是写下四个词，其中包含了萨福自己对自然的感受、她热烈的渴望以及她所爱的人的名字。他创作了一首诗的片段，这首诗可能是萨福自己写的。
Now, the word Gongula occurs twice in poems by the exquisite Greek lyricist Sappho.51 It was the name of one of Sappho’s pupils. We know scarcely anything about her, except that she was dear to Sappho. What Pound has done in this poem, therefore, is to write four words containing something of Sappho’s own feeling for nature, something of her passionate yearning, and the name of one of those she loved. He has created a fragment of a poem which Sappho herself might have written.
这种技术展示了古典材料无限的适应性可以成为。几十年前，像埃雷迪亚和兰多尔这样的诗人正在创作以希腊为主题的诗歌，其中的每个细节都像大理石一样坚固，像雕塑一样清晰。技术发生了变化。帕纳斯诗人被马拉美所取代——就像安格尔和皮维·德·夏凡纳被修拉和莫奈所取代一样，他们的轮廓模糊，色彩闪烁而具有欺骗性。然而，希腊和罗马主题激发了这两个截然不同的诗人群体的想象力，并随着他们各自成长为新的、有价值的诗歌。
This technique shows how infinitely adaptable classical material can become. A few decades earlier, poets like Heredia and Landor were composing poems on Greek themes in which every detail was as firm as marble, as clear as sculpture. The technique changed. The Parnassians were succeeded by Mallarmé—just as Ingres and Puvis de Chavannes were succeeded by Seurat and Monet, with their vague outlines and shimmering deceptive colours. Yet Greek and Roman themes stirred the imaginations of both these very different groups of poets, and with each of them grew into new and valuable poetry.
这些作家不仅培养了含糊其辞的技巧，而且以不同于前辈的方式对待希腊罗马世界。他们不是学者。与雪莱、弥尔顿或歌德相比，他们是业余爱好者。他们的涉猎范围更广，不会深入。乔伊斯称自己只是“世界文化盛宴上的一个害羞的客人”：52他似乎懂相当多的拉丁语，希腊语不多；然而，在他的耶稣会学校和罗马天主教学院，他获得了一定程度的古典文学批判洞察力。马拉美和瓦莱里受过良好的法国教育，这种教育仍然使聪明的男孩比其他任何国家的男孩对文学有更广泛的了解；但他们的主要兴趣都在非古典领域。艾略特曾就读于哈佛大学和牛津大学，1941 年担任古典协会主席：然而，他否认自己对希腊语和拉丁语有任何专业知识。庞德才华横溢，善于从拉丁语、希腊语、意大利语、普罗旺斯语和其他方言的部分理解的诗歌中提取生动的画面。53
As well as cultivating the technique of elusiveness, these writers approach the Greco-Roman world in a different way from their predecessors. They are not scholars. Compared with Shelley, for instance, or Milton, or Goethe, they are amateurs. They range rather more widely, and do not dive so deep. Joyce calls himself only ‘a shy guest at the feast of the world’s culture’:52 he appears to have had a fair amount of Latin and not much Greek; however, in his Jesuit school and his Roman Catholic college he was given a certain amount of critical insight into classical literature. Mallarmé and Valéry had a good French education, which still gives intelligent boys a wider acquaintance with literature than that of any other country; but the chief interest of each was in a non-classical field. Eliot, who went to Harvard and Oxford, was president of the Classical Association in 1941: however, he disclaims any specialist knowledge of Greek and Latin. Pound is a brilliant smatterer, with a remarkable gift for extracting vivid pictures from partly understood poems in Latin, Greek, Italian, Provencal, and miscellaneous dialects.53
但这些作家认为，通过中心入侵来征服中心真理是不可能的。因此，他们不认为希腊和拉丁文学是一门训练心智的学科，也不是智慧的宝库。他们首先在其中找到了想象力的刺激，同时，也找到了一种对抗生活中的压力、危险和庸俗的审美慰藉。其他象征主义诗人在其他地方找到了这些出口：叶芝在凯尔特神话、神秘主义、印度神秘主义中；里尔克在他记忆中的图画、雕像、高尚的生活和幻想的私人宝库中。这个小群体本身也有其他的兴奋和安慰——例如艾略特在神秘的基督教中——但从希腊和罗马获得的兴奋和安慰是其中最强烈的。
But these writers believe it is impossible to conquer a central truth by a central invasion. Therefore, they do not think of Greek and Latin literature as a discipline to train the mind, or as a storehouse of wisdom. They find in it, first, an excitement of the imagination, and, together with that, an aesthetic consolation against the stresses, dangers, and vulgarities of life. Other symbolist poets have found these outlets elsewhere: Yeats in Celtic mythology, in occultism, in Hindu mysticism; Rilke in his private treasure-stock of remembered pictures, statues, noble lives, and visions. This little group itself has other excitements and consolations—Eliot in mystical Christianity, for example—but those it derives from Greece and Rome are among its most intense.
我们已经展示了神话和传奇人物如何激励这五位作家。读他们的作品就会相信他们也热爱古典文学，以此作为慰藉。这是《荒原》的主要主题之一。我们现在的生活（艾略特认为）是残酷的，难以理解的。如果我们意识到它的残酷和问题，就必须加以审视和忍受——不是通过任何哲学理论或政治行动计划（这些都是不够的）——而是通过崇高的传说，通过萦绕在脑海中的神秘词语，通过美丽的诗歌短语，优美的音乐声音，超越智力理解的画面本身：
We have shown how myths and legendary figures acted as stimuli on these five writers. To read their work is to be convinced that they also loved the classics as consolation. This is one of the chief subjects of The Waste Land. Our present life (Eliot believes) is brutal, hard to understand. Its cruelties and problems, if we are conscious of them, must be looked at and made endurable—not through any philosophical theories or plans of political action (which are all inadequate)—but through the frames of noble legends, through mystical words which haunt the mind, through beautiful phrases of poetry, graceful sounds of music, pictures themselves beyond intellectual understanding:
爱奥尼亚白色和金色的难以言喻的辉煌......
钟声响起
白色的塔楼
Weialala leia
Wallala leialala。54
Inexplicable splendour of Ionian white and gold …
The peal of bells
White towers
Weialala leia
Wallala leialala.54
通过这首诗和艾略特的其他诗，我们听到了夜莺的声音，这是永恒痛苦的呼喊，变成了音乐。这种转变是希腊精神的杰作，它为这五位诗人以及他们那一代其他不太知名的诗人提供了面对生活卑鄙的安慰，并激励他们尽管受了伤，但仍能飞翔在生活之上。
Through this poem and others of Eliot’s, we hear the voice of the nightingale, which is a cry of eternal pain, transformed into music. The transformation was the work of the Greek spirit, which has provided for these five, as for other less-known poets of their generation, both comfort in facing the vileness of life, and stimulus to soar, although wounded, above it.
23
对神话的重新解读
23
THE REINTERPRETATION OF THE MYTHS
目前，古典影响在现代思想和文学中最有趣的发展是对希腊神话的重新诠释和复兴。这发生在两个不同的领域，显然是两个不同的方向。一个领域几乎完全是文学，主要是戏剧。另一个领域间接地产生了大量的文学作品，并且将产生更多，但主要是心理和哲学作品。
AT the present time the most interesting development of classical influence in modern thought and literature is the reinterpretation and revitalization of the Greek myths. This is going on in two different fields, and apparently in two different directions. One is almost wholly literary, and mainly dramatic. The other has produced a great deal of literature indirectly, and will produce more, but is primarily psychological and philosophical.
几个世纪以来，人们一直被希腊传说所吸引，用不同的方式讲述这些传说，对其中的一些加以阐述，而忽略了其他一些，从中寻求不同的美和价值，当他们对它们进行有意识的解释时，从中得出了许多不同类型的真理。然而，有三个主要原则可以解释这些神话。一是认为它们描述了单一的历史事实。二是把它们当作永恒哲学真理的象征。三是认为它们是自然过程的反映，永恒地重复出现。
For century after century men have been captivated by the Greek legends, have told them in different ways, elaborating some and neglecting others, have sought different beauties and values in them, and, when they gave them conscious interpretations, have educed from them many different kinds of truth. However, there are three main principles on which the myths can be interpreted. One is to say that they describe single historical facts. The second is to take them as symbols of permanent philosophical truths. The third is to hold that they are reflections of natural processes, eternally recurring.
许多神话都是关于人类和以人形出现的神灵的：因此，它们几乎无需改变就能被解释为对历史事件的描述。这种解释始于希腊，由欧赫梅罗斯（公元前300 年）提出。他解释说，所有传说——神、人、半人——都是很久以前真实的战士和酋长的功绩的崇高版本，他们被崇拜他们的部落变成了神。（将神话合理化为历史的反映的技术以他的名字命名为欧赫梅罗斯主义。1 ) 事实上，希腊罗马宗教和政治思想的一个重要部分就是认为人通过表现出超人的卓越才能可以成为神。最著名的例子是赫拉克勒斯，他通过十二功业和英勇牺牲而升入天堂。还有巴克斯、卡斯托尔和波鲁克斯、埃斯库拉庇俄斯；然后是埃涅阿斯和罗慕路斯。亚历山大大帝在世时被当作神来对待。有了他的例子，将死去的皇帝神化并不困难（不是全部，而是那些为人类做出过巨大贡献的人）并崇拜凯撒为救世主和和平之王。2
Many of the myths are about human beings, and gods in human shape: so they need hardly be changed to be interpreted as accounts of historical events. This kind of interpretation began in Greece itself, with Euhemeros (fl. 300 B.C.). He explained all the legends —divine, human, and semi-human—as being ennobled versions of the exploits of real warriors and chiefs long ago, who had been changed into gods by their admiring tribes. (The technique of rationalizing myth as the reflection of history is called, after him, euhemerism.1) And indeed, an essential part of Greco-Roman religious and political thought was the idea that men, by showing superhuman excellence, could become gods. The most famous example was Hercules, who made his way to heaven through his twelve labours and his heroic death. There were also Bacchus, and Castor and Pollux, and Aesculapius; then Aeneas, and Romulus. Alexander the Great was treated as a god during his lifetime. After his example it was not too difficult to deify dead emperors (not all, but those who had done great services for mankind) and to worship Caesar as the Saviour and the Prince of Peace.2
还有一些基督教作家认为，关于异教神灵的传说实际上是耶稣基督显现之前在地球上来来往往的魔鬼的故事。3这是弥尔顿的解释。在《复乐园》中，撒旦责备彼列，因为他认为诱惑耶稣的最好办法就是“让女人进入他的眼中，让他走在他的路上”；他暗示“上帝的儿子们”，即圣经中所说的“与人类的女儿们交合”，4是彼列 (Belial) 和他的同伴伪装成希腊诸神：
Again, some Christian writers have believed that the legends about pagan divinities were really stories about the devils who went to and fro upon the earth before the revelation of Jesus Christ.3 This is the interpretation given by Milton. In Paradise Regained Satan reproaches Belial for suggesting that the best way to tempt Jesus would be to ‘set women in his eye and in his walk’; and he implies that the ‘sons of God’, who the Bible says ‘went in unto the daughters of men’,4 were Belial and his companions masquerading as the Greek deities:
难道我们没有看到或听说过，
在宫廷和宫殿里
，在树林或树丛中，在长满青苔的喷泉旁，
在山谷或绿色的草地上，你潜伏着，伏击
一些罕见的美女，卡利斯托，克莱墨涅，达芙妮，
塞墨勒，安提奥帕，
阿米蒙妮，叙林克斯，还有更多的美女，
太久了——然后把你的视线投向那些被崇拜的名字，
阿波罗，尼普顿，朱庇特，潘，
萨提尔，牧神或西尔万？5
Have we not seen, or by relation heard,
In courts and regal chambers how thou lurk’st,
In wood or grove, by mossy fountain-side,
In valley or green meadow, to waylay
Some beauty rare, Calisto, Clymene,
Daphne, or Semele, Antiopa,
Or Amymone, Syrinx, many more,
Too long—then lay’st thy scapes on names adored,
Apollo, Neptune, Jupiter, or Pan,
Satyr, or Faun, or Silvan?5
然后，一些学者认为，战士英雄阿喀琉斯、阿伽门农、埃阿斯和他们的同辈都是交战部落的化身，他们的胜利和死亡代表着大迁徙期间一个或另一个部落的征服。宗教史学家认为，许多将神与下级人物联系在一起的神话是为了纪念宗教革命，在这些革命中，对一个神的崇拜被另一个神的崇拜所取代。例如，如果一个通常以人类形象出现的神被描述为偶尔变成动物，或杀死动物，或与动物为伴，那就意味着对动物的崇拜被废除，取而代之的是拟人化的神的崇拜，并且只被模糊地记住了。最后，人们相信许多传说都记录了伟大的发明或文明的进步：文化英雄狄俄尼索斯或巴克斯代表着葡萄酒的发现，特里普托勒摩斯和海华沙代表着农业的发现，阿尔戈英雄代表着对地中海东部未知海域的探索，金羊毛代表着黑海贸易路线的财富，普罗米修斯火、金属和建立文明的手工艺的发现。
Then some scholars hold that the warrior heroes, Achilles, Agamemnon, Ajax, and their peers, were personifications of warring tribes, and that their victories and deaths represented the conquests of one clan or another during the great migrations. Historians of religion think that many of the myths in which a god is associated with an inferior personage commemorate religious revolutions, in which the cult of one deity was replaced by that of another. For example, if a divinity usually known in human shape is described as occasionally transforming himself into an animal, or killing an animal, or being accompanied by an animal, that would mean that the worship of the animal was abolished, replaced by the worship of the anthropomorphic god, and only dimly remembered. Finally, many legends are believed to record great inventions or advances in civilization: the ‘culture-hero’ Dionysus or Bacchus represents the discovery of wine, Triptolemus and Hiawatha the discovery of agriculture, the Argonauts the exploration of the unknown seas east of the Mediterranean, the Golden Fleece the wealth of the Black Sea trade-route, and Prometheus the discovery of fire, metal, and the handicrafts on which civilization is built.
十九世纪有一派认为神话并非单一事件的回响，而是深奥哲学真理的隐秘表达。该派始于德国，以 GF Creuzer 的《古代民族的象征和神话》（1810-12 年）为代表，但在法国影响更为广泛。6 Creuzer 的书被法国学者 JD Guigniaut 翻译并扩充为十卷论文，名为《古代宗教，主要从象征和神话形式进行研究》（1825-51 年）；四十、五十和六十年代，法国还出版了许多其他此类书籍。最著名的是才华横溢的 Louis Menard 所著的《希腊多神教》。正是通过他和他的学生 Leconte de Lisle，希腊传说不再仅仅是漂亮的洛可可装饰，而是成为法国帕纳索斯诗人所认为的深刻真理的宏伟而美丽的表达。7奇怪的是，中世纪奥维德对传说的象征性解读是如此彻底， 五百年后， 8再次出现在法国，但已不再带有基督教色彩。
In the nineteenth century there was a school which taught that the myths were not echoes of single events, but cryptic representations of profound philosophical truths. This school began in Germany, with G. F. Creuzer’s The Symbolism and Mythology of the Ancient Peoples (1810–12), but it had a wider influence in France.6 Creuzer’s book was translated and expanded into a ten-volume treatise by the French scholar J. D. Guigniaut as The Religions of Antiquity, considered principally in their Symbolic and Mythological Forms (1825–51); and many other such books were produced in France during the forties, fifties, and sixties. The most notable was Hellenic Polytheism, by the brilliant Louis Menard. It was through him and his pupil Leconte de Lisle that Greek legends, instead of being merely pretty rococo decorations, became, for the French Parnassians, grand and beautiful expressions of profound truths.7 Strange to see how the symbolic interpretation of legends which was carried out so thoroughly in the Middle Ages with Ovid Moralized 8 reappears in France five hundred years later, but now without its Christian colouring.
人们还认为神话是重要过程的象征，无论是外部世界还是灵魂。德国归化的英国人马克斯·穆勒（1823-1900）是比较语言学的创始人之一，他认为几乎所有的神话都象征着物理宇宙中最伟大的现象：太阳每天穿过天空，每年穿过十二宫。因此，他把几乎每一个英雄，从赫拉克勒斯和他的十二项功绩和他的火焰死亡到亚瑟王和他的圆桌和他的十二骑士，都解释为太阳神话。这一理论可以追溯到很久以前，至少可以追溯到 CF 杜普伊（1742-1809），他宣称耶稣实际上是太阳，他的十二门徒是十二宫。现在它还没有被普遍接受。有一本书帮助推翻了杜普伊的版本，那就是 JB 佩雷斯的一篇非常有趣的文章，《拿破仑为何从未存在过》（1835 年），这篇文章证明了拿破仑·波拿巴——他的名字意思是“肯定是来自东方美好地区的阿波罗”——实际上是太阳，而他的十二位现役元帅分别是白羊座、金牛座、天上的双胞胎……。
Myths have also been thought to be symbols of important processes, either in the external world or in the soul. Max Muller (1823–1900), the German naturalized Englishman who was one of the founders of comparative philology, held that nearly all the myths symbolized the grandest phenomenon in the physical universe: the passage of the sun through the heavens every day and through the twelve signs of the zodiac every year. Thus, he interpreted almost every hero, from Hercules and his twelve labours and his flaming death to Arthur and his round table and his twelve knights, as a sun-myth. This theory went back long before him, at least as far as C. F. Dupuis (1742–1809), who declared that Jesus was really the sun and his twelve disciples the signs of the zodiac. It is not now generally accepted. One of the books which helped to explode Dupuis’s version of it was a very amusing essay by J. B. Peres, How Napoleon never existed (1835), which proves that Napoleon Bonaparte—whose name means ‘certainly Apollo, from the good region’ of the East—was really the sun, and that his twelve active marshals were the Ram, the Bull, the Heavenly Twins… .
有大量的神话（尤其是 JG 弗雷泽爵士的《金枝》）都与生殖过程（性生殖和农业生殖）以及原始人心目中这两个过程之间的联系有关。秘仪中关于得墨忒耳和珀尔塞福涅的神话就是这样；关于维纳斯和阿多尼斯、阿提斯和西布莉、伊西斯和奥西里斯的传说也是如此。圣诞故事中也有这样的内容。因为《圣经》中没有证据表明耶稣出生于 12 月；但婴儿救世主应该出生于冬至，为这个看似寒冷死寂的世界带来新生命，这似乎是正确的。我们围着圣诞树欢庆节日是异教冬季仪式的遗物，该仪式用常青树来象征渴望已久的春天来临的复活。
A large group of myths has been associated (notably by Sir J. G. Frazer in The Golden Bough) with the processes of reproduction, sexual and agricultural, and with the connexion made between these two processes in the primitive mind. Such were the myths of Demeter and Persephone in the Mysteries; such were the legends of Venus and Adonis, Attis and Cybele, Isis and Osiris. There is something of this in the Christmas story too. For there is no evidence in the Bible that Jesus was born in December; but it seems right that the infant Saviour should be born about the winter solstice, to bring new life to a world apparently cold and dead. Our rejoicing round the Christmas-tree is a relic of a pagan winter ritual which used the evergreen as a symbol of the longed-for resurrection, to come in the spring-time.
如今，心理学家认为神话是永恒的但未被承认的心理态度和力量的表现。这种解释是由西格蒙德·弗洛伊德（1856-1939）提出的。他指出，著名而广为流传的传说与梦中出现的象征（在可接受的伪装下）之间存在许多相似之处，这些象征代表着强大的本能驱动力。9因此，他给最强大的情感——儿子对母亲的爱和对父亲的嫉妒——取了一个希腊传奇的名字。他根据底比斯王室的悲剧，将这种情感称为俄狄浦斯情结。女儿爱父亲而嫉妒母亲的类似情感，他称之为厄勒克特拉情结，因为它让人想起公主的悲剧，她憎恨她傲慢残忍的母亲克吕泰墨涅斯特拉。自我崇拜和自我沉迷可能会使男人或女人对整个外部世界麻木不仁，这种情感最早也最生动地体现在神话中的青年身上，他因爱自己在池塘中的倒影而死：因此，根据纳西索斯，这种神经症被称为自恋症。
Psychologists now regard myths as expressions of permanent but unacknowledged psychical attitudes and forces. This interpretation was launched by Sigmund Freud (1856–1939). He pointed to the many parallels between famous and widespread legends and the symbols which occur in dreams to represent (under an acceptable disguise) powerful instinctive drives.9 Accordingly, he gave a Greek legendary name to the most powerful of all, the son’s love of his mother and jealousy of his father. He called this, after the tragedy of the royal house of Thebes, the Oedipus complex. The parallel attitude, in which the daughter loves her father and is jealous of her mother, he named the Electra complex, because it recalls the tragedy of the princess who hated her proud cruel mother Clytemnestra. And the self-adoration and self-absorption which may make a man or woman dead to the whole external world were first and most graphically found in the mythical youth who died for love of his reflection in a pool: so, after Narcissus, the neurosis is called narcissism.
弗洛伊德的观点现在被 C.G.荣格（生于 1875 年）所阐述，特别是在他的《心理学与宗教》、《心理学与潜意识》和《人格整合》以及他赞助的期刊《爱拉诺斯》中。对神话的这种解释的本质是，它们是全人类都有感觉但没有承认的欲望和激情的象征。女孩们希望自己美丽无比，嫁给世界上最富有、最高贵、最英俊的男人，尽管她们的家庭和周围环境对她们视而不见、充满敌意，但男人还是会找到她们。她们通过以下方式缓解这种欲望带来的紧张情绪：通过重述或重读故事，将自己与女主角灰姑娘联系起来，说它已经实现了。男孩们希望成为母亲爱的唯一对象，并驱逐所有竞争对手，其中父亲是首要的。他们通过讲述一个勇敢的年轻人的故事来实现这一目标，这个年轻人在冒险生涯中杀死了一个不知名的老人，后来发现他是他的父亲，并娶了一位美丽的王后，后来发现他是他的母亲。俄狄浦斯、灰姑娘、普赛克、特洛伊的海伦、唐璜、阿拉丁或吉格斯、杀死歌利亚的大卫或巨人杀手杰克、辛巴达或尤利西斯、赫拉克勒斯或参孙——所有这些人物与其说是历史人物，不如说是全人类愿望、激情和希望的投射。伟大的传说，甚至伟大的象征，如神秘之花，以及神秘数字三、七和十二，不仅在欧洲，而且在全世界，在人类历史和人类文学中不断重现。它们不断被重塑。它们一次又一次地以迷信、伟大信条的基础或艺术和仪式的普遍模式出现。荣格称它们为“集体无意识的原型”：每个人的灵魂都以这种模式发展，因为他与其他人共享人性。每一对已婚夫妇都梦想有一个孩子——不完美，甚至不平凡，而是卓越，解决所有问题，善良、坚强、聪明、英勇。这个梦想成为了神奇婴儿的神话。10从最深层意义上讲，这个梦是真的。每个婴儿都是一个奇迹。
Freud’s suggestions are now being elaborated by C. G. Jung (born 1875), particularly in his Psychology and Religion, Psychology and the Unconscious, and Integration of the Personality, as well as in the periodical Eranos which he sponsors. The essence of this interpretation of the myths is that they are symbols of the desires and passions which all mankind feels but does not acknowledge. Girls wish to be surpassingly beautiful and to marry the richest, noblest, handsomest man in the world, who will find them in spite of the neglect and hostility of their family and their surroundings. They relieve the tension of this desire by saying that it has already come true, by re-telling or re-reading the story, and by identifying themselves with its heroine Cinderella. Boys wish to be the only object of their mothers’ love and to expel all their competitors, of whom father is the chief. They do so by telling the story of a gallant young man who, as part of his adventurous career, kills an unknown old man who turns out to be his father, and marries a beautiful queen who turns out to be his mother. Oedipus, Cinderella, Psyche, Helen of Troy, Don Juan, Aladdin or Gyges, David the slayer of Goliath or Jack-thegiant-killer, Sindbad or Ulysses, Hercules or Samson—all these characters are not so much historical individuals as projections of the wishes, passions, and hopes of all mankind. The great legends, and even the great symbols, such as the mystic flower, and the mystic numbers three, seven, and twelve, keep recurring throughout human history and human literature, not only in Europe but all over the world. They are constantly being remodelled. They emerge again and again as superstitions, or foundations of great creeds, or universal patterns of art and ritual. Jung calls them ‘archetypes of the collective unconscious’: patterns in which the soul of every man develops, because of the humanity he shares with every other man. Every married couple dreams of having a child which will be—not imperfect, not even ordinary, but superb, the solver of all problems, good, strong, wise, heroic. This dream becomes the myth of the miraculous baby.10 And, in the deepest sense, the dream is true. Every baby is a miracle.
荣格认为，正是由于这种普遍性，伟大的传说才不能归于任何一位作者，而且可以一遍又一遍地重写，而不会失去其力量。一代又一代的讲故事者和听众对它们所做的工作是真正的“集体”。它们代表了人类最深层的思想和情感，因此，它们——以人类的标准——是不朽的。
According to Jung, it is because of this universality that the great legends can be attributed to no one author, and can be rewritten again and again without losing their power. The work done on them by many generations of taletellers and listeners is truly ‘collective’. They represent the inmost thoughts and feelings of the human race, and therefore they are—within human standards —immortal.
然而，我们不能认为所有的传说都是甜蜜的愿望实现。希腊神话当然不是。我们需要一本书来分析它们，追溯它们与其他民族的神话和希腊人更有意识的艺术之间的多重关系，并解释它们与其他传说群体的不同之处。一个根本的区别是，其中许多都是悲剧性的：纳西索斯、阿拉克涅、西林克斯、法厄同、俄狄浦斯自己的故事。他们知道，聪明的希腊人，人类极端愿望的实现往往导致悲剧。灰姑娘从此过上了幸福的生活。而俄狄浦斯却蒙蔽双眼，流亡海外。赫拉克勒斯将自己的身体变成了刑具，自焚而死。
We must not, however, think that all legends are saccharine wish-fulfilments. Certainly the Greek myths are not. There is need of a book which will analyse them, tracing the manifold relations which link them to the myths of other nations and to the more conscious art of the Greeks, and explaining how they differ from other groups of legends. One essential difference is that many of them are tragic: the stories of Narcissus, Arachne, Syrinx, Phaethon, Oedipus himself. They knew, the wise Greeks, that the realization of the extreme wishes of mankind usually leads to tragedy. Cinderella lives happily ever after. But Oedipus blinds himself and goes into exile. Hercules, with his own body changed to an instrument of torture, burns himself to death.
与此同时，在文学领域，许多现代作家创作了极具生命力的作品，他们将希腊神话改编成戏剧或故事——偶尔会赋予它们现代背景，但更多的时候会保留古代的环境和人物。奇怪的是，他们中很少有人真正将神话视为潜意识的象征，或者像乔伊斯在《芬尼根的守灵夜》中那样熟悉心理学研究。相反，他们更喜欢像希腊诗人那样使用传说，让它们对当代观众具有道德和政治意义。
Meanwhile, in literature, work of remarkable vitality has been produced by a number of modern authors who have been retelling Greek myths as plays or stories—occasionally giving them a modern setting, but more frequently retaining the ancient milieu and characters. Oddly enough, few of them actually treat the myths as symbols of the unconscious, or seem as familiar with psychological research as Joyce in Finnegans Wake. On the contrary, they prefer to use the legends as the Greek poets did, making them carry moral and political significance for a contemporary audience.
尽管这一运动在其他几个国家都有前哨，但其基地在现代法国，其活动在那里最为丰富和有趣。其领袖是安德烈·纪德（生于 1869 年），他早在 1899 年就以《菲罗克忒忒斯》和《普罗米修斯丢下锁链》开始，随后又创作了一部关于吉格斯传奇的戏剧《坎道列斯国王》（出版于 1901 年）。随后，他转向其他方法来呈现困扰他的问题；但他的作品仍然要求读者接受古典教育（例如，在他的《柏拉图对话录》中，维吉尔式的暗示为同性恋辩护，《科里登》，1924 年），他一直认为自己的风格是古典主义者。11 1931 年，他带着一部根据底比斯传说《俄狄浦斯》创作的简洁而令人震惊的戏剧回到了希腊；他最新的作品是一部自传形式的散文故事《忒修斯》 （1946 年），其中包含了一些来自他未完成的《希腊神话考证》的素材。
Although this movement has outposts in several other countries, its base is in modern France, and its activities there are by far the most fertile and interesting. Its chief is Andre Gide (born 1869), who began as long ago as 1899 with Philoctetes and Prometheus drops his Chains, followed by a play on the Gyges legend, King Candaules (published 1901). He then turned to other methods of presenting the problems that obsess him; but his work continued to presuppose a classical education in his readers (for example, in the Vergilian allusions of his ‘Platonic dialogues’ justifying homosexuality, Corydon, 1924), and he has always considered himself to be a classicist in style.11 In 1931 he returned to Greece with a terse and shocking drama on the Theban legend, Oedipus; and his latest is a prose tale in the form of autobiography, Theseus (1946), embodying some material from his unfinished Considerations on Greek Mythology.
毫无疑问，纪德是受到奥斯卡·王尔德的榜样而成为一位新希腊作家的，奥斯卡·王尔德本人是佩特的弟子，也是一位优秀的古典学者。12他钦佩王尔德主要有两个原因。王尔德是一位艺术家，他对艺术家在社会中的地位有着崇高的认识，他的技巧将感性和克制巧妙地融合在一起；他是一个同性恋者，有勇气进行变态行为。在他的文章《奥斯卡·王尔德》中，纪德描述了他 22 岁时第一次遇到王尔德并被他迷住的过程。王尔德用他那极具魅力的声音和他精妙的措辞讲述了一个又一个奇妙的故事；然后，他把年轻的纪德拉到一边，给他讲了一个关于两个奇怪的这对恋人。这是纳西索斯传说的变种，纳西索斯因爱自己在水中的形象而死：王尔德说，水深爱着纳西索斯，因为它能从他的眼睛里看到自己的美。这是纪德记录下来的王尔德的第一句话，不仅预示了他们的关系，而且象征着他们性格中的某些共同点：对感官美的过度热爱、同性恋激情和冷酷的自给自足。
There can be little doubt that Gide was led to become a neo-Hellenic writer by the example of Oscar Wilde, himself a disciple of Pater and a good classical scholar.12 He admired Wilde for two chief reasons. Wilde was an artist, with a lofty conception of the artist’s place in society, and a technique which curiously blended sensuality and restraint; and he was a homosexual, with the courage of his perversions. In his essay Oscar Wilde Gide describes how, when he was only twenty-two, he first met and was fascinated by Wilde. In his marvellously attractive voice, with his exquisite choice of words, Wilde told fanciful story after story; and then, drawing young Gide aside, he told him a special tale of two strange lovers. It was a variation on the legend of Narcissus, who died for love of his own image in the water: Wilde said that the water had loved Narcissus dearly, because it could see its own beauty reflected in his eyes. This, the first utterance of Wilde that Gide records, not only prefigures their relationship, but symbolizes certain common essentials in their characters: overmastering love of sensuous beauty, homosexual passion, and cold self-sufficiency.
回顾纪德早期作品，古典主义对王尔德的影响再次出现。1891年及此后，王尔德为纪德创作了《纳西索斯传说的续集》，其中列出了许多其他基于希腊神话的变体；1899年，纪德创作了《普罗米修斯丢下锁链》，这是普罗米修斯传说的续集。1893年，王尔德出版了《莎乐美》，以古典主义的克制风格改编了一个来自希腊世界边缘的东方故事；1901年，纪德出版了《坎道列斯王》，以古典主义的克制风格改编了一个来自希腊世界边缘的东方故事。这两部剧都涉及对性激情的阴险扭曲，两位作者都在原情节中添加了更加阴险的转折。王尔德的《道林·格雷》 （1891）肯定是纪德的《不道德者》（1902）的哥哥吧？纪德的很多作品是王尔德所没有的；而王尔德的某些作品在纪德身上却没有得到回应。然而，两人有许多共同的特点，包括他们最奇怪和最强烈的特点。故事的其余部分在纪德的《摩普苏斯》中有所暗示，并在《如果种子不死》中讲述。
In the chronology of Gide’s early works the classical influence exerted by Wilde reappears. In 1891 and thereafter Wilde told Gide the sequel to the legend of Narcissus, with many other variants on the Greek myths; in 1899 Gide produced Prometheus drops his Chains, a sequel to the legend of Prometheus. In 1893 Wilde published Salomé, dramatizing an oriental story from the fringes of the Greek world, in a style of classical restraint; in 1901 Gide published King Candaules, dramatizing an oriental story from the fringes of the Greek world, in a style of classical restraint. Both plays deal with sinister distortions of sexual passion, and both authors have added a still more sinister twist to the original plot. And surely Wilde’s Dorian Gray (1891) is the elder brother of Gide’s Immoralist (1902)? There is much in Gide which was not in Wilde; and there was something in Wilde which found no echo in Gide. Yet the two had many characteristics in common, including their strangest and their strongest. The rest of the story is hinted at in Gide’s Mopsus and told in If the Seed die not.
第一次世界大战前和战时，德国上演了几部希腊神话题材的戏剧。其中包括雨果·冯·霍夫曼斯塔尔的《厄勒克特拉》（1903 年），这是一部充满暴力的戏剧，后来被施特劳斯配上了精神病患者的音乐；弗朗茨·韦尔费尔的《特洛伊妇女》（1914 年），这是一部战争悲剧，女主角是赫卡柏，她遭受了失败的所有痛苦，但仍有勇气活下来；还有沃尔特·哈森·克莱弗的戏剧《安提戈涅》（1917 年），其中暴君克瑞翁和他的元帅与威廉二世和鲁登道夫有着明显的相似之处。十三
A few dramas on Greek mythical themes were produced in Germany before and during the First World War. Among them were Hugo von Hofmannsthal’s Electra (1903), a play of outrageous violence, later set to psychopathic music by Strauss; Franz Werfel’s Trojan Women (1914), a tragedy of war in which the heroine is Hecuba, who suffers all the agonies of defeat and yet has the courage to survive; and a melodramatic Antigone (1917) by Walter Hasen-clever, in which the tyrant Creon and his marshal bear an obvious resemblance to Wilhelm II and Ludendorff.13
尤金·奥尼尔的《哀悼成为厄勒克特拉》 （1931）在美国给人留下了深刻的印象，该剧用十九世纪新英格兰的语言重述了阿伽门农悲剧中的家庭关系、大部分事件和一些道德问题；但由于粗暴地强调性压抑的主题，并省略了埃斯库罗斯在《奥瑞斯提亚》中面临的更大的宗教和道德问题，该剧的范围变得狭窄。14
In America a considerable impression was made by Eugene O’Neill’s Mourning becomes Electra (1931), in which the family relationships, most of the incidents, and some of the moral issues of the tragedy of Agamemnon are restated in terms of nineteenth-century New England; but narrowed by a coarse insistence on the theme of sexual repression, and by the omission of the greater religious and moral problems faced by Aeschylus in the Oresteia.14
性爱也是美国罗宾逊·杰弗斯和法国让·阿努伊最近改编的《美狄亚》的主要主题。欧里庇得斯在创作这部悲剧时很清楚，美狄亚的犯罪狂潮很大程度上是由于伊阿宋拒绝了她的爱，以及她将面临无休止的性饥渴。但他知道其中还有更多原因。他知道，如果美狄亚不是一位被抛弃的贵妇、一个乞讨的流亡者、一个被欺骗的同志和一个被屈辱的骄傲女人，而主要被描绘成一个在情欲的挫折中痛苦挣扎的半野蛮女孩，那将削弱她的悲剧气势。阿努伊对她的刻画也仅此而已：她以一个满口脏话的俄罗斯吉普赛人的身份出现，并且，在最后，她没有在阴郁的胜利中逃脱，而是像一部廉价的激情犯罪剧中的人物一样在自己的大篷车中被烧死。杰弗斯笔下的美狄亚是一位地位更高的女性。（杰弗斯是一位可耻地被忽视的诗人：他的所有作品都具有令人难忘的宏伟气势。）但由于他的一个主要主题是性冲动的魔力，以及它与杀戮冲动的密切联系，他主要将美狄亚描绘成一位因性冲动的扭曲而暴怒的美丽女性。15
Sex is also the leading motive of the recent adaptations of Medea made in America by Robinson Jeffers and in France by Jean Anouilh. Euripides knew well, when he wrote the tragedy, that much of Medea’s criminal frenzy was due to Jason’s rejection of her love and the prospect of endless sexual starvation which she faced. But he knew there was more in it than that. He knew that it would lessen Medea’s tragic grandeur if, instead of being a great lady spurned, an exile beggared, a comrade deceived, and a proud woman humbled, she were shown mainly as a half-savage girl writhing in the frustration of lust. Anouilh makes little more of her than that: she appears as a foul-mouthed Russian gipsy, and, instead of escaping in sombre triumph at the end, burns in her own caravan like the subject of a cheap crime passionnel. Jeffers’s Medea is a woman of more stature. (Jeffers is a shamefully neglected poet: none of his creations lacks a memorable grandeur.) But since one of his chief themes is the daemonic power of the sexual impulse, and its close link with the urge to kill, he presents Medea mainly as a beautiful woman changed into a fury by the distortion of that impulse.15
注定失败的英雄主义是另外两部希腊神话改编作品的主题。一部是意大利青年诗人劳罗·德·博西斯的悲剧《伊卡洛斯》（1927 年）。16它将伊卡洛斯和他的父亲代达罗斯描绘成思想英雄、铁的发现者、第一批在空中飞行的人。他们代表了人类的创造性思维及其最伟大的作品——知识和诗歌。这是一个美妙的概念，用一些雄辩的演讲和抒情诗来表达。17不幸的是，情节——伊卡洛斯拒绝了帕西法厄王后的爱，从天上坠落，帕西法厄王后呼吁她的父亲（太阳）惩罚他——是一个相对无意义的阴谋，与诗人的理想不符。德博西斯以崇高的理想主义姿态结束了自己的生命。他是墨索里尼的反对者。在地下工作了一段时间后，他买了一架飞机，飞越罗马散发反法西斯传单，然后像他自己的伊卡洛斯一样，再次飞向天空，走向死亡。
Doomed heroism is the theme of two other adaptations of Greek myth. One is the tragedy Icarus (1927) by the young Italian poet Lauro de Bosis.16 It shows Icarus and his father Daedalus as heroes of thought, the discoverers of iron, the first men to fly through the air. They personify the creative mind of man, and its greatest works—knowledge and poetry. It is a fine conception, expressed in some eloquent speeches and lyrics.17 Unfortunately the plot—which makes Icarus fall from the sky after he has refused the love of Queen Pasiphae, who calls on her father (the Sun) to punish him—is a relatively meaningless intrigue, unworthy of the poet’s ideals. De Bosis ended his own life with a lofty idealistic gesture. He was an opponent of Mussolini. After working underground for some time, he bought an aircraft, flew over Rome scattering anti-fascist leaflets, and, like his own Icarus, soared up again to his death.
随后，当代哲学家阿尔伯特·加缪在一些故事和戏剧以及一组名为《西西弗斯神话》的散文中体现了他对生活“荒谬”的信念。18在试图战胜诸神并征服死亡之后，西西弗斯被打入地狱，被判将一块巨石推上山：这是一种无休止的惩罚，因为当石头到达山顶时，它总会再次滚落。到达顶峰。虽然我们许多人现在过着类似的生活，但加缪说我们既不是悲剧也不是英雄，因为我们没有意识到我们的任务是无望的——生活本身是荒谬的。认识到这一点，并超越它，才是真正的胜利。“向顶峰奋斗本身就足以填满一个人的心。我们必须把西西弗斯想象成幸福的。”这并不像加缪想象的那么新奇。这正是拜伦对他自己骄傲的泰坦尼克亲戚普罗米修斯的声音：19
Then the contemporary philosopher Albert Camus has embodied his belief that life is ‘absurd’ in several tales and plays and in a group of essays called The Myth of Sisyphus.18 After trying to outwit the gods and conquer death, Sisyphus was sent to hell and condemned to push a huge stone up a mountain: an endless punishment, because the stone always rolled down again when it reached the top. Although many of us lead similar lives here and now, Camus says we are not tragic or heroic because we are not aware that our tasks are hopeless—that life itself is absurd. To realize that, and to rise above it, is the true victory. ‘The struggle towards the summits is enough in itself to fill a man’s heart. We must conceive Sisyphus as happy.’ This is not so new as Camus thinks. It is the very voice of Byron to his own proud Titanic kinsman, Prometheus:19
像你一样，人在某种程度上是神圣的，
是来自纯净源头的湍急溪流；
人在某种程度上可以预见
自己悲惨的命运；
他的悲惨，他的反抗，
以及他悲惨的、无助的存在：
他的精神可以与它抗衡
——与一切苦难相抗衡——
他有坚定的意志和深刻的认识，
即使在折磨中也能预见
自己集中的报应，
在敢于反抗的地方取得胜利，
让死亡成为胜利。
Like thee, Man is in part divine,
A troubled stream from a pure source;
And Man in portions can foresee
His own funereal destiny;
His wretchedness, and his resistance,
And his sad unallied existence:
To which his Spirit may oppose
Itself—an equal to all woes—
And a firm will, and a deep sense,
Which even in torture can descry
Its own concentered recompense,
Triumphant where it dares defy,
And making Death a Victory.
普罗米修斯是一位瑞士神秘主义者的主要灵感来源，这位神秘主义者对希腊神话进行了现代史上最有力的一次改编。尽管卡尔·施皮特勒于 1919 年获得诺贝尔奖，但除了中欧以外，他几乎无人知晓。20但他是一位杰出的诗人。他出生于 1845 年，曾为教会学习，但后来放弃了。他创立了自己的宗教。在俄罗斯当了八年导师后，他回国，出版了一本名为《普罗米修斯与厄庇米修斯》（1880-1）的奇怪书籍。
Prometheus was the chief inspiration of a Swiss mystic, who carried out the most powerful single transformation of Greek myth in modern times. Although he won the Nobel Prize in 1919, Carl Spitteler is still almost unknown outside central Europe.20 Yet he is a remarkable poet. Born in 1845, he studied for the church, but abandoned it. He made his own religion. After spending eight years as a tutor in Russia, he returned, and published a strange book called Prometheus and Epimetheus (1880–1).
《普罗米修斯与厄庇米修斯》以晦涩复杂的方式讲述了古代神话中两兄弟的故事，他们分别是先见之明和后见之明，幻想和忏悔：一个聪明、无私、不断进步，也永远受苦；另一个单纯、不加思索地贪图财富，贪婪地接受了完美的潘多拉，尽管她的嫁妆包含了人类的所有烦恼。一个是自己独立的殉道者，另一个是自己顺从的牺牲品。他们是人类灵魂的两个方面。在革命时代的诗歌中，普罗米修斯——创造者、上帝的敌人、被钉在十字架上的殉道者——是一位深受喜爱的英雄。21然而，在施皮特勒的书中，两兄弟都占据了舞台。他们居住在一个希腊传说与基督教和诺斯替教的超自然观念以及斯皮特勒自己的神秘主义奇妙地交织在一起的世界里，这个世界不是由上帝直接统治，而是由天使统治。天使将自己的统治权交给普罗米修斯，但普罗米修斯拒绝了，以保持灵魂的自由。但埃庇米修斯接受了。他变得富有、强大，但失败了。他没能保护天使的三个孩子（神话、希罗和弥赛亚）免受恶魔贝希摩斯的攻击。他的兄弟普罗米修斯从乞讨和流放中被召回，拯救了世界王国，兄弟俩随后将王国留给了弥赛亚。
Prometheus and Epimetheus was a cloudily complex elaboration of the ancient myth of the two brothers, Foresight and Hindsight, Vision and Repentance: one wise, unselfish, eternally progressing, and eternally suffering; the other simple, grasping at wealth without reflection, greedily accepting the perfect woman Pandora although her dowry contained all the troubles of mankind. One is a martyr to his own independence, the other a victim of his own complaisance. They are two aspects of the human soul. In the poetry of the revolutionary era Prometheus—the creator, the enemy of God, the crucified martyr—was a favourite hero.21 In Spitteler’s book, however, both brothers hold the stage. They occupy a world in which Greek legends are curiously interwoven with Christian and Gnostic supernatural notions and Spitteler’s own mysticism, a world ruled not directly by God but by an angel. The angel offers its viceroyalty to Prometheus, who refuses, in order to keep the liberty of his soul. But Epimetheus accepts. He becomes rich, powerful, and unsuccessful. He fails to guard the angel’s three children (Myth, Hiero, and Messiah) from the attacks of the evil spirit Behemoth. His brother Prometheus is recalled from beggary and exile, and saves the kingdom of the world, which the brothers then leave to the Messiah.
这本以笔名出版的书是失败的。对于像凯勒这样的瑞士批评家来说，它太大了；它很快就被另一部以同样的启示录风格和准圣经散文写成的作品所掩盖，但更加暴力和自信——尼采的《查拉图斯特拉如是说》；22如果不经过长时间的研究，很难理解。阅读复杂的寓言就像破解密码一样——你必须在开始之前相当确定其中有某种信息。很少有人能确定普罗米修斯和厄庇米修斯。
This book, published under a pen-name, was a failure. It was too big for the Swiss critics like Keller; it was soon overshadowed by another work written in the same apocalyptic vein and quasibiblical prose, but with more violence and assurance—Nietzsche’s Thus spake Zarathustra;22 and it was too hard to understand without prolonged study. Reading complex allegories is like solving cryptograms—you must feel fairly certain that there is some message before you start. Few were sure of Prometheus and Epimetheus.
二十年后，施皮特勒写了一部史诗《奥林匹亚之春》（1900-6 年，1910 年修订）。这是一部宏伟的故事，以大胆宽广的六拍押韵对句写成，讲述了奥林匹亚王朝的诸神如何在命运的召唤下，从冥界的长眠中醒来，爬上奥林匹斯山（克洛诺斯被废黜的骑士骑马而下），争夺王位和赫拉的芳心，然后，在性质和关系明确之后，他们自由地游荡在世界各地，充分发挥他们所有的恶魔之力——直到最后天堂的幸福开始瓦解，宙斯的统治也随之瓦解。他创造了赫拉克勒斯，并派他来拯救受苦受难的人类。
Twenty years later Spitteler wrote an epic, Olympian Spring (1900–6, revised 1910). This is a magnificent story in bold spacious six-beat rhyming couplets, telling how the Olympian dynasty of gods, at the summons of Fate, emerged from a long sleep in the underworld, climbed Mount Olympus (passing the dethroned chivalry of Kronos riding down), competed for the kingship and for Hera’s hand, and then, with their natures and relations defined, wandered freely throughout the world, in full exercise of all their daemonic powers—until at last the happiness of heaven began to break up, and with it the rule of Zeus. He created Heracles, and sent him down to save suffering mankind.
这两部作品，加上第一部作品的修订版《受难者普罗米修斯》，使施皮特勒声名鹊起。《普罗米修斯与厄庇米修斯》有许多杰出之处。他因《奥林匹亚之春》获得诺贝尔奖，这显然是一部更伟大的艺术作品。
These two works, together with Prometheus the Sufferer, a revised and reinterpreted version of the first, give Spitteler his claim to fame. Prometheus and Epimetheus has many remarkable qualities. Olympian Spring, for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize, is clearly the greater work of art.
两部作品都是寓言。它们讲述了超人之间可见的和身体上的冲突，但它们描绘了人类世界精神力量之间的许多冲突。然而，就像《仙后》一样，它们的故事讲述得如此生动，塑造的角色虽然奇怪，但却如此真实，以至于我们对它们感到愉悦并不局限于理解它们的深层含义。而且，像所有强大的象征艺术家一样，斯皮特勒创造的图像和事件似乎是为了它们本身而让我们记住，而当我们看着它们时，它们慢慢变得透明，让我们能够看透一部又一部电影，一层又一层的意义，所有这些都包含在其中并充满活力。
Both are allegories. They are tales of visible and physical conflict between superhuman beings, but they image a number of conflicts between the spiritual forces of the human world. Yet, like The Faerie Queene, they tell their stories so vividly and make their characters, though strange, so real that our pleasure in them is not limited to understanding their deeper meanings. And, like all powerful symbolic artists, Spitteler creates images and incidents which we remember apparently for their own sake, and which, as we look at them, become slowly translucent, allowing us to penetrate into film after film, layer after layer of significance, all contained and vitalized within them.
本书没有足够的篇幅来讨论这些诗句的全部含义。有些含义是显而易见的。新的诸神登上奥林匹斯山，争夺主导地位，获得全部力量，并分散在世界各地从事各种各样的活动，象征着人类精神从童年到精力充沛、缺乏思考的青年时期的成长，以及成长为男子汉的过程中所经历的困难、冲突和苦难。它们还让我们想起一个国家、种族、帝国或文明如何以奇怪的方式走出黑暗，它充满活力的春天是多么幸福，它的灭亡是多么注定，如果它不去统治别人，而是派出救世主去拯救他们，它就可能生存下来。许多其他含义隐藏在诗句的深处。但即使是初读，任何热爱诗歌的人都会在诗句中看到许多场景，就像《浮士德》中的象征性场景一样：普罗米修斯带着他的狮子和狗退却流放；克洛诺斯灾难性地走向毁灭，就像一棵巨大的冷杉树倒在山腰上并猛地坠落，只留下倒下的回声。
There is no space in this book to discuss what all the meanings are. Some are obvious. The new gods, making their way up to Olympus, and competing for primacy, and acquiring their full strength, and dispersing in manifold activities over the world, symbolize the growth of the human spirit through childhood to energetic unreflective youth, and the difficulties, conflicts, and sufferings of developing into manhood. They remind us also how strangely a nation, or a race, or an empire, or a civilization appears out of darkness, how happy is its springtime of energy, how surely its death is fated, and how it may survive if, instead of dominating others, it sends out a saviour to them. Many other meanings are buried far deeper within the poems. But even a first reading will give anyone who loves poetry a number of scenes to haunt him quite as constantly as the symbolic scenes in Faust: Prometheus retreating into exile with his lion and his dog; the catastrophic rush of Kronos into ruin, like a giant fir-tree felled on a mountainside and hurtling down, leaving only a late echo of its fall.
斯皮特勒笔下的大多数神话人物都源自希腊。23他的基本悲观主义，即他认为生活是美好的，但很糟糕的判断，部分源于叔本华通过布克哈特，部分是纯希腊的。尼采也沿着同样的思路独立思考，从他对希腊艺术的研究中唤起了类似的悲观主义。然而，施皮特勒笔下的人物是瑞士人，实际上是德国人。他们比希腊的诸神更痛苦、更斗争、更恐惧、更仇恨。怪物，不像阿波罗杀死的蟒蛇，而是像芬里斯狼一样危险，威胁着他们。他们的奥林匹斯山不是爱琴海上高耸入云的宁静山峰：它是一座草地覆盖的阿尔卑斯山和一座雷霆环绕、闪电闪烁的瓦尔哈拉。赫柏自己给新神们带来了长生不老的食物，像身穿紧身连衣裙的阿尔卑斯山女牛仔一样跳跃和高声歌唱24 . 尽管如此，斯皮特勒对阿尔卑斯山的感情还是被很好地表达了出来。我们说过华兹华斯是少数几个山地诗人之一：斯皮特勒也是其中之一，同样伟大。
Most of Spitteler’s mythical figures are Greek in origin.23 His fundamental pessimism, his judgement that life is beautiful but bad, stems partly from Schopenhauer through Burckhardt, and is partly pure Greek. Nietzsche too, thinking independently along the same lines, evoked a similar pessimism from his study of Greek art. However, Spitteler’s characters are Swiss, and indeed German, in execution. They suffer and fight, fear and hate, more than the gods of Hellas. Monsters, not like the Python that Apollo slew but as dangerous as Fenris-Wolf, threaten them. Their Olympus is not the serene peak floating heaven-high over the Aegean: it is a meadow-shouldered Alp and a thunder-wrapped and lightning-blazing Valhalla. Hebe herself, bringing the new gods the food of immortality, leaps and yodels like an Alpine cowgirl in a dirndl24. Nevertheless, Spitteler’s feeling for the Alps is finely conveyed. We said that Wordsworth was one of the few mountain-poets: Spitteler is another, scarcely less great.
很难把他和其他艺术家相比。在音乐方面，他类似于布鲁克纳，他悠闲悠闲，气质朴素高贵；施特劳斯，他热爱群山和英雄斗争；瓦格纳，他构思宏大，具有原始的宿命感。在文学上，没有人能与他相提并论，因为他将兰多尔的崇高气度与尼采的宗教神秘主义和驱动力结合在一起。与他最相似的画家是他的瑞士同代人阿诺德·勃克林。二十五
It is hard to liken him to other artists. In music, he is akin to Bruckner, with his long unhurried pace and simple nobility; to Strauss, with his love of the mountains and of heroic strife; and to Wagner, in his immense conceptions and his primitive sense of doom. In literature there is no one quite like him, for he combines the lofty grandeur of Landor with the religious mysticism and the driving energy of Nietzsche. The painter most like him is his Swiss contemporary Arnold Böcklin.25
但斯皮特勒不仅仅是一位十九世纪的艺术家。他就像一股自然力量。他所居住的世界就是我们进入的世界，当我们站在远离道路或城镇的山脊上时，我们感受到一种新的生命节奏缓慢而沉重地在我们体内跳动；激流在远处咆哮，峡谷回响着它，风在我们耳边呼啸，四周的山峰并不平静，而是似乎在千年的斗争中起伏不定，十英里宽的云朵在天穹宽阔的拱门下奔腾，森林和冰川在永恒的战争中前进和后退，整个宇宙是一个永恒冲突的王国，缓慢而强大，人类侏儒无法完全理解，但必须敬畏。
But Spitteler was more than a nineteenth-century artist. He was like a natural force. The world he inhabited was the world which we enter when, far up on the ridge of a mountain, miles from any road or town, we feel a new rhythm of life beating slowly, ponderously, through us; the torrent roars far below, the glens re-echo it, the wind shouts in our ears, the peaks all around are not still, but seem to be heaving and straining in a thousand-year-long struggle, clouds ten miles wide gallop under a heaven-broad arch, forests and glaciers march and countermarch in eternal war, and the whole universe is a realm of aeonian conflicts, slow and mighty, which human pygmies cannot fully understand, but must revere.
近年来，诗歌、散文和戏剧中对希腊传说的复述越来越多：太多了，无法在此一一列举。（道格拉斯·布什教授在其《英国诗歌中的神话和浪漫主义传统》的后面几章中充分而敏锐地讨论了英美诗歌中的希腊传说。）然而，最有趣的一个群体是现代法国剧作家创作的新希腊戏剧。我们已经指出安德烈·纪德是法国这一运动的领袖。并非所有提到的剧作家都可以称为他的门徒；但他们都采纳了他对待神话的许多态度，以与他相同的方式改造甚至扭曲传说；他们分享了他一些基本的精神观点。因此，他的作品可以与他们的作品一起考虑。他关于希腊传奇主题的最重要的著作已被列出。其他的，主要有：
In recent years there have been many more retellings of the Greek legends, in poetry, prose, and drama: too many to mention here. (Those in English and American poetry are fully and sensitively discussed by Professor Douglas Bush in the later chapters of his Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry.) The most interesting single group, however, is the neo-Hellenic dramas produced by the modern French playwrights. We have indicated André Gide as the leader of this movement in France. Not all the dramatists mentioned can be called disciples of his; yet they have all adopted many of his attitudes to myth, transforming and sometimes distorting the legends in the same way as he does; and they share something of his basic spiritual outlook. His work can therefore be considered along with theirs. His most important books on Greek legendary themes have been listed. Of the others, these are the chief:
让·科克托的《安提戈涅》（1922 年）、《奥菲斯》（1926 年）和《地狱机器》（1934 年）；
Jean Cocteau’s Antigone (1922), Orpheus (1926), and The Infernal Machine (1934);
让·吉罗杜的《安菲特律翁 38》（1929 年）、《特洛伊战争不会发生》（1935 年）和《厄勒克特拉》（1937 年）；
Jean Giraudoux’s Amphitryon 38 (1929), The Trojan War will not take place (1935), and Electra (1937);
让·阿努伊的《欧律狄刻》（1941 年）、《安提戈涅》（1942 年）和《美狄亚》（1946 年）；
Jean Anouilh’s Eurydice (1941), Antigone (1942), and Medea (1946);
让-保罗·萨特的《苍蝇》（1943 年）。
Jean-Paul Sartre’s The Flies (1943).
在详细探讨这些戏剧之前，我们可能会问，为什么这么多现代剧作家都选择希腊神话作为故事情节。答案有很多种。
Before we consider these plays in detail, we might ask why so many modern playwrights have gone to Greek mythology for their plots. There are several different answers.
首先，他们寻求的是能够以简单方式处理的主题——这些主题具有足够的权威性，无需大量现实主义或“印象派”细节来使它们令人信服。在当代音乐中，斯特拉文斯基的《俄狄浦斯王》和萨蒂的《裸体舞》体现了同样的趋势，在艺术中，基里科的绘画和马约尔的雕塑则表现得更好。
First, they are in search of themes which can be treated with strong simplicity—themes which have enough authority to stand up without masses of realistic or ‘impressionist’ detail to make them convincing. The same tendency is exemplified in contemporary music by Stravinsky’s Oedipus Rex and Satie’s Gymnopédies, and even better in art by the paintings of Chirico and the sculptures of Maillol.
这些主题不仅轮廓简单，而且内容深刻，新希腊剧作家与心理学家在这里携手合作，因为他们知道，每一个伟大的神话对每个时代的人都具有深刻的意义，包括我们这个时代。因此，在德国占领下，通过重新处理安提戈涅和奥瑞斯忒斯的传说，阿努伊和萨特能够处理反抗不公正但似乎不可抗拒的权威的问题，不仅比他们编造当代情节更安全，而且更广泛。同样，由于悲剧的一个要素是观众对即将到来的灾难的预知，吉罗杜克斯的戏剧具有深刻的悲剧性，展示了双方政治家为避免特洛伊战争而做出的所有努力和牺牲，这场战争是暴徒和煽动家的狂热愚蠢所迫使他们发动的。由于他的戏剧于 1935 年上演，因此它不仅是一部希腊悲剧，也是一部当代悲剧。
Then these themes are not only simple in outline, but profoundly suggestive in content — and it is here that the neo-Hellenic dramatists join hands with the psychologists, for they know that every great myth carries a deep significance for the men of every age, including our own. Thus, under the German occupation, by rehandling the legends of Antigone and Orestes, Anouilh and Sartre were able to deal with the problem of resistance to an unjust but apparently irresistible authority, not only more safely but much more broadly than if they had invented a contemporary plot. And similarly, because one element of tragedy is the audience’s foreknowledge of the coming disaster, there was a deeply tragic quality in Giraudoux’s play showing all the efforts and sacrifices made by statesmen on both sides to avoid the Trojan war, which was forced on them by the passionate folly of mobs and demagogues. Since his play was produced in 1935, it was not only a Greek but a contemporary tragedy.
此外，由于法国知识分子总是在为自己辩护，反对奥林匹亚诸神，纪德和科克托等人从人性化、揭穿谎言甚至庸俗化一些可怕的古老传统中找到了某种解脱。通过使神话更贴近人性，他们使神话更加真实。另一方面，他们也发现神话是诗歌的取之不尽的源泉。现代戏剧最严重的缺陷之一是它缺乏想象力。它快速、聪明、有时深思熟虑、总是现实主义。但世界上伟大的戏剧并不停留在地面上。它们离开地面，成为诗歌。因为现代世界的强调物质权力和财产，写出一部在最崇高的时刻能上升为诗歌的当代戏剧是极其困难的；但是，如果把当代问题当作希腊神话的版本来处理，就可以得到富有诗意的解决方案，无论这种诗歌是幻想诗还是悲剧英雄主义诗。
Also, since the French intellectuals are always defending themselves against the Olympians, Gide and Cocteau and the others find a certain relief in humanizing, debunking, and even vulgarizing some of the formidable old traditions. By bringing the myths nearer to humanity they make them more real. On the other hand, they also find the myths to be inexhaustible sources of poetry. One of the gravest defects of modern drama is that it lacks imaginative power. It is quick, clever, sometimes thoughtful, always realistic. But the great dramas of the world do not stay on the ground. They leave it and become poetry. Because of the modern world’s emphasis on material power and possessions it is extremely difficult to write a contemporary play which will rise, at its noblest moments, into poetry; but contemporary problems, treated as versions of Greek myths, can be worked out to solutions which are poetic, whether the poetry is that of fantasy or that of tragic heroism.
在形式上，这些剧本都经过克制，但并非严格遵循古典主义。除了科克托的《地狱机器》之外，其他剧本都严密但不唐突地遵循时间和地点的统一性，并且都保持了不可或缺的动作统一性。它们全都用完全现代的散文写成，在科克托和吉罗杜的作品中，现代散文经常发展为诗意的意象，而在这两部作品和其他作品中，现代散文经常沦为粗俗和俚语。希腊悲剧的合唱队只是暂时出现：在纪德的《俄狄浦斯》中，几个女人说着平淡的散文，在阿努伊的《安提戈涅》和科克托的《安提戈涅》（科克托本人在首演时担任该角色）中，只有一个评论员（像《亨利五世》中的合唱队）。二十六
In form, the plays are restrained without being rigidly classical. Except for Cocteau’s The Infernal Machine, they observe the unities of time and place closely but unobtrusively, and all maintain the indispensable unity of action. They are all in completely modern prose, which in Cocteau and Giraudoux often mounts into poetic imagery, and in both these two and the others often descends into vulgarity and slang. The chorus of Greek tragedy appears only vestigially: a few women talking flat prose in Gide’s Oedipus, a single commentator (like the Chorus of Henry V) in Anouilh’s Antigone and Cocteau’s Antigone (where Cocteau himself took the role at the first performance).26
故事情节的大纲几乎总是与它们所基于的神话相同。它们几乎不可能有所不同。写一部戏剧来证明尤利乌斯·凯撒没有被暗杀，或者特洛伊从未被占领和烧毁，那将是荒谬的。然而，我们可以做的是，把凯撒被谋杀或特洛伊陷落的故事赋予新的含义，以一种奇怪而有趣的方式解释事实，对所涉及的人物进行奇怪的阐释，并通过重塑价值观、动机和结果，强调人类生活的无限不确定性和复杂性。欧里庇得斯是希腊这门艺术的大师：他擅长将鲜为人知的传说戏剧化，比如众神把海伦留在埃及，派一个美丽的幽灵去特洛伊的故事。我们已经看到，一位晚期帝国的浪漫主义者不仅设法将特洛伊的陷落扭曲为一场背后捅刀子的失败，还将他的虚构故事强加给了几代中世纪诗人。27每一个试图在神话基础上创作任何东西的作家都必须添加、删减或修改。二十八
The plots are almost always the same in outline as the myths on which they are based. They could scarcely be different. It would be ridiculous to write a play proving that Julius Caesar was not assassinated, or that Troy was never captured and burnt. What can be done, though, is to take the story of Caesar’s murder or the fall of Troy, and give it new implications, explain the facts in an odd and interesting way, cast strange lights on the characters involved, and, by remodelling values, motives, and results, to emphasize the infinite uncertainty and complexity of human life. Euripides was the master of this art in Greece: he specialized in dramatizing little-known legends, such as the story that the gods kept Helen in Egypt and sent a beautiful ghost to Troy instead. We have already seen how a romancer of the late empire not only contrived to distort the fall of Troy into a stab-in-the-back defeat, but imposed his fiction on generations of medieval poets.27 Every writer who attempts to create anything on a basis of myth must add, or subtract, or alter.28
一位杰出的法国小说家摧毁或颠覆了一个非常著名的传说——不是因为他不喜欢希腊和罗马诗歌，而是因为他喜欢自然，而不是雕像般的英雄主义。这位小说家就是普罗旺斯作家让·吉奥诺，他在自传中告诉我们，发现维吉尔对他来说就像宗教皈依一样令人眼花缭乱。他写了几部作品，旨在用散文重现古典文学中田园和万物有灵的丰富性。在他的《奥德赛诞生》（1938）中，他讲述了奥德修斯归来的故事，将其置于一个肥沃的乡村，更像法国南部，而不是贫瘠的伊萨卡岛，并将英雄本人描述为一个神经质和年迈的骗子，他编造了关于独眼巨人、斯库拉和卡律布狄斯等的故事，只是为了解释他在途中与像喀耳刻这样的迷人女人生活在一起的岁月，并弥补他在回家途中的寒酸和胆怯。他的这些故事被一位盲人老吉他手捡起来，他把它们编成了新的民谣，在乡间唱着。
One distinguished French novelist has destroyed, or inverted, a very famous legend—not because he dislikes Greek and Roman poetry but because he prefers nature to statuesque heroism. This is the Provençal writer Jean Giono, who tells us in his autobiography that the discovery of Vergil was a revelation as blinding for him as a religious conversion. He has written several works designed to recapture in prose the pastoral and animistic richness he feels in classical literature. In his Birth of the Odyssey (1938) he tells the story of the return of Odysseus, situates it in a fertile country-side more like southern France than barren Ithaca, and reduces the hero himself to a nervous and ageing liar, who invents the stories about the Cyclops, and Scylla and Charybdis, and so forth, merely in order to account for the years he spent en route living with bewitching women like Circe, and to compensate for his shabbiness and timidity as he approaches his home. His yarns are picked up by a blind old guitarist, who makes them into new ballads and sings them round the country-side.
这个故事的细节经过精心设计，具有反英雄主义色彩。例如，奥德修斯非常害怕安提诺乌斯，这位年轻强壮的运动员与佩内洛普通奸；但在争吵中，他不小心撞到了安提诺乌斯，把他打跑了，然后追赶他，看到他被山体滑坡卷入海中，四分五裂。因此有故事说奥德修斯杀死了佩内洛普的所有追求者。一只宠物喜鹊认出了回来的奥德修斯，而不是忠诚的老狗阿古斯；但为了避免被安提诺乌斯发现，他把它踩死了。在传说的一个版本中，他被自己的儿子无意中杀死——不是忒勒马科斯，而是喀耳刻的孩子忒勒戈诺斯。但吉奥诺的书的结尾是叛逆的忒勒马科斯准备冷血地谋杀他的父亲。虽然故事构思巧妙，描写生动，但对奥德修斯英雄事迹的颠覆却显得有些矫揉造作。这样一个不加掩饰、平和的人物，甚至不可能收复家园，更不可能在特洛伊十年战争中取得胜利。
The details of this story are carefully calculated to be anti-heroic. For instance, Odysseus is terribly afraid of Antinous, the strong young athlete with whom Penelope has been living in adultery; but, getting into an argument, he hits Antinous by accident, puts him to flight, chases him, and sees him caught in a landslide that throws him mutilated into the sea. Hence the tale that Odysseus killed all the suitors of Penelope. Instead of the faithful old dog Argus, a pet magpie recognizes the returning Odysseus; but, to avoid being detected by Antinous, he crushes it to death. In one version of the legend he was killed unwittingly by his own son—not Telemachus, but Circe’s child Telegonus. But Giono’s book ends with the rebellious Telemachus preparing to murder his father in cold blood. Although the story is ingenious and the descriptions vivid, the inversion of the heroic saga of Odysseus is pretty artificial. Such an unsubtle and pacific character would never even have regained his home, far less fought successfully through ten years of war at Troy.
除了这一件事之外，现代法国的说书人和剧作家保留了传说的轮廓，但他们重新处理了这些传说，以揭示出意想不到的真相。例如，没有多少证据相信赫克托尔和奥德修斯曾齐心协力通过谈判避免特洛伊战争，但却被不知名的暴君逼入战争；但这两位谨慎的英雄本应计划和平而不是战争，这当然是合理的。尽管吉罗杜克斯在创造一个暴躁的军国主义者和一个激动的宣传家来加速冲突时，创造了更适合现代德国和法国而不是青铜时代希腊的人物，但这种时代错误并没有削弱他所传达的主要真相。
Apart from this one instance, the modern French taletellers and playwrights keep the outlines of the legends; but they rehandle them in such a way as to bring out unexpected truths. For instance, there is not much authority for believing that Hector and Odysseus made a concerted effort to avert the Trojan war by negotiation, but were forced into it by unknown hotheads; yet it is certainly plausible that the two cautious heroes should have planned for peace rather than for war. And although Giraudoux, in inventing a blustering militarist and an excited propagandist to precipitate the conflict, has created characters more appropriate to modern Germany and France than to Bronze Age Greece, the anachronism does not vitiate the main truth he is conveying.
阿努伊的《欧律狄克》与其他大多数作品不同，因为它的背景完全是现代的，但如果不了解神话，几乎无法理解。故事讲的是，音乐大师奥菲斯的妻子欧律狄克突然去世；奥菲斯凭借音乐的力量进入了死者的世界，并被允许将欧律狄克带回来——条件是，在他们到达人间之前，他不能看她一眼；他忘记了自己的诺言，永远失去了她，绝望地四处游荡，直到被野蛮的色雷斯酒神女祭司撕成碎片。在阿努伊的剧作中，奥菲斯是一位咖啡馆小提琴手，他在火车站遇到了一位巡回演出的女演员并爱上了她，但当他坚持要问她以前的情人时，他失去了她。一位神秘的亨利先生（如果不把他理解为希腊神话的一部分，那他就毫无意义了）把她还给了他，条件是他早上之前不能看她的脸。但他再次向她询问全部真相，直视她的脸，再次让她死亡。他的失败象征着这样一个事实（普鲁斯特对此进行了如此详细的阐述）：恋人无法阻止自己试图了解爱人生活中的一切，即使这会毁掉他们的爱情。
Anouilh’s Eurydice is unlike most of the others, because it is entirely modern in setting and yet almost unintelligible without knowledge of the myth. The story is that Eurydice, wife of the master musician Orpheus, died suddenly; that he, by the power of his music, gained entrance to the world of the dead and was allowed to bring Eurydice back—on condition that he would not look at her before they reached the living world; that he forgot his promise, lost her for ever, and wandered about in despair until he was torn to pieces by the savage maenads of Thrace. In Anouilh’s play Orpheus is a cafe violinist who meets a touring actress in a railway station and falls in love with her, but loses her when he insists on questioning her about her previous lovers. She is given back to him by a mysterious Monsieur Henri (who would be quite meaningless if he were not understood as part of the Greek myth) on condition that he shall not look her in the face until morning. But he asks her again for the whole truth, and stares her in the face, and loses her again in death. His failure is a symbol of the fact (worked out in such detail by Proust) that a lover cannot keep from trying to find out everything about his sweetheart’s life, even if it will kill their love.
在纪德的《普罗米修斯挣脱锁链》中，普罗米修斯离开了他的峭壁，但他仍然把鹰当作宠物，用自己的命脉喂它。为什么？因为他喜欢看到它英俊的样子；因为他和我们每个人一样，喜欢拥有一只私人鹰，不是像死信天翁一样挂在他脖子上，而是爱着他，靠他心脏的血生活。纪德的《俄狄浦斯》 ——其中俄狄浦斯的一个儿子写了一本书，与纪德的两个门徒的作品非常相似，29斯芬克斯只是生活中可怕的谜团，吓坏了每一个年轻人，但只要年轻人用“人”这个词来回答它的谜语（即通过断言人性创造了自己的标准），它就会消失——这部每个人都是堕落的但又骄傲的戏剧无疑是纪德本人和他精神中堕落但又骄傲的孩子的反映。在所有这些新希腊作品中，吉罗杜的《安菲特律翁》38最富有力量，它揭示了关于伟大主题的意想不到的真相：丈夫和妻子的爱，任何女人对任何男人的权力（即使是伪装成男人的神），以及人与神的关系。
In Gide’s Prometheus drops his Chains Prometheus has left his crag; but he still keeps his eagle as a pet, and feeds it on his own vitals. Why? Because he likes to see it looking handsome; and because he, like each of us, enjoys having a private eagle, not hanging round his neck like a dead albatross, but loving him and living on his heart’s blood. And Gide’s Oedipus —in which one of Oedipus’ sons writes a book closely corresponding to works by two of Gide’s disciples,29 and where the Sphinx is only the monstrous enigma of life, intimidating every youth, but ready to disappear as soon as the youth answers its riddle with the word MAN (that is, by asserting that human nature creates its own standards)—surely this play, in which everyone is corrupt but proud, is a reflex of Gide himself and of the corrupt but proud children of his spirit. Of all these neo-Hellenic works, Giraudoux’s Amphitryon 38 is the richest in its power of revealing unexpected truths about great subjects: the love of husband and wife, the power of any woman over any man (even a god in man’s disguise), and the relation of man and the gods.
所有这些剧作家都是优秀的心理学家；他们都为所记录的行为发现了新的、但又可信的动机在神话传统中。在忒修斯的自传中，纪德说，当阿里阿德涅给他一根线，引导他走出怪物出没的迷宫时，她实际上是想让他依附于自己；这就是他后来把她抛弃在荒岛上的原因；当他“忘记”登上白帆，告诉父亲他安全了（从而间接导致父亲自杀和他自己登基），他并没有真正忘记，就像他没有忘记纳克索斯岛上的阿里阿德涅一样。在同一本书中，俄狄浦斯说他挖出了自己的眼睛，不是为了惩罚自己，而是为了惩罚他们没有看到他们应该看到的东西。克瑞翁通常是典型的严厉暴君；但在阿努伊的《安提戈涅》中，他非常冷静和耐心地解释说，他远非残忍，他只是一个法律和秩序以及高效政府的管理者，一个比任何个人的私人道德准则都高尚的理想。是的，在悲剧发生之后，在安提戈涅上吊自杀之后，在克瑞翁的儿子揭发他并自杀之后，在他的妻子割喉之后，他只是沉重地叹了口气，去履行职责，主持内阁会议：他的死和其他人一样圆满。对动机的最引人注目的重新解释，虽然不是最深刻的，是在科克托的《地狱机器》中，斯芬克斯虽然是一位比傲慢的年轻俄狄浦斯强大得多的神，但她告诉了他自己的秘密，因为他迷住了她人性的一部分，但作为复仇女神，她怜悯地看着他实现他那炽热的野心，这是众神所青睐的野心：他将取代他的父亲，赢得王国，娶他的母亲，在导火索烧成炸药后，在自己力量的废墟中被粉碎。“他们为了取乐而杀死我们。”
All these playwrights are good psychologists; and they have all discovered new and yet credible motives for the actions recorded in mythical tradition. In the autobiography of Theseus Gide says that when Ariadne gave him a thread to guide him back out of the monster-haunted labyrinth she was really trying to attach him to herself; that this was why he later abandoned her on a desert island; and that, when he ‘forgot’ to mount the white sails which would tell his father he was safe (thus indirectly causing his father’s suicide and his own accession to the throne), he did not really forget, any more than he forgot Ariadne on Naxos. In the same book Oedipus says that he put out his eyes, not to punish himself, but to punish them for not seeing what they ought to have seen. Creon is usually the typical harsh tyrant; but in Anouilh’s Antigone he explains very coolly and patiently that, so far from being cruel, he is merely an administrator of law and order and efficient government, an ideal nobler than any individual’s private code of morals. Yes, and after the tragedy, after Antigone has hanged herself, after Creon’s own son has denounced him and killed himself, after his own wife has cut her throat, he only sighs heavily and goes off to do his duty by presiding at a cabinet meeting: a death as complete as that of the others. The most striking reinterpretation of motives, though not the deepest, is in Cocteau’s The Infernal Machine, where the Sphinx, although a deity vastly more powerful than the arrogant young Oedipus, tells him her secret because he has charmed the human part of her, but, as Nemesis, looks on with pity at the fulfilment of his burning ambition, the ambition favoured by the gods: that he shall supplant his father, and win the kingdom, and marry his mother, and, after the fuse has burnt down to the explosive, be shattered in the ruins of his own strength. ‘They kill us for their sport.’
安德烈·纪德 (André Gide) 是所有作家中与众不同的一个，他创造了令人厌恶的新情节和邪恶的动机。两千多年来，人们一直在重复拉布达克家族的可怕历史；但纪德是第一个提出俄狄浦斯不知情乱伦所生的儿子是故意（而且并非没有成功）试图勾引他们的姐妹的人。30希罗多德讲述的坎道列斯和盖格斯的故事（戈蒂埃复述）颇为精彩：国王对妻子的美貌十分自豪，以至于将宰相盖格斯藏在卧室里，偷看她脱衣服。但纪德以惊人的慷慨让国王离开房间，并告诉盖格斯当晚代替他。31传说中，忒修斯带走了阿里阿德涅和她的妹妹菲德拉。但纪德说，他告诉阿里阿德涅，他看上了她的弟弟，而她纵容弟弟的腐败，于是菲德拉就伪装成这个失意的男孩偷偷溜上了船。32纪德的坏品味，如尼禄的诗歌或高迪的建筑，与好品味一样难以实现，至少同样罕见。忒修斯不是神话中最具吸引力的英雄，但纪德赋予了他那种特别愤世嫉俗的性不道德，纪德的大多数英雄都像拿着金光闪闪的旗帜一样自豪。“我从来不喜欢让欲望得不到满足，”他从一个姐妹转向另一个姐妹时说道，“这是不健康的。”33甚至阿里阿德涅的围巾，诗歌爱好者一直认为它是她背叛和孤独的悲惨象征，奥维德说她用这条围巾向爱人示爱，让她再次回到纳克索斯——
André Gide stands apart from all the others as an inventor of repulsive new episodes and vicious motives. For more than two thousand years men have rehearsed the awful history of the Labdacids; but Gide was the first to suggest that the sons born of Oedipus’ unknowing incest were deliberately (and not without success) trying to seduce their sisters.30 The story of Candaules and Gyges, as told by Herodotus (and retold by Gautier), is spicy enough: the king is so proud of his wife’s beauty that he hides his vizier Gyges in the bedroom to watch her undressing. But Gide makes the king, in a phenomenal access of generosity, leave the room and tell Gyges to substitute for him that night.31 Theseus, in the legend, carried off both Ariadne and her sister Phaedra. But Gide says that he told Ariadne he had taken a fancy to her young brother, that she connived at her brother’s corruption, and that Phaedra was then smuggled aboard in the disguise of the disappointed boy.32 Bad taste on Gide’s level, like Nero’s poetry or Gaudi’s architecture, is as difficult to achieve as good taste, and is at least as rare. Theseus is not the most attractive of mythical champions, but Gide gives him that peculiarly cynical type of sexual immorality which most of Gide’s heroes carry as proudly as an oriflamme. ‘I never like leaving a desire unsatisfied,’ he says as he turns from one sister to another, ‘it is unhealthy.’33 Even Ariadne’s scarf, which lovers of poetry have always known as a pathetic token of her betrayal and her loneliness, the scarf with which Ovid says she waft her love to come again to Naxos—
为了提醒你我已被遗忘，
我在一根长树枝上系上我的白色面纱——三十四
as to remind you that I was forgotten,
to a long branch I bound my veil of white—34
纪德有意无意地弄脏了哪怕是这么一件小事。在他的故事中，它炸掉了阿里阿德涅的头，被忒修斯捡起，他立刻公开地把它裹在身上当做缠腰布。三十五
Gide has succeeded, consciously or unconsciously, in dirtying even that slight thing. In his story it blows off Ariadne’s head, and is picked up by Theseus, who at once, and publicly, wraps it around him as a loin-cloth.35
所有这些作家都渴望让自己的剧本不显得遥远、陈旧、不真实。因此，尽管他们没有故意将时代错误搬上舞台，但他们却尽可能地将语言现代化，并经常陷入细节和表达的粗俗之中。在吉罗杜的《厄勒克特拉》中，一位愤怒的妻子谈到不得不为丈夫点燃雪茄并过滤咖啡。36特洛伊的海伦就像一位现代法国女人一样，说帕里斯可能会抛弃她一段时间，“去打保龄球或钓鳗鱼”。37在索福克勒斯的《安提戈涅》中，有一个哨兵用相对直率和简单的语言向克瑞翁报告了安提戈涅的罪行；但在阿努伊的《安提戈涅》中，却有好几个哨兵，他们通过关于喝醉和去妓院的粗俗对话，强调了女主人公孤独的处女理想主义。在科克托的《奥菲欧斯》中，诗人被撕成碎片，因为他在一场诗歌比赛中提交了神谕短语“欧律狄克夫人的地狱之谜”，这几个首字母构成了最常见的法语淫秽词。纪德（除了他早期的《菲罗克忒忒斯》）故意试图平庸，因为他认为英雄是虚假的，而平庸是真实的。举一个例子就足够了。在俄狄浦斯发现自己的罪行并冲出去弄瞎自己的眼睛后，纪德让合唱队留在舞台上。保持沉默或吟唱一首怜悯和恐怖的歌曲，它爆发出令人愤怒的琐碎评论：
All these authors are eager to keep their plays from being remote, archaic, unreal. Therefore, although they do not deliberately put anachronisms on the stage, they make the language as modern as they can, and frequently lapse into vulgarities of detail and expression. In Giraudoux’s Electra an angry wife talks of having to light her husband’s cigars and filter his coffee.36 Helen of Troy, like a modern Frenchwoman, says Paris may desert her for a while ‘to play bowls or fish for eels’.37 In Sophocles’ Antigone there is a sentry who reports Antigone’s crime to Creon in comparatively blunt and simple language; but in Anouilh’s Antigone there are several sentries, and they accentuate the lonely virginal idealism of the heroine by very coarse conversations about getting drunk and going to a brothel. In Cocteau’s Orpheus the poet is torn to pieces because he submits in a poetry competition the oracular phrase Madame Eurydice Reviendra Des Enfers, the initial letters of which form the commonest French obscenity. Gide (except in his early Philoctetes) tries deliberately to be banal, because he thinks heroics are false while banality is real. One example will be enough. After Oedipus discovers his sin and rushes out to blind himself, Gide makes the chorus remain on stage. Instead of keeping silence or chanting a song of pity and terror, it breaks out into infuriatingly trivial comments:
“这只是家事，与我们无关……他已经自食其果，现在该自食其果了。”三十八
‘It’s all just a family affair: nothing to do with us… . He’s made his bed, and now he’s got to lie in it.’38
尽管有这些古怪之处，这些剧作中最好的一些也非常精彩，甚至最差的剧作也包含着惊人而难忘的思想。悲剧必须驾驭想象和情感的翅膀，超越日常现实。伟大的悲剧作家们都知道这一必要性，并且用尽各种手段来实现它：生动的描述，如埃斯库罗斯的《阿伽门农》中的灯塔式演说；震撼人心的舞台画面，如《李尔王》中的暴风雨和《复仇女神》中沉睡的复仇三女神；象征，如《阿伽门农》中的鲜红色地毯， 《哈姆雷特》中的小丑头骨，《麦克白》中的洗手；丰富的韵律，既有戏剧性的，也有抒情的；肉体上的痛苦，如普罗米修斯、菲罗克忒忒斯、奥瑞斯忒斯、奥赛罗、格洛斯特、菲德勒所遭受的；尤其是超自然的现象——预兆、神灵、健康的精灵或被诅咒的妖怪。由于品味的下降和想象力的萎缩，大多数现代剧作家甚至不会尝试这种大胆的效果：或者，如果尝试的话，他们做得很笨拙，没有说服力。然而，法国新希腊剧作家受到前辈榜样的激励，并受到他们正在使用的（或：正在使用他们的神话）的鼓舞，运用了其中几种效果来使他们的作品高贵起来。
In spite of such eccentricities the best of these plays are very fine, and even the worst of them contain striking and memorable thoughts. Tragedy must rise above the realities of every day, upon the wings of imagination and emotion. The great tragedians have known this necessity, and have used many means of fulfilling it: vivid descriptions like the beacon-speech in Aeschylus’ Agamemnon; striking stage-pictures like the storm in King Lear and the sleeping Furies in The Eumenides; symbols like the crimson carpet in Agamemnon, the jester’s skull in Hamlet, the hand-washing in Macbeth; metrical richness, both dramatic and lyrical; physical suffering like that of Prometheus, Philoctetes, Orestes, Othello, Gloucester, Phedre; and, above all, supernatural appearances— omens, divinities, spirits of health or goblins damned. Yielding to the decline in taste and the contraction of imagination, most modern playwrights do not even attempt such bold effects: or, if ever, do so awkwardly and unconvincingly. However, the French neo-Hellenic dramatists, stimulated by the example of their predecessors and strengthened by the myths which they are using (or: which are using them), employ several of these effects to ennoble their work.
萨特在《苍蝇》中创造了一个强有力的新象征，来象征罪恶感，而罪恶感基本上就是软弱和懦弱。他描绘了血腥的阿尔戈斯城，城中肥胖的黑色苍蝇肆虐，而复仇三女神则以巨大的吸血苍蝇的形态威胁着奥瑞斯忒斯。苍蝇令人烦恼，使人虚弱，成群结队时甚至会让人恐惧，但它们很少致人死亡。只要有勇气和果断，杀死一些，赶走另一些，忽略剩下的，人就能生存下来。《苍蝇》是在法国被德军占领时创作的。同样，在科克托的《地狱机器》中，可怜、紧张但依然美丽的王后伊俄卡斯忒领着预见了她的悲剧的盲人先知忒瑞西阿斯出场。她的围巾拖在身后，忒瑞西阿斯踩在了上面。她哭着说：“我被恨我的东西包围着！”这条围巾让我整天都感到窒息。它钩在树枝上，绕着车轴转，现在你又踩到它了。……这太可怕了！它会杀了我的。’这就是她上吊自杀的围巾；在最后一幕中，她出现（只有俄狄浦斯失明的眼睛才能看到）脖子上缠着这条围巾。在同一部戏剧中，俄狄浦斯和他母亲的婚礼也得到了巧妙的处理，想象力也十分丰富。这对夫妇独自留在洞房里，被加冕仪式、漫长的游行和沉重的长袍弄得筋疲力尽：他们走动着，半睡半醒地生活在不安的梦中。俄狄浦斯一躺下就睡着了，他躺在婚床上，疲惫的头垂在床脚上。他的头靠在空摇篮上（曾经是他自己的），这是伊俄卡斯忒为了纪念她失去的孩子而保留下来的；然后，当他睡着的时候，她摇着摇篮。
A powerful new symbol for the sense of guilt which is basically weakness and cowardice was created by Sartre in The Flies, when he showed the blood-guilty city of Argos infested with a plague of fat black blowflies, and the Furies themselves threatening Orestes in the shape of monstrous blood-sucking flies. Flies annoy, and weaken, and in swarms even terrify, but they rarely kill. With energy and decision, by killing some and driving others away and ignoring the rest, one can survive. The Flies was produced when France was occupied by the Germans. Again, in Cocteau’s The Infernal Machine, Jocasta, the pitiful, nervous, but still beautiful queen, enters leading Tiresias, the blind seer who foresees her tragedy. Her scarf trails behind her, and Tiresias treads on it. She cries: ‘I am surrounded by things that hate me! This scarf has been choking me all day. It hooks on to branches, it rolls itself round chariot-axles, and now you tread on it. … It’s terrifying! It will kill me.’ That is the scarf with which she hangs herself; and in the last scene she appears (visible only to the blinded eyes of Oedipus) with it bound around her neck. In the same play the wedding of Oedipus and his mother is treated with masterly tact and imagination. The couple, left alone in the bridal chamber, are exhausted by the coronation ceremonies, the long procession, the heavy robes: they move and live half-asleep in an uneasy dream. Oedipus falls asleep just as he has thrown himself down to rest, across the marriage-bed, his tired head lolling over the foot of it. And his head rests on the empty cradle (once his own) which Jocasta kept in memory of the child she lost; and then, as he sleeps, she rocks the cradle.
传说的权威性使剧作家更容易在神话剧中引入超自然现象，而不是在当代戏剧中。法国剧作家通常不满足于模仿希腊戏剧中超自然生物的传统形象。他们更喜欢给自己的作品赋予新的形式。萨特的苍蝇就是这样一种创作。复仇三女神也出现在吉罗杜的《厄勒克特拉》中：她们是逐渐长成少女，然后成为高大威猛的女人，而奥瑞斯忒斯的复仇也接近成熟。在同一部戏剧中，最后一幕出现了一只秃鹫，起初在注定要失败的埃癸斯托斯头顶高高飞翔，然后逐渐、逐渐地飞得更低。科克托的《奥菲斯》确实是超现实主义的狂欢，聪明而愚蠢。然而，它包含一个令人印象深刻的神：死亡。她既不是头戴王冠的骷髅，也不是长着翅膀的天使，而是一个美丽而冷漠的年轻女子。她身穿外科医生的白大褂，戴着面具，在病人欧律狄克奄奄一息的时候，指挥着操作复杂而可怕的机器，这些机器和现代医院的机器一样复杂。在今天，没有骑士，没有收割者能如此有效。但在所有这些形象中，最令人印象深刻的还是科克托的《地狱机器》中的狮身人面像。起初，她只是年轻的俄狄浦斯在路上遇到的一个女孩，后来她变成了一个长着翅膀的怪物，半人半狮；骄傲的俄狄浦斯在她面前跪倒在地，被迷住了，惊呆了。
The authority of legend makes it easier for a playwright to introduce the supernatural in a mythical play than in a contemporary drama. The French dramatists are not as a rule content with imitating the traditional appearances of supernatural beings in Greek drama. They prefer to give their creations new forms. The flies of Sartre are one such creation. The Furies also appear in Giraudoux’s Electra: as little girls who gradually grow into maidens and then into tall powerful women, while the revenge of Orestes approaches its maturity. In the same play, a vulture is seen in the last act, at first floating very high above the head of the doomed Aegisthus, and then gradually, gradually planing lower. Cocteau’s Orpheus is really a surrealist extravaganza, clever but silly. However, it contains one impressive deity: Death. Neither a crowned skeleton nor a winged angel, she appears as a beautiful impassive young woman, who puts on a surgeon’s white coat and mask, and, while Eurydice, her patient, is dying, directs the manipulation of machines as intricate and terrifying as those of modern hospitals. No horseman, no reaper could be so effective for to-day. But the most impressive of all these figures is the Sphinx in Cocteau’s The Infernal Machine. At first only a girl whom young Oedipus meets on the road, she changes into a winged monster, half-woman, half-lioness; and the proud Oedipus falls before her, bewitched and aghast.
吉罗杜的口才很好，他的散文写得非常优美，剧中人物的对话生动逼真，符合法国戏剧的“理性”传统，即对抽象主题的长篇大论。如果非要说有什么问题的话，那就是他笔下的人物讨论得太多。但吉罗杜和科克托是仅有的两位这些作家的文笔在伟大时刻达到了真正的雄辩。举一个例子就足够了。当俄狄浦斯在狮身人面像面前倒下时，他瘫痪了。他大喊“我会抵抗！”她回答道：
Much might be said of the eloquence of Giraudoux, who wrote exquisite prose, and whose characters talk in flashingly vivid images, following the French dramatic tradition of raisonnement, disquisitions on abstract themes. If anything, his characters do discuss too much. But Giraudoux and Cocteau are the only two of these writers whose style reaches real eloquence at great moments. One example will suffice. When Oedipus falls before the Sphinx, he is paralysed. He shouts ‘I will resist!’ And she replies:
“闭上眼睛、扭过头都是没用的。我的力量不在于我的目光，也不在于我的歌声。当我行动时，我比盲人的手指更灵巧，比角斗士的网更迅捷，比闪电更狡猾，比车夫更坚强，比牛更重，比为算账皱眉的小学生更孝顺，比船更装备齐全、航行顺畅、抛锚稳定、保持平衡，比法官更廉洁，比昆虫更贪婪，比鸟儿更血腥，比鸡蛋更夜行性，比亚洲的酷刑者更足智多谋，比心灵更狡猾，比骗子的手更灵活，比星星更命运多舛，比用唾液润湿猎物的蛇更勤奋；我可以分泌、生产、放弃、缠绕、解开和解开，这样当我愿意时，这些结就会被打上，当我想到它们时，它们就会被收紧或放松；它们如此脆弱，你无法抓住它们，如此柔韧，你会觉得它们像一种蔓延的毒药，如此坚硬，如果我让它们滑落，它们会伤害你，如此绷紧，以至于一张弓都能从我们之间的纽带中拉出一声神圣的痛苦之音；像大海一样紧绷，像柱子一样紧绷，像章鱼一样缠绕，像梦中的机制一样复杂，高于一切，像雕像血管中的血液一样无形而庄严，一根线把你绑在蜂蜜流进一杯蜂蜜的多重漩涡和曲折中。’三十九
‘It is useless to close your eyes, to turn your head away. My power does not lie in my gaze nor in my song. When I act, I am defter than a blind man’s fingers, swifter than a gladiator’s net, subtler than the lightning, stiffer than a charioteer, heavier than a cow, more dutiful than a schoolboy wrinkling his brows over a sum, more rigged and sailed and anchored and balanced than a ship, more incorruptible than a judge, greedier than the insects, bloodier than the birds, more nocturnal than an egg, more ingenious than an Asiatic torturer, more deceitful than the heart, more supple than the hand of a cheat, more fateful than the stars, more diligent than the snake as it moistens its prey with saliva; I can secrete and produce and abandon and wind and ravel and unravel so that when I will these knots of mine they are tied, and when I think them they are tightened or loosened; so delicate that you cannot grasp them, so pliant that you feel them like a creeping poison, so hard that if I let them slip they would maim you, so taut that a bow could draw a note of divine anguish from the bond between us; clamped like the sea, like the pillar, like the rose, thewed like the octopus, complicated like the mechanism of a dream, invisible above all else, invisible and majestic like the blood in the veins of a statue, a thread binding you in the multiple swirls and twists of a stream of honey falling into a cup of honey.’39
我们以一个问题作为讨论的起点：为什么这些剧作家选择希腊传说作为主题。核心答案是神话是永恒的。它们处理的是所有问题中最重大的问题，这些问题不会改变，因为男人和女人不会改变。它们处理爱情、战争、罪恶、暴政、勇气、命运：它们都以某种方式处理人与神灵的关系，有时人们觉得这些神灵是非理性的，有时是残酷的，但不幸的是，有时是正义的。
We opened this discussion by asking why these playwrights chose Greek legends for their subjects. The central answer is that the myths are permanent. They deal with the greatest of all problems, the problems which do not change, because men and women do not change. They deal with love; with war; with sin; with tyranny; with courage; with fate: and all in some way or other deal with the relation of man to those divine powers which are sometimes felt to be irrational, sometimes to be cruel, and sometimes, alas, to be just.
24
结论
24
CONCLUSION
我们已经走了很长的路。我们追溯了希腊罗马文学影响之河，从它第一次与现代欧洲生活交织在一起，穿过中世纪的森林和荒野，穿过它丰富和装饰的柔和风景，进入文艺复兴时期极其肥沃的土地，那是鲜花盛开、果实累累的炎热夏日；然后经过那段时期，它流经了巴洛克时期，现在河床已经得到精心控制，四周铺着大理石，还有雕像在注视着它；然后，随着革命时代，它再次以新的和意想不到的进程迸发出来——有时像迷宫一样蜿蜒流过一位热恋中的年轻诗人的丰富幻想，有时则像一声悦耳的吼叫，打破旧的传统，冲向基督教的圣殿；然后，通过新的渠道，强烈而优雅地流经十九世纪文学和二十世纪文学，一直流进我们这个时代，现代心理学家和剧作家以钦佩和敬畏的眼光看待这永恒之流中流淌的牧神和英雄、仙女和男神等不朽的形象。
WE have come a long way. We have traced the river of Greek and Roman influence in literature from its first mingling with the life of modern Europe, among the forests and wildernesses of the Dark Ages, through the softer landscapes of the Middle Ages, which it helped to enrich and adorn, into the tremendous fertility of the Renaissance, a hot summerland of bright flowers and clustering fruit; then past that, flowing along a bed now carefully controlled, lined with marble and watched by statues, through the baroque era; then bursting out again in new and unexpected courses with the age of revolution—sometimes meandering with a mazy motion through the rich fancies of a young poet in love, sometimes, with a melodious roar, breaking down old traditions and surging high against the very temples of Christianity itself; then, in new channels, flowing strongly and graciously through the literature of the nineteenth century and into that of the twentieth, right on into our own time, when modern psychologists and playwrights look with admiration and with awe at the immortal figures of faun and hero, nymph and god, borne along in its eternal stream.
我们未能追随它的所有轨迹，追寻它的所有不同的潮流，也未能指出它众多支流中的几条。探索一些位于其主干道之外的国家会很有吸引力：例如，看看西班牙诗人贡戈拉的奇妙抒情诗，研究意大利巴洛克诗人马里尼的著名但被遗忘的阿多尼斯，或者欣赏荷马悲剧和龙沙的波兰崇拜者科哈诺夫斯基的优美颂歌。许多现代作家也必须被忽略，因为尽管他们感受到了希腊罗马影响的力量，但他们表达这种影响的创造性或古怪性不如同时代人。在英国，人们可能会指出罗伯特·布里奇斯；在美国，是意象派诗人 HD；在德国，是斯蒂芬·乔治。
We have not been able to follow all its wanderings, to trace all its varied currents, or to do more than indicate a few of its many effluents. It would have been attractive to explore some of the countries lying a little beyond its main course: to look, for instance, at the fantastic lyrics of the Spaniard Gongora, to examine the famous but forgotten Adonis of the Italian baroque poet Marini, or to admire the Homeric tragedy and the fine odes of Ronsard’s Polish admirer Kochanowski. Many modern authors, too, must be omitted, because, although they felt the power of Greco-Roman influence, they expressed it less creatively or more eccentrically than their contemporaries. In England, one might point to Robert Bridges; in America, to the imagist H. D.; in Germany, to Stefan George.
再次，追溯希腊和罗马哲学思想在现代欧洲和美国生活中的进程，看看伏尔泰在多大程度上受到了他的启发，这将会很有趣。了解它如何塑造了中世纪教会的思想，了解希腊人的逻辑和形而上学如何成为西方人推理的智力装备的一部分。或者，这是一种新颖而有价值的历史方法，可以展示有多少伟人以他们年轻时读过的古典英雄为榜样，塑造自己的生活和行为。查理十二世认为自己是亚历山大。杰斐逊希望成为西塞罗。拿破仑自封为凯撒。
It would have been interesting, again, to follow the course of Greek and Roman philosophical thought through the life of modern Europe and America, showing how much Voltaire owed to it, how it moulded the mind of the medieval church, how the logic and metaphysics of the Greeks have become part of the intellectual equipment without which no western man can reason. Or it would have been a novel and valuable approach to history, to show how many great men have modelled their lives and actions on the classical heroes of whom they read when they were young. Charles the Twelfth thought he was Alexander. Jefferson wished to be Cicero. Napoleon made himself Caesar.
我们也没有提到现代世界的许多思想家和艺术家，尽管他们的作品很少或根本没有表现出古典文学的直接影响，但他们仍然发现古典文学对他们具有巨大的价值，是一种挑战和刺激。例如，在十九世纪，我们可能会想到一位德国作曲家、一位美国诗人和一位俄罗斯小说家，他们都是这样的。
Nor have we been able to mention the many thinkers and artists of the modern world who, although they wrote little or nothing showing the direct influence of the classics, still found that classical literature was of immense value to them as a challenge and a stimulus. Within the nineteenth century, for example, we might think of a German composer, an American poet, and a Russian novelist, of whom this is true.
瓦格纳在创作《尼伯龙根的指环》时，常常花整个上午的时间创作音乐。午饭后，他坐在花园里阅读希腊悲剧——因为他觉得没有其他文学作品能让他保持同样高昂的精力和激情。不仅如此，他显然还设想他的歌剧是希腊悲剧的现代对应物。像埃斯库罗斯的《奥瑞斯提亚》一样，《尼伯龙根的指环》被称为三部曲（带有序曲），而四部歌剧中的诸神和英雄事迹以及悲剧命运的感觉显然受到希腊戏剧中雄伟人物的启发。1
Wagner, when composing The Ring of the Nibelungs, used to spend all morning working at his music. After luncheon he sat in the garden and read Greek tragedies—because he felt that no other literature would maintain him at the same lofty pitch of energy and passion. Not only that, but he evidently conceived his operas to be modern parallels to the Greek tragedies. Like Aeschylus’ Oresteia, The Ring is called a trilogy (with a prelude), while the gods and heroic deeds and the sense of tragic brooding fate in the four operas are clearly inspired by the majestic figures of Greek drama.1
惠特曼号召缪斯离开希腊和爱奥尼亚。他自己的诗歌在形式和感觉上大胆地打破了传统。然而，他的朋友梭罗回忆说，惠特曼喜欢坐公交车在百老汇大街上来回穿梭，坐在司机旁边，就在马匹上方，头发和胡须在风中飘扬，大声朗诵荷马的诗篇。2事实上，他一定看起来很像荷马，荷马听到他的话时会露出友好的微笑。
Whitman called the Muses to come away from Greece and Ionia. His own poetry was boldly untraditional in pattern and feeling. Yet his friend Thoreau recalls that he loved to ride up and down Broadway on a bus, sitting beside the driver just above the horses, with his hair and beard flying in the wind, declaiming Homer at the top of his voice.2 In fact, he must have looked rather like Homer, who would have heard him with a smile of friendship.
托尔斯泰 42 岁开始学习希腊语。当他能阅读希腊语后，他写信给他的朋友费特：“我确信，人类语言创造出的所有真正、简单而美丽的东西，我却一无所知。”他用自己独创的一套新颖而有效的体系教他的孩子们学习希腊语；最后他表达了自己的信念：“不懂希腊语就没有教育。”3
Tolstoy began to learn Greek at forty-two. After he could read it, he wrote to his friend Fet: ‘I have become convinced that of all that human language has produced truly and simply beautiful, I knew nothing’; he taught it, on a novel but effective system of his own, to his children; and he finally uttered his conviction that ‘without a knowledge of Greek there is no education’.3
或者考虑教育本身。过去十二年来，文明工作的主要成就之一就是十五个世纪以来，教育的重点是教育越来越多的人，而且越来越全面。直到上个世纪末，教育的核心还是拉丁语，有时是希腊语、诗歌和散文。人们很容易就想用古典课程来写一部好的教育史，并向许多优秀的教师致敬，他们通过借助希腊罗马文学，培养出了许多才华横溢的诗人和建设性的思想家，证明了自己的天才。这类教师中最大的一个群体是耶稣会士，他们的学生包括莫里哀、笛卡尔、塔索、伏尔泰、卡尔德隆、孟德斯鸠、高乃依、布丰、狄德罗、哥尔多尼、博须埃、勒萨热、基亚布雷拉和乔伊斯。紧随其后的是文艺复兴时期的优秀教师，从苏格兰人布坎南到意大利人费奇诺，从多拉特到伊拉斯谟。而与他们关系密切的是我们往往会忘记的群体，尽管我们应该怀着钦佩和爱戴记住他们。这些父亲向儿子们介绍了伟大的书籍和希腊罗马的优美语言，激发了他们的兴趣，帮助他们越过干燥的沙地和坚固的篱笆，与他们一起学习，直到他们的儿子成为我们钦佩的名人，仿佛他们是凭空而来的。皮特和卡苏朋、布朗宁和蒙田感谢他们的父亲，不仅仅是因为他们的肉体存在，更是因为他们的这些成就。4这才是真正的父亲身份，不仅要生育孩子的身体，还要帮助孩子形成心智。
Or consider education itself. One of the main achievements of the work of civilization which has been going on for the last twelve or fifteen centuries has been to teach more and more people more and more thoroughly. Until late last century the core of that education was Latin, and sometimes Greek, poetry and prose. It would be tempting to write a good history of education in terms of the classical curriculum, and to include tributes to the many fine teachers who have proved their genius by producing, with the aid of Greco-Roman literature, many brilliant poets and constructive thinkers. The largest single group of such teachers would be the Jesuits, whose pupils include Moliere, Descartes, Tasso, Voltaire, Calderon, Montesquieu, Corneille, Buffon, Diderot, Goldoni, Bossuet, Lesage, Chiabrera, and Joyce. Next to them would come the wonderful teachers of the Renaissance, from the Scot Buchanan to the Italian Ficino, from Dorat to Erasmus. And close to them would be the group we tend to forget, although we should remember them with admiration and affection. These are the fathers who introduced their sons to the great books and the beautiful languages of Greece and Rome, who awakened their interest, and helped them over the dry sands and stubborn fences, and studied along with them, until often the sons became famous men whom we admire as though they had produced themselves out of nothing. It was for this, more than for their physical existence, that Pitt and Casaubon, Browning and Montaigne, were grateful to their fathers.4 That is true fatherhood, not only to beget the body but to help in making the mind of your son.
然而，本书的主题是文学。因此，有必要省略与其不直接相关的一切。哲学、艺术、教育和其他具有希腊罗马精神的作品只在它们对现代西方文学有直接贡献的地方才被提及。
However, the subject of this book is literature. It has been necessary, therefore, to omit everything which does not bear directly upon it. Philosophy, art, education, and other works of the Greco-Roman spirit have been mentioned only in so far as they contributed immediately to modern western literature.
没有人会说，我们所追随的这条潮流是文学的洪流中唯一的潮流。还有许多其他潮流。最重要的是每个作家的个人经历——不仅是他的情感生活，还有他所经历的政治平静或风暴，他在赚钱方面的成功或失败，他居住的城市、宫廷或乡村，他结交的朋友和敌人，他欣赏的艺术作品，他信奉或忽视的宗教。另一个强大的潮流是历史的进程，它通过战争、朝代和革命，可以塑造或摧毁整整一代艺术家的审美模式。另一个是作家的想象力。每个国家的普通人：那些创作鬼故事、歌曲、舞蹈、笑话、谚语、寓言和歌谣的人，这些往往本身就是文学，并且始终是文学的重要力量之一。然而，从希腊和罗马流出的潮流一直很强大，总是富有成效，而且常常是中心。这本书试图展示它有多么强大和富有成效。也可以从反面来证明这一点：想象一下，所有欧洲语言中直接受到古典文学启发而写成的书籍、戏剧和诗歌都应该被销毁。不仅几乎所有最优秀的作品都会消失——但丁的《喜剧》、莎士比亚的悲剧、大部分十九世纪最优秀的诗歌——而且欧洲文学的几个完整领域也会完全消失，就像被地震吞没的城市一样，只留下裂缝边缘生长的几朵花，这儿讲的是骑士故事，那儿唱的是一首小情歌，这儿是一本书信，那儿是一出闹剧。
No one would claim that the stream which we have been following is the only one in the majestic flow of literature. There are many other currents. Chief of all is the personal experience of each writer—not only his emotional life, but the political calms or storms through which he lives, his success or failure in the task of making money, the city or court or country-side in which he has his home, the friends and enemies he makes, the works of art he admires, the religion he practises or neglects. Another powerful current is the course of history, which with wars and dynasties and revolutions can make or break the aesthetic patterns of a whole generation of artists. Still another is the imagination of the ordinary people of each nation: those who make the ghost-stories and the songs, the dances, jokes, and proverbs, the fables and ballads, which are so often literature themselves, and are always one of the vital forces in literature. Still, the current flowing out of Greece and Rome has always been a strong one, always productive, and often central. How strong and how productive it has been, this book has endeavoured to show. It can also be proved negatively: imagine that all the books, plays, and poems, in all the European languages, which were written under direct inspiration from the classics, should be destroyed. Not only would nearly all the best work disappear—Dante’s Comedy, Shakespeare’s tragedies, much of the finest nineteenth-century poetry—but several complete areas of European literature would drop out of sight entirely, like cities swallowed up in an earthquake, leaving nothing behind but a few flowers growing on the edge of the chasm, here a tale of chivalry and there a little love-song, here a book of letters and there a farce.
由于许多现代思想家犯了一个错误，这一事实常常被低估或忽视。这个错误就是相信过去已经消亡。当被问及他们将这种消亡追溯到什么时候时，他们给出了不同的答案。有人说是 1776 年，有人说是 1848 年，还有人说是 1917 年；许多人说是基督教时代的开始。所有人都同意过去的某些东西仍然存在，但他们对多少的定义不同。他们被个人的肉体死亡和事件进入历史之间的错误类比所误导。人会死，但人类会继续活着。如果历史事实仍在积极地产生结果，那么它就没有消亡：因为它的生命存在于人类的头脑中。
That fact is often underestimated or ignored because of a mistake made by many modern thinkers. The mistake is to believe that the past is dead. When they are asked how far back they would place this death, they give various answers. Some say 1776, others 1848, others 1917; many say the beginning of the Christian era. All agree that something of the past is still alive, but they differ in defining how much. They are misled by a false analogy between the physical death of individual men and the passage of events into history. Men die, but mankind lives continuously. No historical fact is dead if it is still actively producing results: for its life is in the mind of humanity.
举两个简单的例子。语言是为了阅读和口语而存在的。它们是通过词语传达思想的方法，无论是口语还是书面语。只要它们继续传达思想，它们就没有消亡。因此，拉丁语和希腊语仍然在向新的读者传达新的思想，它们并不是消亡的语言。希伯来语的例子表明，认为不说话的语言已经消亡是多么错误。只有那些现在没有人说或读的语言才是消亡的语言，比如伊特鲁里亚语和克里特语。
Take two simple examples. Languages are meant to be read and spoken. They are methods of conveying thought through words, whether the words are uttered or written. As long as they continue to convey thoughts, they are not dead. Therefore Latin and Greek, which are still conveying new thoughts to new readers, are not dead languages. The instance of Hebrew, which survived the drums and tramplings of seven conquests as a language which was read but seldom spoken, shows how mistaken it is to think of unspoken tongues as dead. The only dead languages are those which no one now either speaks or reads, like Etruscan and Cretan.
同样，欧洲文明的一个基本事实是罗马帝国的建立，以及随后的分裂分为希腊语和拉丁语两部分。这一事实仍然活跃而重要。通过一系列连续的因果关系，它导致了欧洲东西部之间的政治分裂——这一分裂现在影响到世界其他地区——以及希腊（和斯拉夫）东正教和罗马天主教会之间长期存在的宗教分裂。我们不能假装这个事实已经不复存在。但我们可以通过理解它来更好地生活。例如，我们可以停止将俄罗斯视为一个亚洲国家，而事实上它是一个欧洲社会，部分是由罗马帝国的希腊部分文明化的，然后（在鞑靼人的统治下）被孤立和遏制。它真正的关系是欧洲的。它从东方获得的滋养水流很少。几个世纪以来，它是从希腊和罗马流经拜占庭的河流的一部分；它最早的已知统治者是斯堪的纳维亚北方人，他们最终不是通过地中海航道而是通过广阔的俄罗斯河流到达拜占庭。然后这种联系被切断了。但是波兰在种族和语言上与俄罗斯非常相似，它通过罗马接受了这种文化，并继续从中受益，而俄罗斯虽然坚持拜占庭-基督教和希腊-斯拉夫文字，但在其他方面却与世隔绝。所有这些事件，无论距离多远，都是仍然存在并影响我们生活的事实。了解它们有助于解决它们引起的问题。
Again, one of the fundamental facts in European civilization was the establishment of the Roman empire, followed by its division into Greek-speaking and Latin-speaking sections. The fact continues to be active and vital. Through a continuous chain of causes and effects it has produced the present political division between east and west in Europe—a division now affecting all the rest of the world—and the long-standing religious schism between the Greek (and Slavic) Orthodox church and the Roman Catholic church. We cannot live as though this fact had ceased to exist. But we can live better by understanding it. We can, for instance, stop thinking of Russia as an Asiatic nation, when in fact it is a European society which was partly civilized by the Greek part of the Roman empire, and then (under the Tartars) isolated and arrested. Its true relationships are European. It received few fertilizing currents from the East. For centuries it was part of the stream which flowed from Greece and Rome through Byzantium; and its earliest known rulers were Scandinavian northmen who eventually found their way to Byzantium not round the Mediterranean sea-lanes but through the vast Russian rivers. Then that connexion was cut. But Poland, so like Russia in racial stock and language, received the stream through Rome and continued to be enriched by it, while Russia, although clinging to its Byzantine-Christian religion and its Greek-Slavic letters, was otherwise isolated. All these events, however distant, are facts which still exist and affect our lives. To understand them is to help in solving the problems which they raise.
但在这里，我们关心的是文学；与历史事实相比，文学退居幕后的速度更慢，在压力下的变化也更不剧烈。每本能给你带来新兴趣和新想法的书都是活的，尽管它是许多世纪前写的。认识到这一点，就等于为你自己的心智打开了一个更广阔的宇宙。受过教育的人和没有受过教育的人的区别在于，没有受过教育的人只活在当下，读报纸，看最新的电影，而受过教育的人活在更广阔的现在，活在生机勃勃的永恒中，大卫的诗篇、莎士比亚的戏剧、保罗的书信和柏拉图的对话，都带着同样的魅力和力量，在写成的那一刻就永垂不朽。
But here, literature is our concern; and literature passes into the background even less rapidly, and changes under pressure even less radically, than historical facts. Every book from which you can get new interests and ideas is alive, although it was written many centuries ago. To realize that is to open a broader universe to your own mind. The difference between an educated man and an uneducated man is that the uneducated man lives only for the moment, reading his newspaper and watching the latest moving-picture, while the educated man lives in a far wider present, that vital eternity in which the psalms of David and the plays of Shakespeare, the epistles of Paul and the dialogues of Plato, speak with the same charm and power that made them immortal the instant they were written.
本书的目的就是纠正这一应用于文学的错误，通过展示许多最好的诗歌的历史西方国家的文学和散文是一条源头在希腊一直流淌到今天的溪流，这条溪流是西方人精神生活的一股连续不断的潮流。
The purpose of this book has been to correct that error as applied to literature, by showing that the history of much of the best poetry and prose written in western countries is a continuous stream flowing from its source in Greece to the present day, and that that stream is one current in the continuous spiritual life of western man.
从另一个角度来看，这可以看作是一个持续的教育过程。希腊罗马文明并没有随着帝国的衰落而消亡。它教导我们。它帮助我们文明。它的教训在不同时期有所不同。
From another point of view this could be looked at as a continuous process of education. Greco-Roman civilization did not die with the fall of the empire. It taught us. It helped to civilize us. Its lessons differed at different times.
起初，我们的本土文学就像孩子向母亲求助一样，向它求故事。它给我们讲神话和传说，我们重复它们：特洛伊的陷落，赫克托尔爵士、海伦夫人和埃涅阿斯爵士的故事，凯撒和庞培的冒险故事，迈达斯和菲洛梅尔的奇异故事，皮拉摩斯和提斯柏的爱情故事。
At first, our vernacular literatures went to it, like children to their mother, for stories. It told us myths and legends, and we repeated them: the fall of Troy, the tale of Sir Hector and Lady Helen and Sir Aeneas, the adventures of Caesar and Pompey, the weird stories of Midas and Philomel, the loves of Pyramus and Thisbe.
随后，随着国家开始发展，它教会了人们语言——赋予他们文字，使它们不仅仅是日常生活的实用工具，更是思想的载体——并教会他们哲学思想，以锻炼他们不断扩展的头脑。这些是中世纪的主要礼物。
Then, as the nations began to grow, it taught them language— giving them words which would be more than a practical tool for daily life and become vehicles for thought—and taught them philosophical ideas on which to exercise their expanding minds. These were its chief gifts in the Middle Ages.
在文艺复兴时期，它教给了人们两堂新的课。它给了他们文学的模式，以表达涌入的新思想：悲剧和喜剧、颂歌、散文和挽歌、史诗和讽刺。它还向他们展示了一种新的个人生活理想，这种理想以最高的强度为个人生活本身而活，这种“人文主义”因其自身最佳力量的意识而变得高尚，这种理想体现在雕像的躯体和作家的思想中。
In the Renaissance it taught them two new lessons. It gave them the patterns of literature in which to express the new ideas which came flooding in: tragedy and comedy, ode and essay and elegy, epic and satire. And it showed them, exemplified in the bodies of its statues and the minds of its writers, a new ideal of individual life lived at its highest intensity for its own sake, ‘humanism’ ennobled by the consciousness of its own best powers.
各个民族都成熟了。他们意识到自己不仅是群体，而且是欧洲的一部分，是历史的继承者。他们深入自己的祖先，重新发现和重新创造过去，作为自己思想的框架。现在，它教会了他们政治教训：罗马的理想共和国、希腊的民主创造，都再次实现了。
The nations matured. They became aware of themselves not only as groups but as parts of Europe and as heirs of history. They penetrated farther back into their own ancestry, rediscovering and re-creating the past to serve as a frame for their own thoughts. Now it taught them political lessons: the Roman ideal republic, the Greek creation democracy, were realized again.
在我们文学发展的最新阶段，我们再次转而聆听传说。这是我们对人类心灵进行更深入探索的一部分。就像一个人回忆起童年时听过的一个故事并意识到它具有深远的意义一样，我们现在正在重述希腊神话，发现它们往往是照亮灵魂许多黑暗角落的唯一光源，并从中汲取了对我们自己至关重要的上百种意义。
In this latest stage of the growth of our literature, we have turned again to listen to the legends. This is part of our deeper exploration of the human mind. Like a man who remembers a tale told him in his childhood and realizes that it has profound significance, we are now retelling the Greek myths, finding that they are often the only illumination of many dark places of the soul, and drawing from them a hundred meanings which are vital for ourselves.
在整个过程中，有两个基本事实一直存在并影响着它。其中之一是基督教与希腊罗马异教。从某种角度来看，这是两种过去观点之间的冲突：应该完全拒绝它，还是应该接受它并加以改造以供我们使用？我们在书籍之战中看到了这种形式的冲突。从另一个角度来看，这是两种观点之间的冲突：一种观点认为世界和人性完全是坏的，堕落到人类无法救赎的地步，另一种观点认为两者都包含许多可以改进的优点。苦行基督徒对人性的谴责常常引起那些认为人性基本是善的人同样激烈的反谴责，他们钦佩希腊人和罗马人从中引出了最好的一面。在这场冲突中，真理并不完全属于一方或另一方。它属于那些吸收了异教的精华并将其与基督教思想的最高境界混合在一起的人。
Throughout the whole process, two fundamental facts have continued to exist and affect it. One of these is the conflict between Christianity and Greco-Roman paganism. From one point of view, this is the conflict between two views of the past: should it be totally rejected, or should it be accepted and transformed for our use? In that form we saw the conflict in the Battle of the Books. From another point of view, it is the conflict between the view that the world and human nature are totally bad, depraved beyond human redemption, and the view that both contain much good which can be bettered. The condemnation of human nature by ascetic Christians has often provoked an equally violent counter-condemnation by those who felt that human nature was basically good, and who admired the Greeks and Romans for eliciting the best from it. In this conflict, truth does not lie wholly with one side or with the other. It rests with those who have taken the best of paganism and transformed it by the admixture of the highest of Christian thought.
另一个事实是文明本身的性质。我们许多人误解了它。我们生活在一个物质世界。我们大多数人不停地想着赚钱，想着为一个群体或一个国家获得权力（以物质形式表达），想着在各个阶级、国家或大陆之间重新分配财富。然而，文明主要不是与金钱、权力或财产有关。它与人类的思想有关。世界上最富有的国家，或一个拥有无限财富和舒适的世界社会，即使其每个成员都拥有他可能使用的所有食物、衣服、机器和物质财产，仍然不是一个文明。它将是柏拉图所说的“猪城”，吃喝交配、睡觉直到死去。5
The other fact is the nature of civilization itself. Many of us misunderstand it. We live in a materialistic world. Most of us think incessantly about making money, or about gaining power—expressed in material terms—for one group or one nation, or about redistributing wealth between classes, countries, or continents. Nevertheless, civilization is not chiefly concerned with money, or power, or possessions. It is concerned with the human mind. The richest state in the world, or a world-society of unlimited wealth and comfort, even although every single one of its members had all the food and clothing and machines and material possessions he could possibly use, would still not be a civilization. It would be what Plato called ‘a city of swine’, eating, drinking, mating, and sleeping until they died.5
希腊人是敏锐的商业头脑。罗马人建立了一个拥有巨大权力和财富的庞大帝国。但如果他们没有做更多，他们就会像亚述人一样灭亡。他们仍然活着，并通过我们发挥作用，因为他们意识到文明意味着教育。文明是精神的生活。当然，没有物质保障、身体健康和适当分配的财富，文明就不可能存在。但这些不是目的。它们是手段。他们的最终目标是美好的精神生活。正是通过思想，我们才真正成为人类。休息、游戏、食物、住所和战斗，我们与动物共享。
The Greeks were keen business-men. The Romans built a vast empire of tremendous power and wealth. But if they had done no more than that, they would be as dead as the Assyrians. They are still alive, and working through us, because they realized that civilization means education. Civilization is the life of the mind. Naturally it cannot exist without material security, physical health, and properly distributed wealth. But these are not ends. They are means. Their ultimate objective is the good life of the mind. It is through the mind that we are truly human. The rest, the games and the food and the shelter and the fighting, we share with the animals.
文明意味着教育——不仅针对儿童，而且针对男人和女人的一生。文明是最具多样性和这种教育的一个有趣方法是文学。希腊人知道戏剧和歌曲、故事和历史不仅是一时的娱乐，而且由于其内容丰富，是心灵的永久财富。这是希腊人的发现。他们不是很富有，也不是很强大。埃及更富有。波斯更强大。但希腊人是文明的，因为他们认为……
Civilization means education—not only for children but for men and women throughout their lives. One of the most varied and interesting methods of such education is literature. Greece knew that dramas and songs, tales and histories, are not only amusements for a moment but, because of their continuously fertile content, permanent possessions for the mind. This was the discovery of the Greeks. They were not very rich, or very powerful. Egypt was richer. Persia was far more powerful. But the Greeks were civilized, because they thought.
他们把这一点教给了罗马人。罗马人知道很多希腊人从未学过或学得太晚的东西。罗马平息了好战的野蛮人，修建了道路、港口、桥梁和灌溉系统，制定了法律。这也是文明。但之后呢？希腊人回答说“灵魂的面包”，并给了它。
They taught this to the Romans. Rome knew much which the Greeks never learned or acquired too late. Rome quieted the warring savages, and built the roads and harbours and bridges and irrigation-systems, and made the laws. That too is civilization. But after that, what? The Greeks replied ‘Bread for the soul’, and gave it.
他们从希腊人那里获得的精神食粮通过罗马人传遍了整个西欧。基督教净化并加强了这种精神食粮，随着基督教的发展，基督教从希腊精神中汲取了更多的营养。罗马帝国随后被推翻，首先在西方，随后在东方。它的物质财富和权力荡然无存。但希腊和罗马的精神力量却存留下来。它征服了野蛮的征服者，然后使他们文明化。它帮助我们创造了我们。
The spiritual food which they received from the Greeks was passed on by the Romans to the whole of western Europe. It was purified and strengthened by Christianity, which as it grew brought in still more nourishment from the Greek spirit. Then the Roman empire was overthrown, first in the west and later in the east. Nothing survives of its material wealth and its power. But the spiritual force of Greece and Rome survives. It conquered the barbarian conquerors, and then civilized them. It helped to make us.
现代世界与古典世界之间的真正关系，在更大范围内，与罗马与希腊之间的关系相同。这是一种教育关系。罗马曾经富裕而强大。它的大部分财富和权力都用于感官享受——饮酒和赛马、聚会和游艇、昂贵的家具和华丽的衣服。但是，在希腊人的教育下，许多罗马人也利用他们国家的财富和权力，使当时和之后所有能读书的人都能拥有更强大、更敏感的精神生活。现在我们记得他们。我们知道一些伟大的征服者，也知道一些暴君：凯撒、尼禄，还有——打败汉尼拔的是谁？我们已经忘记了百万富翁，只记得他们有夜莺舌头的盘子和加热的黄金游泳池。但我们仍然知道和敬佩的是那些善于运用大脑的人（无论贫富）：白手起家的律师，在达到职业顶峰并担任最高政府职务后，为许多最难理解的希腊罗马哲学提供了有说服力的代言人；农场男孩，将整个罗马人的命运塑造成英雄般的希腊形象，启发了但丁还有弥尔顿、丁尼生、雨果和其他许多人；一个来自贫瘠南方的奴隶之子，他节俭的父亲把他送到希腊，他回来写作，先是讽刺贪婪的富人，然后是节制的幸福和深厚爱国主义的歌曲，这些歌曲让成千上万的现代人感到有趣、着迷和坚强。这些人是西塞罗、维吉尔、贺拉斯。在希腊，我们记得荷马、柏拉图、索福克勒斯、亚里士多德，而富人、权贵、奢侈和野心勃勃的人已经不复存在。只有思想和艺术还活着。
The true relation between the modern world and the classical world is the same, on a larger scale, as the relation between Rome and Greece. It is an educational relationship. Rome was wealthy and powerful. Much of its wealth and power was used for sensual pleasures—drink and the races, parties and yachts, expensive furniture and gorgeous clothes. But, taught by Greece, many Romans also used the wealth and power of their state to make possible, for everyone who could read then and thereafter, a stronger and more sensitive life of the mind. Now we remember them. Some tremendous conquerors we know, and some tyrants: Caesar, and Nero, and—who was it who beat Hannibal? The millionaires we have forgotten, except as ridiculous figures who had dishes of nightingales’ tongues and heated gold swimming-pools. But those we still know and admire are the men (whether rich or poor) who used their brains: the self-made lawyer who, after reaching the top of his profession and holding the highest state offices, made himself a persuasive voice for much of the most difficult Greco-Roman philosophy; the farm-boy who, putting the whole Roman destiny into a heroic Greek shape, inspired Dante and Milton and Tennyson and Hugo and many others; the slave’s son from the barren south whose thrifty father sent him to Greece, and who returned to write, first satires on the greedy rich, and then songs of temperate happiness and deeply based patriotism, which have amused, charmed, and strengthened hundreds of thousands of modern men. These are Cicero, Vergil, Horace. In Greece we remember Homer, Plato, Sophocles, Aristotle, while the rich and powerful and luxurious and ambitious have ceased to exist. Only thought and art live.
罗马凭借其军事和政治天赋而变得强大；然后，她从希腊那里学会了如何过精神生活。我们则凭借我们的科学和工业天赋而变得强大。我们能够证明这种力量、将其用于我们自己的持久利益并为人类发展做出永久贡献的唯一方法是理解和传播一套高尚的精神理想体系。其中一些是我们自己正在实践的。其他许多理想源自基督教。而许多艺术、哲学和文学方面的理想是我们从希腊罗马文明中获得的无价遗产。人类的真正责任不是扩大他的权力或增加他的财富超过他的需要，而是丰富和享受他唯一永恒的财产：他的灵魂。
Rome grew powerful through her military and political genius; and then, from Greece, she learnt to live the life of the mind. We have grown powerful through our scientific and industrial genius. The only way in which we can justify that power, use it for our own lasting benefit, and contribute something permanent to the development of the human race, is to understand and spread a system of noble spiritual ideals. Some of these we ourselves are working out. Many others we derive from Christianity. And many—in art and philosophy and literature—we have received from Greco-Roman civilization, as a priceless legacy. The real duty of man is not to extend his power or multiply his wealth beyond his needs, but to enrich and enjoy his only imperishable possession: his soul.
参考书目
BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY
据我所知，目前还没有一本书能概述希腊和罗马对现代文学的影响。这部分内容已由三系列出版物涵盖，尽管它们包含许多有用的事实，但编写和组织却非常不均衡。它们是：
THERE is, as far as I know, no single book which gives even in outline a survey of the whole field of Greek and Roman influence on modern literature. It has been partly covered by three series of publications, which, although they contain many useful facts, are very unevenly written and organized. These are:
《老我》 （Das Erbe der Alten），分为两部分，均在莱比锡出版：第一部分，共十卷（O. Crusius、O. Immisch 和 T. Zielinski 编），从 1910 年到 1924 年；第二部分，共二十六卷（O. Immisch 编），从 1919 年到 1936 年；
Das Erbe der Alten, in two groups, both published at Leipzig: the first, in ten volumes (ed. O. Crusius, O. Immisch, and T. Zielinski), from 1910 to 1924, the second, in twenty-six volumes (ed. O. Immisch), from 1919 to 1936;
《我们对希腊和罗马的债务》，共四十四卷（GD Hadzsits 和 DM Robinson 编辑），于 1922 年至 1935 年间首先在波士顿出版，随后在纽约出版；
Our Debt to Greece and Rome, forty-four volumes (ed. G. D. Hadzsits and D. M. Robinson) issued first in Boston and later in New York between 1922 and 1935;
《瓦尔堡图书馆导论》（F. Saxl 编，莱比锡，1923–32 年）以及瓦尔堡图书馆的其他出版物。瓦尔堡图书馆是为促进研究希腊和罗马文化对现代世界的影响而成立的组织，1934 年迁至伦敦后，以瓦尔堡研究所的名义继续开展其工作。
Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg (ed. F. Saxl, Leipzig, 1923–32) and other publications of the Bibliothek Warburg, an organization which was created in order to foster research in the influence of Greek and Roman culture on the modern world, and which has been continuing its work, after moving in 1934 to London, under the name of the Warburg Institute.
我在研究该领域的特定部分时遇到的最有用的书籍和文章都列在了各个章节的注释中。请特别参阅第 5 章（乔叟）的注释 51、第 6 章（文艺复兴时期的翻译）的介绍性注释、第 11 章（莎士比亚的经典作品）的介绍性注释以及第 14 章（书籍之战）的注释 1。
The most useful books and articles which I have met with when working on special sections of the field are mentioned in the notes on individual chapters. See in particular note 51 on chapter 5 (Chaucer), the introductory note on chapter 6 (Translation in the Renaissance), the introductory note on chapter 11 (Shakespeare’s Classics), and note 1 on chapter 14 (The Battle of the Books).
除此之外，以下也属于最有价值的单件作品。
Besides these, the following are among the most valuable single works.
1. C. B AILEY（编），《罗马的遗产》（牛津，1923 年）。
1. C. BAILEY (ed.), The Legacy of Rome (Oxford, 1923).
论文探讨了我们文明的各个部分——法律、政治组织等——这些部分都是由罗马形成或影响的。文笔流畅，编辑精良。
Essays on the various parts of our civilization—law, political organization, &c.—which have been formed or influenced by Rome. Well written and edited.
2. F.B ALDENSPERGER和 WP F RIEDRICH，《比较文学书目》（北卡罗来纳大学比较文学研究中心，教堂山，1950 年）。
2. F. BALDENSPERGER and W. P. FRIEDRICH, Bibliography of Comparative Literature (University of N. Carolina Studies in Comparative Literature, Chapel Hill, 1950).
第 2 册第 2、3 和 4 部分以及第 3 册第 2 部分构成了希腊和罗马对现代文学影响的最新、最佳书目。
Book 2, Parts 2, 3, and 4, and Book 3, Part 2, compose the newest and best available bibliography of Greek and Roman influence on modern literature.
3. K. B ORJNSKI，《Die Antike in Poetik und Kunsttheorie von Ausgang des klassischen Altertums bis auf Goethe und Wilhelm von Humboldt》（《Das Erbe der Alten》，9 和 10，莱比锡，1914 年和 1924 年）。
3. K. BORJNSKI, Die Antike in Poetik und Kunsttheorie von Ausgang des klassischen Altertums bis auf Goethe und Wilhelm von Humboldt (Das Erbe der Alten, 9 and 10, Leipzig, 1914 and 1924).
古典思想和实例对发展现代批判标准的影响的历史：文笔精彩，材料紧凑。
A history of the influence of classical ideas and examples in developing modern critical standards: brilliantly written, almost too tightly packed with material.
4 H. B ROWN，《英国文学中古典影响书目》（哈佛语言学研究，18 卷（剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1935 年），7-46 页）。
4 H. BROWN, A Bibliography of Classical Influence on English Literature (Harvard Studies in Philology, 18 (Cambridge, Mass., 1935), 7–46).
一份有价值的书籍和文章清单。
A valuable list of books and articles.
5. D. B USH，《神话与英国诗歌中的文艺复兴传统》（明尼阿波利斯和伦敦，1932 年）。
5. D. BUSH, Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry (Minneapolis and London, 1932).
概述文艺复兴时期英国诗歌（不包括戏剧）中多种多样的希腊罗马神话：一部不可或缺的作品，品味高雅，知识渊博。
A survey of the manifold appearances of Greco-Roman myths in English poetry (excluding drama) during the Renaissance: an indispensable work, written with fine taste and extensive knowledge.
6. D. B USH，《神话与英国诗歌的浪漫主义传统》（哈佛英语研究，18，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年）。
6. D. BUSH, Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English, 18, Cambridge, Mass., 1937).
类似的调查始于十八世纪，几乎一直延续到今天。这本书的写作风格与前作一样优美，但在涵盖所有属于该时期和模式的诗人方面略显吃力。不过，阅读它几乎总是一种乐趣和收获。
A similar survey beginning in the eighteenth century and running down almost to the present day. This book is quite as gracefully written as its predecessor, but labours a little under the effort of covering all the poets who fall within the period and the pattern. Still, it is nearly always a pleasure and a profit to read.
7. CL C HOLEVIUS，Geschichte der deutschen Poesie nach ihren antiken Elementen（2 卷，莱比锡，1854 年和 1856 年）。
7. C. L. CHOLEVIUS, Geschichte der deutschen Poesie nach ihren antiken Elementen (2 volumes, Leipzig, 1854 and 1856).
这是我所知道的最完整的一本关于古典文学对现代文学任何领域影响的书。它的范围甚至比它的标题还要广，因为它不仅讨论了德国诗歌，还讨论了德国批评和哲学，分析了德国散文剧和小说，并提供了有关德国作家的一些传记信息。虽然篇幅很长（1,283 页密密麻麻），但写得清晰、宽敞。像当时的许多书一样，它过分简化了复杂的人物和动作，将它们分解为两个对立的因素，即“浪漫”和“古典”。它也受到民族主义观点的影响，这使得作者低估了德国对其他欧洲文学的影响，有时花费大量篇幅描述相对不重要的作家，仅仅因为他们恰好是荒芜时期的主要人物。 （因此，他对博德默的洪水史诗《诺亚》的了解比对歌德的《罗马挽歌》或荷尔德林的整个职业生涯的了解要多。）但对于德国文学的学生和对希腊罗马影响的持续活力感兴趣的人来说，这都是一部重要的著作。
This is the most complete book known to me which deals with classical influence on any area of modern literature. Its scope is even broader than its title, for it discusses not only German poetry but German criticism and philosophy, analyses German prose dramas and novels, and gives some biographical information about German authors. Although immensely long (1,283 closely printed pages), it is clearly and spaciously written. Like many books of its time it oversimplifies complex characters and movements by dissolving them into two opposing factors called ‘romantic’ and ‘classical’. It suffers also from a nationalist point of view which makes its author underestimate the debt of German to other European literatures, and sometimes spend an unconscionable amount of space on relatively unimportant writers merely because they happen to be the chief figures in a barren period. (Thus, he has more on Bodmer’s epic about the Flood, the Noachid, than on Goethe’s Roman Elegies or the entire career of Hölderlin.) But it is an important work both for students of German literature and for those interested in the continuing vitality of Greco-Roman influence.
8. GS G ORDON（编），《英国文学与古典文学》（牛津，1912年）。
8. G. S. GORDON (ed.), EnglishLiterature and the Classics (Oxford, 1912).
一本散文集，最初由该领域不同领域的专家设计为讲座。这本书内容零散且参差不齐，包含一些有用的文章（例如，欧文关于“奥维德和浪漫”）和一些令人失望的肤浅文章；没有尝试将它们整合成一个全面的大纲。
A collection of essays, originally designed as lectures by experts in separate areas of this field. Scrappy and uneven, it contains a few useful articles (for instance, Owen on ‘Ovid and romance’) and some disappointingly superficial pieces; there is no attempt at integrating them into a comprehensive outline.
9. O. G RUPPE , Geschichte der klassischen Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte wdhrend des Mittelalters im Abendland und wdhrend der Neuzeit ( Ausfûhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie的补充卷，由 WH Roscher 编辑；莱比锡， 1921）。
9. O. GRUPPE, Geschichte der klassischen Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte wdhrend des Mittelalters im Abendland und wdhrend der Neuzeit (supplementary volume of the Ausfûhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie, edited by W. H. Roscher; Leipzig, 1921).
本书描述了黑暗时代、中世纪、文艺复兴时期、巴洛克时期和现代时期欧洲人对希腊罗马神话的不同看法。虽然本书对许多诗人和艺术家用来激发想象力的神话手册给予了一些关注，并提到了一些重现古典传说的现代艺术作品，但它的主要重点是思想家为解释神话的起源和意义而提出的连续理论。在处理这些问题时，格鲁佩给了某些十八世纪和十九世纪作家更多的空间，而给中世纪和文艺复兴时期学者的空间却远远不够；但由于其连续性、范围和分析的深入性，他的书是进一步研究该主题的宝贵基础。
This book describes the different views of Greco-Roman mythology held by the Europeans of the Dark and Middle Ages, the Renaissance, the baroque period, and modern times. Although it pays some attention to the handbooks of mythology on which many poets and artists fed their imagination, and mentions a few of the modern works of art which have re-created classical legends, its chief emphasis is upon the successive theories which thinkers have devised to explain the origin and meaning of the myths. In treating them Gruppe gives certain eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century writers more, and the medieval and Renaissance scholars much less space than they deserve; but, because of its continuity, scope, and analytical penetration, his book is a valuable groundwork for further study of the subject.
10. O. I MMISCH , Das Nachleben der Antike（Das Erbe der Alten，新系列，1；莱比锡，1919）。
10. O. IMMISCH, Das Nachleben der Antike (Das Erbe der Alten, new series, 1; Leipzig, 1919).
一本由一系列战时讲座发展而成的短篇书籍。这本书写得很有趣，包含了一些有用的信息，但它试图通过证明德国生活和语言主要建立在拉丁语和希腊语的基础上来抵制德国现代主义者和民族主义者对古典教育的攻击，而不是解释哪些类型的希腊和罗马影响仍然在欧洲思想中发挥着作用，因此存在缺陷。
A short book developed out of a series of war-time lectures. It is interestingly written, and contains some useful information, but suffers from trying to resist the attacks of German modernists and nationalists on classical education, by proving that German life and language were largely built on Latin and Greek foundations, rather than to explain what types of Greek and Roman influence are still potent in European thought.
11. W. J AEGER，《Paideia：希腊文化的理想》（3卷，由G. Highet 译，牛津和纽约，1939–44 年）。
11. W. JAEGER, Paideia: the Ideals of Greek Culture (3 volumes, translated by G. Highet, Oxford and New York, 1939–44).
paideia一词既有“文明”的意思，也有“教育”的意思。希腊人与其他国家不同，他们认为人类文明的进步不是通过获得权力或财富，而是通过自我教育。他们的伟大著作——悲剧、史诗、历史、演讲、哲学著作——之所以伟大，是因为它们旨在教育读者；这就是为什么我们仍然从阅读它们中受益。Jaeger 教授详细阐述了这一论点，适用于从荷马到德摩斯提尼的所有希腊文学最佳著作。一部大师级的作品，充满了深刻而富有成果的思想。
The word paideia means both ‘civilization’ and ‘education’. The Greeks differed from other nations in this: they believed that men progressed in civilization, not by gaining power or wealth, but by educating themselves. Their great books—tragedies, epics, histories, speeches, philosophical works—are great because they were designed to educate their readers; and that is why we still profit from reading them. Professor Jaeger works out this thesis in detail, for all the best books in Greek literature from Homer to Demosthenes. A masterly work, full of deeply fruitful ideas.
12. S IR R. L IVINGSTONE（编），《希腊的遗产》（牛津，1921 年）。
12. SIR R. LIVINGSTONE (ed.), The Legacy of Greece (Oxford, 1921).
文章探讨了希腊文化的不朽力量——艺术、哲学、文学、医学等——展示了它们如何继续与我们的生活息息相关。与本榜单中第一名的配套；文笔优美，内容丰富。
Essays on the immortal forces of Greek culture—art, philosophy, literature, medical science, and many others—showing how they continue to be relevant to our own life. A companion to no. 1 in this list; well written and full of material.
13. R. N EWALD，Nachleben der Antike 1920–1929和Nachleben der Antike (Jahresberichte über die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 232. 3. 1–122 和 Supplementband 250. 1–144，莱比锡 1931 和1935）。
13. R. NEWALD, Nachleben der Antike 1920–1929 and Nachleben der Antike (Jahresberichte über die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 232. 3. 1–122 and Supplementband 250. 1–144, Leipzig 1931 and 1935).
Bursian 的Jahresberichte是一份刊登了各种古典学术领域详尽的书目和评论调查的期刊，每篇调查涵盖 10 到 20 年的时间，并与之前的文章相联系。这是 Bursian 首次发表有关希腊和罗马文化在现代世界中的残存的文章。它们非常详尽和细致，不仅涉及文学，还涉及其他思想领域，例如法律和宗教。它们旨在列出 1920 年至 1930 年间出现的书籍和文章，并引出瓦尔堡书目（见第 24 号）。
Bursian’s Jahresberichte is a periodical which prints elaborately detailed bibliographical and critical surveys of various fields of classical scholarship, each survey covering a period of ten to twenty years and linking up with an earlier article. These are the first it has published on the survivals of Greek and Roman culture in the modern world. They are very full and careful, and deal not only with literature but with other realms of thought, such as law and religion. Together, they are intended to list the books and articles that appeared between 1920 and 1930, and to lead into the Warburg bibliographies (see no. 24).
14. FO N OLTE，《德国文学与古典文学：书目指南》（哈佛语言学研究，18（剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1935 年），125-63）。
14. F. O. NOLTE, German Literature and the Classics: a Bibliographical Guide (Harvard Studies in Philology, 18 (Cambridge, Mass., 1935), 125–63).
与第 4 号计划相同的另一份有用的参考书目。
Another useful bibliography on the same plan as no. 4.
15. L. PETIT DE JULLEVILLE (ed.), Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française (8 卷，巴黎，1896-9 1和 1908-12 2 )。
15. L. PETIT DE JULLEVILLE (ed.), Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française (8 volumes, Paris, 1896–91 and 1908 –122).
这是一部写得非常出色、内容非常全面的法国文学史，虽然在有争议的地方已经过时了，但作为基础读物却必不可少。虽然它与这个主题无关，但我在注释中多次引用它，因此应该在这里列出。
This is an admirably written and very comprehensive history of French literature, now rather out of date on disputed points, but indispensable as a groundwork. Although it does not bear centrally on this subject, I have cited it so often in the notes that it should be listed here.
16. H. P EYRE，《L'Influence des littératures vintages sur la littérature française Moderne: état des travaux》（耶鲁浪漫研究，19，纽黑文，1941）。
16. H. PEYRE, L’Influence des littératures antiques sur la littérature française moderne: état des travaux (Yale Romanic Studies, 19, New Haven, 1941).
这是一份细致入微的调查报告，调查了最近关于法语的书籍和文章。它不仅仅是一份参考书目，还指出了仍然存在的空白，并为需要撰写的书籍提出了许多令人振奋的建议。
A sensitively written survey of the recent books and articles on this subject so far as it concerns French. Much more than a bibliography, it points out the gaps which still exist and makes many stimulating suggestions for books which need to be written.
17. FE P IERCE，《十九世纪英国诗歌中的希腊化潮流》，《英语和日耳曼语言文学杂志》 16（1917），103-135。
17. F. E. PIERCE, ‘The Hellenic Current in English Nineteenth-century Poetry’ (Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 16 (1917), 103–35).
一篇一流的文章，简洁而完整。
A first-rate article, succinct but complete.
18. JE S ANDYS，《古典学术史》（三卷本，剑桥，1903–8 年）。
18. J. E. SANDYS, A History of Classical Scholarship (3 volumes, Cambridge, 1903–8).
这是现存关于该主题的最完整、最平衡的叙述。它追溯了希腊和拉丁研究从希腊和罗马开始的进展（许多方法这本书涵盖了从中世纪到文艺复兴时期直至我们这个时代的各种历史和现代文献学材料。它的风格必然是枯燥的，但有时会出人意料地富有同情心。它的主要缺点是它更关注个别学者的传记，而不是学术史上更重要的宏观中心趋势。
The most complete and best balanced account of the subject in existence. It traces the progress of Greek and Latin studies from their beginnings in Greece and Rome (where many of the methods and materials of modern philology were worked out), through the Middle Ages and Renaissance down to our own time. Its style is necessarily dry, but now and then becomes surprisingly sympathetic. Its chief weakness is that it pays far more attention to the biographies of individual scholars than to the large central trends which are more important in the history of scholarship.
19. E. S TEMPLINGER，“Die Befruchtung der Weltliteratur durch die Antike” （德意志罗马月刊，2（1910），529-42）。
19. E. STEMPLINGER, ‘Die Befruchtung der Weltliteratur durch die Antike’ (Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift, 2 (1910), 529–42).
对该主题的五六个重要领域的书目调查，并提出进一步研究的建议：包含一些我在其他地方没有见过的书籍。
A bibliographical survey of five or six important areas of the subject, with suggestions for further work: contains some books which I have not seen mentioned elsewhere.
20. JAK T HOMSON，《英国文学的古典背景》（伦敦，1948 年）。
20. J. A. K. THOMSON, The Classical Background of English Literature (London, 1948).
这本书是在我完成本书修订时出版的：我认为最好不要读它，以避免任何剽窃的嫌疑。但作者的声誉以及我从他早期作品中获得的乐趣使我相信这本书值得一读。
This work came out while I was finishing the revision of the present book: I thought it would be better not to read it, in order to avoid any suspicion of plagiarism. But the reputation of its author and the pleasure I have gained from his earlier books assure me that it will be worth reading.
21. T.G.T. UCKER， 《英国文学的外债》（伦敦，1907 年）。
21. T. G. TUCKER, The Foreign Debt of English Literature (London, 1907).
这本书内容丰富，强调了西方文学的相互渗透。作者在介绍各个国家文学对英语的影响之前，先解释各个国家的文学，这有点不妥，但对本科生来说还是很有用的。
A well-informed work emphasizing the interpenetration of all the western literatures. It suffers a little from the author’s determination to explain all about the literature of each nation before going into its influence on English, but it is useful for undergraduates.
22. G. V OIGT，《Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums》（柏林，1880-1 2）。
22. G. VOIGT, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums (Berlin, 1880–12).
这本精美的古书对于那些开始研究文艺复兴的人来说，仍然是一座信息宝库，特别是关于逐渐重新发现希腊和拉丁天才成就的人。
This fine old book is still a mine of information for those who are beginning to study the Renaissance, particularly about the gradual rediscovery of the achievements of the Greek and Latin genius.
23. Vom Altertum zur Gegemart（无编辑姓名，由 E. Norden 和 A. Giesecke-Teubner 介绍，莱比锡和柏林，1921 年2）。
23. Vom Altertum zur Gegemart (no editor’s name, introduction by E. Norden and A. Giesecke-Teubner, Leipzig and Berlin, 19212).
本书收录了 29 篇论文，大部分论文长度约为 10 页，几乎涵盖了希腊罗马世界与我们之间的关系的所有方面。其中一些论文非常好，一些论文则毫无用处；还有一些论文被破坏了，因为这些论文只是针对民族主义、社会主义和“进步”的德国教育体系改革建议的反宣传；而且，本书的重点是相对狭窄的德国文学和社会领域，而不是植根于希腊和罗马的整个欧洲和美国文明。两页的索引，没有注释。
A collection of twenty-nine essays, mostly about 10 pages long, on almost every conceivable aspect of the relationship between the Greco-Roman world and our own. Some of them are very good, some quite useless; a number are spoilt by being little more than counter-propaganda directed against nationalist, socialist, and ‘progressive’ proposals for changes in the German educational system; and the emphasis of the whole is on the relatively narrow field of German literature and society rather than on the whole European and American civilization which has roots in Greece and Rome. A two-page index, no notes.
24. 瓦尔堡研究所，《1931-3 年古典学幸存书目》（两卷，伦敦，1934 年）。
24. The Warburg Institute, A Bibliography of the Survival of the Classics 1931–3 (2 volumes, London, 1934).
这是一本非常棒的书籍和文章名称集，涵盖范围非常广泛，并且包含每篇文章的完整书目信息和评论摘要。
A superb collection of names of books and articles over a remarkably wide range, with full bibliographical information and critical summaries of each item.
25. T. Z IELINSKI，《Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte》（莱比锡，1912 年3）。
25. T. ZIELINSKI, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123).
这是一部关于西塞罗在现代世界影响的历史，最初是为了反驳蒙森对他的人格的攻击和对他永恒意义的忽视而写的。和泽林斯基写的所有东西一样，这本书非常新颖，充满了不同寻常的信息——尽管它对中世纪的描述很少，而且止于十八世纪末。这本书中的引文来自第三版：1929 年曾有第四版，但文本几乎没有变化。泽林斯基经常能用真正的口才说话，比如他最后几页中的这些段落：
A history of Cicero’s influence in the modern world, originally written to counter Mommsen’s attack on his character and neglect of his permanent significance. Like everything Zielinski wrote, it is brilliantly original and packed with unusual information—although it is very thin on the Middle Ages, and stops at the end of the eighteenth century. Quotations in this book are from its third edition: there was a fourth in 1929, but the text remained virtually unchanged. Often Zielinski rises to genuine eloquence, as in these paragraphs from his concluding pages:
“任何人，只要有幸沿着长期以来一直是人类主要干道之一的伟大道路旅行过，——这条道路从伦巴第平原向北和向西穿过阿尔卑斯山——他就会永远记住他的经历。他感受到了世界历史的脉搏。各个时代都留下了它们的记忆：这里有为马可·奥勒留战争而建的罗马瞭望塔，那里有一座骑士城堡，让人回想起霍亨斯陶芬家族越过群山访问异国他乡的情景；这条峡谷讲述着汉尼拔的故事，这座水坝讲述着拿破仑的故事，这座桥梁讲述着苏沃洛夫的故事；那个湖泊因卡图卢斯的警句而变得高贵，那边的山谷因但丁的三行诗而变得高贵，这片景色出现在歌德的日记中；在这块岩石上，像一只迷途的鸟，曾让人想起特里斯坦和伊索尔德以及他们悲痛的爱情。
‘Anyone who has had the pleasure of travelling along one of those great roads which have long been among the chief highways of the human race—the roads which run northwards and westwards from the plain of Lombardy through the Alps—will always remember his experiences. He has felt the very pulse-beat of world history. All the ages have left their memories behind them: here a Roman watch-tower built for the wars of Marcus Aurelius, there a knightly castle recalling a Hohenstaufen’s visit to the strange land across the mountains; this gorge speaks of Hannibal, this dam of Napoleon, this bridge of Suvorov; that lake was ennobled by an epigram of Catullus, yonder valley by a terzina of Dante, this view by a page in Goethe’s diary; on this rock, like a strayed bird, the memory of Tristan and Isolde with their grievous love once alighted.
“如果读者具有历史感，西塞罗的每一位读者都会有类似的体验；即使漫画家们说的都是对的，单是这种体验就足以让他产生无比深刻的思想和情感。尽管杰罗姆曾发过梦誓，但他还是将西塞罗的这句话铭记在心；狄德罗正是用这句话试图摧毁后世的“迷信”。这个想法让彼特拉克着迷；为此，在痛苦的怀疑中，路德的心灵“深受感动”。这是博须埃镶嵌在他金碧辉煌的风格中的珍珠；那里是雅各宾派打造匕首的钢铁。这句话赢得了费内大主教的漂亮崇拜者的一阵微妙的世俗笑声；也让路易十六的法官们惊恐万分，泪流满面。这是一种独特而难忘的乐趣；但人们不必害怕为此付出的努力，因为不可否认的是，走其他道路比走罗马路更容易。”
‘Every reader of Cicero will have a similar experience, if he has a sense of history; and that experience alone is enough—even if the caricaturists are right in all they say—to give him thoughts and feelings of incomparable depth. This phrase of Cicero’s was locked by Jerome in his heart, in spite of his dream vow; with that, Diderot endeavoured to destroy the “superstition” of posterity. That thought charmed Petrarch; by this, in the midst of tormenting doubts, the mind of Luther was “much and deeply moved”. Here is the pearl that Bossuet set in the gold of his style; there the steel out of which a Jacobin forged his dagger. This sentence won a delicate worldly laugh from the pretty admirers of the patriarch of Ferney; and that moved the terrorized judges of Louis XVI to tears. It is a unique and unforgettable pleasure; but one must not be afraid of the effort it takes, for it cannot be denied that it is easier to walk over certain other paths than to travel the Roman road.”
笔记
Notes
一、引言
I. INTRODUCTION
1.拉丁语是匈牙利立法机关辩论的常用语言，直到 1840 年（汤因比，《历史研究》，牛津，1939 年，第 5. 496 页注），直到后来，波兰立法机关也一直使用拉丁语辩论。最后一位既写拉丁语又写英语诗歌的著名英国诗人是沃尔特·萨维奇·兰多尔 (Walter Savage Landor)，他于 1864 年去世（见第 446 页）。
1. Latin was the regular language for the debates of the legislatures of Hungary until 1840 (Toynbee, A Study of History, Oxford, 1939, 5. 496 n.) and of Poland until later. The last considerable English poet who wrote Latin as well as English verse was Walter Savage Landor, who died in 1864 (see p. 446).
2.参观前罗马行省的城镇（例如土耳其或北非）会发现，除了偶尔的商人和官员外，没有人会读写，而从帝国时代留存下来的大型希腊和罗马铭文已被刻在农舍墙壁上或用作基石，这很奇怪。探险队发现了荷马、德摩斯梯尼和柏拉图的纸莎草抄本，这些曾经有用的图书馆的残片，埋在撒哈拉沙漠边缘的偏远埃及村庄下，现在居住着目不识丁的农民。参见 CH Roberts，《希腊纸莎草》，《埃及的遗产》 （SRK Glanville 主编，牛津，1942 年），尤其是第 265-6 页。
2. It is strange to visit towns in former Roman provinces—say, in Turkey or north Africa—and find that nobody can read or write except an occasional merchant and official, while large Greek and Roman inscriptions surviving from the empire have been built into farm-house walls or used as foundation-stones. Expeditions have found papyrus copies of Homer, Demosthenes, and Plato, fragments of what were once useful libraries, buried under remote Egyptian villages on the fringe of the Sahara desert, now inhabited by illiterate peasants. See C. H. Roberts, ‘The Greek Papyri’, in The Legacy of Egypt (ed. S. R. K. Glanville, Oxford, 1942), especially 265–6.
3 .哈姆雷特的故事是在 Saxo Grammaticus 中讲述的。有关符文，请参阅 Saxo，3. 6. 16：“proficiscuntur cum eo bini Fengonis Satellites, litteras ligno insculptas (nam id celebre quondam genus Chartarumerat) secum gestantes”。关于贝利罗丰，请参阅 11. 6. 168–70。
3. The story of Hamlet is told in Saxo Grammaticus. For the runes, see Saxo, 3. 6. 16: ‘proficiscuntur cum eo bini Fengonis satellites, litteras ligno insculptas (nam id celebre quondam genus chartarum erat) secum gestantes.’ On Belierophon see 11. 6. 168–70.
4.有一首优美的盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌《废墟》 ，讲述的是罗马浴场的遗址。写诗歌的人并不知道是谁建造了这些如今已是废墟的华丽大厅，但他对它们心生敬意，也为它们的消亡感到悲怆。
4. There is a fine Anglo-Saxon poem, The Ruin, on the remains of Roman Bath, written by someone who did not know who had built the noble halls which now lay in destruction, but admired them and felt the pathos of their death.
5 . 早在公元前三世纪，犹太经文就被译成希腊文，供不懂希伯来语的埃及犹太人使用。这个版本被称为七十士译本，意思是“七十”，因为据说它是由七十二位拉比编写的（见第 6 册，注 1，第 594 页）。S. Lieberman 的《犹太巴勒斯坦的希腊语》（纽约，1942 年）甚至将希腊语的巨大渗透力运用到了巴勒斯坦的拉比教学中。
5. As early as the third century B.C. the Jewish scriptures were being turned into Greek for the use of Jews in Egypt who could not understand Hebrew. This is the version called the Septuagint, which means ‘seventy’, from the story that it was made by seventy-two rabbis (see c. 6, n. 1, p. 594). S. Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Palestine (New York, 1942), has brought out the great penetrative power of the Greek language even into Rabbinical teaching in Palestine itself.
6.帝国西部的方言和语言在很多代中并没有完全消失；我们不知道它们消失的阶段。少数方言和语言，如巴斯克语，在偏远的角落幸存下来。但基本事实是，它们是回水或地下溪流，而文明的主要河流是拉丁语。梅耶在他的《拉丁语史大纲》（第 3 版，巴黎，1933 年）第 230 页中很好地阐述了这一点：
6. The dialects and languages of the western part of the empire did not entirely disappear for many generations; and we do not know the stages of their disappearance. Some few, like Basque, survived in remote corners. But the essential fact is that they were backwaters or underground streams, while the main river of civilization flowed through Latin. Meillet puts it well in his Esquisse d’une histoire de la langue latine (3rd ed., Paris, 1933), 230:
'Les trouvailles de la Graufesenque ont montré que, au I er siècle de 1'ère chrétienne, la langue d'un atelier de potiers du Sud de la France était encore le gaulois: rien de [plus] imprévu.安可三世和四世纪，高卢人在巴黎的支持下……。 Tout moyen fait défaut pour déter-miner quand, au favorite des eampagnes d'Etrurie, le dernier paysan a parlé” 1'étrusque; quand，dans les valiées de 1'Apennin，le dernier paysan d'Ombrie a parle 1'ombrien； quand，au pied des Alpes，le dernier paysan de Ligurie a parlé le liguré。 Un seul fait est sûr: toutes ces langues sont mortes;杜的一部分moment où se répand le latin, on n'entend plus parler d'aucune;这就是普鲁士的隐晦现象，十六世纪和世纪，普鲁士的最后一天，易北河沿岸，十八世纪和世纪，没有什么问题死了dernier sujet parlant polabe, comme s'éteint, comme vient de s'éteindre sans doute, en Pomeranie, le dernier sujet parlant slovince.'
‘Les trouvailles de la Graufesenque ont montré que, au Ier siècle de 1’ère chrétienne, la langue d’un atelier de potiers du Sud de la France était encore le gaulois: rien de [plus] imprévu. Encore au IIIe et au IVe siècle, on sait que le gaulois subsistait dans les eampagnes… . Tout moyen fait défaut pour déter-miner quand, au fond des eampagnes d’Etrurie, le dernier paysan a parlé” 1’étrusque; quand, dans les valiées de 1’Apennin, le dernier paysan d’Ombrie a parle 1’ombrien; quand, au pied des Alpes, le dernier paysan de Ligurie a parlé le liguré. Un seul fait est sûr: toutes ces langues sont mortes; a partir du moment où se répand le latin, on n’entend plus parler d’aucune; elles se sont éteintes obscurément comme s’est éteint en Prusse, au XVIe siècle, le dernier sujet parlant prussien, comme s’est eteint, sur les bords de 1’Elbe, le polabe au XVIIIe siècle, sans qu’on sache quand est mort le dernier sujet parlant polabe, comme s’éteint, comme vient de s’éteindre sans doute, en Pomeranie, le dernier sujet parlant slovince.’
7.据说，当凯撒看到布鲁图斯攻击他时，他说道：“你也是，我的孩子？”—και σ $$$$$$ (Suet. D. Iul . 82. 2)。苏埃托尼乌斯记录的许多宫廷笑话都是用希腊语对话说的；马夏尔和尤维纳尔都抱怨罗马女士在公共场合使用亲热的希腊语短语，就像现代说英语的女孩可能会说chéri一样；奥古斯都写给妻子的一封奇怪的信一开始是用拉丁语写的，后来又变成了希腊语，然后又变成了拉丁语，在同一个句子中出现了两三次 (Suet. D, Claud . 4)。
7. Caesar, when he saw Brutus attacking him, is reported to have said ‘You too, my boy?’—και σ $$$$$$ (Suet. D. Iul. 82. 2). Many of the court jokes recorded by Suetonius are in conversational Greek; Martial and Juvenal both complain that Roman ladies used affectionate Greek phrases in public, as a modern English-speaking girl might say chéri; and there is an odd letter from Augustus to his wife which begins in Latin and slips into Greek and then back into Latin, two or three times in the same sentence (Suet. D, Claud. 4).
8.俄罗斯和其他斯拉夫民族使用的字母表被称为西里尔字母，以其著名发明者圣西里尔 (827-69) 命名。圣西里尔是向斯拉夫人传教的，他以当时的希腊语发音为基础，发明了希腊语中无与伦比的斯拉夫语发音的额外字母。关于拜占庭基督教和文化对东斯拉夫人的开化力量，请参见 SH Cross 的《斯拉夫人从拜占庭皈依的结果》，载于《东方和奴隶哲学研究所年鉴》，第 7 卷（1939-44 年）。关于帝国之间的纷争和君士坦丁堡的劫掠，请参见 Gibbon的《罗马帝国衰亡史》，第 60 页。参见还有 Stanislaw Koscialkowski 的《中世纪欧洲文化中的罗马和拜占庭》，载于《美国波兰艺术与科学学院公报》第 4 卷（1945-6 年），强调了拜占庭作为世界首都的权力和辉煌。
8. The alphabet used by Russians and other Slavic peoples is called Cyrillic after its reputed inventor, St. Cyril (827-69), the missionary to the Slavs, who based it on Greek as pronounced in his day, and invented extra letters for Slavic sounds unparalleled in Greek. On the civilizing power of Byzantine Christianity and culture among the eastern Slavs see S. H. Cross, ‘The Results of the Conversion of the Slavs from Byzantium”, in Annuaire de I’lnstitut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves, 7 (1939-44). On the dissension of the empires and the sack of Constantinople see Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 60. Cf. also Stanislaw Koscialkowski, ‘Rome and Byzantium in the Culture of Mediaeval Europe’, in The Bulletin of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America, 4 (1945-6), which emphasizes the power and magnificence of Byzantium as a world-capital.
9 . 关于希腊语在西欧的消亡，参见 P. Courcelle 著《马克罗布与卡西奥多尔的西方希腊文学》（巴黎，1943 年）；M. Roger著《奥松与阿尔昆的古典文学教学》（巴黎，1905 年）；以及 GR Stephens 著《中世纪英国的希腊语知识》（费城，1933 年）。希腊语知识在五世纪从西班牙、英国和非洲各省消失（Courcelle，390 页）。圣奥古斯丁在 18 世纪初很难在非洲学习希腊语，而后该省又因汪达尔人入侵而与外界隔绝（Courcelle，193 页，205 页）。人们经常断言，希腊文化在这一时期在爱尔兰幸存了下来，但这一说法很难令人接受或证实：参见 Roger，268 页； Courcelle，390，并于该页注 2。它在高卢一直存在到六世纪（Courcelle，246 页）。在意大利，希腊文化传统首先因阿拉里克入侵而中断（始于公元400 年），在东哥特人的波爱修斯和西马库斯（关于他们，见第 41 页）的领导下复兴，然后在六世纪末左右消亡。然而，圣经已经及时被翻译成拉丁文——第一次是在公元二世纪末，在圣奥古斯丁使用的名为Itala的版本中，然后由巴尔干圣杰罗姆在犹太学者的帮助下，在四世纪末翻译成拉丁文。他的翻译现在被称为武加大圣经，uolgata lectio或“通俗版”。它最初并没有获得普遍接受，但教皇格里高利一世 (590-604) 的影响使《旧约》成为罗马天主教会的官方圣经。（奇怪的是，《旧约》和《新约》标题中的“testament”一词本身就是希腊语 $$$$$ =“协议”或“契约”的误译。）在中世纪晚期，即十二和十三世纪，出现了一些掌握希腊语知识的学者，如罗伯特·格罗斯泰斯特和罗杰·培根（见 SH Thomson，《林肯主教罗伯特·格罗斯泰斯特的著作》，剑桥，1940 年）；但直到薄伽丘时代，希腊学习的传统才在西方重新确立。关于古希腊语与现代希腊语的关系，以及现代希腊语中普及派与古典派之间的争论，参见AJ Toynbee的《历史研究》（牛津，1939年），第6页。第68页。关于古典思想的阿拉伯中介，参见R. Walzer的《阿拉伯人将希腊思想传播到中世纪欧洲》，《约翰·赖兰兹图书馆通讯》，第29卷（1945年），第1页。第160-183页。
9. On the extinction of Greek in western Europe, see P. Courcelle, Les Lettres grecques en occident de Macrobe a Cassiodore (Paris, 1943); M. Roger, L’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone a Alcuin (Paris, 1905); and G. R. Stephens, The Knowledge of Greek in England in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1933). Knowledge of Greek disappeared from the provinces of Spain, Britain, and Africa during the fifth century (Courcelle, 390). It was very hard for St. Augustine to learn Greek in Africa early in that century, and then the province was cut off by the Vandal invasions (Courcelle, 193 f., 205 f.). The often-repeated assertion that Greek culture survived in Ireland during this period is very difficult to accept or substantiate: see Roger, 268 f.; Courcelle, 390, and n. 2 on that page. It lived on in Gaul until the sixth century (Courcelle, 246 f.). In Italy itself, the tradition of Greek culture was first broken by the invasions of Alaric (beginning in A.D. 400), revived under the Ostrogoths with Boethius and Symmachus (on whom see p. 41 f.), and then died about the end of the sixth century. The Bible, however, had been translated into Latin in good time—first about the end of the second century A.D., in the version called the Itala, used by St. Augustine, and then, by the Balkan saint Jerome with the help of Jewish scholars, towards the end of the fourth century. His rendering is now known as the Vulgate, the uolgata lectio or ‘popular edition’. It did not win general acceptance at first, but the influence of Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) helped to make it what it now is, the official Bible of the Roman Catholic church. (It is strange to think that the very word ‘testament’, in the titles Old Testament and New Testament, is a mistranslation of the Greek $$$$$ = ‘agreement’ or ‘covenant’.) During the late Middle Ages, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a few scholars appear who have acquired a knowledge of Greek, such as Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon (see S. H. Thomson, The Writings of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, Cambridge, 1940); but the tradition of Greek learning was not re-established in the west until Boccaccio’s time. On the relation between ancient and modern Greek and the quarrel between the popularizers and classicizers in modern Greek, see A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 6. 68 f. On the Arabian intermediaries of classical thought, see R. Walzer, ‘Arabic Transmission of Greek Thought to Mediaeval Europe’, in The Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 29 (1945), 1. 160–83.
10.在公元6 世纪和 7 世纪的蛮族征服期间，拉丁语作为一种国语消亡了。536 年，希尔德贝尔特一世使法国成为法兰克人；612-29 年，西塞布特和斯温蒂拉使西班牙成为西哥特人；650 年，罗萨里征服了罗马在伦巴第的最后部分。这些变化以征服者法律的编纂（例如 643 年的伦巴第法典）和从他们的角度撰写的历史为标志（例如，图尔的格雷戈里的《法兰克人史》）。6、7 和 8 世纪的书籍和文献表明，甚至书面拉丁语也在瓦解和消亡。手稿中充满了令人震惊的语法甚至拼写错误。弥撒书表明使用它们的牧师几乎不理解他们的仪式语言。希尔德贝尔特一世的一份可追溯到 528 年的赠与契约中有诸如pro nos, per locis 之类的短语； ille , ipse, unus现在也开始用作冠词。图尔的格列高利本人也是一位主教，他经常为自己写的糟糕的拉丁语道歉，并说他的大多数同时代人都能听懂乡土方言，却听不懂教授讨论哲学的话；而教皇格列高利一世则直言不讳，说他不在乎自己是否犯了粗鲁的语言错误。现在人们开始编制词汇表，不是解释难词，而是用更简单或更“乡土”的词语来解释普通的拉丁词。现在出现了黑暗时代开始的最明显症状之一——文盲的蔓延。从 5 世纪开始，人们开始用 X 签名，这意味着“我不会读也不会写，但我是基督徒”。关于整个主题，请参阅 G. Gröber, 'Sprachquellen und Wortquellen des Lateinischen Wörterbuchs', in Archiv für Lateinische Lexicographie , I. 35 f. 和 F. Lot, 'A quelle époque at-on cessé de parler latin?', in Archivum Latinitatis medii aevi , 6 (1931), 97 楼。
10. Latin died as a national language during the barbarian conquests of the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. Childebert I made France Frankish in 536; Sisebut and Swinthila made Spain Visigothic in 612–29; Rothari conquered the last Roman parts of Lombardy in 650. These changes were marked by the codification of the conquerors’ laws (e.g. the Langobardic code in 643) and the composition of histories written from their point of view (e.g. Gregory of Tours’s History of the Franks). Books and documents from the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries show that even written Latin was breaking up and melting away. Manuscripts are full of shocking mistakes in grammar and even in spelling. Mass-books show that the priests who used them scarcely understood their ritual language. A deed of gift by Childebert I, dated to 528, has phrases like pro nos, per locis; and ille, ipse, unus now come to be used as articles. Gregory of Tours, himself a bishop, constantly apologizes for the bad Latin he writes, and says that most of his contemporaries can understand a rustic talking patois but not a professor discussing philosophy; while Pope Gregory the Great bluntly says that he does not care if he makes barbarous mistakes in language. Glossaries now begin to be produced, not explaining difficult words, but explaining ordinary Latin words by simpler or more ‘rustic’ words. And one of the surest symptoms of the onset of the Dark Ages now appears—the spread of illiteracy. From the fifth century onwards, people begin to sign with an X, which means ‘I cannot read or write, but I am a Christian’. On the entire subject see G. Gröber, ‘Sprachquellen und Wortquellen des lateinischen Wörterbuchs’, in Archiv für lateinische Lexicographie, I. 35 f., and F. Lot, ‘A quelle époque a-t-on cessé de parler latin?’, in Archivum Latinitatis medii aevi, 6 (1931), 97 f.
与此同时，西欧现代语言的诞生被长期推迟，原因是拉丁语作为书面媒介的优势、教会拉丁语和法律拉丁语的权威性和便利性，以及——可能最重要的是——黑暗时代不稳定的政治条件，这使得任何一种地方方言都难以战胜其竞争对手。在法语中，最古老的文献是《斯特拉斯堡誓言》（公元842 年）；但当罗杰·培根于 1260 年在法国旅行时，他发现许多居民无法理解彼此的方言。流入现代法语的主流语言的最早文学文献可追溯到 10 世纪，第一首长诗是Alexis，约1040 年。1520 年，国王下令将法语定为官方语言，从此法语在契约和文件中取代了拉丁语。最古老的意大利语文献是一篇短小的 cantilena，可追溯到大约 1150 年。但丁的巨作将文学语言固定为佛罗伦萨方言，这种形式一直延续到今天，几乎没有变化，尽管其他意大利方言仍在使用，甚至印刷。摩尔人的入侵和占领阻碍了西班牙语的发展。最早出现类似现代西班牙语的文献可以追溯到 10 世纪：第一部伟大的文学作品是《我的歌唱者熙德》，其标题就显示出阿拉伯语的影响（Cid = 阿拉伯语Sayyid，即“领主”），创作于约 1140 年。在费迪南三世 (1217-52) 统治下，卡斯蒂利亚语成为西班牙的官方语言，甚至随西班牙军队入侵意大利：它在现代意大利语中也留下了痕迹。德语方言长期以来处于混乱的竞争中，因此没有形成任何一种文学语言。此外，拉丁语似乎比在西方国家更多地用于文化目的，受过教育的人和普通民众之间的接触较少。德语从 13 世纪中叶开始实际使用。现代德语通常可以追溯到路德翻译的圣经 (1522-34)；但天主教国家的反对者以及使用其他方言的某些群体拒绝接受标准化，因此德语直到十八和十九世纪才统一。路德实际上选择的方言是萨克森公爵大臣使用的方言。
Meanwhile, the birth of the modern languages of western Europe was long delayed by the superiority of Latin as a written medium, by the authority and convenience of church Latin and legal Latin, and— probably most of all—by the unsettled political conditions of the Dark Ages, which made it difficult for any one local dialect to conquer its competitors. In French, the oldest document is the Oaths of Strasbourg (A.D. 842); but when Roger Bacon was travelling in France in 1260, he found that many of the inhabitants could not understand one another’s dialects. The earliest literary documents in the language that flowed as the main stream into modern French date from the tenth century, and the first long poem is Alexis, c. 1040. In 1520 the king ordered that the official language should be French, which then ousted Latin in deeds and documents. The oldest document in Italian is a short cantilena dated to about 1150. Dante’s magnificent work fixed the literary language as the Florentine dialect, in a form which continues with little change to-day, although other Italian dialects are still spoken and even printed. The growth of Spanish was retarded by the Moorish invasion and occupation. The first documents in something like modern Spanish date from the tenth century: the first great work of literature is El cantar del mio Cid, which shows in its very title the Arabic influence (Cid = the Arabic Sayyid, ‘lord’) and is dated about 1140. Castilian became the official language of Spain under Ferdinand III (1217-52), and even invaded Italy along with the Spanish forces: it has left traces in modern Italian. German dialects were for long in confused competition, so that no single literary language was worked out. Also, Latin seems to have been used for cultural purposes much more exclusively than in western countries, with less contact between educated men and the ordinary people. German is used in deeds from the middle of the thirteenth century. Modern German is usually dated from Luther’s translation of the Bible (1522-34); but his opponents in the Catholic states, and certain groups who spoke other dialects, refused to accept standardization, so that unification of the German language did not come until the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The dialect Luther actually chose was that used by the chancery of the duke of Saxony.
11 . 一些基督教宣传家，如拉克坦提乌斯和米努西乌斯·菲利克斯，写的是优雅的古典拉丁语。其他人，如特土良和居普良，则故意不采用古典拉丁语：尽管他们没有写“粗俗”的拉丁语，但他们使用了一种新的革命语言来适应他们新的革命性主题。但早期教会的大多数作家在向公众发表演讲时，都会简化他们的词汇和句法。
11. Some of the Christian propagandists, like Lactantius and Minucius Felix, wrote elegant classical Latin. Others, such as Tertullian and Cyprian, are deliberately non-classical: although they did not write ‘vulgar’ Latin, they used a new revolutionary language to fit their new and revolutionary subject-matter. But the majority of the writers of the early church simplify both their vocabulary and their syntax when they are addressing the general public.
12 . 佩特罗尼乌斯的《讽刺诗》中最大也是最重要的部分直到1650年才在达尔马提亚的小港口特罗吉尔被发现——或者可能是在文艺复兴时期被发现之后，被从其所有者手中偷走、隐藏并丢失后被重新发现（见AC Clark ， 《古典评论》，22（1908），178 f.）。
12. The largest and most important part of Petronius’ Satirica was discovered as late as 1650 in the little Dalmatian port of Trogir—or perhaps rediscovered, after having already been found during the Renaissance, stolen from its owner, hidden, and lost (see A. C. Clark in The Classical Review, 22 (1908), 178 f.).
13 .维吉尔，布克. 4，关于哪首诗参见第 72、422、524 页。 E. Norden，《Die Geburt des Kindes》（莱比锡，1924 年），关于整个主题。
13. Vergil, Buc. 4, on which poem see pp. 72, 422, 524. Cf. E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes (Leipzig, 1924), on the entire theme.
14。8月会议 3.4. 关于西塞罗对早期基督教会的影响，参见 E. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 1912 3 ), cc. 7 和 8。AJ Toynbee, A Study of History , 5. 583 n. 甚至推测，使徒行传iv. 32-5 中对早期基督徒共产主义实践的描述是夸大其词，并且最终基于柏拉图的共和国，5. 462C。
14. Aug. Conf. 3. 4. On the influence of Cicero in the early Christian church, see E. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123), cc. 7 and 8. A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History, 5. 583 n., even conjectures that the description of the communistic practices of the early Christians in Acts iv. 32–5 is exaggerated, and is ultimately based on Plato, Republic, 5. 462C.
15.希腊罗马哲学与基督教思想融合的关键时期是公元四世纪。当时，奥古斯丁和杰罗姆等基督徒充分利用希腊罗马文化传统，并从自己的精神能量源泉中赋予其新的生命，在深度和力量上远远超过了他们的异教徒同代人。尽管遭到反对，但这种融合仍然在整个黑暗时代和中世纪发挥着创造性的影响。关于基督教作家的天真，哈佛大学的沃纳·耶格尔教授写信给我说：“教父们对简朴的热爱往往只是一种传统的基督教态度，他们写作时所采用的复杂风格证明这是他们不得不做出的让步，就像现在即使是最挑剔的唯美主义者也首先向‘普通人’低头一样。”另请参阅 Jaeger 教授的阿奎那讲座《人文主义与神学》（马凯特大学，威斯康星州密尔沃基，1943 年），第 23–4 页。
15. The vital period for the synthesis of Greco-Roman philosophy and Christian thought was the fourth century. Then it was that Christians like Augustine and Jerome, by taking over what they could use of the tradition of Greco-Roman culture, and giving it a new life from their own source of spiritual energy, far surpassed their pagan contemporaries in depth and power. This synthesis continued, in spite of opposition, to exert its creative influence throughout the Dark and Middle Ages. On the naiveté of the Christian writers, Professor Werner Jaeger of Harvard writes me: ‘The love of simplicity in the Church Fathers is often only a traditional Christian attitude, and the sophisticated style in which they actually write proves that it is a concession which they had to make, just as nowadays even the most fastidious aesthete starts with a bow to the “common man”.’ See also Prof. Jaeger’s Aquinas lecture, Humanism and Theology (Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wis., 1943), 23–4.
16 .这条规则通常被称为ecclesia uiuit Lege Romana。 O. Cassola，《La recezione del diritto Civile nel diritto canonico》（托尔托纳，1941 年），第 17 页。 5，表明该短语首先在Lex Ribuaria中被描述，tit。 58. 1：
16. This rule is often called ecclesia uiuit lege Romana. O. Cassola, in La recezione del diritto civile nel diritto canonico (Tortona, 1941), p. 5, suggests that the phrase is first adumbrated in the Lex Ribuaria, tit. 58. 1:
et episcopus archidiacono iubeat, ut ei tabulas secundum Legem Romanam, quam ecclesia uiuit, scribere faciunt.
et episcopus archidiacono iubeat, ut ei tabulas secundum legem Romanam, quam ecclesia uiuit, scribere faciunt.
关于这一主题，还可参见 HO Taylor 的《中世纪的古典遗产》（纽约，1911 3）和 P. Hinschius 的《卡诺尼什法的历史与来源》，载于 von Holtzendorff 的《法律学百科全书》（柏林，18905），第 1 卷。整个黑暗时代，罗马法在意大利一直存在。对罗马法的研究在中世纪得以复兴，教会开始将其系统化。十一世纪，著名的佛罗伦萨查士丁尼法典手稿（六世纪罗马帝国法律的编纂）被发现，并对教会的法律体系产生了富有成效的影响。博洛尼亚僧侣格拉提安在大约公元 1500 年完成了教会法的编纂。 1140：参见 Le Bras，《教会法》，《中世纪的遗产》 （CG Crump 主编，牛津，1926 年）。
On this subject see also H. O. Taylor, The Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages (New York, 19113), and P. Hinschius, ‘Geschichte und Quellen des kanonischen Rechts’, in von Holtzendorff’s Encycl. der Rechtswissenschaft (Berlin, 18905), v. 1. The existence of Roman law in Italy was continuous throughout the Dark Ages. Its study revived during the Middle Ages and the church began to systematize it. In the eleventh century the famous Florentine manuscript of Justinian’s Digest (the sixth-century codification of Roman imperial law) was discovered and had a fructifying influence on the legal system of the church. The Bolognese monk Gratian finished the codification of canon law about A.D. 1140: see Le Bras, ‘Canon Law’, in The Legacy of the Middle Ages (ed. C. G. Crump, Oxford, 1926).
17 .普林尼，Ep.广告 Traianum，96。
17. Pliny, Ep. ad Traianum, 96.
18 .斯宾格勒，《异常事件》，2. 7. 7。
18. Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes, 2. 7. 7.
19.不应忘记，在帝国分裂之后，罗马帝国在以君士坦丁堡为中心的东方继续存在了近一千年，直到西方帝国灭亡。E. Bach，《罗马帝国》，载《古典与中世纪》，第 8 卷（1945 年），第 1-2 页，表明即使在十二世纪，拜占庭皇帝仍然认为自己是世界唯一合法的统治者，是罗马的继承人。JB Bury 在《大英百科全书》（1946 年）中，sv“晚期罗马帝国”指出，现代外交是罗马的另一种残余，它在拜占庭帝国得以延续，并通过它传到威尼斯共和国，然后传到西方；但罗马天主教会肯定也保留了许多罗马外交传统。还应该记住，基督教会和帝国一样，分裂为东部和西部。因此，希腊东正教会可以声称自己是罗马帝国的精神继承者，与罗马天主教会相当；但它在过去已被严重削弱500 年来，君士坦丁堡和莫斯科先后被非基督教政府占领。
19. It should not be forgotten that, after the split between the empires, the Roman empire lived on in the east, centred on Constantinople, for nearly a thousand years after the fall of the western empire. E. Bach, ‘Imperium Romanum’, in Classica et Mediaevalia, 8 (1945), 1—2, shows that even in the twelfth century the Byzantine emperor still considered himself the sole legitimate ruler of the world, the heir of Rome. J. B. Bury, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (1946), s.v. ‘Later Roman Empire’, points out that modern diplomacy is another survival from Rome, having been continued in the Byzantine empire and transmitted through it to the Venetian republic, and thence to the west; but surely the Roman Catholic church also preserved much of the Roman diplomatic tradition. It should also be remembered that the Christian church, like the empire, split into an eastern and a western section. The Greek Orthodox church can therefore claim to be a spiritual heir of the Roman empire, comparable to the Roman Catholic church; but it has been gravely weakened in the past 500 years by the fact that first Constantinople and then Moscow have been taken over by non-Christian governments.
20 . EVK Dobbie 版的《盎格鲁-撒克逊小诗集》（纽约，1942 年）前言第 cxxv 页及以下部分对弗兰克斯棺材进行了出色的描述，并附有图片。（顺便说一句，韦兰给贝多希尔德的东西肯定是他给她下药的杯子。）另请参阅 WP Ker 的《史诗与浪漫》 （伦敦，1922 年2 月），48 页及《剑桥英国文学史》，1. c. 2，第 13 页。
20. There is an excellent description of the Franks Casket, with a picture, in E. V. K. Dobbie’s edition of The Anglo-Saxon Minor Poems (New York, 1942), preface, p. cxxv f. (By the way, the object which Weland is giving to Beadohild is surely the cup with which he drugged her.) See also W. P. Ker, Epic and Romance (London, 19222), 48 f., and The Cambridge History of English Literature, 1. c. 2, p. 13.
21 . 几乎没有必要推荐海伦·瓦德尔小姐的启发性著作《流浪的学者》（伦敦，1934 年7 月）。
21. It is almost superfluous to recommend Miss Helen Waddell’s stimulating book, The Wandering Scholars (London, 19347).
22 . 有关 Gombo 的讨论，请参阅 EL Tinker 的《Gombo：路易斯安那州的克里奥尔方言》（《美国古物学会会刊》，1935 年 4 月）。Gombo 中有很多迷人的歌曲和寓言、一些讽刺作品和许多精美的食谱，但几乎没有其他内容。
22. For a discussion of Gombo, see E. L. Tinker’s ‘Gombo: the Creole Dialect of Louisiana” (Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April 1935). There are lots of charming songs and fables, some satires, and many fine recipes in Gombo, but hardly anything else.
23.这就是为什么中国人正式使用普通话的原因：在这个幅员辽阔的国家，有如此多的方言，彼此之间无法沟通，因此需要某种媒介来承载整个中国文化。
23. This is why the Chinese use Mandarin officially: there are so many provincial dialects in that vast country which are mutually unintelligible that some vehicle is needed to carry the whole of Chinese culture.
24 . 参阅 JA Symonds 的《意大利的文艺复兴》，特别是其著作《知识的复兴》第 2 章。
24. See J. A. Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy, and in particular c. 2 of his volume, The Revival of Learning.
25 . 这与公元前二世纪希腊语传入意大利的情况形成了奇妙的相似之处。当时希腊语通过同样的两个渠道传入意大利：（1）罗马将军从战争中带回大量希腊艺术品；（2）三位雅典教授（克里托劳斯、第欧根尼和卡内阿德斯）作为使节访问罗马，在等待元老院对他们的请求作出决定期间，他们进行了演讲，从而立即引发了罗马对更多希腊知识的需求。
25. This makes a curious parallel to the earlier introduction of Greek into Italy in the second century B.C. It came in then through the same two channels: (1) Roman generals brought back vast quantities of Greek objects of art from the wars; and (2) three Athenian professors who were visiting Rome as envoys (Critolaus, Diogenes, and Carneades) gave lectures while waiting for the Senate’s decision on their plea, and thus created an immediate demand for more Greek knowledge in Rome.
26 . 吉本，《罗马帝国衰亡史》，第 66 页。
26. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 66.
27 . 早在1494年，拉斯卡里斯就印刷了一份全部用大写字母书写的希腊文选集，“模仿碑文”，但这种做法很少被效仿。
27. As early as 1494 Lascaris printed an edition of the Greek Anthology all in capitals, ‘imitated from inscriptions’, but the example was rarely followed.
28 . 吉本，《罗马帝国衰亡史》，第 66 页。
28. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 66.
29 . JA Symonds，《学习的复兴》，第2卷。
29. J. A. Symonds, The Revival of Learning, c. 2.
30 . 莎士比亚，《麦克白》，2. 2. 62–4。
30. Shakespeare, Macbeth, 2. 2. 62–4.
31.林肯的演说很大程度上模仿了巴洛克时期的英语散文，其中充满了西塞罗式的韵律和巴洛克作家从希腊语和拉丁语中借鉴的结构手法：例如，在葛底斯堡演说中经常出现的三重结构或三重押韵法：
31. Lincoln modelled his oratory largely on the English prose of the baroque age, and it is full of Ciceronian cadences and structural devices derived through the baroque writers from Greek and Latin: for instance, the triple arrangement, or tricolon, which appears so often in the Gettysburg Address:
“我们不能奉献、不能圣化、不能使这片土地神圣化”，
‘we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow this ground’,
“民有、民治、民享的政府”。
‘government of the people, by the people, for the people.”
林肯非常巧妙地将这一点与西塞罗的对立手法融合在一起：
Lincoln blends this very skilfully with the equally Ciceronian device of antithesis:
“生与死……增与减……永志难忘……白白牺牲——自由新生。”
‘living and dead … add or detract … long remember—never forget … died in vain—new birth of freedom.”
这些设备中的大多数已经成为现代西方国家的普遍财产，以至于当你想起它们我们必须费力学习并小心练习希腊和罗马的诡计，或者找到由未受过教育的人写的现代书籍，这些诡计在书中很少使用，而且很困难。有关此主题的更详细讨论，请参阅第 18 章第 330 页及以下。
Most of these devices have become so much the general property of modern western nations that it is a surprise to be reminded that they are Greek and Roman artifices which we had to learn with difficulty and practise with care, or to find modern books written by uneducated people, in which they are used seldom and with difficulty. For a more detailed discussion of this subject, see c. 18, p. 330 f.
2黑暗时代：英国文学
2 THE DARK AGES: ENGLISH LITERATURE
1.参见 RW Chambers，《贝奥武甫》（剑桥，1932 年），第 3 页，其中引用了 Gregory of Tours 的《Hist. Franc》，第 110 页；HM Chadwick，《剑桥英国文学史》（AW Ward 和 AR Waller 编，剑桥，1920 年），第 1.3 页；CW Kennedy，《最早的英国诗歌》（纽约，1943 年），第 54 页和第 78 页；以及 WW Lawrence，《贝奥武甫和史诗传统》（剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1930 年），第 2 册。关于 Geatas 的讨论，请参见 Chambers，第 2-12 页和第 333-45 页。
1. See R. W. Chambers, Beowulf (Cambridge, 19322), 3, with his quotation from Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc, 110; H. M. Chadwick, in The Cambridge History of English Literature (ed. A. W. Ward and A. R. Waller, Cambridge, 1920), 1. 3; C. W. Kennedy, The Earliest English Poetry (New York, 1943), 54 and 78 f.; and W. W. Lawrence, Beowulf and Epic Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), c. 2. On the Geatas in particular see the discussions in Chambers, 2–12 and 333–45.
2.博吉瓦尔·比亚基可能是贝奥武夫的原型，他因杀死一只巨大的熊而出名。另一种观点认为，贝奥武夫本人是熊的儿子，熊是熊的精灵：因此他有一个谜语般的名字“蜂狼”，因为熊是蜜蜂的死敌。如果这是真的，那么他的历史可以追溯到更远，可以追溯到人类刚刚从动物世界中出现的时候。参见 Chambers（引自 n. 1），第 365 页，以及 Rhys Carpenter，《荷马史诗中的民间故事、小说和传奇》（Sather Classical Lectures，20，加州伯克利，1946 年）。
2. Bođvar Biarki, who may have been the prototype of Beowulf, won fame by killing a monstrous great bear. Another view is that Beowulf himself was the son of a bear, a bear-like spirit: hence his riddling name, ‘bee-wolf, since the bear is death to bees. If this is true, he reaches even farther back in history, to the point where man is just emerging from the animal world. See Chambers (cited in n. 1), 365 f., and Rhys Carpenter, Folk tale, Fiction, and Saga in the Homeric Epics (Sather Classical Lectures, 20, Berkeley, Cal., 1946).
3.伊利亚特，6.179–83 。
3. Iliad, 6. 179–83.
4.为简洁起见，本文的叙述已简化。严格地说，我们应该区分不同类型的短篇英雄诗，因为很可能只有正式的抒情诗，而不是英雄歌曲和歌谣，才能成长为完整的史诗。参见 CM Bowra，《伊利亚特中的传统和设计》（牛津，1930 年），第 2 册，以及 AJ Toynbee，《历史研究》（牛津，1939 年），第 5. 296 页。
4. For the sake of brevity the account in the text has been simplified. Strictly we should distinguish between different types of short heroic poems, since it is probable that only formal lays, and. not songs and ballads of heroism, grew into the full stature of epic. See C. M. Bowra, Tradition and Design in the Iliad (Oxford, 1930), c. 2, and A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 5. 296 f.
5.贝奥武甫，1063–1159 。
5. Beowulf, 1063–1159.
6 .贝奥武夫，2200–10，2397–509。
6. Beowulf, 2200–10, 2397–509.
7.贝奥武甫，1-52 ，那位神秘的君主Scyld Scefing的葬礼。
7. Beowulf, 1–52, the funeral of that mysterious monarch Scyld Scefing.
8.贝奥武甫，853–1159 。
8. Beowulf, 853–1159.
9.贝奥武甫，2892–3075。
9. Beowulf, 2892–3075.
10.这一判断部分取决于品味，但部分也取决于客观事实。例如，荷马的词汇量比《贝奥武甫》的作者要多得多，句子结构类型要多得多，韵律变化要微妙得多，语言感要细腻得多，但在描写冲突场景时却没有那么有力。毫无疑问，这是因为他有更长的创作传统，他的语言中方言和诗歌风格范围更广（见第 481-2 页）。但认为如果一个人欣赏《伊利亚特》，就不能赞美《贝奥武甫》 ，这是完全错误的。 《贝奥武甫》包含许多优美而令人难忘的诗歌，但经常受到不公平的批评：例如泰纳写道：
10. This judgement depends partly upon taste, but partly too on objective facts. Homer, for instance, has proportionately a much wider vocabulary, many more types of sentence-structure, far subtler varieties of metre, and a more delicate sense of language than the author of Beowulf, without being less powerful in scenes of conflict. No doubt this is because there was a longer tradition of composition behind him, and a larger range of dialects and poetic styles from which he made his language (see pp. 481–2). But it is quite wrong to believe that one cannot praise Beowulf if one admires the Iliad. Beowulf contains much fine and memorable poetry, and has often been unfairly criticized: for example by Taine, who writes:
“On ne peut traduire ces idées fichées en travers, qui déconcertent toute 1'économie de notre style Moderne”。 Souvent on ne les entend pas;文章、粒子、所有的思想、术语的标记、联合国军团的想法的组装、存在的所有技巧et de la logique sont supprimés。 La Passion mugit ici comme une énorme bête informe, et puis c'est toout.' （《英国文学史》，巴黎，1905 年12，1-5。）
‘On ne peut traduire ces idées fichées en travers, qui déconcertent toute 1’économie de notre style moderne. Souvent on ne les entend pas; les articles, les particules, tous les moyens d’éclaircir la pensée, de marquer les attaches des termes, d’assembler les idées en un corps régulier, tous les artifices de la raison et de la logique sont supprimés. La passion mugit ici comme une énorme bête informe, et puis c’est tout.’ (Histoire de la litterature anglaise, Paris, 190512, 1–5.)
最近，JR 赫伯特先生在《贝奥武甫与古典史诗》一书中批评了这些批评家（ 《现代语言学》 ，44（1946-7），2，第 65-75 页）。他为这首诗的构思辩护——尽管这首诗充斥着有时晦涩难懂、突然引入的离题之作——他认为诗人使用了布朗宁和康拉德等老练作家的暗示性和联想性方法。这是可能的，但考虑到古英国社会和思想的简单性，这种可能性很小。赫伯特先生说《贝奥武甫》的风格强烈而令人印象深刻，这是对的，但他被马修·阿诺德误导，认为荷马的风格是“散文式的”。事实上，它的简洁性和精致性与莎士比亚的悲剧一样丰富、强烈和富有诗意。 （关于这一点，也请参阅第 481 页以下。）事实上，《贝奥武甫》就像它所描述的生活一样，属于比荷马更原始的历史阶段。从残篇来看，罗马人的早期史诗，如纳维乌斯的《布匿战争》，一定与《贝奥武甫》有些相似。纳维乌斯的诗作已失传，但《贝奥武甫》却奇迹般地保存了下来，就像在斯堪的纳维亚泥炭沼泽中仍能找到的盾牌、头盔和饮水器一样，既是珍贵的历史文物，也是真正的艺术品。
The critics have recently been criticized by Mr. J. R. Hulbert, ‘Beowulf and the Classical Epic’ (Modern Philology, 44 (1946-7), 2. 65–75). He defends the plan of the poem—packed as it is with digressions sometimes obscurely told and abruptly introduced—by suggesting that the poet was using the allusive, associative method of such sophisticated writers as Browning and Conrad. This is possible, but, considering the simplicity of Old English society and thought, scarcely probable. Mr. Hulbert is right in saying that the style of Beowulf is strong and impressive, but he has been misled by Matthew Arnold into thinking that Homer’s style is ‘prosaic’. In fact, it is as rich, strong, and poetic in both simplicity and elaboration as that of Shakespeare’s tragedies. (On this point also see p. 481 f.) The truth is that Beowulf, like the life it describes, belongs to a more primitive stage of history than Homer. Judging from their fragments, the early epics of the fighting Romans, such as Naevius’ Punic War, must have looked a little like Beowulf. Naevius’ poem is lost, but Beowulf has been miraculously preserved, like the shields and helmets and drinking-horns which are still found in the Scandinavian peat-bogs, to be treasured both as rare historical relics and as true works of art.
11.近年来，有几项研究探讨了古典主义对贝奥武甫的影响，尤其是维吉尔的影响。以下是主要论点：
11. In recent years there have been several studies of possible classical influence on Beowulf, and in particular of the supposed influence of Vergil. The following are the main arguments:
(a) 如果没有维吉尔的范本，我们几乎无法“解释如此宏大的史诗的存在”（F. Klaeber，《埃涅阿斯与贝奥武甫》，载《新语言与文学研究档案》，第 26 卷（1911 年），第 40 页和第 339 页）。这意味着，没有一位盎格鲁-撒克逊诗人能够凭自己的想象和他年轻时学到的早期盎格鲁-撒克逊英雄诗创作出一部大型诗歌。这一假设本质上无法证明，也不太可能。许多国家都创作了大型英雄诗，而这些国家可能没有受到维吉尔的影响（我们很快就会讨论《罗兰之歌》，其作者显然不懂拉丁语），盎格鲁-撒克逊诗人也不乏独创性和大胆性。他们确实缺乏更精致的品味，而正是这种品味让《贝奥武甫》的作者能够更优雅、更丰富、更对称地创作他的史诗。如果他真的了解《埃涅阿斯纪》，《贝奥武甫》就会写得更好。此外，正如克莱贝尔自己承认的那样， 《埃涅阿斯纪》的总体规划和《贝奥武甫》的总体规划几乎没有任何共同之处。
(a) We could scarcely ‘explain the existence of such a broadly constructed epic poem without the model of Vergil’ (F. Klaeber,’ Aeneis und Beowulf, in Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, n.s. 26 (1911), 40 f. and 339 f.). This means that no Anglo-Saxon poet was capable of conceiving a large-scale poem from his own imagination and from the earlier heroic Anglo-Saxon poems he had learnt in his youth. That is an assumption which by its nature cannot be proved, and is improbable. Large heroic poems have been composed in a number of countries outside any possible Vergilian influence (we shall soon be dealing with The Song of Roland, whose author or authors obviously knew no Latin), and the Anglo-Saxon poets have no lack of originality and boldness. What they did lack was the finer taste which would have allowed the composer of Beowulf to construct his epic more graciously and richly and symmetrically. If he had really known the Aeneid, Beowulf would have been better built. In addition, as Klaeber himself admits, there is hardly anything in common between the general plan of the Aeneid and the general plan of Beowulf.
（b ）《埃涅阿斯纪》和《贝奥武甫》中有许多事件相似。（克莱贝尔列出了一份清单；TB Haber 的《埃涅阿斯纪与贝奥武甫的比较》中也有其他类似事件，普林斯顿，1931 年。）其中一些相似之处荒谬得牵强附会：例如，
(b) A number of incidents in the Aeneid and in Beowulf are similar. (Klaeber gives a list; there are others in T. B. Haber, A Comparison of the ‘Aeneid’ and the ‘Beowulf’, Princeton, 1931.) Some of these parallels are ludicrously far-fetched: for instance,
其他一些则是真正的相似，比如两位英雄都在皇家宴会上讲述他们过去的功绩。然而，这些相似之处并不能证明一位诗人抄袭了另一位诗人，而是证明他们所描述的场景和风俗相似：我们知道这是真的。为了证明贝奥武甫在描述英雄的宴会或葬礼时抄袭了《埃涅阿斯纪》，我们必须证明盎格鲁撒克逊人没有这样的习俗。但我们知道，他们和他们在欧洲的前辈的文化与荷马时代的希腊人和特洛伊人非常相似。（见 HM Chadwick，《英雄时代》 ，第 15-19 册。）因此，贝奥武甫的作者描述的是他自己民族中实行或传统中为人所知的风俗，而不是他借用了用外来语言和不同民族传统写成的书中的内容，这种可能性更大。
Others are genuine resemblances, as when both heroes tell of their past exploits, at a royal banquet. These resemblances, however, prove not that one poet copied the other, but that the scenes and customs they described were similar: which we know to be true. In order to show that Beowulf copied the Aeneid in describing a hero’s feast or funeral we should have to prove that the Anglo-Saxons had no such customs of their own. But we know that they, and their predecessors in Europe, had a culture very similar to that of the Homeric Greeks and Trojans. (See H. M. Chadwick, The Heroic Age, cc. 15–19.) It is therefore more probable that the author of Beowulf described customs practised or known through tradition among his own people than that he borrowed from an account in a book written in an alien language and a different national tradition.
(c )《埃涅阿斯纪》和《贝奥武甫》中一些对自然的描述相似。（因此，CW Kennedy在《最早的英国诗歌》第 92–7 页中指出，《贝奥武甫》1357–76 页中对格伦德尔所住的鬼魂湖的描述，是模仿维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》第 7 章第 563–71 节。） 《贝奥武甫》的诗人可能抄袭了维吉尔的这些描述，但这种可能性极小。首先，因为他可以借鉴的诗歌描述资源要丰富得多，也更方便：现存的古英语诗歌，其数量肯定比存留下来的少数残篇多得多。肯尼迪先生本人在第 180–2 页中指出，《出埃及记》的诗人如何在法老追赶希伯来人进入红海的记述中插入了不协调的战争和血迹斑斑的水的常规描述；里斯·卡彭特先生在《荷马史诗中的民间故事、小说和传奇》第 6-9 页中提醒我们，口头诗人拥有和传播的刻板描述和短语是多么丰富。其次，盎格鲁-撒克逊诗人即使不使用自己语言中的传统描述，也能够很好地描绘出阴郁的北方风景，而无需借用意大利诗人的细节。许多古英语诗歌中对大海的精彩描述，以及《废墟》中对罗马废墟的精彩挽歌描述，都证明了他们独到的观察力。
(c) Some of the descriptions of nature in the Aeneid and Beowulf are similar. (Thus, C. W. Kennedy, The Earliest English Poetry, 92–7, suggests that the description of the haunted tarn where Grendel lives, Beowulf, 1357–76, is imitated from Vergil’s Aeneid, 7. 563–71.) It is possible that the poet of Beowulf copied such descriptions from Vergil, but it is highly improbable. First, because there was a much larger and handier reservoir of poetic description on which he could draw: the existing Old English poetry, which must have been far greater in volume than the few fragments which have survived to modern times. Mr. Kennedy himself points out on pp. 180–2 how the poet of Exodus inserted incongruous conventional descriptions of battle and blood-stained water into his account of Pharaoh pursuing the Hebrews into the Red Sea; and Mr. Rhys Carpenter, in Folk tale, Fiction, and Saga in the Homeric Epics, 6–9, reminds us how full a collection of stereotyped descriptions and phrases oral poets possess and transmit. Then, secondly, the Anglo-Saxon poets, if they did not use traditional descriptions in their own tongue, were well able to evoke the scenery of the gloomy north without borrowing details from an Italian poet. The splendid descriptions of the sea in many Old English poems, and the fine elegiac account of Roman ruins in The Ruin, are evidence for their powers of original observation.
（d ） 《埃涅阿斯纪》和《贝奥武甫》的措辞相似，例如swīgedon ealle（B . 1699）和conticuere omnes（A. 2. 1）；wordhord onleac（B . 259）和effundit pectore uoces（A . 5. 482）。（TB Haber，同上，注b，31 f。）我对盎格鲁-撒克逊语的了解不允许我在这一点上提出有用的意见；但从翻译来看，相似之处看起来像是相当明显的意象（例如“在忧虑的浪潮中颠簸”）等的巧合，而不是模仿。当然，可以观察到的语言差异远比相似之处更为显著。
(d) Turns of phrase in the Aeneid and Beowulf are similar, e.g. swīgedon ealle (B. 1699) and conticuere omnes (A. 2. 1); wordhord onleac (B. 259) and effundit pectore uoces (A. 5. 482). (T. B. Haber, op. cit. in note b, 31 f.) My knowledge of Anglo-Saxon does not permit me to offer a useful opinion on this point; but from translations, the parallels look like coincidences of fairly obvious imagery (e.g. ‘tossed on the waves of care’) and the like, rather than imitations. And certainly the differences in language which can be observed are far more striking than the resemblances.
（e）维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》在英国北部广为人知，并且“肯定会吸引一位精通日耳曼传统的诗人”（劳伦斯，《贝奥武甫与史诗传统》，284-5）。这种论点通常被推得太远了，应该用以下限定来平衡：
(e) Vergil’s Aeneid was well known in northern Britain, and ‘would surely have appealed to a poet versed in Germanic traditions’ (Lawrence, Beowulf and Epic Tradition, 284–5). This argument is usually pushed much too far, and should be balanced by the following qualifications:
（I）英国黑暗时代的牧师学者知道维吉尔，但他们没有用白话写长篇世俗英雄诗。据说阿尔德赫尔姆唱白话歌曲是为了吸引人们听福音，但他只是在自己不愿跨越的鸿沟上架起一座单行道的桥梁。这些学者中最伟大的一位，阿尔昆，曾写信给一位英国主教，明确谴责了人们对英雄传奇诗歌的喜爱（查德威克，《英雄时代》，41 页），并称贝奥武夫这样的英雄是该死的异教徒。
(I) Priestly scholars knew Vergil during the Dark Ages in Britain, but they did not write long secular heroic poems in the vernacular. Aldhelm is reported to have sung vernacular songs to attract people to hear the gospel, but he was only making a one-way bridge over a gulf he would not cross. The greatest of these scholars, Alcuin, wrote a letter to a British bishop expressly decrying the taste for poems of heroic legend (Chadwick, The Heroic Age, 41 f.) and calling a hero like Beowulf a damned pagan.
(2) 我们没有听说，而且很难想象，像《贝奥武甫》的作者这样已经深谙本土英雄诗传统的职业吟游诗人，能够学习足够的拉丁语来研究《埃涅阿斯纪》。在中世纪以及此后的几个世纪里，学习拉丁语的方法是从阅读拉丁语圣经开始。但《贝奥武甫》中所展示的对圣经的了解是如此的薄弱和模糊，以至于诗人几乎不可能直接阅读武加大圣经。比德本人对圣经和教父的了解远胜于维吉尔，而维吉尔是他唯一直接了解的古典作家（MLW Laistner，《作为古典和教父学者的比德》，《皇家历史学会会刊》，系列 4，第 16 卷，第 73 页）。那么，一个几乎不认识《创世纪》开篇几章的吟游诗人怎么会如此熟悉难懂的《埃涅阿斯纪》，以至于能够在细节和总体规划上模仿它呢？与此类似，特洛伊故事首次出现在法国中世纪文学中。伯努瓦·德·圣莫尔将这些传说编入法国诗歌，他不是从《埃涅阿斯纪》或拉丁文《伊利亚特》中取材，而是从一篇短篇散文体传奇中取材，这种体裁更容易阅读；即便如此，他也没有仔细遵循。见第 53 页。
(2) We do not hear, and it is difficult to imagine, that professional bards, like the maker of Beowulf, already steeped in their native tradition of heroic poetry, were enabled to learn enough Latin to study the Aeneid. In the Dark Ages, and for centuries afterwards, the way to learn Latin was to start with the Latin Bible. But the knowledge of the Bible shown in Beowulf is so extremely thin and vague that the poet can hardly have been able to read the Vulgate directly. Bede himself knew the Bible and the church fathers far better than Vergil, and Vergil was the only classical author he knew first-hand (M. L. W. Laistner, ‘Bede as a Classical and a Patristic Scholar’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, series 4, vol. 16, 73 f.). How then could a bard who barely knew the opening chapters of Genesis be so familiar with the difficult Aeneid as to imitate it in detail and in general plan? There is a parallel to this in the first appearance of the Trojan story in French medieval literature. Benoît de Sainte-Maure, who put the legends into French poetry, took them not from the Aeneid or the Latin Iliad but from a short romance in prose which was far easier to read; and even then he did not follow it carefully. See p. 53.
(3) 当拉丁语和盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌这两种传统最终融合在一起时，产生了巨大的影响。这种融合始于凯德蒙，一直延续到后来的诗歌，通过西内伍尔夫，一直延续到《十字架与凤凰之梦》。但所有这些诗歌，虽然都采用了盎格鲁-撒克逊诗歌的惯例，但其内容和目的都是宗教性的。当时任何学过足够多的拉丁语以理解《埃涅阿斯纪》的人都会献身于侍奉上帝，不会写一首关于在血战中战胜怪物的诗，不是靠精神的力量，而是靠武力和魔法武器的力量。
(3) When at last the two traditions, of Latin and of Anglo-Saxon poetry, blended, the results were grand. The blending begins with Cædmon, and goes on through the later poems attributed to him, through Cynewulf, to The Dream of the Rood and Phoenix. But all such poetry, although it uses the Anglo-Saxon poetic conventions, is religious in content as well as purpose. Anyone who at that time learnt enough Latin to understand the Aeneid would be dedicated to the service of God, and would not write a poem on monsters overcome in bloody battles, not by the power of the spirit but by strength of arm and magical weapons.
（4）一般来说，现代敏感的作家在读完一本感人的书后所体验到的那种想象力刺激，在原始诗人身上不太可能出现。正如我们从《凤凰》中看到的那样，当他们抄写一本书时，他们抄得非常仔细和明显。但他们不会写出包含古典诗歌“回忆”的自己的诗歌。那条路不是通往格伦德尔的洞穴，而是通往上都。
(4) In general, the sort of imaginative stimulus experienced by sensitive modern writers after reading a moving book is not likely to occur in primitive poets. As we see from Phoenix, when they copy a book, they copy it carefully and obviously. But they do not write poetry of their own containing ‘reminiscences’ of classical poetry. That road leads not to Grendel’s cave, but to Xanadu.
12 . Lady Gregory, Gods and Fighting Men (London, 1910), 2. 11. 4.
12. Lady Gregory, Gods and Fighting Men (London, 1910), 2. 11. 4.
13。参见 HM Chadwick，《英雄时代》（剑桥，1912 年），第 47-8 页。FA Blackburn，《贝奥武甫中的基督教色彩》（PMLA，12，ns 5（1897 年），第 205-25 页）分析了那些表明熟悉某些基本基督教教义的段落，并表明这些教义可能是（而且可能必须）在诗歌几乎成为异教史诗之后添加的。例如，多次提及上帝的地方可以用Wyrd（ “命运”）代替，而不会丝毫改变其含义；有时Wyrd被允许保留在此类段落中。
13. See H. M. Chadwick, The Heroic Age (Cambridge, 1912), 47–8. F. A. Blackburn, ‘The Christian Coloring in the Beowulf (PMLA, 12, n.s. 5 (1897), 205–25), analyses the passages which show acquaintance with certain elementary Christian doctrines, and shows that they could (and probably must) have been added after the poem assumed virtually its present shape as a pagan epic. For instance, the numerous mentions of God could be replaced by Wyrd, ‘fate’, without in the slightest altering the meaning; and sometimes Wyrd has been allowed to remain in such passages.
14 .贝奥武甫，107 页，126 页（该隐和亚伯）：
112 页中的单词被翻译为“海怪”和“地狱之物”，源自拉丁语词根Orcus。大洪水出现在 1688-93 年。
14. Beowulf, 107 f., 126 f. (Cain and Abel): in 112 is variously translated ‘sea-monsters’, and ‘hellish things’, from the Latin root of Orcus. The Flood appears in 1688—93.
15 . AJ Toynbee, 《历史研究》（牛津，1939），5.610页。
15. A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 5. 610 f.
16.这是JB Bury在《野蛮人入侵欧洲》 （伦敦，1928年）一书中阐述的观点：另见该书第478页有关Fustel de Coulanges的内容。
16. This is the point of view expounded by J. B. Bury in The Invasion of Europe by the Barbarians (London, 1928): see also p. 478 of this book on Fustel de Coulanges.
17.一位罗马历史学家报道过一个很好的例子，发生在更早但相似的时代。汉尼拔翻越阿尔卑斯山后，决心给疲惫不堪的军队以新的勇气，以应对在意大利与罗马人的首场战斗。因此，作为鄙视死亡的勇敢者的活生生的例子，他带出了途中俘获的一些野蛮的阿尔卑斯山部落成员（显然是凯尔特人） 。他给他们提供通过决斗赢得自由的机会，胜者将被释放。他们欣然接受了，抓起武器，跳起了高地舞，cum sui moris tripudiis。然后，在战斗中，观众对失败者（如果他死得其所）表达的钦佩与对胜利者的钦佩一样多：'ut non uincentium magis quam bene morientium fortuna laudaretur"（Livy，21. 42）。
17. There is a fine example of this, reported by a Roman historian, from an earlier but similar era. After Hannibal had crossed the Alps, he determined to give his exhausted troops new courage for their first battle with the Romans in Italy. So, as a living example of the gallantry that despises death, he brought out some of the wild Alpine tribesmen (evidently Celts) whom he had captured en route. He offered them the chance of winning their liberty by fighting duels, the victor to be set free. They accepted gladly, seizing the weapons and dancing a highland fling, cum sui moris tripudiis. And then, during the fighting, the spectators expressed just as much admiration for the loser, if he died well, as for the winner: ‘ut non uincentium magis quam bene morientium fortuna laudaretur” (Livy, 21. 42).
18 . Hige scal pe heartra, heorte pe centre,
18. Hige sceal pe heardra, heorte pe cenre,
mod scal pe mare, pe ure maegen lytlad（马尔登，312-13）。
mod sceal pe mare, pe ure maegen lytlad (Maldon, 312–13).
19.比德的短语“ quasi mundum animal ruminando”暗含着一种迷人而天真的比较，即将沉思中的牧牛人、在牛棚里反刍圣经的人与他自己的牛进行比较。
19. Bede’s phrase quasi mundum animal ruminando implies a charmingly naive comparison of the meditative cowhand, chewing the cud of scripture in the byre, to his own cattle.
20比德称他们为doctores和multi doctiores uiri。人们通常认为卡德蒙开始写诗时就与惠特比修道院有联系。例如，见斯托普福德·布鲁克的《从开端到诺曼征服时期的英国文学》（伦敦，1898 年），第 127 页：“卡德蒙……穿着世俗服装，与修道院有联系，是修道院的依附者之一。”同样，A. 布兰德尔在保罗的《日耳曼语言学大纲》（斯特拉斯堡，1908 年），第 2. 1. 1027 页中写道：“卡德蒙……作为修道院居民，在我们这里是普通人。”；EE 沃代尔的《古英语文学章节》（伦敦，1935 年），第 112 页；以及其他许多文章。比德的故事并不能证明这一假设，事实上，它指向了另一个方向。根据比德的说法，卡德蒙是一名农场工人，有自己的小屋。当他学会唱歌后，他告诉了农场的工头，然后被带到了女修道院院长那里。显然，工头说“这看起来像是上帝的杰作，我们必须问问希尔达女修道院院长”，然后把卡德蒙带到了修道院。现在，并没有说卡德蒙和工头工作的农场是否隶属于修道院。但如果卡德蒙已经是惠特比社区的一员，比德几乎肯定会说他已经是一个虔诚的圣言聆听者，一个在修道院庄园里谦逊的工人，他聆听布道并在心中深思，以及诸如此类的事情。这是沉默的论据；但它比假设惠特比附近只有一名农场工头，他和他的手下受雇于修道院要安全得多。
20. Bede calls them doctores and multi doctiores uiri. It is often assumed that Caedmon was attached to Whitby Abbey when he began to make poetry. See, for instance, Stopford Brooke, English Literature from the Beginning to the Norman Conquest (London, 1898), 127: ‘Caedmon … was attached in a secular habit to the monastery—one of its dependants.’ Similarly A. Brandl, in Paul’s Grundriss der germanischen Philologie (Strassburg, 1908), 2. 1. 1027: ‘Caedmon … lebte zunachst als Laie in einer Klostergemeinschaft usw.’; E. E. Wardale, Chapters on Old English Literature (London, 1935), 112; and many others. This assumption is not justified by Bede’s story, which in fact points in the other direction. According to Bede, Caedmon was a farmhand, with a cottage of his own. When he got the gift of song, he told the foreman of the farm and he was taken to the abbess. Obviously the foreman said ‘This looks like God’s work, we must ask Abbess Hilda’, and took Cædmon up to the abbey. Now, it is not stated that the farm on which Caedmon and the foreman worked was, or was not, attached to the abbey. But if Caedmon had already been a member of Whitby community, Bede would almost certainly have said that he had already been an earnest hearer of the Word, a humble worker on the abbey estates who listened to the preaching and pondered it deeply in his heart, and other things of the kind. This is the argument from silence; but it is less dangerous than the assumption that there was only one farm-foreman near Whitby, and that he and his men were employed by the abbey.
21.参见 D. Masson 著《约翰·弥尔顿生平》第 6 卷（纽约，1946 年），557 页，注 1；其他与此主题有关的文献参见 CW Kennedy 所著（注 1 中引用），第 163 页。
21. See D. Masson, The Life of John Milton, 6 (New York, 1946), 557, n. 1; other literature on the subject is listed by C. W. Kennedy (cited in n. 1), 163.
22，阿波罗赞歌，172。
22. Hymn to Apollo, 172.
23。这首关于基督的诗分为三部分。只有第二部分（440-866）有西内沃尔夫的署名，三部分在风格和内容上存在明显差异。原文为格列高利，《在安息日中传道》，2. 29（米涅，《巡逻拉特》76. 1213–19）。
23. The poem on Christ is in three parts. Only the second part (440-866) is signed by Cynewulf, and there are marked differences between the three sections in manner and matter. The original is Gregory, Homiliae in euangelia, 2. 29 (Migne, Patrol. Lat. 76. 1213–19).
24 . 关于朱莉安娜的来源，请参阅 JM Garnett 的《拉丁和盎格鲁-撒克逊朱莉安娜》 (PMLA , 14, ns 7 (1899), 279–98)。朱莉安娜死于公元309 年左右。Cynewulf 转述了她的一生，类似于现在《圣徒行传》中的生平，但他使用的实际传记已丢失。
24. On the source of Juliana see J. M. Garnett, ‘The Latin and the Anglo-Saxon Juliana’ (PMLA, 14, n.s. 7 (1899), 279–98). Juliana died about A.D. 309. Cynewulf was paraphrasing a life of her similar to those now in The Acts of the Saints, but the actual biography he used is lost.
25、如尼字母名称都是名词；但我找不到一个现代名称，其所有字母都可以像bee一样用作名词。
25. Rune letter-names are all nouns; but I could not find a modern name whose letters could all, like bee, serve as nouns.
26.关于这一点以及对 Cynewulf 作品的赞赏，请参阅 K. Sisam 1932 年《英国学术院学报》上的 Gollancz 讲座。
26. For this point, and a sympathetic sketch of Cynewulf’s work, see K. Sisam’s Gollancz Lecture in The Proceedings of the British Academy, 1932.
27。开头是hwoet!，这是诗人唤起听众注意的传统呼喊，而“年轻的英雄” geong Hoeled则在第 39 行。
27. The opening is hwoet!, the traditional cry by which the bard called his listeners’ attention, and the ‘young hero’, geong Hoeled, is in line 39.
28 . 拉克坦提乌斯，《凤凰神话》。凤凰神话最终是埃及动物崇拜的产物，可能源于对奇异候鸟的观察。它通过希罗多德对埃及的描述传入希腊世界（2. 73，可能来自赫卡塔埃乌斯）。关于其丰富的象征意义，请参阅 J. Hubaux 和 M. Leroy 的《希腊和拉丁文学中的凤凰神话》（巴黎，1939 年）。
28. Lactantius, De aue phoenice. The myth of the phoenix is ultimately a product of Egyptian animal-worship, and probably arose from the observation of strange migratory birds. It reached the Greek world through Herodotus’ description of Egypt (2. 73, possibly from Hecataeus). On its rich symbolism see J. Hubaux and M. Leroy, Le Mythe du phenix dans les litteratures grecque et latine (Paris, 1939).
29 . Ambrose, Hexaemeron , 5. 23. 79–80, 是Phoenix , 443 f的原文。Job xxix. 18 在 546–69 中被引用和解释。
29. Ambrose, Hexaemeron, 5. 23. 79–80, is the original of Phoenix, 443 f. Job xxix. 18 is quoted and paraphrased in 546–69.
30.例如，拉克坦提乌斯诗歌的第 15-20 行来自维吉尔的《埃因》，第 6 章第 274-81 行；第 21-5 行来自荷马的《奥德篇》，第 4 章第 566-7 行，加上《奥德篇》，第 6 章第 43-5 行，再加上卢克莱修的《奥德篇》，第 3 章第 18-23 行。
30. For instance, lines 15–20 of Lactantius’ poem are from Vergil, Aen, 6. 274–81; 21–5 from Homer, Od. 4. 566–7, plus Od. 6. 43–5, plus Lucretius, 3. 18–23.
31. Phoenix，9–12，译JD Spaeth，《古英语诗歌》（普林斯顿，1922 年）。
31. Phoenix, 9–12, tr. J. D. Spaeth, Old English Poetry (Princeton, 1922).
32 .拉克坦蒂乌斯，De auephoenice，161-6：
32. Lactantius, De auephoenice, 161–6:
幸运的是， uolucrem
cui de se nasci praestitit ipse deus！
femina sat，uel mas，seu neutrum，seu sat utrumque，
felix quae Veneris foedera nulla colit！
mors illi Venus est, sola est in morte uoluptas:
ut possit nasci, appetit ante mori。
A fortunatae sortis fatique uolucrem
cui de se nasci praestitit ipse deus!
femina sit, uel mas, seu neutrum, seu sit utrumque,
felix quae Veneris foedera nulla colit!
mors illi Venus est, sola est in morte uoluptas:
ut possit nasci, appetit ante mori.
33.参见 WP Ker，《史诗与浪漫》（伦敦，1922 ），2.4 页，及附录，注释 A。
33. See W. P. Ker, Epic and Romance (London, 19222), 2. 4 f., and appendix, note A.
34 .拉克坦蒂乌斯，《De aue phoenice》，11-14：
34. Lactantius, De aue phoenice, 11–14:
Cum Phaethonteis flagrasset ab ignibus axis,
ille locus flammis inuiolatuserat;
et cum diluuium mersisset fluctibus orbem,
Deucalioneas exsuperauit aquas。
Cum Phaethonteis flagrasset ab ignibus axis,
ille locus flammis inuiolatus erat;
et cum diluuium mersisset fluctibus orbem,
Deucalioneas exsuperauit aquas.
35. Phoenix ，38–46，译Spaeth（引自注31）。
35. Phoenix, 38–46, tr. Spaeth (cited in n. 31).
36. Phoenix ，52，译Spaeth（注31）。
36. Phoenix, 52, tr. Spaeth (n. 31).
37. Phoenix ，675–7，译者 Spaeth（注 31）。有一首关于道成肉身的诗也用这种奇怪的拉丁语和盎格鲁撒克逊语混合而成：见 JS Westlake 著《剑桥英国文学史》（剑桥，1920 年），1. 7. 146–7。虽然很幼稚，但有一定的魅力；但更重要的是，它（像 Ælfric 的教科书一样）显示了拉丁语和古英语之间的高度相互渗透，这比其他欧洲国家冒险将白话与学术语言接触要早许多世纪。
37. Phoenix, 675–7, tr. Spaeth (n. 31). There is a poem on the Incarnation in this same odd blend of Latin and Anglo-Saxon: see J. S. Westlake in The Cambridge History of English Literature (Cambridge, 1920), 1. 7. 146–7. Childish as it is, it has a certain charm; but, what is more important, it shows (like Ælfric’s schoolbooks) a high degree of inter-penetration between Latin and Old English, many centuries before other European nations ventured to bring the vernacular speech into contact with the learned language.
38。参见 AJ Toynbee，《历史研究》，2。322–40和 421–33。L. Gougaud 有一项更为详细的研究，《凯尔特土地上的基督教》（M. Joynt 译自作者手稿，伦敦，1932 年）：尤其参见 185f。Gougaud 先生倾向于淡化冲突，他说（213）英国教会“有点超然，但不是‘分离主义和独立’”。其他人可能认为差异更深。英国教会通常被称为爱尔兰教会，有时更准确地说是凯尔特教会。它在罗马帝国灭亡前在英国建立，是原罗马基督教世界的一部分，在撒克逊人入侵英格兰时基本被淹没。此后，它继续存在于北部和西部地区（包括布列塔尼）。吉尔达斯是它的典型成员。从威尔士和爱尔兰，它传到了苏格兰和撒克逊英格兰，有时与后来从南方北上的罗马传教士竞争，然后在惠特比宗教会议上与他们正面交锋。但它的传统是相当连续的，所以它应该被称为不列颠教会。在第 240 页，Gougaud 先生问爱尔兰人从哪里获得了古典文化知识。从南威尔士？通过亚历山大或拜占庭传教士？通过高卢难民？他以看似令人信服的论据得出结论，爱尔兰人的文化和对基督教的兴趣来自最初的不列颠教会，作为基督教罗马帝国的一个省份的教会，它“吸收了一定数量的拉丁文化”；然后他们开办了拉丁学校，帮助理解圣经和教父的拉丁文著作。
38. See A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History, 2. 322–40 and 421–33. There is a much more detailed study by L. Gougaud, Christianity in Celtic Lands (tr. from author’s manuscript by M. Joynt, London, 1932): see especially 185f. Mr. Gougaud tends to minimize the conflict, saying (213) that the British church was ‘a little aloof but not ‘separatist and independent’. Others might think the differences went deeper. The British church is often called the Irish church, and sometimes, more correctly, the Celtic church. Established in Britain before the fall of the Roman empire, as a part of the original Roman Christendom, it was largely submerged by the Saxon invasions of England. After them it continued its existence in the northern and western areas (including Brittany). Gildas was a typical member of it. From Wales and Ireland it worked back into Scotland and Saxon England, sometimes competing with the Roman missionaries who later made their way up from the south, and then meeting them head-on at the synod of Whitby. But its tradition was quite continuous, so that it should really be called the church of Britain. On p. 240 f. Mr. Gougaud asks where the Irish got their knowledge of classical culture. From south Wales? through Alexandrian or Byzantine missionaries? through refugees from Gaul? He concludes, with arguments which seem convincing, that the Irish got their culture and their interest in Christianity from the original British church, which had ‘imbibed a certain amount of Latin culture’ as the church of one of the provinces of the Christian Roman empire; and that they then started Latin schools to help in the understanding of the scriptures and the Latin writings of the church fathers.
39。参见 L. Gougaud 的《凯尔特土地上的基督教》，第 185 页。PF Jones 的《格里高利传教团和英国教育》，载于《Speculum》，第 3 卷（1928 年），第 335 页，表明奥古斯丁的传教活动不是教育性的，而是纯粹的宗教性的。最重要的是先让新的撒克逊异教徒皈依基督教，然后再教导他们。只有在他的传教活动完成之后，狄奥多尔和哈德良才能开办学校。奥古斯丁经常写信给罗马，就现在看来微不足道的问题征求格里高利的意见，这一事实表明他受到教皇的密切监督。还可以补充一点，这与罗马帝国的行政管理方式惊人地相似。当小普林尼被派去管理比提尼亚省的财政时，他回信将每个略高于他水平的问题提交给皇帝图拉真，同样一丝不苟。
39. See L. Gougaud, Christianity in Celtic Lands, 185 f. P. F. Jones, ‘The Gregorian Mission and English Education’, in Speculum, 3 (1928), 335 f., shows that Augustine’s mission was not educational but purely religious. The essential thing was to convert the new Saxon pagans first, and then teach them. Only after his mission had done its work could Theodore and Hadrian start their school. The fact that Augustine often wrote to Rome to consult Gregory on points that now appear quite trivial shows how closely he was supervised by the pope. It might be added that it shows a striking resemblance to the administrative methods of the Roman empire. When Pliny the younger was sent out to regulate the finances of the province of Bithynia, he wrote back to submit every problem slightly above his level to the emperor Trajan, with just the same meticulous precision.
40 .贝德，希斯特。埃克勒。 4. 1; M. Roger，L'Enseignement des lettres classiques d'Ausone a Alcuin（巴黎，1905 年），286 f。然而这所学校并没有建立当时英国牢固而持久的希腊学术传统。在黑暗时代和中世纪早期，希腊书籍在英国非常罕见，能读懂这些书籍的人更是凤毛麟角：参见 GR Stephens 的论文《中世纪英国的希腊知识》（费城，1933 年）。
40. Bede, Hist. eccl. 4. 1; M. Roger, L’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone a Alcuin (Paris, 1905), 286 f. This school, however, did not establish any solid and lasting tradition of Greek scholarship in England at the time. During the Dark Ages and the early Middle Ages, Greek books were very rare in England, and men who could read them still rarer: see the useful thesis by G. R. Stephens, The Knowledge of Greek in England in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1933).
41. Roger（引自注40），261和288–303。
41. Roger (cited in n. 40), 261 and 288–303.
42.参见 MLW Laistner，《作为古典学者和教父学者的比德》，《皇家历史学会学报》，第 4 卷，第 16 卷，第 69 页。
42. See M. L. W. Laistner, ‘Bede as a Classical and a Patristic Scholar’, in The Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, series 4, v. 16, 69 f.
43 . MLW Laistner（引自第 42 号注释）指出，比德的纯古典学识实际上仅限于维吉尔和普林尼的《自然史》。他引用了其他作者（少数例外，第 74 页）的作品，这些作品都是语法学家引用的——事实上，是从读者文摘类文集引用的，这种文集是整个黑暗时代和中世纪直至文艺复兴时期最受欢迎的古典学方法之一。但他对基督教诗人如普鲁登修斯和教父（尤其是杰罗姆）有着丰富的第一手了解。另见 Laistner 先生的《可敬的比德图书馆》，收录于《比德的生平、时代和作品》，AH Thompson 主编（牛津，1935 年）。
43. M. L. W. Laistner (cited in n. 42) has shown that Bede’s purely classical learning was practically confined to Vergil and Pliny’s Natural History. Other authors (with a few exceptions, p. 74) he quoted from citations of their works made by grammarians—in fact, from the Reader’s Digest type of collection which was one of the favourite approaches to the classics throughout the Dark and Middle Ages well into the Renaissance. But his first-hand knowledge of the Christian poets like Prudentius, and of the fathers (especially Jerome), was enormous. See also Mr. Laistner’s ‘The Library of the Venerable Bede’, in Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings, ed. A. H. Thompson (Oxford, 1935).
44 . 参见 W. Levison，《作为历史学家的比德》，载于《比德的生平、时代和著作》（引自第 43 号）。这篇精彩的文章表明，比德之所以对历史感兴趣，是因为他对两个相互交织的主题感兴趣：编年史和圣徒传记。
44. See W. Levison, ‘Bede as Historian’, in Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings (cited in n. 43). This brilliant article suggests that Bede was drawn towards history by his interest in two convergent subjects: chronology and hagiography.
45.但丁把他放在天堂里，与众多伟大导师为伍，其中包括他自己敬仰的导师圣托马斯·阿奎那（《天堂篇》，10）。
45. Dante put him in heaven among other great teachers, including his own admired master St. Thomas Aquinas (Paradiso, 10).
46.关于约翰内斯·司各特·爱留根纳，参见L.Gougaud的《凯尔特土地上的基督教》（引自注38），第303页；CRS Harris的《哲学》，《中世纪的遗产》（CG Crump主编，牛津，1926年）；P.Kletler的《约翰内斯·爱留根纳》（莱比锡，1931年）；以及MLW Laistner的《西欧500-900年思想与文学》 （纽约，1931年），第197页。
46. On Johannes Scotus Erigena or Eriugena, see L. Gougaud, Christianity in Celtic Lands (cited in n. 38), 303 f.; C. R. S. Harris, ‘Philosophy’, in The Legacy of the Middle Ages (ed. C. G. Crump, Oxford, 1926); P. Kletler, Johannes Eriugena (Leipzig, 1931); and M. L. W. Laistner, Thought and Letters in Western Europe 500–900 A.D. (New York, 1931), 197 f.
47。此条目为公元839 年。 《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》的引文取自 RK Ingram 的“Everyman”译本。关于“来自海盗的国家”这一短语，我的同事 EVK Dobbie 教授告诉我，文本中写的是 Heredalande，这是一个地名，已被确定为挪威哈当厄尔附近的一个地区。
47. This entry is for A.D. 839. Quotations from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle are taken from R. K. Ingram’s ‘Everyman’ translation. On the phrase ‘from the pirates’ country, my colleague Professor E. V. K. Dobbie informs me that the text reads of Heredalande, which is a place-name, and which has been identified with a region near Hardanger in Norway.
48关于他们的命运，请参见W. Levison 著《8 世纪的英国与欧洲大陆》（牛津，1946 年）和 H. Waddell著《流浪的学者》（伦敦，1934 年），第 2.5 页。
48. On their fate see W. Levison, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946) and H. Waddell, The Wandering Scholars (London, 19347), 2. 5.
49.参见Gougaud（引自第38号），第395页。
49. See Gougaud (cited in n. 38), 395.
50.阿尔弗雷德（Alfred）， 《希尔德博克》（Hierdeboc）序言。
50. Alfred, preface to the Hierdeboc.
51 . 格列高利本人称他的书为《牧羊人规则》（第5 集，49 米涅）。在英语研究中，它通常被称为《牧羊人规则》。
51. Gregory himself speaks of his book as the Regula pastoralis (Ep. 5. 49 Migne). In English studies it is often called Cura pastoralis.
52. So P. G. Thomas著《剑桥英国文学史》（剑桥，1920 年），1. 6。
52. So P. G. Thomas in The Cambridge History of English Literature (Cambridge, 1920), 1. 6.
53.波爱修斯着手弥合希腊文化和拉丁文化之间日益扩大的鸿沟，他翻译了所有为哲学做准备的科学书籍，然后翻译了亚里士多德关于逻辑、伦理和他首先翻译了柏拉图的著作，然后是物理学，然后是柏拉图的所有著作。他死得比较早，这使他未能实现这一宏伟计划的很大一部分。尽管如此，通过他留存下来的译本，他成为了四艺教育体系的创始人之一，受到几乎所有中世纪教育家的尊敬（例如 Sigebert, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis , 37；Migne, Patrol. Lat . 160. 555）。他的译本涵盖音乐、算术、几何和亚里士多德逻辑。关于他作为翻译的重要性，请参阅 P. Courcelle, Les Lettres grecques en Occident de Macrobe à Cassiodore (Paris, 1943), 260–78。
53. Boethius set out to bridge the widening gap between Greek and Latin culture by translating books on all the sciences which prepare the mind for philosophy, then all the works of Aristotle on logic, ethics, and physics, and then all the works of Plato. His comparatively early death prevented him from realizing more than a small part of this grand design. Nevertheless he became, through his surviving translations, one of the founders of the educational system known as the quadrivium, and was revered by nearly every medieval educator (e.g. Sigebert, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 37; Migne, Patrol. Lat. 160. 555). His translations covered music, arithmetic, geometry, and Aristotelian logic. On his importance as a translator see P. Courcelle, Les Lettres grecques en Occident de Macrobe à Cassiodore (Paris, 1943), 260–78.
54. De consolatione philosophiae。有一本由 Adrianus a Forti Scuto 和 GD Smith 编写的简便版本（伦敦，1925 年），Courcelle（引自第 53 号）和 HR Patch 的《Boethius 的传统》（纽约，1935 年）中有大量参考书目。
54. De consolatione philosophiae. There are a handy edition by Adrianus a Forti Scuto and G. D. Smith (London, 1925) and ample bibliographies in Courcelle (cited in n. 53) and H. R. Patch, The Tradition of Boethius (New York, 1935).
55.梅尼普形式由瓦罗于公元前一世纪引入拉丁文学，在长期废弃之后，由哲学家马提亚努斯·卡佩拉在另一部成为中世纪教育基石的著作《语言学与墨丘利的联姻》中再次推广：这部著作是在波爱修斯时代之前不久写成的。
55. The Menippean form was introduced to Latin literature by Varro in the first century B.C., and, after long disuse, popularized again by the philosopher Martianus Capella in another work which became a foundation-stone of medieval education, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury: this was written not long before Boethius’ own day.
56 . 散文的大部分内容看起来像是刻意模仿西塞罗：例如，小句始终是西塞罗式的。诗句间奏在长篇对话之后提供了片刻的平静和抒情，发挥了与塞涅卡合唱团相同的艺术和情感功能。
56. Much of the prose looks like deliberate imitation of Cicero: the clausulae, for instance, are consistently Ciceronian. The verse interludes, providing moments of calm and lyricism after long passages of dialogue, fulfil something of the same artistic and emotional function as the choruses in Seneca.
57 .博思.缺点。菲尔. 4. 7：“omnis enim (fortuna) quae uidetur aspera nisi aut exercet aut corrigit punit。”
57. Boeth. Cons. Phil. 4. 7: ‘omnis enim (fortuna) quae uidetur aspera nisi aut exercet aut corrigit punit.’
58。参见 P. Courcelle 对 Boethius 资料的详细分析（引自第 53 号），第 278–300 页。我只看到了同一位作者的论文《Boèce 的‘安慰’：其资料及其由 IXe au XIIIe siècle 拉丁评论家所作的解释》（巴黎，法国国立高等学院，1934 年）的摘要。在这两部作品中，M. Courcelle 展示了 Boethius 的思想如何深深地渗透了新柏拉图主义，并暗示他在亚历山大作为 Ammonius 的学生学习了希腊语和哲学。
58. See the close analysis of Boethius’ sources by P. Courcelle (cited in n. 53), 278–300. I have seen only an abstract of the same author’s thesis, La ‘Consolation’ de Boèce: ses sources et son interprétation par les commentateurs latins du IXe au XIIIe siècle (Paris, École nationale des Chartes, 1934). In both works M. Courcelle shows how deeply Boethius’ thought is penetrated with Neoplatonism, and suggests that he learnt both Greek and philosophy at Alexandria, as a pupil of Ammonius.
59.康德，《实践理性批判》卷四。
59. Kant, Critique of Practical Reason, ad fin.
60.乔治·梅瑞狄斯，《星光下的路西法》。
60. George Meredith, Lucifer in Starlight.
61 .博思.缺点。菲尔. 4. 4:
61. Boeth. Cons. Phil. 4. 4:
“死后遗体归还，Nullane animarum 恳求吗？” “Et magna quidem”，“quorum alia poenali acerbitate, alia uero purgatoria dementia exerceri puto”。
‘Nullane animarum supplicia post defunctum morte corpus relinquis?’ ‘Et magna quidem,’ inquit, ‘quorum alia poenali acerbitate, alia uero purgatoria dementia exerceri puto.’
库尔塞勒（引自第 53 号注释）在第 300-4 页中提出了一个看似可以接受的解决波爱修斯基督教问题的解决方案，他认为，波爱修斯正在努力实现新柏拉图主义与基督教信仰之间的和解与综合。
Courcelle (cited in n. 53) offers on pp. 300–4 what looks like an acceptable solution of the problem of Boethius’ Christianity by suggesting that he was endeavouring to produce a reconciliation and synthesis between Neoplatonism and the Christian faith.
62.参阅 W. Jaeger，Paideia，3（纽约，1944 年），第 1 册，尤其是第 30 页及以下部分。
62. See W. Jaeger, Paideia, 3 (New York, 1944), c. 1, especially p. 30 f.
63.有关波爱修斯在黑暗时代和中世纪的巨大影响，请参阅 M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters , 1 (Munich, 1911), 33–5，以及 HR Patch, The Tradition of Boethius (New York, 1935)，其中有非常详细的注释和参考书目。波伊提乌斯的书是最畅销的书之一，几乎比维吉尔的还要畅销。这本书的副本遍布西欧，并被列入从达勒姆到克雷莫纳的修道院图书馆目录中。大约有 400 份手稿仍然存在。除了圣经，中世纪没有其他书被翻译得如此之多。阿尔弗雷德在大约 900 年将它译成英文，乔叟在大约 1380 年将它译成英文（这两次翻译不仅丰富了英国思想，也丰富了英语），伊丽莎白女王本人也将其译成英文，还有一些不太知名的人也将其译成英文。早在十世纪，就有一篇普罗旺斯诗歌对它的解释。我们将在后面的章节中提到 Jean de Meun，他在 1300 年左右将其译成法语，1422 年之前，奥尔良的查尔斯 (Charles of Orleans) 将其译成意大利语。14 世纪，佛罗伦萨的方济会修士 Alberto 将其译成意大利语，多米尼加修士 Antonio Ginebreda 将其译成加泰罗尼亚语，拜占庭修士 Maximus Planudes 将其译成希腊语。大约 1000 年，Notker Labeo 将其译成德语（参见 H. Naumann，Notkers Boethius：关于事物和风格的研究，斯特拉斯堡，1913 年）。最后，Boethius 在中世纪被反复引用。但丁对此给予了特别崇高的呼应，他称 Boethius 为 l' anima santa，并把他放在天堂中尊贵的比德 (Venerable Bede) 旁边（《天堂篇》，10. 125）。例如，
63. For accounts of Boethius’ enormous influence in the Dark Ages and the Middle Ages, see M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 1 (Munich, 1911), 33–5, and H. R. Patch, The Tradition of Boethius (New York, 1935), with its very full notes and bibliography. Boethius’ book was one of the great best-sellers, almost greater than Vergil. Copies of it were made all over western Europe, and are listed in library catalogues of monasteries from Durham to Cremona. Something like 400 manuscripts still exist. No other book, except the Bible, was so much translated in the Middle Ages. It was put into English by Alfred about 900, by Chaucer about 1380 (two translations that enriched not only English thought but the English language), by Queen Elizabeth herself, and by others less well known. There is a fragment of a Provencal poetic paraphrase of it dated as early as the tenth century. Jean de Meun, whom we shall meet in a later chapter, turned it into French prose about 1300, and there was a translation attributed to Charles of Orleans before 1422. In the fourteenth century the Franciscan monk Alberto of Florence turned it into Italian, the Dominican Antonio Ginebreda into Catalan, and the Byzantine Maximus Planudes into Greek. A German translation was produced by Notker Labeo about 1000 (see H. Naumann, Notkers Boethius: Untersuchungen über Quellen und Stil, Strassburg, 1913). Finally, Boethius is quoted again and again in the Middle Ages. Particularly noble echoes occur in Dante, who calls Boethius l’ anima santa, and puts him in Paradise beside the Venerable Bede (Paradiso, 10. 125). For instance,
nessun maggior dolore
Che ricordarsi del tempo felice
Nella Miseria; e ció sa il tuo dotre ( Inf . 5. 121–3)
nessun maggior dolore
Che ricordarsi del tempo felice
Nella miseria; e ció sa il tuo dottore (Inf. 5. 121–3)
通常被认为是对Cons. Phil . 2. 4. 1的回应：
is usually thought to be an echo of Cons. Phil. 2. 4. 1:
“在所有 aduersitate fortunae infelicissimum est genus infortunii fuisse felicem 中。”
‘in omni aduersitate fortunae infelicissimum est genus infortunii fuisse felicem.’
（然而，有人认为‘你的老师’这个短语更适用于维吉尔，在这种情况下，这些词可能暗指《埃涅阿斯纪》第 2.3 节：
(It has, however, been thought that the phrase ‘your teacher’ might better apply to Vergil, in which case the words could be an allusion to Aeneid, 2. 3:
Infandum、Regina、iubes renouare dolorem。）
Infandum, regina, iubes renouare dolorem.)
另一个这样的呼应是整个神曲的美妙结尾：
Another such echo is the beautiful close of the entire Commedia:
L'amor，che move il alone e l'altre stelle。
L’amor, che move il sole e l’altre stelle.
这是受到 Boethius, Cons. Phil . 2. 8 的启发：
This was inspired by Boethius, Cons. Phil. 2. 8:
O felix hominum genus，
si uestros animos amor
quo caelum regitur regitur regat！
O felix hominum genus,
si uestros animos amor
quo caelum regitur regat!
— 一句高尚的话语，但丁在《论波爱修斯》第 1 章第 9 节中再次引用了这句话。本文开头引用的帕奇先生著作的第四章概述了许多呼应和模仿波爱修斯的中世纪作家的作品，并列出了无数从阅读他的作品中获得安慰的囚犯。甚至连反复无常的卡萨诺瓦也从监狱医生那里得到了一本，他很感激，说：“我很感激你；我很感激塞内克；我很感激你。”（《回忆录》，R. Veze 主编，巴黎，1926 年，第 4 章第 196-7 页）
—a noble utterance, which Dante quoted again in De mon. 1 . 9. 25–8. The fourth chapter of Mr. Patch’s book cited at the beginning of this note surveys the work of many of the medieval authors who echoed and imitated Boethius, and lists some of the countless prisoners who found consolation in reading him. Even the mercurial Casanova was given a copy by the prison doctor, and was grateful, saying: ‘Je vous en suis bien obligé; il vaut mieux que Sénèque; il me fera du bien’ (Mémoires, ed. R. Veze, Paris, 1926, 4. 196–7).
64 .博伊修斯，康斯。菲尔. 2.7：“sed materiam gerendis rebus optauimus quo ne uirtus tacita consenesceret。”
64. Boethius, Cons. Phil. 2.7: ‘sed materiam gerendis rebus optauimus quo ne uirtus tacita consenesceret.’
65.阿尔弗雷德的译本，第 17 册，由 WJ Sedge-field 翻译和编辑（牛津，1900 年），他指出阿尔弗雷德的话可能是由对 Boethius 段落的评论启发而来的。有关阿尔弗雷德译本的概述，请参阅 HR Patch（引自第 63 号），第 48–54 页。
65. Alfred’s translation, c. 17, translated and edited by W. J. Sedge-field (Oxford, 1900), who observes that Alfred’s words might have been suggested by a commentary on the passage in Boethius. See H. R. Patch (cited in n. 63), 48–54, for a survey of Alfred’s translation.
66.例如，波爱修斯（3.4）说：
66. For example, Boethius (3. 4) says:
“Quo fit ut indignemur eas (dignitates) saepe nequissimis hominibus contigisse, under de Catullus licet in curuli Nium sedentem strumam tamen appellat.”
‘Quo fit ut indignemur eas (dignitates) saepe nequissimis hominibus contigisse, unde Catullus licet in curuli Nonium sedentem strumam tamen appellat.”
这是对卡图卢斯（Catullus）针对暴发户政客的警句（52）的暗示：
This is an allusion to Catullus’ epigram against an upstart politician (52):
卡图勒，什么？莫拉里斯埃莫里？
蝶鞍位于 curuli struma Nonius sedet。
Quid est, Catulle? quid moraris emori?
sella in curuli struma Nonius sedet.
但阿尔弗雷德对卡图卢斯的诗歌一无所知，他既不能理解辱骂性的绰号struma（“wen” 或“carbuncle”，我们现在称一个冒犯的人为“blister”），也不能理解罗马高级官员使用的“curule”职位。因此他写道：
But Alfred knows nothing of Catullus’ poetry, and cannot understand either the abusive nickname struma (‘wen’ or ‘carbuncle’, as we now call an offensive man a ‘blister’) or the curule chair of office used by the higher Roman magistrates. So he writes:
“因此，聪明的卡图卢斯很久以前就生气了，对富有的诺尼乌斯大加侮辱和羞辱，因为他遇见诺尼乌斯时，诺尼乌斯正坐在一辆华丽的马车里。当时罗马人有一项严格的习俗，只有最受尊敬的人才能坐在这样的马车里。卡图卢斯鄙视这个人，因为他知道这个人非常无知和放荡；所以他毫不犹豫地向他吐口水。卡图卢斯是罗马的首领，也是一位非常聪明的人，如果诺尼乌斯不是富有和强大的话，他肯定不会如此严重地侮辱他。”（阿尔弗雷德的译本，第 27 册，塞奇菲尔德译本（改编），牛津，1900 年。）
‘Hence the wise Catulus long ago became angry and heaped insult and disgrace on the rich Nonius, because he met him seated in a gorgeous carriage. For it was a strict custom among the Romans at that time that only the most respectable people should sit in such carriages. Catulus despised the man because he knew he was very ignorant and dissolute; so without more ado he spat upon him. Now, Catulus was a Roman chief and a man of great intelligence, and he would certainly not have insulted the man so gravely, had the latter not been rich and powerful.” (Alfred’s translation, c. 27, tr. Sedgefield (adapted), Oxford, 1900.)
波爱修斯（ Cons. Phil . 5. 2，对荷马的一句话进行了巧妙的改编）提到并引用了荷马的话；但阿尔弗雷德（metr. 30）使这一典故显得幼稚和模糊：
Homer is mentioned and quoted in Boethius (Cons. Phil. 5. 2, with a pretty adaptation of a Homeric phrase); but Alfred (metr. 30) makes the allusion naive and vague:
阿尔弗雷德对罗马风俗、语言、历史和地理的了解不足也体现在他翻译的奥罗修斯语中，该语录中充满了名字。安·柯克曼小姐（《古英语奥罗修斯语中的专有名词》，《现代语言评论》，25（1930 年），1-22 和 140-51）指出，在 700 个专有名词中，有 490 个拼写错误，而且每次出现时拼写都不同。人名以地名来称呼，反之亦然。抄写员不是用眼睛抄写，而是听写，这显然增加了难度，因此他写下了 Plicinius（代表 P. Licinius）和 Pelopensium（代表 Peloponnensium）等字样。由于盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰人不了解姓氏，阿尔弗雷德本人起初无法理解罗马人有三个名字的制度。他一开始只使用了三个名字中的第一个。后来他使用了第一个和第二个，就好像它们是替代方案一样：
Alfred’s inadequate knowledge of Roman customs, language, history, and geography comes out also in his translation of Orosius, which is full of names. Miss Ann Kirkman (‘Proper Names in the Old English Orosius’, Modern Language Review, 25 (1930), 1–22 and 140–51) has shown that, out of the 700 proper names, 490 are misspelt, and are often spelt differently each time they appear. Persons are called by the names of places, and vice versa. The difficulty was apparently increased by the fact that the scribe was not copying by eye, but taking dictation, so that he wrote things like Plicinius (for P. Licinius) and Pelopensium (for Peloponnensium). Since surnames were not known in Anglo-Saxon England, Alfred himself at first could not understand the system by which the Romans had three names each. He began by using only the first of the three. Later he used the first and second as though they were alternatives:
Fabio Maximo quintum Decio Mure quartum consulibus (136. 32)
“Cwintus 是一名执政官，另一个名字是 Decius。”
Fabio Maximo quintum Decio Mure quartum consulibus (136. 32)
‘Cwintus was a consul, with another name Decius.’
但后来（143.35）他理解了这个体系，并且在他继续翻译波爱修斯时已经正确理解了它。
But later (143. 35) he understood the system, and he had it right by the time he went on to translate Boethius.
67 . 阿尔弗雷德只在格里高利的《牧灵条例》中提到了牧师，但他一定在其他书中也得到了帮助。著名的阿尔弗雷德传记就是由阿瑟主教撰写的。
67. Alfred mentions the priests with reference only to Gregory’s Regula pastoralis, but he must have had assistance with the other books. It was Bishop Asser who wrote the famous biography of Alfred.
68.参见《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》中公元854 年、883 年、888 年和 889 年的记载。
68. See the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for A.D. 854, 883, 888, and 889.
69.有关林迪斯法恩福音书的历史，请参阅大英博物馆的《科顿手稿精选展览指南》（伦敦，1931 年）。
69. On the history of the Lindisfarne Gospels, see the British Museum’s Guide to a Select Exhibition of Cottonian Manuscripts (London, 1931).
70.爱尔兰也一直保持着较高的文化水准，直到公元 795 年维京人开始进攻它。正是他们的破坏导致了爱尔兰学者的流散，并使爱尔兰文化落后于西欧其他地区。参见 H. Waddell，《流浪的学者》（伦敦，1934 7），第 2. 5 页。
70. Ireland too maintained high cultural standards until the Vikings began to attack it in 795. It was their devastations that caused the dispersal of the Irish scholars, and retarded Irish culture behind the rest of western Europe. See H. Waddell, The Wandering Scholars (London, 19347), 2. 5.
3中世纪：法国文学
3 THE MIDDLE AGES: FRENCH LITERATURE
1 . C. Lenient，《La Satire en France au moyen Age》（巴黎，1893 年），28，引用 Muratori 的《博洛尼亚历史》。
1. C. Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen age (Paris, 1893), 28, quoting Muratori’s History of Bologna.
2.邪恶的三位一体出现在《罗兰》 (2696–7) 中。H. Gregoire 认为，引入这些神灵是为了将一神论的穆斯林描绘成偶像崇拜的异教徒，作为第一次十字军东征的宣传的一部分。参见他在《东方和奴隶哲学研究所年鉴》第 7 期 (1939-44) 中的文章“Des dieux Cahu, Baraton, Tervagant”，其中他将 Tervagant（其中一种解读为 Trivigant）从 Trivia 中衍生出来，Trivia 是十字路口黛安娜的绰号——因为它是《列王纪上》十一章 5–7 的早期拉丁语版本中叙利亚人 Ashtoreth 的名字。其他人认为这个名字来源于凯尔特神的名字。
2. The unholy trinity appears in Roland, 2696–7. H. Gregoire has suggested that these deities were introduced in order that the monotheistic Moslems could be presented as idolatrous pagans, as part of the propaganda for the First Crusade. See his essay ‘Des dieux Cahu, Baraton, Tervagant’ in Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves, 7 (1939-44), where he derives Tervagant (in one of its readings Trivigant) from Trivia, the epithet of Diana of the Crossroads —because it is the name given to the Syrian Ashtoreth in an early Latin version of 1 Kings xi. 5–7. Others believe the name is derived from that of a Celtic divinity.
3.罗兰（1391–2）：
3. Roland, 1391–2:
L'encanteür ki ja fut en enfer：
Par artimal 1'i cundoist Jupiter。
L’encanteür ki ja fut en enfer:
Par artimal 1’i cundoist Jupiter.
这个神秘的词语被解释为来自arte mathematica（“数学艺术”，占星术和魔法的常用同义词），但可能只是来自arte mala，“邪恶的艺术”。
This mysterious word is interpreted as coming from arte mathematica (‘mathematic art’, a common synonym for astrology and magic), but might simply come from arte mala, ‘evil art’.
4.罗兰，2615–16 ：
4. Roland, 2615–16:
亲爱的，古老的生活，
一切都平静了，维吉莉和奥马尔。
Ço’st l’amiraill, le viel d’antiquitét,
Tut survesquiet e Virgilie e Omer.
5.这些中世纪长篇诗歌和故事大多带有“浪漫”的称号。它们大多涉及骑士冒险和战斗、宫廷爱情或奇幻故事，或其中的一些或全部。这些主题一个多世纪以来一直被称为“浪漫”。然而，该时期的专家区分了：
5. Most of these long medieval poems and stories bear the name roman. Most of them deal with chivalrous adventure and fighting, courtly love, or the marvellous, or some or all of these together. These are subjects which for over a century now have been called ‘romantic’. Specialists in the period, however, distinguish:
（a）传奇故事——亚瑟王、罗马、希腊和特洛伊的冒险故事，其中大部分人物都是人类；
(a) romances—tales of Arthurian, Roman, Greek, and Trojan adventure in which most of the characters are human beings;
(b) 英雄事迹诗——主要讲述查理曼大帝及其圈子的“冒险诗”；
(b) chansons de geste—‘adventure poems’ mainly about Charlemagne and his circle;
(c ) 寓言故事，如《玫瑰传奇》（见第 62 页），其中的大多数人物都是抽象的。
(c) allegories such as Le Roman de la Rose (see p. 62 f.) in which most of the characters are abstractions.
6.参见 CH Haskins 的《十二世纪的文艺复兴》（剑桥，1939 年）；Hastings Rashdall 的《中世纪大学》，《剑桥中世纪史》第6.17 页；以及 JE Sandys的《古典学术史》第 1.527 页，他举例指出，亚里士多德的逻辑迄今尚未被完全了解（通过波爱修斯对《范畴论》和《论解释》的翻译），但《工具论》的其他三部分在 1128 年至 1159 年间为人所知，《物理学》和《形而上学》则在 1200 年左右为人所知。
6. See C. H. Haskins, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1939); Hastings Rashdall, ‘The Mediaeval Universities’, in The Cambridge Mediaeval History, 6.17; and J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, 1. 527 f., who shows, for instance, that Aristotle’s logic had hitherto been imperfectly known (through Boethius” translations of the Categories and the De interpretatione), but that the other three parts of the Organon became known between 1128 and 1159, and the Physics and Metaphysics about 1200.
7 .它确实包含一些可怕的拉丁语。例如，ruere = 摔死；audiuit quia = 听说过；nec destitit nisi (+虚拟语气) = 并持续到…。
7. It really contains some horrible Latin. For instance, ruere = fall dead; audiuit quia = heard that; nec destitit nisi ( +subjunctive) = and continued until … .
8 . Dares，44：“ruerunt ex Argiuis，sicut acta diurna indicant quae Dares descripsit，hominum milia DCCCLXXXVI”。比照。敢于，12 init。
8. Dares, 44: ‘ruerunt ex Argiuis, sicut acta diurna indicant quae Dares descripsit, hominum milia DCCCLXXXVI’. Cf. Dares, 12 init.
9 . 欲详细了解这些书籍，请参阅 EH Haight 的《希腊传奇散文集》（纽约，1943 年）和《希腊传奇散文集》（纽约，1945 年）。Erwin Rohde 的《希腊传奇及其先驱》（莱比锡，19143 年）相当古老，但仍然非常有价值。本书第 9 章第 166 页讨论了传奇在现代文学中的存续；另见第 341、343 页。
9. For a pleasant survey of these books, see E. H. Haight, Essays on the Greek Romances (New York, 1943) and More Essays on Greek Romances (New York, 1945). Erwin Rohde’s Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlaufer (Leipzig, 19143) is rather old, but still very valuable. The survival of the romances in modern literature is discussed in c. 9 of this book, p. 166 f.; see also pp. 341, 343.
纠正荷马版本特洛伊战争的想法并不新鲜。哲学家们常常反对他对人物的刻画和神学观点（例如柏拉图，《众神之书》 2.377 d f.）。历史学家批评他对战争规模和重要性的认识（例如修昔底德，1.10）。学者们指出了不恰当的短语、手势和事件：因此批评家佐伊罗斯因对史诗的无情剖析而被戏称为“荷马的祸害”。富有创意的作家根据荷马没有使用的关于战争的许多传统创作书籍。例如，欧里庇得斯写了一部情节剧《海伦》，其思想是众神只派了一个幻影海伦到特洛伊，诱使战斗人员进行毫无意义的屠杀（欧里庇得斯认为这是所有战争的真正意义），而他们把真正的海伦藏在埃及。维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》带有反希腊的倾向，从根本上改变了《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的重点。但用一部全新的特洛伊战争记述来取代荷马史诗的想法却颇具大胆创新性。
The idea of correcting Homer’s version of the Trojan war was not new. Philosophers had often objected to his character-drawing and his theology (e.g. Plato, Rep. 2. 377 d f.). Historians criticized his conception of the size and importance of the conflict (e.g. Thucydides, 1. 10). Scholars pointed out inappropriate phrases, gestures, and incidents: so Zoilus the critic was nicknamed the Scourge of Homer for his pitiless dissection of the epics. Creative authors wrote books based on the many traditions about the war which Homer did not use. For instance, Euripides wrote a melodrama, Helen, on the idea that the gods sent only a phantom Helen to Troy, to trick the combatants into senseless slaughter (which Euripides thought was the real meaning of all war), while they hid the real Helen in Egypt. Vergil’s Aeneid, with its anti-Greek tendency, radically altered the emphasis of the Iliad and the Odyssey. But the idea of writing a completely new account of the Trojan war, to replace Homer, was boldly original.
《弗里吉亚人达雷斯》和《克里特人狄克提斯》对这种替代进行了最彻底的尝试，但最有趣、显然写得最好的是他们同时代的菲洛斯特拉图斯写的一本书。菲洛斯特拉图斯写了创造奇迹的圣贤阿波罗尼乌斯的生平，以与耶稣基督及其奇迹、智慧和圣洁日益增长的传统相媲美。与此相媲美的是他的对话录《英雄》，在书中，一位腓尼基商人在达达尼尔海峡遭遇风暴，与一位在特洛伊遗址对面的半岛上有葡萄园的农民交谈。农民告诉他，他的土地受到普罗忒西拉乌斯的幽灵的保护，普罗忒西拉乌斯是第一个在特洛伊滩头阵亡的希腊士兵。商人觉得这很难相信。但农民向他保证，普罗忒西拉乌斯经常出现，比真人还大，与他交谈，并告诉他特洛伊战争的一切。 （记住，这不是“在古希腊”：菲洛斯特拉图斯写的是公元215 年，当时特洛伊战争是一个已有一千多年历史的史前传说。）农夫继续讲述战争的第一手资料，这些资料来自普罗特西拉俄斯，他参与了战争的准备工作，并将战争视为一场幽灵。据说，整个故事被狡猾的奥德修斯扭曲了，他在谋杀了才华横溢的发明家帕拉米德斯后，说服荷马改变战争事件，省略帕拉米德斯并美化奥德修斯本人。农夫还提供了许多其他重要事件的“真实版本”。例如，阿喀琉斯是如何被杀的？他爱上了特洛伊公主波吕克塞娜（她护送普里阿摩斯去赎回赫克托尔的尸体），并承诺以解除特洛伊的围攻作为回报。在婚礼当天，他独自前往神庙，被特洛伊人的伏击杀害。波吕克塞娜逃到希腊营地并在那里自杀。但死后（菲洛斯特拉托斯继续说），阿喀琉斯成为海伦的丈夫，他是最勇敢的男人，拥有最美丽的女人，他们在黑海专门创造的洛伊克岛上永远地生活在一起。
‘Dares the Phrygian’ and ‘Dictys the Cretan’ produced the most thorough attempts at such a substitute, but the most interesting and apparently the best written was a book by their near contemporary Philostratus. This was the man who wrote a life of the miracle-working sage Apollonius of Tyana, to compete with the growing tradition of Jesus Christ and his miracles, his wisdom, and his holiness. Comparable to this is his dialogue, Heroicus, in which a Phoenician merchant, stormstayed in the Dardanelles, talks to a farmer who has a vineyard on the peninsula opposite the site of Troy. The farmer tells him that his land is protected by the ghost of Protesilaus, the first Greek soldier to be killed on the Trojan beachhead. The merchant finds this hard to believe. But the farmer assures him that Protesilaus often appears, larger than life, talks to him, and tells him all about the Trojan war. (Remember, this is not ‘in ancient Greece’: Philostratus is writing about A.D. 215, when the Trojan war was a prehistoric legend well over a thousand years old.) The farmer goes on to give a first-hand account of the war, as received from Protesilaus, who took part in the preparations for it and saw it all as a ghost. The entire story, we are told, was distorted by the wily Odysseus, who, after murdering the brilliant inventor Palamedes, persuaded Homer to alter the incidents of the war, leaving out Palamedes and glorifying Odysseus himself. The farmer also gives ‘the true version’ of many other important events. For instance, how was Achilles killed? He fell in love with the Trojan princess Polyxena (who escorted Priam to ransom Hector’s corpse), and promised to raise the siege of Troy in return for her hand. On the wedding-day he went alone to the temple, and was murdered by a Trojan ambush. Polyxena fled to the Greek camp and there killed herself. But after death (Philostratus goes on) Achilles became the husband of Helen, the bravest man with the most beautiful woman, and they live together in perpetual immortality on the specially created island of Leuké in the Black Sea.
这与《达雷斯》和《狄克提斯》讲述的故事基本相同。人们很容易猜测，才华横溢的菲洛斯特拉图斯首先概述了这个故事，创造了阿喀琉斯浪漫的爱情与死亡以及完整、真实的特洛伊战争目击者叙述的想法；然后《达雷斯》和《狄克提斯》对其进行了修改，并进行了一些相当机械的补充。然而，H. Grentrup 在《论英雄菲洛斯特拉图斯的传说》（明斯特，1914 年）中，继 K. Münscher 的《哲学家》增刊 10（1907 年），504 页之后，指出菲洛斯特拉图斯在 215 年左右写这本书是为了取悦皇帝卡拉卡拉（他认为自己是新的阿喀琉斯，就像瑞典国王查理十二世认为自己是新的亚历山大一样），而《狄克提斯》的希腊文手稿写于几年前。
This is substantially the same story as that told by ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’. It is tempting to conjecture that the brilliant Philostratus first outlined it, creating the ideas of Achilles’ romantic love-death and of a complete, authentic, eyewitness account of the Trojan war; and that ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’ then filled it out with variations and some rather mechanical supplements. However, H. Grentrup, in De Heroici Philostratei fabularum fontibus (Münster, 1914), following K. Münscher, Philologus, suppl. 10 (1907), 504 f., has shown that Philostratus wrote his book about 215 to please the emperor Caracalla (who thought himself a new Achilles, as Charles XII of Sweden thought himself a new Alexander), while the Greek manuscript of ‘Dictys’ was written some years earlier.
EJ Bourquin 在《法国希腊研究促进会年鉴》第 18 卷（1884 年），第 97-141 页中对《英雄篇》进行了细致的分析。M. Bourquin 指出，该作品的目的之一是通过将荷马英雄的神迹（他们在坟墓附近过着永生）与基督教圣徒的神迹（他们在坟墓附近过着永生）进行对比，来宣传异教。《英雄篇》的一个重要前身是普鲁萨的狄奥发表的名为Tpwikos 的演讲（参见 Grentrup，第 5 章）。F. Huhn 和 E. Bethe 在《赫尔墨斯》第 52 卷（1917 年），第 616 页以下的文章中认为，《英雄篇》的目的是为荷马辩护，以反对“狄克提斯”的新反荷马历史；但这肯定过于简单化了这些复杂作品之间的关系。
A well-written analysis of the Heroicus by E. J. Bourquin will be found in the Annuaire de l’Association pour l’Encouragement des Etudes Grecques en France, 18 (1884), 97–141. M. Bourquin points out that one of the purposes of the work was to propagandize for paganism by opposing the miraculous deeds of the Homeric heroes, living an eternal life near their tombs, to those of Christian saints. An important predecessor of the Heroicus was the speech called Tpwikos by Dio of Prusa (on which see Grentrup, c. 5). F. Huhn and E. Bethe in Hermes, 52 (1917), 616 f. suggest that the purpose of the Heroicus is to justify Homer against the new anti-Homeric history by ‘Dictys’; but this is surely over-simplifying the relationship of these complex works.
10 . Dares，41：“Antenor et Aeneas noctu ad portam praesto fuerunt, Neoptolemum susceperunt, exercitui portam reserauerunt, lumen ostenderunt, fugam praesidio sibi suisque ut sat prouiderunt”（这句话很好地体现了 Dares 干脆的军事风格）。关于埃涅阿斯的离开，请参阅 43：“Agamemnon iratus Aeneae quod Polyxenam Absconderat eum cum suis protinus de patria excedere iubet”。埃涅阿斯 cum suis 综合 proficiscitur。
10. Dares, 41: ‘Antenor et Aeneas noctu ad portam praesto fuerunt, Neoptolemum susceperunt, exercitui portam reserauerunt, lumen ostenderunt, fugam praesidio sibi suisque ut sit prouiderunt’ (a sentence which gives a good idea of Dares’ crisp military style). On the departure of Aeneas, see 43: ‘Agamemnon iratus Aeneae quod Polyxenam absconderat eum cum suis protinus de patria excedere iubet. Aeneas cum suis omnibus proficiscitur.’
11 . Dares，13 fin.：“Briseidam formosam、non alta statura、candidam、capillo flauo et molli、superciliis iunctis、oculis uenustis、corpore aequali、blandam、affabilem、uerecundam、animo simplici、piam。”菲洛斯特拉图斯《赫拉库斯》包含许多对特洛伊英雄的“目击者”描述——有关这些描述，请参见 Grentrup（引自第 9 号注释），第 8 章。
11. Dares, 13 fin.: ‘Briseidam formosam, non alta statura, candidam, capillo flauo et molli, superciliis iunctis, oculis uenustis, corpore aequali, blandam, affabilem, uerecundam, animo simplici, piam.’ Philostratus’ Heraicus contains many ‘eyewitness’ descriptions of the Trojan heroes—on which see Grentrup (cited in n. 9), c. 8.
12.例如，奇怪的是，在我们现在拥有的《达雷斯》版本中（还有什么比这个版本更短的呢？），对布里赛达（注 11）进行了详细描述，尽管她在故事中没有扮演任何角色。但我的同事罗杰·卢米斯教授写信给我说：“鉴于伯努瓦在其他方面表现出的非常自由和独创的处理，他很可能编造了特洛伊罗斯-布里赛达事件。”有关独立于《达雷斯》和《狄克提斯》的关于特洛伊战争的中世纪流传传统的讨论，请参阅 EB Atwood，《罗林森的特洛伊之谜》，载于《Speculum 》 ，第 9 卷（1934 年），第 379-404 页。
12. For instance, it is odd that, in the version of ‘Dares’ which we now have (than which what could be shorter?), there is a detailed description of Briseida (n. 11), although she plays no part in the story as given there. But my colleague Professor Roger Loomis writes me: ‘In view of the very free and original handling which Benoît shows in other respects, it seems probable that he invented the Troilus–Briseida affair.’ For a discussion of floating medieval traditions about the Trojan war independent of ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’, see E. B. Atwood, ‘The Rawlinson Excidium Troiae’, in Speculum, 9 (1934), 379–404.
13。参见第 458 页。很高兴发现仍有一些粗心的读者被《Dares》和《Dictys》的巧妙作者所吸引。据我所知，最新的一位是 JP Harland 先生，他在一篇名为《希腊字母表的日期》（《语言学研究》，42（1945 年），417）的文章中重述了《Dictys》一书的发现故事，该书“写在菩提树皮上”，并暗示它是用“米诺斯线性文字”书写的，直到 1953 年才被破译。
13. See p. 458. It is delightful to find that there are still unwary readers who can be caught by the ingenious authors of ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’. The latest known to me is Mr. J. P. Harland, who in an essay, ‘The Date of the Hellenic Alphabet’ (Studies in Philology, 42 (1945), 417), repeats the story of the discovery of the ‘Dictys’ book, ‘written on linden-bark’, and suggests that it was in ‘Minoan linear script’, which was not deciphered until 1953.
14 . BP Grenfell、AS Hunt 和 JG Smyly在《特布图尼斯蒲草纸》（加州大学出版物：希腊罗马考古学）第 2 卷（伦敦，1907 年）第 9 页中说，希腊文“Dictys”不可能晚于公元200 年；但没有给出这一断言的事实依据。（它与背面的记载属于同一时期，后者写于公元 206 年。）有关抄录和讨论，请参阅 M. Ihm 在《赫尔墨斯》第 44 卷（1909 年）第 1 页中的内容。
14. B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and J. G. Smyly, The Tebtunis Papyri (University of California Publications: Graeco-Roman Archaeology), 2 (London, 1907), 9 f., say that the Greek ‘Dictys’ cannot be later than A.D. 200; but give no factual reason for this assertion. (It is datable to the same period as the accounts on the reverse, which were written in 206.) For a transcription and discussion see M. Ihm in Hermes, 44 (1909), 1 f.
15 . Dictys，5. 17：'（埃涅阿斯） deuenit ad mare Hadriaticum multas interim gentes barbaras praeuectus。 ibi cum his qui secum nauigauerant ciuitatem condit appellatam Corcyram Melaenam。
15. Dictys, 5. 17: ‘(Aeneas) deuenit ad mare Hadriaticum multas interim gentes barbaras praeuectus. ibi cum his qui secum nauigauerant ciuitatem condit appellatam Corcyram Melaenam.’
16.伯努瓦来自图赖讷的圣莫尔。我们不知道他是否就读于离这里较远的圣莫尔苏卢瓦尔的本笃会学校。HO Taylor 的《中世纪思想》（伦敦，19304 年），2.253 页中有关于伯努瓦的详尽记述。
16. Benoît came from Sainte-Maure in Touraine. We do not know whether he attended the Benedictine school of Saint-Maur-sur-Loire, some distance away, or not. There is a handy account of Benoît in H. O. Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind (London, 19304), 2.253 f.
17 . 这部小《伊利亚斯·拉蒂纳》在整个中世纪广为人知，是一部精简版，长达 1,070 行，其中一半以上是《伊利亚特》第 1 至第 5 卷的内容。它写于公元一世纪，作者可能是西利乌斯·伊塔利库斯。
17. The little Ilias Latina, known throughout the Middle Ages, was a potted version 1,070 lines long, of which more than half were devoted to books 1–5 of the Iliad. It was written in the first century A.D., perhaps by Silius Italicus.
18.关于这一点，请参阅 FN Warren，《论底比斯和埃尼阿斯的拉丁语来源》，载PMLA，ns 9（1901），375–87。
18. For this point, see F. N. Warren, ‘On the Latin Sources of Thebes and Énéas’, in PMLA, n.s. 9 (1901), 375–87.
19 . T. Hodgkin,意大利及其侵略者(牛津, 1892–1916), 第 3 卷, 第 294 页。
19. T. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders (Oxford, 1892–1916), 3. 294.
20 . 参见 GS Gordon，《英国的特洛伊人》，《英国协会成员论文集》，第 9 卷（1924 年），以及 D. Bush，《英国诗歌中的神话和文艺复兴传统》（马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年），第 39-41 页。骄傲的金羊毛骑士团很可能以类似的信念命名，即其持有者可以将其贵族身份追溯到杰森和阿尔戈英雄。早在罗马共和国末期，博学的瓦罗就编纂了一本书《特洛伊家族》，追溯了罗马大氏族的特洛伊血统。
20. See G. S. Gordon, ‘The Trojans in England’, in Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association, 9 (1924), and D. Bush, Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry (Cambridge, Mass., 1937), 39–41. It seems probable that the proud Order of the Golden Fleece was named after a similar belief, that its holders could date their nobility back to Jason and the Argonauts. As early as the end of the Roman republic the learned Varro compiled a book De familiis Troianis, tracing the Trojan ancestry of the great Roman clans.
21.转引自JC Collins著《希腊对英国诗歌的影响》（伦敦，1910年），第47–8页。
21. Quoted by J. C. Collins, Greek Influence on English Poetry (London, 1910), 47–8.
22 . 西德尼，《为诗歌辩护》（A. Feuillerat编，剑桥，1923年），第16页。
22. Sidney, Apologiefor Poetry (ed. A. Feuillerat, Cambridge, 1923), 16.
23.琼森，《人皆有志气》，4.4；德克尔，《鞋匠的假期》，5.5。P. 斯塔普弗的《莎士比亚与古典时代》（EJ Carey 译，伦敦，1880 年）中还有更多例子。
23. Jonson, Every Man in His Humour, 4. 4; Dekker, The Shoemaker’s Holiday, 5.5. There are many more examples in P. Stapfer, Shakespeare and Classical Antiquity (tr. E. J. Carey, London, 1880).
24 . 例如，它在荷兰由 Scher Dieregotgaf 和 Jacob van Maerlant 翻译和扩充；它在 13 世纪早期Herbort von Fritslar 的Liet von Troye中和 Konrad von Wurzburg 的一首未完成的诗 (1287) 中传到了德国。
24. For instance, it was translated and expanded in Holland by Scher Dieregotgaf and Jacob van Maerlant; it reached Germany in the early-thirteenth-century Liet von Troye of Herbort von Fritslar and in an unfinished poem (1287) by Konrad von Wurzburg.
25 .破坏历史特洛伊埃，编辑。 NE 格里芬（马萨诸塞州剑桥，1936 年）。
25. Historia destructionis Troiae, ed. N. E. Griffin (Cambridge, Mass., 1936).
26.意大利语由 Filippo Ceffi 翻译（1324 年）；法语由 Raoul Lefèvre 翻译（1464 年）；德语于 1392 年，丹麦语于 1623 年，冰岛语于 1607 年，捷克语于 1468 年。牛津 Laud 手稿中有一位不知名的作者所写的 Guido 韵律版本，还有早期苏格兰头韵版本（Panton 和 Donaldson 为早期英语文本学会编辑），另一个苏格兰版本归 Barbour 所有，还有乔叟的本笃会学生 Lydgate 所写的 Troye-Boke 版本（1420 年）。
26. Italian by Filippo Ceffi (1324); French by Raoul Lefèvre (1464); German in 1392, Danish in 1623, Icelandic in 1607, and Czech in 1468. There is a metrical version of Guido by an unknown author in a Laud MS. at Oxford, a very early Scots alliterative version (ed. Panton and Donaldson for the Early English Text Society), another Scots version attributed to Barbour, and a Troye-Boke by Chaucer’s Benedictine pupil, Lydgate (1420).
27。这本身就是对原著的奇怪扭曲。荷马史诗中有两个女孩被阿喀亚人俘虏。一个是克莉塞伊斯，她被送回了父亲身边。另一个是布里塞伊斯，阿伽门农把她从阿喀琉斯身边夺走，从而引起了愤怒。这个故事及其扭曲的基础是美丽的俘虏或人质，她被一个或多个俘虏者所觊觎，并从一个俘虏者手中传到另一个俘虏者手中。
27. This is itself an odd distortion of the original story. In Homer there are two girls taken captive by the Achaeans. One is Chryseis, who is given back to her father. The other is Briseis, whom Agamemnon takes away from Achilles, thus causing the Wrath. The basis of the story and its distortions is the beautiful captive, or hostage, who is desired by one or more of her captors and passes from one to the other.
28 . 即使在荷马史诗（Il.4.88f .）中，潘达洛斯也是奸诈的。
28. Even in Homer (Il. 4. 88 f.) Pandarus is treacherous.
29 .参见 E. Faral，《Recherches sur lessources latines des contes et romanscourtois du moyen Age》（巴黎，1913 年），63 f。
29. See E. Faral, Recherches sur les sources latines des contes et romans courtois du moyen age (Paris, 1913), 63 f.
30。参见 FN Warren（引自第 18 号注释）。在这方面，J. Crosland 在《现代语言评论》（1930 年）中发表了一篇关于“中世纪的卢坎”的有趣文章。作者指出，尽管卢坎是一位史诗诗人，但他经常被归类为中世纪的历史学家和哲学家；根据他的诗歌创作的书籍，如Jehan de Tuim 的《尤利乌斯·凯撒的传记》，是最早用法语写成的古代史书籍之一；英国作家（如蒙茅斯的杰弗里和塞伦塞斯特的理查德）喜欢引用贝尔。ciu. 2 . 572—
30. Cf. F. N. Warren (cited in n. 18). In this connexion there is an interesting article on ‘Lucan in the Middle Ages’ by J. Crosland in The Modern Language Review, 1930. The author points out that, although an epic poet, Lucan was often classified as a historian and philosopher in the Middle Ages; that books based on his poem, such as Li hystoire de Julius Caesar by Jehan de Tuim, are among the earliest books on ancient history in vernacular French; and that British authors (such as Geoffrey of Monmouth and Richard of Cirencester) liked to quote Bell. ciu. 2. 572—
不列颠领土
territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis
描述凯撒在英国的失败，而法国编年史家则夸大他的功绩，以颂扬他们的拉丁祖先。由于卢坎比维吉尔更出色，因此在法国古代英雄诗中更常模仿他。
describing Caesar’s defeat in Britain, while French chroniclers magnified his exploits so as to glorify their Latin ancestors. Since Lucan was more spectacular than Vergil, he was more often imitated in old French heroic poetry.
随着历史意识的增强和古典学的进步，人们开始尝试用法语写出关于罗马和过去的真实历史记载。其中最早的两篇值得关注，尽管它们超出了本章的范围。
As the sense of history developed, and classical scholarship improved, attempts were made to compose real historical accounts of Rome and the past in vernacular French. The two earliest of these deserve attention, although they lie rather outside the scope of this chapter.
（1）《凯撒旧史》是最早用现代语言写世界史的尝试。它从创世开始，综合了神圣和世俗的历史，对过去进行了全面的概述。其中大部分内容基于奥罗修斯；特洛伊部分来自《达雷斯》；其他来源包括维吉尔和瓦莱里乌斯的亚历山大故事摘要；它在描述凯撒的高卢战争时中断。它显然是在 1223 年至 1230 年间为里尔城堡主罗杰所写。
(1) The Histoire ancienne jusqu’à César is the earliest attempt at writing a universal history in a modern language. Beginning with the creation of the world, it synthesizes sacred and profane history, to produce a complete general survey of the past. Much of it is based on Orosius; the Trojan section comes from ‘Dares’; other sources include Vergil and Valerius’ epitome of the Alexander story; it breaks off while describing Caesar’s Gallic wars. It was apparently written between 1223 and 1230 for the Châtelain Roger of Lille.
(2) 《罗马人编纂的萨吕斯特、苏埃托万和卢坎合集》通常被称为《罗马人的事实》，实际上是一部关于尤利乌斯·恺撒的传记，不仅取材于上述三位作者，还取材于恺撒本人的评论及其续篇；手稿中的注释（特别是关于卢坎的注释）；伊西多尔的《词源学》、约瑟夫的《犹太战争》、奥古斯丁的《上帝之城》、圣经、蒙茅斯的杰弗里以及底比斯和亚历山大的传奇故事。根据序言，我们所拥有的是编纂的第一卷，该编纂旨在涵盖一直到图密善的前十二位恺撒的统治时期。它于 1250 年之前在巴黎或附近写成，1313 年被翻译成意大利语。布鲁内托·拉蒂尼将其用作他的《宝藏》。保罗·迈耶称其作者是文艺复兴人文主义者和中世纪吟游诗人的混合体：因为尽管他严格遵循资料来源，但他即兴创作了许多完全中世纪风格的内容。例如，他把法萨卢斯战役描绘成一场中世纪冲突，在那里，人们仍然保持美丽的战斗，并保持美丽的警察，但卢坎斯却不会说话（第 146d 页）：名叫加勒兰和奥法米恩的骑士们做了奇妙的事迹，庞培和凯撒在单打独斗中互相伤害。他还给出了一幅埃及艳后的肖像画（第 175 页b - c），其原型是“达雷斯”。LF Flutre 和 K. Sneyders de Vogel 出版了一本很好的版本（2 卷，巴黎和格罗宁根，未注明日期），其中第 2 卷对资料来源进行了详细的分析。关于这两部作品，请参阅保罗·迈耶 (Paul Meyer) 在《罗马尼亚》第 14 卷（1885 年），第 1-81 页所写的介绍性文章。
(2) Li fet des Romains compile ensemble de Saluste et de Suetoine et de Lucan, usually known as Les Faits des Romains, is really a biography of Julius Caesar, drawn not only from the three authors mentioned but from Caesar’s own commentaries and their continuations; glosses in manuscripts (particularly on Lucan); Isidore’s Etymologies, Josephus’ Jewish War, Augustine’s City of God, the Bible, Geoffrey of Monmouth, and the romances of Thebes and Alexander. What we have is, according to the prologue, the first volume of a compilation which was intended to cover the reigns of the first twelve Caesars down to Domitian. It was written in or near Paris before 1250, and translated into Italian in 1313. Brunetto Latini used it for his Treasure. Paul Meyer calls its author a cross between a Renaissance humanist and a medieval minstrel: for although he followed his sources carefully, he improvised many insertions of his own which are absolutely medieval in tone. For instance, he made the battle of Pharsalus into a medieval conflict, where ot mainte bele jouste fete et maint bel cop feru, dont Lucans ne parle pas (p. 146d): knights called Galeran and Aufamien did marvellous deeds, and Pompey and Caesar wounded each other in single combat. And he gave a pen-portrait of Cleopatra (p. 175b–c) which was modelled on those of ‘Dares’. There is a good edition by L. F. Flutre and K. Sneyders de Vogel (2 vols., Paris and Groningen, undated), in which volume 2 gives a detailed analysis of the sources. On both these works see the introductory essay by Paul Meyer in Romania, 14 (1885), 1–81.
31 . 有关一般概述，请参阅 A. Ausfeld 的《Der griechische Alexanderroman》（W. Kroll 主编，莱比锡，1907 年）。大祭司 Leo 的版本由 F. Pfister 编辑（海德堡，1913 年）。
31. For a general survey see A. Ausfeld, Der griechische Alexanderroman (ed. W. Kroll, Leipzig, 1907). The Arch-priest Leo’s version has been edited by F. Pfister (Heidelberg, 1913).
32 . 莎士比亚，《奥赛罗》，1. 3. 144 f.
32. Shakespeare, Othello, 1. 3. 144 f.
33。参见 J. Bédier 著 L. Petit de Julleville 的《法语语言与文学史》，第 2. 76 页。亚里士多德团体出现在里昂和圣瓦莱里昂科克斯等地。G：Sarton 的《亚里士多德与菲利斯》收录于《伊西斯》第 14卷（1930 年），第 8-19 页，追溯了该故事的东方起源，并指出，由于该故事出现在中世纪，因此反映了祭司阶层对异教思想家亚里士多德的崇拜的抗议。
33. See J. Bédier in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 2. 76 f. The Aristotle group appears, for instance, at Lyons and St.-Valéry-en-Caux. G: Sarton, ‘Aristotle and Phyllis’, in Isis 1 4 (1930), 8–19, traces the oriental origins of the story, and suggests that as it appears in the Middle Ages it reflects the protest of the priesthood against the veneration felt for the pagan thinker Aristotle.
34.情人对情人的这种奴役被称为domnei：参见 K. Bartsch 的《Chrestomathie provençale》（第 6 版，由 E. Koschwitz 修订，马尔堡，1904 年）中使用该词的例子。但应该记住，尽管这种概念的起源无疑是封建性的，但它得到了拉丁爱情挽歌家的加强，他们都称自己的情妇为dominae，并实践或建议完全服从心爱之人的意志。（这首先出现在 Cat. 68. 68 和 156 中，然后变得频繁：参见 Tib. 1. 1. 46 和 2. 4。）
34. This vassalage of the lover to his mistress was called domnei: see the examples of the use of this word in K. Bartsch’s Chrestomathie provençale (6th ed., revised by E. Koschwitz, Marburg, 1904). But it should be remembered that, although doubtless feudal in its origin, this conception was strengthened by the example of the Latin love-elegists, who all call their mistresses dominae, and practise or advise complete subjection to the will of the beloved. (This appears first in Cat. 68. 68 and 156, and then becomes frequent: see Tib. 1. 1. 46 and 2. 4.)
35.有关浪漫爱情（或中世纪更恰当的称呼）的性质和表达的详细讨论，参见 CS Lewis 的《爱的寓言》（牛津，1936 年）、JJ Parry 为 Andreas Capellanus 的《诚实的爱的艺术》（纽约，1941 年）所写的介绍和评论，以及 AJ Denomy 才华横溢的《探究宫廷爱情的起源》（《中世纪研究》，第 6 期（1944 年），175-260 页）。Denomy 神父认为，创造这一概念的主要思想潮流是：（a）新柏拉图主义神秘主义，该主义教导说，灵魂奋斗以超越身体和物质，与善相结合，而善是通过美来理解和渴望的；（b）阿尔比派异端，该主义认为精神和物质属于两个不同的世界，因此教导极端禁欲主义；（c）阿拉伯神秘主义和哲学，其中一些源自柏拉图。但他没有证明的是（第 257 页），那些确立和发展这一概念的吟游诗人对这些思想领域中的第一和第三种概念没有任何模糊的概念。在第 188-93 页，他否认了基督教神秘主义对宫廷爱情有某种影响的理论，尽管他同意两者之间存在表面上的相似之处；在第 193 页的注释 2 中，他断言圣母崇拜与这一概念毫无共同之处——理由是基督徒遵守耶稣对圣约翰的训诫（约翰福音十九章 26-7 节），爱玛利亚如同爱自己的母亲。尽管如此，我们还是很难相信，那些创作艺术家和崇拜年轻、美丽、衣着华丽的少女雕像作为玛利亚崇拜的一部分的崇拜者，都像对待自己的母亲一样看待圣母，而不是以其他方式看待圣母。
35. For detailed discussions of the nature and expressions of romantic love, or (as it is more properly called in the Middle Ages) ‘courtly’ love, see C. S. Lewis, The Allegory of Love (Oxford, 1936), J. J. Parry’s introduction and commentary to Andreas Capellanus’s De arte honeste amandi (New York, 1941), and A. J. Denomy’s brilliantly learned ‘Inquiry into the Origins of Courtly Love’ (Mediaeval Studies, 6 (1944), 175–260). Father Denomy considers that the chief intellectual currents which flowed together to create the concept were (a) Neoplatonic mysticism, which taught that the soul struggles to rise above the body, above matter, towards union with the Good, which is apprehended and desired through its beauty; (b) the Albigensian heresy, with its doctrine that spirit and matter belonged to two different worlds, and its consequent teaching of extreme asceticism; and (c) Arabic mysticism and philosophy, some of which originated from Plato. But what he does not prove (p. 257) is that the troubadours who fixed and developed the concept had anything but the vaguest notions of the first and third of these regions of thought. On pp. 188–93 he disallows the theory that Christian mysticism had some influence on courtly love, although he agrees that there are superficial resemblances between the two; and in note 2 on p. 193 he asserts that the cult of the Virgin had nothing whatever in common with the concept—on the ground that Christians, obeying an extension of the injunction of Jesus to St. John (John xix. 26–7), love Mary as their own mother. Still, it is a little difficult to believe that the artists who created and the worshippers who revered the statues of young, beautiful, attractively dressed maidens as part of the cult of Mary were all thinking of the Virgin as they did of their own mothers, and in no other way.
36 . 奥维德终于使哥特人文明化了。参见马尼提乌斯的《中世纪拉丁诗人和学者对奥维德的引用和呼应》清单，《Philologus》，补充 7（1899 年）。特劳伯（《Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen》，慕尼黑，1909-20 年，2. 113）将十二、十三世纪称为“ aetas Ouidiana”。
36. Ovid was at last civilizing the Goths. See Manitius’s list of quotations and echoes from Ovid in medieval Latin poets and scholars, Philologus, suppl. 7 (1899). Traube (Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen, Munich, 1909–20, 2. 113) called the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the aetas Ouidiana.
37 . 但丁，Inf . 4.88 f.
37. Dante, Inf. 4. 88 f.
38.参见第 602-3 页。
38. See pp. 602–3.
39 .奥夫。是。 3. 4. 17：nitimur in uetitum semper cupimusque negata。
39. Ov. Am. 3. 4. 17: nitimur in uetitum semper cupimusque negata.
40 . Ov. AA . 1. 233 f. 这些引文来自 EK Rand 的迷人小书《奥维德和他的影响》（波士顿，1925 年），第 132–3 页；另请参阅 H. Wad-dell 的《流浪的学者》 （伦敦，1934 年），第 5 和 9 册。
40. Ov. A.A. 1. 233 f. I owe these quotations to E. K. Rand’s charming little book, Ovid and His Influence (Boston, 1925), 132–3; see also H. Wad-dell, The Wandering Scholars (London, 19347), cc. 5 and 9.
41。
41.
H. Waddell 在《流浪的学者》 （伦敦，19347 年）第 9 册中提到了勒米尔蒙会议。这首诗由 G. Waitz 编辑，收录于Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum，第 7 期（1849 年），第 160-167 页。我还没有见过 W. Meyer 的《勒米尔蒙的爱的会议》（1914 年）。
This Council of Remiremont is mentioned by H. Waddell in The Wandering Scholars (London, 19347), c. 9. The text of the poem, edited by G. Waitz, is in Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum, 7 (1849), 160–7. I have not seen W. Meyer, Das Liebesconcil in Remiremont (1914).
42 . Ov. Met . 4. 55–166. 参见尤其是 4. 53:
42. Ov. Met. 4. 55–166. See especially 4. 53:
haec quoniam uolgaris fabula 非 est。
haec quoniam uolgaris fabula non est.
G. Hart，Ursprung und Verbreitung der Pyramus- und Thisbe-Sage（帕绍，1889-91）并没有试图将这个故事追溯到奥维德之后，而是概述了它在现代文学中的广泛影响。 L. Constans 在 L. Petit de Julleville 的Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française , 1. 244中讨论了法国的皮拉摩斯。
G. Hart, Ursprung und Verbreitung der Pyramus- und Thisbe-Sage (Passau, 1889–91), does not attempt to trace the story back beyond Ovid, but outlines its widespread influence in modern literature. The French Piramus is discussed by L. Constans in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 1. 244.
43. Ov. Met . 6. 424–674。
43. Ov. Met. 6. 424–674.
44.据说，《菲洛梅娜》是克雷蒂安·德·特鲁瓦翻译并扩充的原文，（布什，《英语诗歌中的神话和文艺复兴传统》 （明尼阿波利斯和伦敦，1932 年），第 13 页。荷马在《奥德赛》 19.518 页中提到了这个故事。
44. Philomena, a translation and expansion of the original, is said to be by Chretien de Troyes (Bush, Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry (Minneapolis and London, 1932), 13. The story is mentioned in Homer, Od. 19. 518 f.
45 .泰特斯·安德洛尼库斯，4.1.45f。
45. Titus Andronicus, 4. 1. 45 f.
46。WP Ker，《史诗与浪漫》（伦敦，1922 2），附录给出了摘录；我添加了流行游吟诗人所知道的歌曲的来源，以显示其中有多少是奥维德式的：
46. W. P. Ker, Epic and Romance (London, 19222), Appendix, gives the extract; I add the sources of the songs which the popular troubadour would know, to show how many of them are Ovidian:
接下来是一些圣经神话、亚瑟王传奇中的一些故事、早期法国历史中的几个故事（其中包括路西法及其堕落的故事），最后是：
Then follow a few biblical myths; a number from the Arthurian cycle; several tales from the history of early France (among which comes Lucifer and how he fell), and finally:
47 .参见奥维德道德，编辑。 C. de Boer（阿姆斯特丹，1915 年）。小编观察到，作者的解释性评论的主要来源是：《圣经》、奥维德的《英雄》和法斯蒂、斯塔提乌斯以及神话作家希吉努斯和富尔根提乌斯。
47. See Ovide moralisé, ed. C. de Boer (Amsterdam, 1915). This editor observes that the main sources of the author’s explanatory comments are: the Bible, Ovid’s Heroides and Fasti, Statius, and the mythographers Hyginus and Fulgentius.
48 .奥维德道德，3. 1853 f.：
48. Ovide moralisé, 3. 1853 f.:
水仙小花devint。
弗洛雷特奎尔？ Tele dont dist
Li Psalmistres c'au 主要花店，
Au soir est cheoite et fletrie。 (1886-9)
Narcisus florete devint.
Florete quel? Tele dont dist
Li Psalmistres c’au main florist,
Au soir est cheoite et fletrie. (1886-9)
在 Petit de Julleville 的《法国文学史》（1.248）中，引用了阿波罗与达芙妮故事的寓意：
In Petit de Julleville’s History of French Literature (1. 248) the moral of the story of Apollo and Daphne is quoted:
“达芙妮是河流之女，性情冷漠，象征贞洁；她化作月桂树，像贞洁一样，永远青翠，不结出果实。她象征圣母玛利亚，她深受真太阳神的爱戴；当阿波罗用月桂树为自己加冕时，他象征着上帝将她视为自己的母亲。”
‘Daphne, daughter of a river and cold by temperament, represents virginity; she is changed into a laurel, which like virginity is perpetually green and bears no fruit. She represents the Virgin Mary, loved by him who is the true sun; and when Apollo crowns himself with the laurel, he represents God putting on the body of her whom he made his mother.’
LK Born 的《奥维德与寓言》一文对奥维德寓言化的整个运动进行了实用性的总结，并详细介绍了其他此类作品，载于《Speculum》第 9 卷（1934 年），第 362–79 页。
There is a useful summary of the whole movement of allegorizing Ovid, with details of other works of this kind, by L. K. Born, ‘Ovid and Allegory’, in Speculum, 9 (1934), 362–79.
49 .罗曼·德拉·罗斯，9–10（朗格卢瓦）：
49. Roman de la Rose, 9–10 (Langlois):
ançois escrist l'avision
qui avint au roi Scipion。
ançois escrist l’avision
qui avint au roi Scipion.
50。因此，这个时期，那些关于恋人共度一夜后死去的故事很受欢迎，甚至在他们第一次拥抱之前就死去。雨果·冯·霍夫曼斯塔尔和理查德·施特劳斯创作的《玫瑰骑士》是玫瑰象征意义在洛可可风格的背景下的现代精彩运用。
50. Hence the popularity, in this period, of stories in which the lovers die after one night together, or even die just before their first embrace. A beautiful modern use of the symbolism of the rose, in a rococo setting, is Der Rosenkavalier, by Hugo von Hofmannsthal and Richard Strauss.
51.参见第 41 页。
51. See p. 41 f.
52 . E. Langlois，《罗马玫瑰的起源与来源》，136 f。
52. E. Langlois, Origines et sources du roman de la Rose, 136 f.
53 . 第 4837 行中的布道 f. = (?) 乔叟，《玫瑰传奇》，片段 B 5403 f.
53. The sermon in lines 4837 f. = (?) Chaucer, Romaunt of the Rose, fragment B 5403 f.
54 .罗曼·德拉罗斯 (Roman de la Rose)，5036 楼：
54. Roman de la Rose, 5036 f.:
ce peut l'en bien des clers enquerre
qui Boece de Confort lisent,
e les statements qui là gisent;
Don Granz biens aus genz lais ferait
qui bien le leur 翻译。
ce peut l’en bien des clers enquerre
qui Boece de Confort lisent,
e les sentences qui là gisent;
don granz biens aus genz lais ferait
qui bien le leur translaterait.
关于 Jean de Meun 的译本，请参阅 HR Patch，《波爱修斯的传统》（纽约，1935 年），第 63 页。
On Jean de Meun’s translation see H. R. Patch, The Tradition of Boethius (New York, 1935), 63.
55 . Roman de la Rose，37-8（参见 22605-6（Marteau）中的回声）：
55. Roman de la Rose, 37–8 (cf. the echo in 22605–6 (Marteau)):
这是玫瑰的浪漫
或爱情的艺术。
Ce est li Romanz de la Rose
ou l’art d’amors est toute enclose.
56 .罗曼·德拉·罗斯，12740–14546。
56. Roman de la Rose, 12740–14546.
57 . Ov. AA 2 . 279:
57. Ov. A.A. 2. 279:
ipse licet uenias Musis comitatus、Homere、
si nihil attuleris、宜必思、Homere、foras。
ipse licet uenias Musis comitatus, Homere,
si nihil attuleris, ibis, Homere, foras.
58 .罗曼·德拉罗斯，13617–20：
58. Roman de la Rose, 13617–20:
D'amer povre ome ne li chaille,
qu'il n'est riens que povres on vaille;
Se c'iert Ovides ou Homers,
ne vaudroit-il pas deus gomers.
D’amer povre ome ne li chaille,
qu’il n’est riens que povres on vaille;
se c’iert Ovides ou Homers,
ne vaudroit-il pas deus gomers.
59 . C. Lenient，《La Satire en France au moyen âge》（巴黎，1893 年4），115 f。
59. C. Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge (Paris, 18934), 115 f.
60 .引自 L. Thuasne，《Le Roman de la Rose》（巴黎，1929 年），66。
60. Quoted by L. Thuasne, Le Roman de la Rose (Paris, 1929), 66.
61 . 中世纪文学理论很少或根本不考虑为大型作品找到适当的计划和比例的问题。例如，参见 E. Faral 的《12 世和 13 世的诗艺》（巴黎高等学院图书馆，238，1924 年），第 59-60 页。M. Faral 研究的理论家中只有两位提到了这个问题。其中一位是 Geoffroi de Vinsauf，他只是讨论了如何将作品的主体附加到开头。另一位是 Jean de Garlande，他说一部作品应该由“开场白、叙述、请愿、确认、反驳和结论”组成——这当然是希腊罗马法律演讲的计划，取自某些手册，与写诗或富有想象力的散文毫无关系。法拉尔先生接着公正地说：“A la vérité，la作曲n'a pas été le soucidominant des ecrivains du moyen âge”。罗马人的美丽、声誉、统一和比例。就一般情况而言，如果考虑到这些问题，请注意公共考试和合奏的整体性，主要是为了让审计员们能够对这起事件进行审查。
61. Medieval literary theory paid little or no heed to the problem of finding the proper plan and proportion for a large work. See, for instance, E. Faral, Les Arts poetiques du XIIe et XIIIe siecle (Bibliotheque de l’École des Hautes Etudes, 238, Paris, 1924), 59–60. Only two of the theorists examined by M. Faral even mention the question. One of them, Geoffroi de Vinsauf, merely discusses how to attach the main body of the work to the beginning. The other, Jean de Garlande, says that a work should be composed of ‘exordium, narration, petition, confirmation, refutation, and conclusion’—which is, of course, the plan of a Greco-Roman legal speech, taken from some handbook, and has nothing whatever to do with writing poetry or imaginative prose. M. Faral goes on to say, with justice: ‘A la vérité, la composition n’a pas été le souci dominant des ecrivains du moyen âge. Beaucoup de romans, et des plus réputés, manquent totalement d’unité et de proportions. On se l’explique si l’on considere qu’ils n’ont pas été faits, en general, pour soutenir l’examen d’un public qui lisait et pouvait commodement juger de l’ensemble, mais pour être entendus par des auditeurs auxquels on les lisait episode par episode.’
62 .罗曼·德拉罗斯，13263–4：
62. Roman de la Rose, 13263–4:
Mil essemples dire en savraie
mais trop grant conte à faire avraie.
Mil essemples dire en savraie
mais trop grant conte à faire avraie.
63.参见W. Jaeger，Paideia（牛津，1939年），1.2页。
63. See W. Jaeger, Paideia (Oxford, 1939), 1. 2 fin.
64 .罗曼·德拉·罗斯 (Roman de la Rose)，1439–1510 = Ov.遇见了。 3. 339–510。《回声，一位高级女士》出现于 1444 年。
64. Roman de la Rose, 1439–1510 = Ov. Met. 3. 339–510. Echo, une haute dame appears in 1444.
65 . 皮格马利翁出现在《奥维亚大都会歌剧集》第 10 卷，第 243–97 行 = 《玫瑰传奇》，第 20817–1183 行。狄多和埃涅阿斯出现在 13174–210 行，维吉尼亚出现在 5589–658 行。
65. Pygmalion is in Ov. Met. 10. 243–97 = Roman de la Rose, 20817–1183. Dido and Aeneas appear in 13174–210, and Verginia in 5589–658.
66. Juvenal 实际上在 8709 f.、8737 f. 和 9142 f. 中被引用。Jean 还在“他的书 hight Aureole”中引用了 Theophrastus 的权威。在他的时代没有这样的作品，也从来没有以这个名字命名的作品。但是 Theophrastus 有一本书，这是最早提出反对婚姻的哲学理由的书之一，并且构成了 Juvenal 6 所属的厌女写作传统的一部分。中世纪的人知道它，因为 Jerome 在同一传统中写作，引用了它并称其为aureolus liber，即“价值连城的黄金”(阿杜. 尤因. 1 . 47)。参见 F. Bock, 'Aristoteles Theophrastus Seneca de matrimonio' ( Leipziger Studien , 19. 1899) 和 J. van Wageningen, 'Seneca et Iuuenalis' ( Mnemosyne , ns 45 (1917), 417 f.)，了解关于这些厌恶女性的思想的传播。
66. Juvenal is actually quoted in 8709 f., 8737 f., and 9142 f. Jean also quotes the authority of Theophrastus in ‘his book hight Aureole’. No such work existed in his time, and none by that name had ever existed. But there was a book by Theophrastus, which was one of the first to give philosophical reasons against marriage, and which formed part of the tradition of misogynistic writing to which Juvenal 6 belonged. It was known to the men of the Middle Ages because Jerome, writing in the same tradition, quoted it and called it an aureolus liber, ‘worth its weight in gold’ (Adu. Iouin. 1. 47). See F. Bock, ‘Aristoteles Theophrastus Seneca de matrimonio’ (Leipziger Studien, 19. 1899), and J. van Wageningen, ‘Seneca et Iuuenalis’ (Mnemosyne, n.s. 45 (1917), 417 f.), for discussions of the transmission of these misogynistic ideas.
67 . 大都会. 1. 89–112。
67. Ov. Met. 1. 89–112.
68 . L. Thuasne, Le Roman de la Rose (n. 60), 27. Lorris 不可能认识 Gallus，因为他的作品已经丢失。他要么看到了以 Gallus 的名义流传的伪诗，要么是从爱情诗人名单中抄下来的。
68. L. Thuasne, Le Roman de la Rose (n. 60), 27. Lorris could not have known Gallus, whose work was lost. Either he had seen the bogus poems passing under Gallus’ name or he had copied it out of a list of love-poets.
69 .有关这些来源，请参阅 E. Langlois，Origines etsources du roman de la Rose（巴黎，1891 年）。
69. For these sources, see E. Langlois, Origines et sources du roman de la Rose (Paris, 1891).
70. Gerson 反击的文本由 L. Thuasne (n. 60)，53 f. 给出。
70. The text of Gerson’s counterblast is given by L. Thuasne (n. 60), 53 f.
4.但丁与异教古代
4. DANTE AND PAGAN ANTIQUITY
1.参见Inf . 16. 128、21。2. 至于形容词“神圣”，它并非由但丁添加，并且与《天堂记》中的上帝景象无关，而是——根据斯卡塔齐尼（Dante-Handbuch，莱比锡，1892，413）的说法——在 16 世纪中叶左右开始使用，并且是从用于描述一位极其伟大的作家的传统短语“神圣的诗人”中沿用而来的。
1. See Inf. 16. 128, 21. 2. As for the adjective ‘divine’, that was not added by Dante, and has nothing to do with the vision of God in the Paradiso, but—according to Scartazzini (Dante-Handbuch, Leipzig, 1892, 413)—came into use about the middle of the sixteenth century, and was carried over from the conventional phrase applied to a supremely great writer, ‘divine poet’.
2.致坎格兰德的信，第 10 页。但丁知道悲剧这个词的一些含义，但他理解错了。它的意思是“山羊之歌”。他解释说这是因为它很臭，就像一只公山羊：
2. Letter to Can Grande, 10. Dante knows something of the meaning of the word tragedy, but he gets it essentially wrong. It means ‘goat-song’. He explains that this is because it is smelly, like a he-goat:
dicitur propter hoc a tragos , quod est hircus, et oda , quasi cantus hircinus, id est foetidus ad modum hirci, ut patet per Senecam in suis tragoediis.
dicitur propter hoc a tragos, quod est hircus, et oda, quasi cantus hircinus, id est foetidus ad modum hirci, ut patet per Senecam in suis tragoediis.
他听说过悲剧的功能，即激发恐惧和怜悯；并且他试图通过以下等式将其与该词的字面词源相一致：公山羊 = 臭 = 令人厌恶 = 悲惨。
He has heard of the function of tragedy, which is to inspire terror and pity; and he is trying to square this with the literal etymology of the word, through the equation: billy-goat = smelly = repulsive = tragic.
3.信息. 20. 113 。
3. Inf. 20. 113.
4 .斯卡塔齐尼，《但丁手册》（莱比锡，1892 年），413；并参见 p. 577，n. 30.
4. Scartazzini, Dante-Handbuch (Leipzig, 1892), 413; and see p. 577, n. 30.
5 . 关于但丁早期对这一问题的看法的关键段落是《论庸俗的雄辩》第2.4节，其中他区分了“明显的庸俗”、“平庸的庸俗”和“卑微的庸俗”，并说道：
5. The key passage on Dante’s earlier view of this problem is De vulgari eloquentia, 2. 4, where he distinguishes the vulgare illustre, the vulgare mediocre, and the vulgare humile, and says:
如果悲剧发生，就以普通方式说明，结果就是这样。
si tragice canenda videntur, tune assumendum est vulgare illustre, et per consequens cantionem oportet ligare.
他接着说，这类颂歌的主题是救恩、爱和美德。另一方面，他在《信》中的陈述要简单得多：
He goes on to say that the subjects of such canzoni are Salus, Amor, and Virtus. On the other hand, his statement in the Letter is far simpler:
remissus est modus (Comoediae) et humilis, quia loquutio vulgaris, in qua et mulierculae communicant.
remissus est modus (Comoediae) et humilis, quia loquutio vulgaris, in qua et mulierculae communicant.
这要么意味着但丁认为女人说话的风格和他写《天堂记》的风格一样——这似乎很荒谬；要么他放弃了三种不同的意大利风格之间的区别，现在正在对比意大利语，它可以被他用拉丁语写信，只有学者和绅士才能使用拉丁语。他受到乔凡尼·德·维吉里奥的指责，并不是因为他用低级的意大利风格代替了高级的风格，而是因为用意大利语而不是拉丁语；他用一首模仿维吉尔的拉丁语“田园诗”来回应这一指责，以表明尽管他在《喜剧》中使用了意大利语，但他是一个有文化的人。
Either this means that Dante thought women talked in the same style as that in which he was writing the Paradiso—which seems absurd; or else he had dropped the distinction between the three different Italian styles and was now contrasting the Italian language, which could be used by anybody (even by unlettered women—whence the half-tender, half-contemptuous diminutive), with the Latin language, in which he was writing his Letter, and which could be employed only by scholars and gentlemen. It was not for writing a low Italian style instead of a lofty one, but for writing Italian instead of Latin, that he was reproached by Giovanni di Virgilio; and he answered that charge in a Latin ‘eclogue’ modelled on Vergil, to show that he was, in spite of using Italian for the Comedy, a man of culture.
6 . 柏拉图《理想国》第十卷中的《厄尔的幻象》只是希腊罗马对这一宏伟主题的众多论述之一，有关内容请参见本书第 510 页。已知最早的此类基督教作品是韦廷的幻象系列，瓦拉弗里德·斯特拉博于公元827 年将其编入一首千行拉丁诗中。还有一些有趣的早期爱尔兰作品，尤其是《亚当南的幻象》和《通代尔的幻象》。
6. The Vision of Er, in the tenth book of Plato’s Republic, is only one of many Greco-Roman treatments of this majestic theme, on which see p. 510 f. of this book. The earliest-known such Christian work is the series of Visions of Wettin, put into a thousand-line Latin poem in A.D. 827 by Walafrid Strabo. There are some interesting early Irish ones, in particular the Vision of Adamnan and the Vision of Tundale.
7. Purg . 21；参见Purg . 22. 64–73 ，其中斯塔提乌斯解释说，是维吉尔的“弥赛亚”诗使他转向基督教。
7. Purg. 21; and see Purg. 22. 64–73, where Statius explains that it was Vergil’s ‘Messianic’ poem which turned him towards Christianity.
8.关于维吉尔作为基督徒的名声，请参见康帕雷蒂的《中世纪的维吉尔》（EFM Benecke 译，伦敦，1895 年），尤其是第 7 章。
8. On Vergil’s reputation as a Christian see Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages (tr. E. F. M. Benecke, London, 1895), especially c. 7.
9 . 8 月. Ep . 137. 12，Comparetti 引用（注 8）。
9. Aug. Ep. 137. 12, quoted by Comparetti (note 8).
10 .参见 E. Norden 的《Die Geburt des Kindes》（莱比锡，1924 年）和 CG Jung 的心理学解释，《Das Gottliche Kind》（阿姆斯特丹，1941 年）。
10. See, among many others, E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes (Leipzig, 1924), and the psychological interpretation by C. G. Jung, Das gottliche Kind (Amsterdam, 1941).
11.关于罗马帝国臣民对庞培和屋大维等人将他们从战争中解放出来的感激崇拜，参见AJ Toynbee的《历史研究》（牛津，1939年），5.648页的摘要，以及他在本文注释中引用的古典诗歌和现代论文。
11. For the grateful worship given by the subjects of the Roman empire to men like Pompey and Octavian who freed them from war, see the summary in A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 5. 648 f., and the classical poems and modern treatises quoted in his notes on the passage.
12.在给屋大维的一封动情信中，他亲口说自己一定是疯了才会写这首诗：
12. In a pathetic letter to Octavian, he himself said he must have been mad to undertake the poem:
tanta incohata res est ut paene uitio mentis tantum opus ingressus mihi uidear（宏。周六1.24.11）。
tanta incohata res est ut paene uitio mentis tantum opus ingressus mihi uidear (Macrob. Sat. 1. 24. 11).
与此相比，《埃涅阿斯纪》中多次表达了虽然努力但仍然痛苦的表达：
With this compare the numerous expressions of painful though rewarding effort throughout the Aeneid:
tantae moliserat Romanam condere gentem (1. 33)
attollens humero famamque et fata nepotum (8. 731)。
tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem (1. 33)
attollens humero famamque et fata nepotum (8. 731).
众所周知，他想在临终时销毁这首诗：如果认为他的这一举动以及他对屋大维的绝望仅仅是因为他感到很难掌握他所使用的所有复杂材料，那么我们对他的天才的认识就太过局限了。
It is well known that he wanted to destroy the poem when he died: it would be limiting our view of his genius too closely to believe that this, and his expression of despair to Octavian, were due only to his sense of the difficulty of mastering all the complex material he used.
13.这种拼写错误很早就出现了，也许是因为维吉尔的绰号 Parthenias，即“纯洁小姐”。（出于类似的原因，剑桥的弥尔顿被称为基督圣母。）在中世纪，这个名字被用来指维吉尔作为魔术师的力量，因为uirga的意思是魔杖。
13. This misspelling began at a very early date, perhaps because of Vergil’s nickname Parthenias, ‘Miss Purity’. (For a similar reason, Milton at Cambridge was known as the Lady of Christ’s.) In the Middle Ages the name was taken to refer to Vergil’s powers as a magician, because uirga means wand.
14.参见第486页。
14. See p. 486.
15。参见信息2. 13–27。
15. See Inf. 2. 13–27.
16。信息。 34. 61–7。
16. Inf. 34. 61–7.
17 . Verg. Georg . 2. 136–76。
17. Verg. Georg. 2. 136–76.
18。清除。 6. 76 f.
18. Purg. 6. 76 f.
19.信息. 27. 26–7, 28. 71 。
19. Inf. 27. 26–7, 28. 71.
20。这方面的例子有很多：参见诗歌索引，sv“Latino”。J. Bryce 的《关于但丁的一些想法》和 JW Mackail 的《罗马和维吉尔的意大利》很好地讨论了整个主题，收录于《但丁：纪念 1321-1921 年的论文集》（伦敦，1921 年）。
20. There are many examples of this: see any index to the poem, s.v. ‘Latino’. The whole topic is well discussed by J. Bryce, ‘Some Thoughts on Dante’ and J. W. Mackail, ‘The Italy of Rome and Vergil’, in Dante; Essays in commemoration 1321–1921 (London, 1921).
21 .信息。 4. 131 f.：il maestro di color che sanno。
21. Inf. 4. 131 f.: il maestro di color che sanno.
22 .信息 1 . 86–7:
22. Inf. 1 . 86–7:
你是独奏者，da cu' io tolsi
lo bello stile che m'ha fatto onore。
tu se’ solo colui, da cu’ io tolsi
lo bello stile che m’ha fatto onore.
23.艾恩. 3. 29–30：
23. Aen. 3. 29–30:
恐怖的寒冷
mihi frigidus horror
Membra quatit gelidusque coit formidine sanguis。
membra quatit gelidusque coit formidine sanguis.
24。信息。 13. 44–5：
24. Inf. 13. 44–5:
我落入了西玛
io lasciai la cima
cadere，e stetti come l'uom che teme。
cadere, e stetti come l’uom che teme.
25.净化之歌。24. 57：dolce stil novo 。波纳久塔引用的这首抒情诗是但丁《新生》中的第一首。
25. Purg. 24. 57: dolce stil novo. The lyric quoted by Bonagiunta is the first in Dante’s Vita Nuova.
26 . 一方面，但丁的抒情诗是普罗旺斯爱情诗的发展，另一方面，是对普罗旺斯爱情诗的反抗。它们更接近游吟诗人（其中一位，阿尔诺特·丹尼尔，在《普尔格》中受到但丁的高度赞扬。26 ）而不是任何古典诗歌风格。有关讨论，请参阅 L. Azzolina 的《Il ' dolce stil novo '》（巴勒莫，1903 年）、V. Rossi 的《Il ' dolce stil novo '》（佛罗伦萨，1905 年）和 F. Figurelli 的《Il dolce stil novo》（那不勒斯，1933 年）。
26. In one way Dante’s lyrics were a development from Provençal love-poetry, in another, a reaction against it. They were still much closer to the troubadours (one of whom, Arnaut Daniel, is highly praised by Dante in Purg. 26) than to any classical poetic style. For discussions see L. Azzolina, Il ‘dolce stil nuovo’ (Palermo, 1903), V. Rossi, Il ‘dolce stil novo’ (Florence, 1905), and F. Figurelli, Il dolce stil novo (Naples, 1933).
27 . “在韵律的安排上，但丁的风格可以说是一种服务语的形式”——安东尼奥·达·节奏（Antonio da Tempo）在《艺术总结》 （Summa artis rithimici）（1332年）中，由EG·加德纳（EG Gardner）引用和翻译，《但丁作为文学批评家》，在《但丁》中;纪念 1321-1921 年的论文（伦敦，1921 年）。
27. ‘In its arrangement of rhymes that manner of Dante had, as it were, the form of a serventese’—Antonio da Tempo in Summa artis rithimici (1332), quoted and translated by E. G. Gardner, ‘Dante as Literary Critic’, in Dante; Essays in commemoration 1321–1921 (London, 1921).
28。信息。 10。62–3。
28. Inf. 10. 62–3.
29。信息。 I. 83–4。
29. Inf. I. 83–4.
30.对这种观点的一个强烈反对意见是，当但丁告诉维吉尔，他从维吉尔的诗歌中借鉴了自己优美的风格时，他才刚刚开始穿越地狱、炼狱和天堂的旅程，而不是旅程的终点；因此，他指的不可能是尚未写成的《神曲》的风格。尽管如此，在引言4 中，维吉尔把但丁介绍给了荷马、贺拉斯、奥维德和卢坎这几位“最高歌曲之王”，他们把他列为他们队伍的第六位以表彰他。但丁不可能因为他的抒情诗而获得这种荣誉。在时间世界中，《神曲》在其所描述的经历结束之前是未写成的；但在维吉尔和其他人所属的永恒世界中，它已经写好了，但丁因此而受到尊敬。在同一个永恒世界中，但丁是维吉尔的学生，而《神曲》的风格可以说（甚至在其时间开头）就源自维吉尔的书。
30. A strong objection to this view is that, when Dante told Vergil he had taken his beautiful style from Vergil’s poetry, he was only at the beginning of his journey through the universe of hell, purgatory, and paradise, not at its end; and therefore he could not be referring to the style of the Comedy, which was yet to be written. Nevertheless, in Inf. 4, Dante is presented by Vergil to Homer, Horace, Ovid, and Lucan, the ‘lords of highest song’, and they honour him by making him a sixth in their company. This honour could not have been given to Dante for his lyrics. In the world of Time, the Comedy is unwritten until the experiences described in it are over; but in the world of Eternity, to which Vergil and those others belong, it is already written, and Dante is honoured for it. In the same world of Eternity, Dante is Vergil’s pupil, and the style of the Comedy can be said (even at its temporal opening) to be taken from Vergil’s book.
31.摩尔在《但丁研究》（第一辑，牛津，1896 年）中指出这是艺术家向艺术家所献上最微妙、最感人的赞颂之一。维吉尔将但丁带到了心爱的贝阿特丽丝身边，他该如何离开他呢？但丁是否应该悲伤地向这位无法陪他去见上帝、只能生活在欲望中而没有希望的大师和朋友告别呢？不。诗人们经过炼狱之后，一个光荣的队伍迎接了他们。但丁的贝阿特丽丝从天使投下的花云中，像太阳从雾中升起一样破晓。但丁像孩子对待母亲一样转向维吉尔，说“我认出了旧情人的痕迹”：维吉尔自己失恋的狄多用这些话来表达她无法抗拒的激情（Verg. Aen . 4. 23）。但维吉尔已经消失了。然后，在三行诗中，但丁充满渴望和爱意地重复了他的名字三次：
31. In his Studies in Dante (1st series, Oxford, 1896), Moore points out one of the most subtle and poignant tributes ever paid by one artist to another. How is Vergil to leave Dante, after bringing him close to the beloved vision of Beatrice? Shall Dante bid a sad farewell to the master and friend who cannot accompany him up towards the sight of God, and who must live in desire without hope? No. After the poets have passed through purgatory, a glorious procession comes to meet them. Out of a cloud of flowers cast by angels, like the sun from mists, dawns Dante’s lady Beatrice. Like a child to its mother, Dante turns to Vergil, to say ‘I recognize the traces of the old flame’: the very words in which Vergil’s own lovelorn Dido spoke of her irresistible passion (Verg. Aen. 4. 23). But Vergil has vanished. And then, in a triad of lines, Dante repeats his name yearningly and lovingly three times:
ma Virgilio n'avea lasciati scemi
di se, Virgilio dolcissimo patre,
Virgilio a cui per mia salute die' mi ( Purg . 30. 49–52)。
ma Virgilio n’avea lasciati scemi
di se, Virgilio dolcissimo patre,
Virgilio a cui per mia salute die’ mi (Purg. 30. 49–52).
他将这个名字放在每一行的完全相同的位置，在讲述奥菲斯如何悲叹他的爱人被迫离开他而回到死者身边时，维吉尔本人也悲伤地重复了这个名字：
He places the name in exactly the same spot of each line as, in telling how Orpheus lamented for his beloved, torn from him to return to the dead, Vergil himself had placed the sadly repeated name:
反过来，marmorea caput a ceruice reuolsum
gurgite cum medio portans Oeagrius Hebrus
uolueret，'Eurydicen' uox ipsa et frigida lingua
'a Miseram Eurydicen' anima fugiente uocabat，
'Eurydicen' toto Referebant Flumine ripae ( Georg . 4. 523–7)。
turn quoque, marmorea caput a ceruice reuolsum
gurgite cum medio portans Oeagrius Hebrus
uolueret, ‘Eurydicen’ uox ipsa et frigida lingua
‘a miseram Eurydicen’ anima fugiente uocabat,
‘Eurydicen’ toto referebant flumine ripae (Georg. 4. 523–7).
一切都在回响中：钦佩、悲伤、永恒的爱。
Everything is in the echo: admiration, sorrow, eternal love.
32 . 地狱主要分为三类罪孽：放纵、暴力和欺骗。亚里士多德也将其分为三类：放纵（不受控制的欲望）、兽交（变态欲望）和恶习（滥用理性）：a'κρϱaia 和 κaκia（Eth. Nic . 7. 1145 a 16）。这种区别实际上可以追溯到柏拉图将灵魂分为三个部分，即欲望、精神和精力充沛的部分和思考的部分。不受控制的欲望的罪孽是放纵。柏拉图认为暴力是“精神元素”的罪孽。理性的变态是最糟糕的，因为它是我们最高部分——思想的腐败。请参阅 K. Witte 的《但丁论文集》（CM Lawrence 和 GH Wicksteed 译，波士顿，1898 年）和 WHV Reade 的《但丁地狱篇的道德体系》（牛津，1909 年），以了解源于这一总体方案的众多复杂细节，这些细节经常使这一总体方案变得模糊。
32. The primary division of hell is into three groups of sins: incontinence, violence, and deceit. Aristotle’s division was also into three: incontinence (uncontrolled desires), bestiality (perverted desires), and vice (the abuse of reason): a’κρϱaia and κaκia (Eth. Nic. 7. 1145a 16). This distinction really goes back to Plato’s division of the soul into three parts, that which desires, that which is spirited and energetic, and that which thinks. The sin of uncontrolled desire is incontinence. Plato would recognize violence as the sin of the ‘spirited element’. The perversion of reason is worst, because it is the corruption of our highest part, the mind. See K. Witte’s Essays on Dante (tr. C. M. Lawrence and G. H. Wicksteed, Boston, 1898), and W. H. V. Reade’s The Moral System of Dante’s Inferno (Oxford, 1909), for the many complex details growing out of, and often obscuring, this general scheme.
33。卡戎，Inf。3。82 f。；米诺斯，Inf。5。4 f。；刻耳柏洛斯，Inf。6。13 f。；哈耳庇厄，Inf。13。10 f。；半人马，Inf。12。55 f。中世纪的主要恶魔是马拉科达和他的小队，Inf。21。
33. Charon, Inf. 3. 82 f.; Minos, Inf. 5. 4 f.; Cerberus, Inf. 6. 13 f.; Harpies, Inf. 13. 10 f.; Centaurs, Inf. 12. 55 f. The principal medieval demons are Malacoda and his squad, Inf. 21.
34。信息5. 4-12。
34. Inf. 5. 4–12.
35 . Purg . 12. 34–45。Moore 的《但丁研究》（第一辑，牛津，1896 年）指出了这些例子。
35. Purg. 12. 34–45. Moore, Studies in Dante (1st series, Oxford, 1896), has pointed out these instances.
36 . 虽然反君主主义者加图是卢坎笔下的英雄，但但丁将他塑造为炼狱的守护者（Purg . 1. 31 f.），可能是受到了维吉尔天堂场景的影响：
36. Although the anti-monarchist Cato was Lucan’s hero, Dante was probably influenced, in making him the guardian of purgatory (Purg. 1. 31 f.), by the scene in Vergil’s heaven:
神秘的 pios，他的 dantem iura Catonem ( Aen . 8. 670)。
secretosque pios, his dantem iura Catonem (Aen. 8. 670).
37.信息. 2. 32.
37. Inf. 2. 32.
38。这是在《普尔格》30. 19–21。这两个问候来自《马太福音》xxi. 9 和《埃涅阿斯纪》 6. 884。
38. This is in Purg. 30. 19–21. The two greetings come from Matt. xxi. 9, and Aeneid 6. 884.
39 .信息。 5. 82：quali colombe dal disio chiamate。
39. Inf. 5. 82: quali colombe dal disio chiamate.
40 .艾恩。 6. 202–3：sedibus optatis。
40. Aen. 6. 202–3: sedibus optatis.
41.关于回忆之美，请参阅第156页及以下。
41. On the beauty of reminiscence, see p. 156 f.
42 . 因此，被女巫复活的死去的战士（Bell. Ciu . 6. 413 f.）在Inf . 9. 22 f. 中被奇怪地提及；非洲蛇，被Bell. Ciu . 9. 700 f.中的许多其他现代诗人模仿，出现在Inf . 24. 82 f.；而 Amyclas（Bell. Ciu . 5. 504 f.）出现在Par . 11. 67 f.。
42. Thus, the dead warrior resurrected by a witch (Bell. Ciu. 6. 413 f.) is strangely alluded to in Inf. 9. 22 f.; the African snakes, imitated by so many other modern poets from Bell. Ciu. 9. 700 f., in Inf. 24. 82 f.; and Amyclas (Bell. Ciu. 5. 504 f.) in Par. 11. 67 f.
43 .转化次数2 . 13. 西塞罗提到的道德文章有《Cato》（de senectute）、《Laelius》（de amicitia）、《De finibus》和《De officiis》。
43. Conv. 2. 13. The moral essays of Cicero referred to are Cato (de senectute), Laelius (de amicitia), De finibus, and De officiis.
44 .信息。 26. 52 f. = 统计。泰布。 12. 429 f。
44. Inf. 26. 52 f. = Stat. Theb. 12. 429 f.
45 . Purg . 22. 13 f. 和 Juv. 7. 82 f.
45. Purg. 22. 13 f. and Juv. 7. 82 f.
5.走向文艺复兴
5. TOWARDS THE RENAISSANCE
1.他的法定姓名是 Francesco di Petracco，这只是 Peter 的昵称。他将其拉丁化，以便使它不仅仅是一个小小的当地昵称，而是将其与主流文化传统联系起来。后来，在文艺复兴时期，许多学者出于同样的目的将他们的全名翻译成希腊语或拉丁语：例如，Philip Schwarzerd 变成了 Melanchthon（希腊语中“黑土”的意思 = Schwarzerd）。
1. His legal name was Francesco di Petracco, which is only a diminutive form of Peter. He latinized it in order to make it more than a little local nickname, and to attach it to the main tradition of culture. Later, in the full Renaissance, many scholars translated their entire names into Greek or Latin for the same purpose: for instance, Philip Schwarzerd became Melanchthon (the Greek for ‘black earth’ = Schwarzerd).
2 . 但丁和其他白党领袖（其中包括彼特拉克的父亲）被指控贪污公职，并被控反对教皇支持的圭尔夫党。他们被 1302 年 1 月 27 日的法令流放。
2. Dante and other leaders of the White party, among whom was Petrarch’s father, were charged with corruption in office and with offences against the Guelph party, supported by the pope. They were exiled by a decree of 27 January 1302.
3.彼特拉克，Fam . 21. 15，由JH Robinson和HW Rolfe译，摘自《彼特拉克：第一位现代学者》（纽约和伦敦，1914年2月）。
3. Petrarch, Fam. 21. 15, tr. by J. H. Robinson and H. W. Rolfe, in Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar (New York and London, 19142).
4.彼特拉克，Rer. mem . 427，参见 Robinson 和 Rolfe（引自注 3），17S 和注释：
4. Petrarch, Rer. mem. 427, for which see Robinson and Rolfe (cited in n. 3), 17S and note:
“moribus parumper (?) contumacior et oratione liberior quam delicatis et fastidiosis aetatis nostrae principum auribus atque oculis Acceptum fuit”。
‘moribus parumper (?) contumacior et oratione liberior quam delicatis et fastidiosis aetatis nostrae principum auribus atque oculis acceptum fuit’.
5 . G. Voigt，《Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums》（柏林，1880–1 2），1. 118 f。
5. G. Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums (Berlin, 1880–12), 1. 118 f.
6 .奥夫。特里斯特. 4. 10. 51: Vergilium uidi tantum。
6. Ov. Trist. 4. 10. 51: Vergilium uidi tantum.
7.另一个现代的相似之处是，已知存在大量未发表的宝贵音乐作品，但即使是音乐爱好者也难以接触到：例如，海顿的大部分优美交响曲、吕利的大部分作品，以及斯克里亚宾后期的钢琴作品。
7. Another modern parallel is the quantity of valuable unpublished music which is known to exist, but which is inaccessible even to music-lovers: for example, most of the delightful symphonies of Haydn, much of the work of Lully, and the later piano compositions of Scriabin.
8.其中一篇演讲是《捍卫历史》（Sandys，《古典学术史》，剑桥，1908 年，2.7 及注释）。有关故事，请参阅 Voigt（引自注释 5），1.38 页，以及 P. de Nolhac，《Pétraique et l'humanisme》（巴黎，1907 年），1.41。
8. One of the speeches was the Pro Archia (Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge, 1908, 2. 7 and note). For the story, see Voigt (cited in n. 5), 1. 38 f., and P. de Nolhac, Pétraique et l’humanisme (Paris, 1907), 1. 41.
9.有关 Salutati，见第 18 页。关于彼特拉克发现西塞罗的书信（Ad Att.、Ad Brut.、Ad Q. fr .），见 Voigt（引自注 5），1. 43 f.，以及 Sandys，同上。
9. For Salutati, see p. 18. On Petrarch’s discovery of Cicero’s letters (Ad Att., Ad Brut., Ad Q. fr.) see Voigt (cited in n. 5), 1. 43 f., and Sandys, ibid.
10 .参见 E. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 1912 3 ), 26 f.，讨论了西塞罗通过彼特拉克对人文主义理想的影响。 W. Rüegg 的《西塞罗与人道主义》（苏黎世，1946 年）中有一篇关于同一主题的令人钦佩的文章。
10. See E. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123), 26 f., for a discussion of Cicero’s influence, through Petrarch, on the ideal of humanism. There is an admirable essay on the same topic in W. Rüegg’s Cicero und der Humanismus (Zurich, 1946).
11.彼特拉克，Fam.24.3；Sandys（引自注8），2.7。
11. Petrarch, Fam. 24. 3; Sandys (cited in n. 8), 2. 7.
12.彼特拉克决定将他的图书馆遗赠给威尼斯共和国，以换取一所房子。它将成为罗马帝国毁灭以来西欧第一家公共图书馆；但他去世时并不在威尼斯，所以图书馆被拆散了。参见 P. de Nolhac，《彼特拉克与人文主义》（巴黎，1907 年），1. 13、78–81 和 87 f。
12. Petrarch determined, in return for a house, to bequeath his library to the republic of Venice. It would have become the first public library in western Europe since the destruction of the Roman empire; but he was not in Venice when he died, so it was broken up. See P. de Nolhac, Petrarque et l’humanisme (Paris, 1907), 1. 13, 78–81, and 87 f.
13 . 彼特拉克模仿维吉尔时，并没有模仿维吉尔自己的话语，因为他的目标是成为一位完全原创的拉丁语诗人：他实际上改变了《牧歌》中的一行，以消除对维吉尔的回忆。但他模仿了维吉尔的内容和大部分风格，并在《书信》中多次引用维吉尔的话（P. de Nolhac（引自第 8 号注释），1. 123，第 2 号注释）。
13. Petrarch’s imitation of Vergil did not include echoes of Vergil’s own words, because he aimed at being an entirely original poet in Latin: he actually altered a line in his Eclogues to root out a Vergilian reminiscence. But the matter and much of the manner of Vergil he did imitate, and in his Letters he quotes Vergil scores of times (P. de Nolhac (cited in n. 8), 1. 123, n. 2).
14 . 但丁，引述4. 89: Orazio satiro . 彼特拉克引用贺拉斯的次数比除维吉尔之外的任何其他拉丁诗人都要多：我们拥有他所用过的文本（P. de Nolhac（引自注 8），1. 181）。
14. Dante, Inf. 4. 89: Orazio satiro. Petrarch quotes Horace oftener than any other Latin poet except Vergil: we have the very text he used (P. de Nolhac (cited in n. 8), 1. 181).
15 . 彼特拉克，Fam . 24. 8—Voigt 引用（引自 n. 5），1. 44 页，de Nolhac 对此进行了讨论（引自 n. 8），2. 16 页，他指出彼特拉克的李维手稿缺少第 33 册。关于彼特拉克对罗马历史的总体了解，请参阅 de Nolhac，c. 6。
15. Petrarch, Fam. 24. 8—quoted by Voigt (cited in n. 5), 1. 44 f., and discussed by de Nolhac (cited in n. 8), 2. 16 f., who shows that Petrarch’s manuscript of Livy lacked book 33. On Petrarch’s knowledge of Roman history in general, see de Nolhac, c. 6.
16 . Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (cited in n.8), 2.8，以及参见 de Nolhac (cited in n.8) 关于彼特拉克对希腊的浪漫热情的文章。
16. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (cited in n. 8), 2. 8, and see de Nolhac (cited in n. 8) on Petrarch’s romantic passion for Greek.
17。然而，彼特拉克远未理解希腊文化与罗马文化之间的真正关系：作为哲学家，他认为柏拉图的地位低于西塞罗。参见 de Nolhac（引自第 8 号注释），1. 214 和 2. 127 f.
17. Still, Petrarch was far from understanding the true relationship between the Greek and Roman cultures: he put Plato below Cicero as a philosopher. See de Nolhac (cited in n. 8), 1. 214 and 2. 127 f.
18 . P. de Nolhac (引自第 8 号注释), 2. 166–7. 彼特拉克所写的最后几句话是凯撒传记的一部分 (de Nolhac, 1. 85)。
18. P. de Nolhac (cited in n. 8), 2. 166–7. The last actual words Petrarch wrote were part of a biography of Caesar (de Nolhac, 1. 85).
19 . Sandys (引自注8), 2. 10; de Nolhac (注8), 2. 147 页; Voigt (注5), 1. 80 页.
19. Sandys (cited in n. 8), 2. 10; de Nolhac (n. 8), 2. 147 f.; Voigt (n. 5), 1. 80 f.
20 . P. de Nolhac (n. 8), 2. 189 f.
20. P. de Nolhac (n. 8), 2. 189 f.
21 .彼特拉克，《无知》，1151； Voigt（第 5 条中引用），1. 94。
21. Petrarch, De ignorantia, 1151; Voigt (cited in n. 5), 1. 94.
22 。《阿非利加》的主要来源是李维，彼特拉克有时几乎逐字逐句地抄录他的作品，比如在记述卢克丽霞之死时。其风格、词汇和节奏均模仿维吉尔及其模仿者斯塔提乌斯。彼特拉克死后 40 多年，才发现了一部关于同一主题、风格的真实拉丁史诗——西利乌斯·伊塔利库斯 (Silius Italicus，公元26-101 年)的《布匿诗》，彼特拉克从未听说过。关于彼特拉克的《阿非利加》，最好的评价是它比《布匿诗》更好。L . 平高 ( L. Pingaud ) 在《论 F. 彼特拉克的诗中什么是阿非利加》( De poetate F. Petrarchae cui titulus est Africa，巴黎，1872 年) 中推测，第 4 卷之后的空白代表了 3 卷的缺失，而整首诗原本应该包含 12 卷，就像《埃涅阿斯纪》一样。关于龙沙的《法兰西亚德》，见第 144 页。
22. The main source of the Africa is Livy, whom Petrarch sometimes transcribes almost verbatim, as in his account of the death of Lucretia. The style, vocabulary, and rhythm are modelled on Vergil and Vergil’s imitator Statius. Over forty years after Petrarch died, a real Latin epic on the same subject and in the same style was discovered—the Punica of Silius Italicus (A.D. 26–101), which Petrarch had never heard of. The best that can be said of Petrarch’s Africa is that it is better than the Punica. L. Pingaud, De poemate F. Petrarchae cui titulus est Africa (Paris, 1872), conjectures that the gap after book 4 represents a lacuna of three books, and that the whole poem was meant to contain twelve books like the Aeneid. On Ronsard’s Franciade, see p. 144.
23。见第 41 页。有关《秘密》的摘要（包括英文摘录），请参阅 Robinson 和 Rolfe（引自第 3 号注释），第 7 章。那些对彼特拉克的拉丁文作品感兴趣的人应该从他的《Rerum memorandarum libri》开始，书中概述了他的品味和知识。G. Billanovich 有一本非常出色的版本（佛罗伦萨，1943-XXI 年）。
23. See p. 41 f. For a summary of the Secret, with extracts in English, see Robinson and Rolfe (cited in n. 3), c. 7. Those who are interested in Petrarch’s Latin writings should begin with his Rerum memorandarum libri, which give a conspectus of his tastes and knowledge. There is an admirable edition by G. Billanovich (Florence, 1943—XXI).
24 .参见李斯特的《Années de Pelerinage: 2》和《Année: 'Italie'》。
24. See Liszt, Années de Pelerinage: 2e Année: ‘Italie’.
25.但丁，《Purg》.29，特别是106页。
25. Dante, Purg. 29, especially 106 f.
26 .关于该奖项的更深层次意义，以及彼特拉克和里恩佐的理想之间的联系，请参阅 K. Burdach, Rienzo und die geistige Wandlung seiner Zeit（Briefwechsel des Cola di Rienzo编辑，K. Burdach 和 P.皮乌尔，《宗教改革：研究历史》系列中德国教育，K. Burdach 编辑，柏林，1913-28）。特别感兴趣的段落是：p。 31、教皇对里恩佐提出异教指控； 75 楼。罗马青年田园诗般的复兴； 321 f。和 384 f。关于腓特烈二世；和504f。彼特拉克的加冕礼是里恩佐加冕礼的典范。通过 ME Cosenza 翻译和注释的一系列彼特拉克信件，我们可以追溯到彼特拉克对里恩佐的政策和性格不断变化的看法，《弗朗西斯科·彼特拉克与科拉·迪·里恩佐的革命》（芝加哥，1913 年）。
26. On the deeper significance of the laureateship, and the connexion between the ideals of Petrarch and Rienzo, see K. Burdach, Rienzo und die geistige Wandlung seiner Zeit (part 1 of the Briefwechsel des Cola di Rienzo, ed. K. Burdach and P. Piur, in the series Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation: Forschungen zur Geschichte der deutschen Bildung, ed. K. Burdach, Berlin, 1913–28). Passages of particular interest are: p. 31, giving the pope’s charge of paganism against Rienzo; 75 f. on the idyllic renewal of the youth of Rome; 321 f. and 384 f. on Frederick II; and 504 f. on the coronation of Petrarch as a model for that of Rienzo. Petrarch’s changing views of Rienzo’s policy and character have been traced through a selection of his letters, translated and annotated, by M. E. Cosenza, Francesco Petrarca and the Revolution of Cola di Rienzo (Chicago, 1913).
27 . 人们常说，第一个斜体印刷字体是仿照彼特拉克的笔迹制作的。（例如，JE Sandys，《古典学术史》，剑桥，1908 年，第 2 卷，第 99 页。）这是一个错误：它源于对 1501 年《阿尔丁派彼特拉克诗集》序言的误读，序言中称文本基于诗人亲笔手稿（见 AF Johnson，《印刷字体》 ，伦敦，1934 年，第 126–7 页）。事实上，彼特拉克写的是哥特式的bastarda。阿尔丁斯的字体源自人文主义者的新卡洛林字体，其草书形式在基本结构上与 Niccolò Niccoli 的字体并无区别。关于这一点，请参见 James Wardrop 的《签名》，ns 2（1946 年），第 12 页。
27. It is often said that the first italic printing-type was modelled on Petrarch’s handwriting. (So, for instance, J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge, 1908, 2. 99.) This is a mistake: it comes from a misreading of the preface to the Aldine Petrarch of 1501, where it is stated that the text was based on a manuscript in the poet’s own hand (see A. F. Johnson, Printing Types, London, 1934, 126–7). In actual fact, Petrarch wrote a Gothic bastarda. Aldus’s type derived from the neo-Caroline script of the humanists, which, in its cursive form, did not differ in essential structure from that of Niccolò Niccoli. On this, see James Wardrop in Signature, n.s. 2 (1946), 12.
28 .《特塞伊达经》与《埃涅阿斯纪》一样，共有 9,896 行，但有些手稿省略了一节（3.69）；但 RA Pratt，《乔叟对《特塞伊达经》的使用》（PMLA，62（1947），3.599）暗示这是一次不加批判的删节。Voigt，《Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums》（柏林，1880-12 ），1.165 说，薄伽丘坐在维吉尔墓前的故事来自菲利波·维拉尼，而不是薄伽丘本人。
28. The Teseida has 9,896 lines, like the Aeneid, if one stanza (3. 69) is omitted with some manuscripts; but R. A. Pratt, ‘Chaucer’s Use of the Teseida’ (PMLA, 62 (1947), 3. 599), implies that this is an uncritical excision. Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums (Berlin, 1880–12), 1. 165, says that the story about Boccaccio’s sitting at Vergil’s tomb comes from Filippo Villani, not from Boccaccio himself.
29 . 主要的古典资料来源是斯塔提乌斯的《底比斯之战》。薄伽丘使用了注释版，并出版了自己的《底比斯之战》并附有类似的注释（普拉特如是说，引自第 28 号注释）。他还使用了但丁的《喜剧》 ，并从中世纪的《底比斯传奇》中汲取了大量素材（有关该传奇，请参阅第 56 页）。J. Schmitt 的《薄伽丘的底比斯之战与希腊底比斯之战》（巴黎高等学院图书馆，92，1892 年，第 279–345 页）驳斥了薄伽丘使用的是现已失传的希腊传奇翻译本的理论。
29. The chief classical source is Statius’ Thebaid. Boccaccio used an annotated edition, and published his own Teseida with similar annotations (so Pratt, cited in n. 28). He also used Dante’s Comedy, and drew much material from the medieval Roman de Thébes (on which see p. 56). J. Schmitt, La Théséide de Boccace et la Théséide grecque (Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, 92, Paris, 1892, 279–345), disproves the theory that Boccaccio was using a translation of a Greek romance now lost.
30。参见第52页。
30. See p. 52.
31 .韦尔格。艾恩。 3. 588 英尺；奥夫。遇见了。 14. 160 f。
31. Verg. Aen. 3. 588 f.; Ov. Met. 14. 160 f.
32.关于英雄事迹的运用，见第 67 页及以下。
32. On the use of heroic examples, see p. 67 f.
33 . Fiammetta，第 3 卷，医学版。
33. Fiammetta, bk. 3 med.
34 .菲亚梅塔，bk。 4 鳍。和医学。
34. Fiammetta, bk. 4 fin. and med.
35 .菲亚梅塔，bk。 1;参见玫瑰浪漫曲终了。
35. Fiammetta, bk. 1; cf. Le Roman de la Rose fin.
36.这段话引自JE Sandys的《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908年），第2.13节并由他翻译。薄伽丘的学生本韦努托关于但丁的讲座：本韦努托所解释的特定段落是圣本笃对修道院腐败的谴责（Parad.22.73 f.）。
36. This passage is quoted from and translated by J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 13. It comes from the lectures of Boccaccio’s pupil Benvenuto on Dante: the particular passage which Benvenuto was explaining was St. Benedict’s denunciation of the corruption of the monasteries (Parad. 22. 73 f.).
37.关于《玫瑰的浪漫》，请参见第 62 页。
37. On The Romance of the Rose see p. 62 f.
38 . 乔叟也从约瑟夫·埃克塞特的《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》中借用了一些素材（D.布什，《英语诗歌中的神话和文艺复兴传统》，明尼阿波利斯和伦敦，1932 年，第 8 页）。 《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》比《费洛斯特拉托》多出近 3000 行，其中不到三分之一的内容直接借用自薄伽丘（B.A.怀斯，《斯塔提乌斯对乔叟的影响》 ，巴尔的摩，1911 年，第 4 页）。有关乔叟所做改动的分析，请参阅 CS 刘易斯，《乔叟对《费洛斯特拉托》做了什么》，载《英国协会成员论文集》，第 17 卷（1932 年），第 56-75 页。
38. Chaucer also took some material from Joseph of Exeter’s Bellum Troianum (D. Bush, Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry, Minneapolis and London, 1932, 8). Troilus and Criseyde has nearly 3,000 lines more than Il Filostrato, and less than one-third of its material is directly borrowed from Boccaccio (B. A. Wise, The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer, Baltimore, 1911, 4). For an analysis of the changes Chaucer introduced, see C. S. Lewis, ‘What Chaucer really did to Il Filostrato’, in Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association, 17 (1932), 56–75.
39.乔叟不仅在《骑士的故事》中使用了特塞伊达诗篇，还在《阿尼利达与阿赛特》、《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》和其他几首诗中使用了特塞伊达诗篇：这对他意义重大。参见 RA Pratt，《乔叟对特塞伊达诗篇的使用》。（PMLA，62（1947），3. 598–621）。
39. Chaucer used the Teseida not only in the Knight’s Tale, but in Anelida and Arcite, Troilus and Criseyde, and several other poems: it meant a great deal to him. See R. A. Pratt, ‘Chaucer’s Use of the Teseida.’ (PMLA, 62 (1947), 3. 598–621).
40 .书记员的序言，第26-33页。
40. The Clerk’s Prologue, 26–33.
41 . 《巴斯妻子的故事》，1125–30 年 = 但丁，《净化》7. 121–4。
41. The Tale of the Wife of Bath, 1125–30 = Dante, Purg. 7. 121–4.
42. JL Lowes，《乔叟与但丁》，载《现代语言学》，1915，1916，1917年，指出了如下相似之处：
42. J. L. Lowes, ‘Chaucer and Dante’, in Modern Philology, 1915, 1916, 1917, points out such resemblances as:
《鸟类议会》，141 f. 和Parad . 4 init.；
The Parliament of Fowls, 141 f. and Parad. 4 init.;
《鸟类议会》，288 f. 和Inf . 5. 58–69，加上 Bocc. Tes . 7. 62；
The Parliament of Fowls, 288 f. and Inf. 5. 58–69, plus Bocc. Tes. 7. 62;
Troilus，2. 22–5 和Conv . 2. 14. 83 f.，加上 Horace，《诗歌的艺术》，70–1。
Troilus, 2. 22–5 and Conv. 2. 14. 83 f., plus Horace, ‘Art of Poetry’, 70–1.
还要注意《百鸟议会》的总体规划与但丁的《地狱篇》的相似之处：例如罗马指南和大门上的铭文（127 页 = Inf . 3. 1 页）。 《名人堂》中的鹰显然是受到《天堂篇》中天鹰的启发，18 页。乔叟的几篇最热切的祈祷文都改编自但丁：《第二个修女的故事》，36 页 = Parad . 33. 1-6，以及《特洛伊罗斯》 （5. 267）中的最后祈祷文= Parad . 14. 28-30。
Note also the resemblance of the general plan of The Parliament of Fowls to Dante’s Inferno: e.g. the Roman guide, and the inscription on the gate (127 f. = Inf. 3. 1 f.). The eagle in The House of Fame is clearly inspired by the heavenly eagle in Paradiso, 18 f. And several of Chaucer’s most fervent prayers are adapted from Dante: The Second Nun’s Tale, 36 f. = Parad. 33. 1–6, and the final prayer in Troilus (5. 267) = Parad. 14. 28–30.
43. 《法律人的序言》引言，92。
43. Introduction to the Man of Law’s Prologue, 92.
44. Anelida 和 Arcite，21 。
44. Anelida and Arcite, 21.
45。 何利未记1. 2. 1–2：
45. Hor. Ep. 1. 2. 1–2:
Troiani belli scriptorem，Maxime Lolli，
dum tu declamAs As Romae，Praeneste relegi。
Troiani belli scriptorem, Maxime Lolli,
dum tu declamAs Romae, Praeneste relegi.
46 . 参见 GL Kittredge 的一篇优秀文章《乔叟的 Lollius》，载于《哈佛古典语言学研究》 ，28（1917 年），27–137。最近一本关于乔叟的书的作者（M. Chute，英国的 Geoffrey Chaucer ，纽约，1946 年，166 页注）带来了更严重的混淆，她在引用了贺拉斯的两行诗句后，将其翻译为：
46. See an excellent article by G. L. Kittredge, ‘Chaucer’s Lollius’, in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 28 (1917), 27–137. Confusion worse confounded has been introduced by the authoress of a recent book on Chaucer (M. Chute, Geoffrey Chaucer of England, New York, 1946, 166 n.), who, after quoting the two lines of Horace, translated them:
“马克西姆斯·罗利乌斯，当您在罗马发表演讲时，我一直在阅读特洛伊战争的作者普莱内斯特 (即荷马)。
‘While you are preaching oratory in Rome, Maximus Lollius, I have been reading Praeneste (i.e., Homer), the writer of the Trojan war.’
如果一位现代作家能够相信度假小镇普雷内斯特是荷马的另一个名字，那么对于一位中世纪作家来说，这一定很容易，由于他掌握的资源较少，人们很难相信罗利乌斯是一位鲜为人知但成就卓著的历史学家。
If a modern writer could believe that the holiday town of Praeneste was another name for Homer, it must have been easy for a medieval writer, with fewer resources at his command, to believe that Lollius was a little-known but accomplished historian.
47.名人之家，1464–8 年。
47. The House of Fame, 1464–8.
48. E.A. Poe，《金甲虫》，第一卷。
48. E. A. Poe, The Gold Bug, init.
49 . 《僧侣的序言》 ，第 3161–9 页，第 83 页。乔叟所说的“exametron”不太可能是指塞涅卡使用的六英尺韵律（抑扬格三音步），因为直到文艺复兴时期，几乎没有人能够读懂塞涅卡的悲剧。另见《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》，第 5 页，1786 年，他在谈到他的诗时说道：
49. The Monk’s Prologue, 3161–9, 83 f. It is most unlikely that by exametron Chaucer could have meant the six-foot metre (iambic trimeter) used by Seneca, since hardly anyone was able to scan Seneca’s tragedies until well into the Renaissance. See also Troilus and Criseyde, 5. 1786, where, addressing his poem, he says:
去吧，小书，去吧，我的悲剧
Go, litel book, go litel myn tragedie
与维吉尔和其他史诗作家一起。
to join Vergil and other epic writers.
50.以下是一些同类错误：
50. Here are some other mistakes of the same type:
（a）还有忒提斯、合唱团、特里同，以及他们所有人（LGW，8.2422）。
(a) And Thetis, Chorus, Triton, and they alle (LGW, 8. 2422).
Et 高级格劳西合唱团Inousque Palaemon
Tritonesque citi Phorcique exercitusomis；
laeua tenent Thetis et Melite Panopeaque uirgo (Verg. Aen . 5. 823–5)。
Et senior Glauci chorus Inousque Palaemon
Tritonesque citi Phorcique exercitus omnis;
laeua tenent Thetis et Melite Panopeaque uirgo (Verg. Aen. 5. 823–5).
（b）他有一个儿子Iulo
，还有一个儿子Ascanius（HF，177-8）。
(b) And hir yonge son Iulo
And eek Ascanius also (HF, 177–8).
lulus 是 Ascanius 的另一个名字；维吉尔关于埃涅阿斯的故事的一个要点是，通过这个男孩 Ascanius-Iulus，埃涅阿斯成为了尤利安家族的祖先，而屋大维·奥古斯都属于该家族。
lulus was the other name of Ascanius; one of the essential points about Vergil’s story of Aeneas was that, through this boy Ascanius-Iulus, Aeneas was the ancestor of the Julian family, to which Octavian Augustus belonged.
（c）失去皮肤的玛西娅（HF，1229）。
(c) And Marcia that lost her skin (HF, 1229).
马西娅 (Marcia) 是罗马女人名；被剥皮的马西亚斯 (Marsyas) 是希腊男性色狼。
Marcia is the Roman name of a woman; Marsyas, who was flayed, was a male Greek satyr.
（d）我笑着在他的脚上
重新飞翔（HF，1391-2）。
(d) And on hir feet wexen saugh I
Partriches winges redely (HF, 1391–2).
乔叟显然把《Verg. Aen . 4. 180》中的pernicibus alis误认为是perdicibus ，即“鹧鸪”；但是后来，在《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》中，他改正了这一点：参见 E. Nitchie，《维吉尔和英国诗人》（纽约，1919 年），第 57 页。
Chaucer apparently mistook pernicibus alis in Verg. Aen. 4. 180 for perdicibus, ‘partridges’; but he got it right later, in Troilus and Criseyde: see E. Nitchie, Vergil and the English Poets (New York, 1919), 57.
51.参见 HM Ayres，《乔叟和塞涅卡》，《浪漫评论》，1919 年；BL Jefferson，《乔叟与波爱修斯哲学的慰藉》（普林斯顿，1917 年）；J. Koch，《乔叟在罗马古典文学中的平静》，《英语研究》，1923 年，第 8-84 页；TR Lounsbury，《乔叟研究》（纽约，1892 年），第 2 卷，第 250 页；E. Nitchie，引自第 50页；SG Owen，《奥维德与浪漫》，《英国文学与古典文学》（GS Gordon 主编，牛津，1912 年）；RK Root，《乔叟的诗歌》（波士顿，1906 年）； H. Schinnerl 的《圣经与古代文学中的贝勒森海特乔叟》 （慕尼黑，1923 年），我只看过其中的摘要；EF Shannon 的《乔叟和卢坎的法萨利亚》（《现代语言学》，第 16 卷（1919 年），第 12 卷，第 113-18 页）和《乔叟和罗马诗人》（《哈佛比较文学研究》，第 7 卷，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1929 年）；WW Skeat 的乔叟大版（牛津，1894-1900 年）；BA Wise 的《斯塔提乌斯对乔叟的影响》（巴尔的摩，1911 年）。我非常感谢所有这些学者。
51. See H. M. Ayres, ‘Chaucer and Seneca’, in The Romanic Review, 1919; B. L. Jefferson, Chaucer and the Consolation of Philosophy of Boethius (Princeton, 1917); J. Koch, ‘Chaucers Belesenheit in den romischen Klassikern’, in Englische Studien, 1923, 8–84; T. R. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer (New York, 1892), 2. 250 f.; E. Nitchie, cited in n. 50 d; S. G. Owen, ‘Ovid and Romance’, in English Literature and the Classics (ed. G. S. Gordon, Oxford, 1912); R. K. Root, The Poetry of Chaucer (Boston, 1906); H. Schinnerl, Die Belesenheit Chaucers in der Bibel und der antiken Literatur (Munich, 1923), of which I have seen only a summary; E. F. Shannon, ‘Chaucer and Lucan’s Pharsalia’ (Modern Philology, 16 (1919), 12. 113–18), and Chaucer and the Roman Poets (Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature, 7, Cambridge, Mass., 1929); W. W. Skeat’s large edition of Chaucer (Oxford, 1894–1900); and B. A. Wise, The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer (Baltimore, 1911). I owe much to all these scholars.
52 . 德莱顿，《古代和现代寓言》序言。
52. Dryden, Preface to Fables, Ancient and Modern.
53 . 《法律人序言》简介，47 页。《法律人的故事》出自奥维德，Met . 2. 531 页。科赫（引自 n. 51）列举了许多乔叟从《变形记》中借用内容的例子，一本接一本，这些例子清楚地表明乔叟知道 1-8 和 11 本书，对 9、10、12、13、14 本书有所了解，但对 15 本书似乎一无所知（如果他知道，他也从未使用过）。他最喜欢的书是 4、6、8 和 11 本书（Koch，68）。
53. Introduction to the Man of Law’s Prologue, 47 f. The Manciple’s Tale of the crow is from Ovid, Met. 2. 531 f. Koch (cited in n. 51) gives many examples of Chaucer’s borrowings from the Metamorphoses, book by book, which make it clear that Chaucer knew all books 1–8 and 11, something of books 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, and apparently nothing of book 15 (if he did know it, he never used it). His favourite books were 4, 6, 8, and 11 (Koch, 68).
54 .名人堂，379 f.总结的英雄事迹依次为第2、3、5、6、12、9、10 和 7 集。
54. The House of Fame, 379 f. The Heroides summarized are, in order, Ep. 2, 3, 5, 6, 12, 9, 10, and 7.
55.所以香农（引自第51号）。
55. So Shannon (cited in n. 51).
56 . LGW，1680 f。 = 奥夫。快速地。 2. 685 英尺。
56. LGW, 1680 f. = Ov. Fast. 2. 685 f.
57. 《巴斯妻子》序言，680页；《公爵夫人之书》，568页。
57. The Wife of Bath’s Prologue, 680; The Book of the Duchess, 568.
58。他最喜欢的书是 1、2 和 4。除了HF 451–67 中的简短摘要（Koch（引自 n. 51），44–52），几乎没有证据表明他读过 7-12 本书。看来他没有读过《田园诗》和《农事诗》。修道院院长的座右铭“Amor vincit omnia”（Prol. 162）并非来自Buc . 10. 69，而是来自圣奥古斯丁，由博韦的文森特（n. 73）引用。
58. His favourite books were 1, 2, and 4. There is little proof that he read books 7–12 except the brief summary in HF, 451–67 (Koch (cited in n. 51), 44–52). It does not appear that he read the Bucolics and the Georgics. The Prioress’s motto Amor vincit omnia (Prol. 162) is not from Buc. 10. 69, but from St. Augustine, quoted by Vincent of Beauvais (n. 73).
59 . 在维吉尔 ( Aen . 4. 328–9 ) 中，狄多悲伤地说她没有“小埃涅阿斯”。奥维德 ( Her . 7. 133 f.) 改变了这一点，并让她说她可能怀孕了。这与他对维吉尔对埃涅阿斯的性格的总体攻击一致，对奥维德来说，埃涅阿斯是一个“叛徒”。
59. In Vergil (Aen. 4. 328–9), Dido says sadly that she has no ‘little Aeneas’. Ovid (Her. 7. 133 f.) alters this, and makes her say that she may be pregnant. This is in line with his general attack on the Vergilian characterization of Aeneas, who, for Ovid, is a ‘traitour’.
60. BL Jefferson 在其书中表明了这一点（见第 51 号引文）；另见 HR Patch，《波爱修斯的传统》（纽约，1935 年），第 66–72 页。
60. B. L. Jefferson has shown this in his book cited in n. 51; see also H. R. Patch, The Tradition of Boethius (New York, 1935), 66–72.
61. 《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》，4. 958–1078 和《修女祭司的故事》，B. 4420–40。
61. Troilus and Criseyde, 4. 958–1078 and The Nun’s Priest’s Tale, B. 4420–40.
62 . 柏拉图，Rep . 6. 496。
62. Plato, Rep. 6. 496.
63.乔叟在《修女祭司的故事》 （B. 4484）中提到波爱修斯，说他是一个“会唱歌”的人，这可能指的是他的《音乐论》；《名人堂》 （765）中的诗句：
63. Chaucer mentions Boethius in The Nun’s Priest’s Tale, B. 4484, as one that ‘can singe’, which might be a reference to his De musica; and the line in The House of Fame, 765,
声音是黑夜，但空气破碎
Soun is noght but air y-broken
可能来自《读者文摘》中的同一本书。
probably comes from the same book through a Reader’s Digest.
64 .特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，2。100–8。他的主教格蕾丝是先知安菲阿拉俄斯。
64. Troilus and Criseyde, 2. 100–8. His episcopal Grace is the seer Amphiaraus.
65 . 《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》 , 5. 1480 f. Wise (op. cit. in n. 51) 指出乔叟在《特洛伊罗斯》中对底比斯传奇的所有专利引用, 除 5. 932–7 外, 都是这首诗的部分, 并非改编自《费洛斯特拉托》 , 因此乔叟使用的是拉丁语原文。
65. Troilus and Criseyde, 5. 1480 f. Wise (op. cit. in n. 51) points out that all the patent references of Chaucer to the Theban saga in Troilus, except 5. 932–7, are in parts of the poem not adapted from Il Filostrato, so that Chaucer used the Latin original.
66 . MA Pratt，《乔叟的克劳迪安》，载于《Speculum》，22（1947），419 页，认为乔叟在一本中世纪拉丁文选集（用作教科书，名为Libri Catoniani ）中发现了克劳迪安的《De raptu Proserpinae, Laus Serenae 》和《De VI cons. Honorii》的序言（错误地放在了《De rapt. Pros .》之前）。关于这些选集，请参见 M. Boas，《De librorum Catonianorum historia atque Compositione》，载于《Mnemosyne》，ns 42（1914），17-46，他推测这些选集是在 9 世纪建立的（作为加洛林文艺复兴的一部分？）。这些选集以开头的“dicta Catonis”命名，包含几首短小的二流诗歌例如《伊利亚斯·拉蒂纳》（12 世纪失传）和斯塔提乌斯的《阿喀琉斯》 。乔叟对克劳迪安的引用，见《名人堂》，1507 年及以下版本和《商人的故事》，E. 2227 年及以下版本。然而，彼特拉克对克劳迪安非常了解。
66. M. A. Pratt, ‘Chaucer’s Claudian’, in Speculum, 22 (1947), 419 f., suggests that Chaucer found Claudian’s De raptu Proserpinae, Laus Serenae, and the prologue to De VI cons. Honorii (mistakenly set before De rapt. Pros.) in one of the medieval Latin anthologies used as school-books and called Libri Catoniani. On these see M. Boas, ‘De librorum Catonianorum historia atque compositione’, in Mnemosyne, n.s. 42 (1914), 17—46, who conjectures they were built up in the ninth century (as part of the Carolingian Renaissance?). Named after the ‘dicta Catonis’ with which they began, they contained several short second-rate poems such as the Ilias Latina (dropped in the twelfth century) and Statius’ Achilleid. For Chaucer’s references to Claudian, see The House of Fame, 1507 f. and The Merchant’s Tale, E. 2227 f. Petrarch, however, knew Claudian well.
67.这个梦在《修女与神父的故事》 （B 4313–14）中再次被提及。
67. The Dream is mentioned again in The Nun’s Priest’s Tale, B 4313–14.
68。《巴斯妻子的故事》，1184 年：这一观点引自塞涅卡，第 2 集第 5 节，而塞涅卡最终从伊壁鸠鲁处获得了这一观点。
68. The Tale of the Wife of Bath, 1184: the sentiment is quoted from Seneca, Ep. 2. 5, who got it ultimately from Epicurus.
69 . 参见 HM Ayres 教授的讨论（同上，第 51 号注释）。潘达罗斯在《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》第 1 章中的论证主要取自塞涅卡的书信，作者身份隐藏在“as writen clerkes wyse”等短语之下：例如，
69. See the discussion by Professor H. M. Ayres (op. cit. in n. 51). Pandarus’ arguments in Troilus and Criseyde, 1, are largely taken from Seneca’s epistles, the authorship being concealed under phrases like ‘as writen clerkes wyse’: for instance,
《赎罪僧的故事》也充满了塞内加的思想（尤其是第 83、95 和 114 页：参见第 513-16 行和第 534-48 行）；《牧师的故事》1.761 f. 中关于奴隶制的讨论来自 Sen. Ep.47。
The Pardoner’s Tale, too, is full of Seneca (especially Epp. 83, 95, and 114: see lines 513–16 and 534–48); and the discussion of slavery in The Parson’s Tale, 1. 761 f. comes from Sen. Ep. 47.
70.关于瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯（Valerius Flaccus），请参见Shannon（引自第51号注释），第340–55页。
70. On Valerius Flaccus see Shannon (cited in n. 51), 340–55.
71 . 波焦在他著名的圣加仑探险中发现了这份手稿：参见 JE Sandys，《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908 年），2. 27 及其注释。彼特拉克并不认识瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯（P. de Nolhac，《彼特拉克与人文主义》，巴黎，1907 年，1. 193）。
71. Poggio found the manuscript on his famous expedition to St. Gallen: see J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 27 and notes. Petrarch did not know Valerius Flaccus (P. de Nolhac, Petrarque et l’humanisme, Paris, 1907, 1. 193).
72. 《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》，第4卷第197–201页=第10卷第2–4页，带有直接引用（“错误云”=错误星云）。《巴斯妻子的故事》，第1192—4页=第10卷第22页。
72. Troilus and Criseyde, 4. 197–201 = Juv. 10. 2–4, with a direct quotation (‘cloud of errour’ = erroris nebula). The Tale of the Wife of Bath, 1192—4 = Juv. 10. 22.
73.例如，薄伽丘在《2. 2》中称 Hypermnestra 的丈夫（Lynceus）为 Linus（dat.）；因此乔叟在《LGW》第 2569 页中称他为 Lino。Adriane（在《HF》第 407 页）来自薄伽丘在《10. 49》中的 Adriana。乔叟在《LGW 》第 307 页中提到 Vincentius Bellovacensis 的《Speculum historiale》：
73. For instance, Boccaccio, 2. 2, gives the name of Hypermnestra’s husband (Lynceus) as Linus (dat.); and so Chaucer in LGW, 2569, calls him Lino. Adriane (in HF, 407) comes from Adriana in Boccaccio, 10. 49. Chaucer mentions Vincentius Bellovacensis’ Speculum historiale in LGW, 307:
文森特在他的《Storial Mirour》中写了什么？
What Vincent, in his Storial Mirour?
有关这两本书以及乔叟较少使用的其他书，请参阅 Koch (op. cit. in n. 51)，70–8。
On these two books and others which Chaucer used less, see Koch (op. cit. in n. 51), 70–8.
6.文艺复兴：翻译
6. THE RENAISSANCE: TRANSLATION
引言。本章所引用的权威文献包括：
INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Among the authorities used for this chapter are:
A. Bartels，Geschichte der deutschen Literatur（莱比锡，19054）。
A. Bartels, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur (Leipzig, 19054).
AH Becker，Lays Le Roy de Coutances（巴黎，1896 年）。
A. H. Becker, Lays Le Roy de Coutances (Paris, 1896).
R. Bunker，《文艺复兴时期法国出版的希腊著作及译本书目研究：1540-1350 年》（纽约，1939 年）。
R. Bunker, A Bibliographical Study of the Greek Works and Translations published in France during the Renaissance: the Decade 1540–1350 (New York, 1939).
CH Conley，《第一批古典文学英语翻译家》（纽黑文，1927 年）。
C. H. Conley, The First English Translators of the Classics (New Haven, 1927).
L. Cooper 和 A. Gudeman，《亚里士多德诗学书目》（康奈尔英语研究，11，纽黑文和伦敦，1928 年）。
L. Cooper and A. Gudeman, A Bibliography of the Poetics of Aristotle (Cornell Studies in English, 11, New Haven and London, 1928).
WJ Entwistle，《西班牙语》（伦敦，1936 年）。
W. J. Entwistle, The Spanish Language (London, 1936).
J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly，《西班牙文学史》（纽约，1920 年）。
J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, A History of Spanish Literature (New York, 1920).
FMK 福斯特，《从希腊文译成英文》（纽约，1918 年）。
F. M. K. Foster, English Translations from the Greek (New York, 1918).
K. Goedeke，《Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung》（德累斯顿，1884-6 2）。
K. Goedeke, Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung (Dresden, 1884–62).
E. Hernández García，Gramática histórica de la lengua española（奥伦塞，1938 年）。
E. Hernández García, Gramática histórica de la lengua española (Orense, 1938).
R. Huchon，《英语历史》（巴黎，1923-30）。
R. Huchon, Histoire de la langue anglaise (Paris, 1923–30).
A. Hulubei，“Virgile en France au XVI e siècle”（Revue du seizieme siecle，18（1931），1-77）。
A. Hulubei, ‘Virgile en France au XVIe siècle’ (Revue du seizieme siecle, 18 (1931), 1–77).
BL Jefferson，《乔叟与波爱修斯哲学的慰藉》（普林斯顿大学，1917 年）。
B. L. Jefferson, Chaucer and the Consolation of Philosophy of Boethius (Princeton, 1917).
O. Jespersen，《英语语言的发展和结构》（牛津，1935 年）。
O. Jespersen, Growth and Structure of the English Language (Oxford, 19358).
HB Lathrop， 《从卡克斯顿到查普曼（1477–1620 ）的古典文学英译》（威斯康星大学语言文学研究版，35，威斯康星州麦迪逊，1933 年）。
H. B. Lathrop, Translations from the Classics into English from Caxton to Chapman (1477–1620) (University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature, 35, Madison, Wis., 1933).
HR Palmer，《1641 年前印刷的希腊文和拉丁文经典英文版本及译本列表》（伦敦，1911 年）。
H. R. Palmer, List of English Editions and Translations of Greek and Latin Classics printed before 1641 (London, 1911).
JE Sandys，《古典学术史》（剑桥，1903-8）。
J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1903–8).
RK Spaulding，《西班牙语是如何发展起来的》（伯克利和洛杉矶，1943 年）。
R. K. Spaulding, How Spanish grew (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1943).
LS Thompson，《1450 年至 1550 年间的德语古典学翻译》（《英语和日耳曼语言文学杂志》第 42 卷（1943 年），
L. S. Thompson, ‘German Translations of the Classics between 1450 and 1550’ (Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 42 (1943),
AA Tilley，《法国文艺复兴文学》（剑桥，1904 年）。
A. A. Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance (Cambridge, 1904).
F. Vogt 和 M. Koch，《德国文学史》（莱比锡，19264 年）。
F. Vogt and M. Koch, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur (Leipzig, 19264).
G. Voigt，《Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums》（柏林，1880-12）。
G. Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums (Berlin, 1880–12).
K. von Reinhardstoettner，普劳图斯。 Spatere Bearbeitungen plautinischer Lustspiele（莱比锡，1886 年）。
K. von Reinhardstoettner, Plautus. Spatere Bearbeitungen plautinischer Lustspiele (Leipzig, 1886).
LM瓦特，道格拉斯的《埃涅阿斯纪》（剑桥，1920 年）。
L. M. Watt, Douglas’s Aeneid (Cambridge, 1920).
C. Whibley，《翻译家》，《剑桥英国文学史》（剑桥，1919 年），第 4.1 页。
C. Whibley, ‘Translators’, in The Cambridge History of English Literature (Cambridge, 1919), 4. 1.
B. Wiese 和 E. Percopo，《意大利文学史》（莱比锡，1899 年）。
B. Wiese and E. Percopo, Geschichte der italienischen Litteratur (Leipzig, 1899).
AM Woodward，“文艺复兴时期的希腊历史”（《希腊研究杂志》 ，63 (1943)，1-14）以及 L. Petit de Julleville 的《Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française》第 2 卷和第 3 卷的贡献者（巴黎，1896-9）。
A. M. Woodward, ‘Greek History at the Renaissance’ (The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 63 (1943), 1–14) and the contributors to volumes 2 and 3 of L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française (Paris, 1896–9).
1.这个故事在《阿里斯提亚斯书信》中有详细描述。当时有 72 位拉比——显然每个部落有 6 位——他们在托勒密·菲拉德尔菲斯的主持下，用 72 天完成了这项工作。但现在人们认为，希伯来圣经的希腊文翻译是零零碎碎地逐渐拼凑起来的，这封信是翻译完成后很久才编造出来的宣传伪造品。它很可能写于公元前 145 年至公元前 100 年之间，目的是为希腊文犹太律法的新修订版“官方”版本提供权威。然而，这个故事长期以来一直被人们接受，并为我们提供了希腊文版《旧约》的七十士译本 (Septuagint) 这一名称。关于《七十士译本》和《阿里斯提亚斯书信》，请参阅 Christ-Schmid-Stählin 的《希腊文学史》（慕尼黑，19206 年），2. 1. 542 页和 619 页，以及 PE Kahle 的《开罗藏经阁》（英国学术院 Schweich 讲座，1941 年，伦敦，1947 年），132–79 页。
1. The story is given in great detail in the ‘Letter of Aristeas’. There were 72 rabbis—apparently 6 from each tribe—and they completed the work in 72 days, under the auspices of Ptolemy Philadelphus. But it is now believed that the translations of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek were made piecemeal and gradually put together, and that the letter is a propagandistic forgery constructed long after the translations were finished. Probably it was written between 145 and 100 B.C. in order to give authority to a new, revised, ‘official’ version of the Jewish law in Greek. However, the story was long accepted, and has given us the name Septuagint (= ‘seventy’) for the Greek version of the Old Testament. On the Septuagint and the ‘Letter of Aristeas’ see Christ-Schmid-Stählin’s Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur (Munich, 19206), 2. 1. 542 f. and 619 f., and P. E. Kahle, The Cairo Geniza (The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1941, London, 1947), 132–79.
2.例如，正是李维建立了如今众所周知的希腊和罗马诸神之间的对应关系：维纳斯 = 阿佛洛狄忒，朱庇特 = 宙斯，等等。当荷马呼唤缪斯女神时，李维就用意大利本土的歌神卡梅纳来代替缪斯女神；但她们的个性太过微弱，无法留存。
2. For instance, it was Livius who established the now well-known correspondences between Greek and Roman deities: Venus = Aphrodite, Jupiter = Zeus, and so on. When Homer called on the Muses, Livius substituted the native Italian spirits of song, the Camenae; but their personality was too faint to survive.
3.参见第 5 页。因此，西塞罗用希腊语进行公开演讲；贺拉斯则以希腊语写作开始了他的诗人生涯；西塞罗的朋友阿提库斯实际上放弃了罗马，前往雅典生活，他的绰号由此而来。
3. See p. 5. Thus, Cicero practised public speaking in Greek; Horace began his career as a poet by writing in Greek; Cicero’s friend Atticus actually gave up Rome and went to live in Athens, whence his nickname.
4.F. Brunot 在 L. Petit de Julleville 中引用（引言中引用），2. 542。
4. Quoted by F. Brunot in L. Petit de Julleville (cited in introductory note), 2. 542.
5.这位有趣的人是第一批重要的法语翻译家之一，他于 1370-1 年将亚里士多德的《伦理学与政治学》从威廉·莫尔贝克等人在 1280 年左右翻译的拉丁文译本译成法语。他也是最早的科学经济学家之一：他的职业生涯始于一篇关于货币理论的论文（De origine, natura, jure, et variationsibus monetarum）。显然，正是他将poète和poème等许多词引入了法语。关于他的作品以及他同时代法国人的作品，请参阅 Voigt（引言中引用），2. 341 f。
5. This interesting man was one of the first important French translators, and turned the Ethics and Politics of Aristotle into French in 1370–1, from the Latin versions made about 1280 by William of Moerbeke and others. He was also one of the earliest scientific economists: he began his career with a treatise on the theory of money (De origine, natura, jure, et mutationibus monetarum). Apparently it was he who introduced, among many other words, poète and poème into French. On his work and that of his contemporaries in France, see Voigt (cited in introductory note), 2. 341 f.
6.F. Brunot 在 L. Petit de Julleville 中引用（引言中引用），2. 541。
6. Quoted by F. Brunot in L. Petit de Julleville (cited in introductory note), 2. 541.
7.拉伯雷，2. 6，F. 厄克哈特译。学生的法语很差，但拉丁语却不错。例如，“by vele and rames”（par veles et rames）是西塞罗的uelis remisque =“扬帆起航”=“全速前进”。弥尔顿这样的人也深受这种迂腐的欺骗：见第 160-1、609-11 页。
7. Rabelais, 2. 6, translated by F. Urquhart. The student’s bad French is good enough Latin. For instance, ‘by vele and rames’ (par veles et rames) is Cicero’s uelis remisque = ‘with sails and oars’ = ‘at full speed’. To this same kind of pedantry no less a man than Milton fell victim: see pp. 160–1, 609–11.
8.BL Jefferson 强调了这一点（引言中引用）。
8. This point is stressed by B. L. Jefferson (cited in introductory note).
9. WJ Sedgefield 在为阿尔弗雷德·波爱修斯(Alfred Boethius)翻译的序言中(牛津，1900 年) 写道。
9. So W. J. Sedgefield, in the preface to his translation of Alfred’s Boethius (Oxford, 1900).
10 . So O. Immisch，《Das Nachleben der Antike》（Das Erbe der Alten，ns 1，莱比锡，1919 年），26。
10. So O. Immisch, Das Nachleben der Antike (Das Erbe der Alten, n.s. 1, Leipzig, 1919), 26.
11 . 详情请参阅 LS Thompson（引言中引用）。Thompson 先生指出，大多数以德语出版的译本都是由 Boner 这样不懂希腊语的二流人物完成的。Goedeke（引言中引用），第 2 卷，第 317 页，同意这一观点，但他强调，文艺复兴时期的希腊和罗马历史德语译本对德国更接近西欧传统具有宝贵的影响。关于西班牙人文主义的局限性，OH Green 有一篇有价值的文章，题为《对 1914-44 年西班牙文艺复兴文学领域学术研究的批判性调查》（Studies in Philology，第 44 卷（1947 年），第 2 页），其中指出，新人文主义的主要力量是西班牙的学术研究主要流向宗教，而不是学术或文学。
11. For details see L. S. Thompson (cited in introductory note). Mr. Thompson points out that most of the translations published in German were done by second-rate men like Boner, who knew no Greek. Goedeke (cited in introductory note), 2. 317, agrees, but emphasizes the valuable influence of the German translations of Greek and Roman history made during the Renaissance in bringing Germany closer to the traditions of western Europe. On the limitations of Spanish humanism, there is a valuable article by O. H. Green, ‘A Critical Survey of Scholarship in the Field of Spanish Renaissance Literature 1914–44’ (Studies in Philology, 44 (1947), 2), which points out that the main force of the new scholarship in Spain flowed into religion, rather than scholarship or literature.
12 .拉丁文版本由皮尔·坎迪多·十二月 (Pier Candido Decembri) 创作。参见 K. Vollmoller, 'Eine unbekannte altspanische Übersetzung der Ilias', in Studien zur Litteraturgeschichte Michael Bernays getvidmet (Hamburg, 1893), 233-49，他提供了样本。胡安·德梅纳翻译了《伊利亚特》，但它是拉丁文《伊利亚特》，是公元一世纪的诗歌缩影。
12. The Latin version was by Pier Candido Decembri. See K. Vollmoller, ‘Eine unbekannte altspanische Übersetzung der Ilias’, in Studien zur Litteraturgeschichte Michael Bernays getvidmet (Hamburg, 1893), 233—49, who gives specimens. Juan de Mena had produced a translation of the Iliad, but it was the Latin Iliad, a verse epitome from the first century A.D.
13.《Imtheachta AEniasa》由牧师 G. Calder 编辑（伦敦，1907 年）：E. Nitchie，《维吉尔与英国诗人》（纽约，1919 年），80，注 8。
13. The Imtheachta AEniasa has been edited by the Rev. G. Calder (London, 1907): E. Nitchie, Vergil and the English Poets (New York, 1919), 80, n. 8.
14 .有关他的作品和他短暂的一生的详细信息，请参阅 HJ Molinier 的《Octovien de Saint-Gelays》 （罗德兹，1910 年）。A. Hulubei 描述并讨论了他对《埃涅阿斯纪》的翻译（引言中引用）：该翻译于 1500 年呈交给路易十二世，并于 1509 年印刷。
14. See H. J. Molinier, Octovien de Saint-Gelays (Rodez, 1910), for details of his work and his too short life. His translation of the Aeneid is described and discussed by A. Hulubei (cited in introductory note): it was presented to Louis XII in 1500, and printed in 1509.
15 . LM Watt 的书对道格拉斯的作品进行了有益的分析，本章的引言中引用了该书。JAW Bennett 在《加文·道格拉斯的《埃内阿多斯》早期的名声》（《现代语言笔记》，第 61 卷（1946 年），第 83-8 页）中指出，道格拉斯的作品是如何缓慢而艰难地获得真正的诗歌声誉的。值得注意的是，道格拉斯猛烈抨击卡克斯顿延续了“达雷斯”所宣扬的虚假传统，因此尽管他的翻译有些粗糙，但他表明自己完全了解文艺复兴思想。
15. There is a useful analysis of Douglas’s work in L. M. Watt’s book, cited in the introductory note to this chapter. How slowly and with what difficulty it attained its real poetic reputation has been shown by J. A. W. Bennett, ‘The Early Fame of Gavin Douglas’s Eneados’ (Modern Language Notes, 61 (1946), 83–8). It is important to notice that Douglas savagely attacked Caxton for perpetuating the false traditions put about by ‘Dares’, and thus showed himself, in spite of the crudities of his translation, to be completely in touch with Renaissance thought.
16.关于卢坎作为历史学家的内容，请参见第 577 页。
16. On Lucan as a historian see p. 577.
17 . 关于这一点，请参阅 C. Schlayer 的《Spuren Lukans in der spanischen Dichtung》（海德堡，1927 年），第 68 页。这是古典影响力量的一个奇特例子，因为尽管 Jauregui 本人更喜欢 Tasso 的《 Amyntas》的清澈甜美（他曾翻译过该书），但他还是违背自己的意愿，被 Lucan 的热情风格所征服。
17. For this point see C. Schlayer, Spuren Lukans in der spanischen Dichtung (Heidelberg, 1927), 68 f. It is a curious example of the power of classical influence, for although Jauregui himself preferred the pellucid sweetness of Tasso’s Amyntas (of which he had produced a fine translation), he was mastered, against his own will, by the burning intensity of Lucan’s style.
18.参见第 62 页。
18. See p. 62.
19。参见第205页。
19. See p. 205.
20.有关蒙田的赞颂，见他的《随笔集》第2卷。10. 有关普鲁塔克对法国思想的巨大影响的其他参考资料可见第191页、第393-395页和第402页。
20. For Montaigne’s tribute, see his Essays, 2. 10. Other references to Plutarch’s tremendous influence on French thought will be found on pp. 191, 393–5, and 402.
21.详情见第 210 页 f.
21. Details on p. 210 f.
22.本故事及其参考文献可在桑迪斯的《古典学术史》 （剑桥，1908 年）第 2 卷第 180 页中找到。
22. The story, with references, will be found in Sandys’ A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 180.
23 .让-安托万·德·巴伊夫的《安提戈涅》早在 1573 年之前就已写成。关于这两个版本，请参阅 M. Delcourt, Étude sur les traductions des tragiques grecs et latins en France depuis la Renaissance (Mémoires de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, Classe des lettres et)道德科学与政治，19 月 4 日，布鲁塞尔， 1925），26-33 和 71-81。
23. Jean-Antoine de Baïf’s Antigone was written well before 1573. On these two versions, see M. Delcourt, Étude sur les traductions des tragiques grecs et latins en France depuis la Renaissance (Mémoires de l’Académie Royale de Belgique, Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques, 19. 4, Brussels, 1925), 26–33 and 71–81.
24 . 法语版的《赫卡柏》匿名出版，长期以来人们一直认为是拉扎尔·德·巴伊夫所作，因为其中带有其家族一支的座右铭“ Rerum vices” ；但事实证明，这是博切特尔的作品，而且其风格与巴伊夫的《厄勒克特拉》完全不同。参见M. Delcourt（引自第 23 号注释），34–6，以及其中引用的作者。
24. The French Hecuba, published anonymously, was long believed to be by Lazare de Baif, because it bore the motto Rerum vices, held by a branch of his family; but it has been shown that it was Bochetel’s, and indeed it is in a completely different style from Baïf’s Electra. See M. Delcourt (cited in n. 23), 34–6, and the authors there quoted.
25 . 龙沙的普路托斯译本只剩下片段。关于他翻译了完整版本的说法受到质疑，理由是（鉴于当时人们对该剧的兴趣）整部作品都会被保留下来。参见 M. Delcourt 的《莫里哀之前的法国古代喜剧传统》（列日大学哲学与文学学院图书馆，59，1934 年），75 页。但在她早期的作品中（引自第 23 号注释），她接受了这个故事，事实上，她通过观察此类译本（例如多拉的《被缚的普罗米修斯》）通常是为小群体翻译而不是印刷出来，证实了这一点。关于这个主题，她引用了 R. Sturel 的“Essai sur les traductions du Theater grec en francais avant 1550”（Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France，20（1913），269-96 和 637-66），其中讨论了仍然存在的手稿翻译。
25. Only a fragment of Ronsard’s Plutus translation remains. The tradition that he made a complete one has been doubted, on the ground that (in view of the contemporary interest in the play) the whole thing would have been preserved. See M. Delcourt, La Tradition des comiques anciens en France avant Moliłre (Bibliothéque de la Faculte de Philosophie et Lettres de l’Université de Liége, 59, 1934), 75 f. But in her earlier work (cited in n. 23) she accepts the story, and in fact confirms it by observing that such translations (e.g. Dorat’s Prometheus Bound) were often made for a small group and not printed. On this subject she cites R. Sturel’s ‘Essai sur les traductions du theatre grec en francais avant 1550’ (Revue d’histoire littéraire de la France, 20 (1913), 269–96 and 637–66), which discusses the manuscript translations still extant.
26.关于此译本与《错误的喜剧》的关系，请参见第 624 页。
26. On the relation between this translation and The Comedy of Errors see p. 624 f.
27 .关于这些，请参见 W. Creizenach 的Geschichte des neueren Dramas (Halle, 19182), 2. 1. 201 f。和 560 f。
27. On these, see W. Creizenach’s Geschichte des neueren Dramas (Halle, 19182), 2. 1. 201 f. and 560 f.
28.有关此译本，请参阅HJ Molinier（引自注14），241页。
28. See H. J. Molinier (cited in n. 14), 241 f., on this translation.
29.关于这些译者的目的和方法，以及他们所引入的变革，参见HB Charlton, The Senecan Tradition in Renaissance Tragedy (Manchester, reissued 1946), cliii–clviii; FR Amos, Early Theories of Translation (New York, 1920), 111 f.
29. On the aims and methods of these translators, and the changes they introduced, see H. B. Charlton, The Senecan Tradition in Renaissance Tragedy (Manchester, reissued 1946), pp. cliii–clviii; and there are some remarks of interest in F. R. Amos, Early Theories of Translation (New York, 1920), 111 f.
30 . 关于 Dolce 的版本和意大利语舞台翻译，请参阅 Creizenach (引自 n. 27)，2. 1. 353 f. 和 381 f. 关于法语翻译，请参阅 M. Delcourt (引自 n. 23)，85–115。Jean de la Péruse 的《美狄亚》（1555 年之前）显然是改编版而非翻译版。
30. On Dolce’s versions and the stage translations in Italian, see Creizenach (cited in n. 27), 2. 1. 353 f. and 381 f. On the French translations see M. Delcourt (cited in n. 23), 85–115. Jean de la Péruse’s Médée (before 1555) was apparently an adaptation rather than a translation.
31。西班牙的菲利普与建立帝国的马其顿的菲利普非常相似。几个世纪后，我们会看到同一位演说家的演讲被用来作为对拿破仑帝国主义侵略的警告宣传：见第 328 页。
31. The parallel between Philip of Spain and the empire-building Philip of Macedon was close. Centuries later we shall see the same orator’s speeches being used as warning propaganda against the imperialistic aggression of Napoleon: see p. 328.
32 . HB Lathrop（引言中引用）在第 41 页说，Elyot 的译本是第一个直接从希腊原文翻译成英文的译本。W . Jaeger 在《Paideia》第 3 卷（纽约，1944 年），第 4 册中讨论了《尼科克勒斯》和《致尼科克勒斯》这两篇演讲的教育意义。
32. H. B. Lathrop (cited in introductory note) says on p. 41 that this translation by Elyot was the first made in English directly from the Greek original. The educational importance of the speeches Nicocles and To Nicocles is discussed by W. Jaeger in Paideia, 3 (New York, 1944), c. 4.
33.详情请参阅本章引言中引用的 LS Thompson 著。
33. For details see L. S. Thompson, cited in the introductory note to this chapter.
34。关于奥维德的道德化，见第 62 页。对于不了解中世纪思想的人来说，纪尧姆在《乔治亚》第 4 页中对蜜蜂奇迹的神圣意义的阐述一定是滑稽或亵渎的：它在 A. Hulubei 的文章中给出，在引言中引用。
34. On Ovide moralise see p. 62. Guillaume’s exposition of the sacred significance of the miracle of the bees, in Georgia, 4, must seem either comic or blasphemous to anyone who does not understand something of medieval thought: it is given in A. Hulubei’s article, cited in the introductory note.
35 . 参见第 245 页。M. Menendez y Pelayo 的《Horacio en Espana》（马德里，1885 年）一书对贺拉斯在西班牙的影响进行了精彩论述。2 .
35. See p. 245. The influence of Horace in Spain has been magnificently treated by M. Menendez y Pelayo, Horacio en Espana (Madrid, 18852).
36 .关于贺拉斯的歌词，请参见c。 12，p。 225 英尺。 E. Stemplinger 在《Das Fortleben der horazischen Lyrik seit der Renaissance》（莱比锡，1906 年）中描述了许多现代版本中的一些；由同一作者在他的Horaz im Urteil der Jahrhunderte（Das Erbe der Alten，ns 5，莱比锡，1921）；以及 G. Showerman 着的《Horace and His Influence》（波士顿，1922 年）。
36. On the lyrics of Horace see c. 12, p. 225 f. Some of the many modern versions are described by E. Stemplinger, Das Fortleben der horazischen Lyrik seit der Renaissance (Leipzig, 1906); by the same author in his Horaz im Urteil der Jahrhunderte (Das Erbe der Alten, n.s. 5, Leipzig, 1921); and by G. Showerman, Horace and His Influence (Boston, 1922).
37.关于这一建议，请参阅 HB Lathrop（引言中引用），219–20。
37. For this suggestion see H. B. Lathrop (cited in introductory note), 219–20.
7.文艺复兴：戏剧
7. THE RENAISSANCE: DRAMA
1.请参阅第 71、97、134-135 页。
1. See pp. 71, 97, 134–5.
2. 《哈姆雷特》，2.2.424f.
2. Hamlet, 2. 2. 424 f.
3 . 这是古典戏剧对现代戏剧的最大贡献。有趣的是，电影从早期的粗糙（当时它们只制作闹剧、连续剧情节剧和奇观）逐渐自我教育（主要是通过实验，但在很大程度上也通过舞台和批评的指导），走向真正理解戏剧的力量。
3. That was the greatest contribution of classical drama to modern drama. It has been interesting to watch the gradual self-education of the films (largely through experiment, but to a considerable extent also by tutelage from the stage and by criticism) from the early crudity when they produced nothing but farces, serial melodramas, and spectacles, towards something like a real understanding of the power of drama.
4 .参见 L. Petit de Julleville 的 E. Rigal 的《Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française》，3. 264。
4. See E. Rigal in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 3. 264.
5. R. Garnett 和 E. Gosse（《英国文学插图记录》，纽约，1935 年，2，1. 168）总结了这种情况：“现在需要做的不是把剧院带到观众面前，而是把观众带到剧院。”英国第一家公共剧院是 1576 年在伦敦建造的剧院。
5. R. Garnett and E. Gosse (English Literature, an Illustrated Record, New York, 19352, 1. 168) sum up the situation: ‘Instead of bringing the theatre to the audience, it had become necessary to bring the audience to the theatre.’ The first public theatre in Britain was The Theatre, built in London in 1576.
6.有关德威特草图的复制品及其评论，请参阅 Allardyce Nicoll 的《剧院的发展》（伦敦，1927 年），121 页。
6. For a reproduction of De Witt’s sketch, and his comments, see Allardyce Nicoll, The Development of the Theatre (London, 1927), 121 f.
7 . Allardyce Nicoll，《剧院的发展》（伦敦，1927 年），第 88 页。另请参阅 K. Borinski，《诗歌与艺术理论中的古代世界》（莱比锡，1924 年，第 10 卷，第 2 版，第 65 页），其中展示了文艺复兴时期的剧院设计师如何采用维特鲁威的设计方案，以实现希腊和罗马剧院所享有的完全共鸣。其最终产物就是现代歌剧院。
7. Allardyce Nicoll, The Development of the Theatre (London, 1927), 88 f. See also K. Borinski, Die Antike in Poetik und Kunsttheorie (Das Erbe der Alten, 10, Leipzig, 1924, 2. 65 f., who shows how the theatre-designers of the Renaissance adopted plans from Vitruvius in order to achieve the full resonance for which the Greek and Roman theatres were famous. The end-product of this is the modern opera-house.
8 .波利蒂安的《奥菲欧》就是这样，用奥塔瓦语和其他抒情格律写成的。科雷吉奥的切法洛在奥塔瓦，博亚多的蒂莫在泰尔齐尼。
8. Such were Politian’s Orfeo, in ottava and other lyric metres; Correggio’s Cefalo in ottava, Boiardo’s Timone in terzini.
9 . TS Eliot，《伊丽莎白译本中的塞涅卡》（收录于《精选论文集》，纽约，1932 年），第 69 页，认为英语无韵诗是塞涅卡诗韵律最接近的版本；但它可能最初受到意大利实验的启发。
9. T. S. Eliot, ‘Seneca in Elizabethan Translation’ (in Selected Essays, New York, 1932), 69 f., suggests that English blank verse was designed as the closest attainable equivalent to the metre of Seneca; but it was probably inspired in the first instance by Italian experiments.
10 . 例如，B. Marti 的《塞内加的悲剧，一种新的解读》，载于《美国语言学会会刊》，1945 年，认为它们是戏剧化的道德课，目的不是表演而是阅读。我个人认为，其中大部分都是为在尼禄的私人剧院演出而写的（domestica scaena，Tac. Ann . 15. 39），有时由痴迷于舞台的年轻皇帝担任主角。我希望在即将发表的论文中阐述这一观点。
10. For instance, B. Marti, ‘Seneca’s Tragedies, a New Interpretation’, in Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1945, suggests that they were dramatized moral lessons, intended not for acting but for reading. My own belief is that most of them were written to be performed in Nero’s private theatre (domestica scaena, Tac. Ann. 15. 39), sometimes with the stage-struck young emperor playing the lead. I hope to develop this view in a forthcoming paper.
11.《哈姆雷特》，2.2.424 f.，引自第128页。
11. Hamlet, 2. 2. 424 f., quoted on p. 128.
12。贺拉斯并不认为它是一种“诗歌艺术”，而是一封写给以皮索兄弟为代表的年轻罗马作家的信：他希望这封信对业余诗人起到约束和教育的作用。
12. Horace did not think of it as an ‘art of poetry’, but as a letter to the younger Roman writers, represented by the addressees, the brothers Piso: he meant it to have a restraining, educative effect on amateur poets.
13 . 参见第 120 页。JW Cunliffe 著《塞涅卡对伊丽莎白悲剧的影响》（伦敦和纽约，1893 年），第 9 页，其中指出，永远不应忘记的是，在英国“人们对希腊悲剧的了解仅限于一个非常小的圈子”，只有塞涅卡广为人知。
13. See p. 120 f. J. W. Cunliffe, The Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy (London and New York, 1893), 9 f., points out, what should never be forgotten, that in England ‘the knowledge of Greek tragedy was confined to a very small circle’, and that only Seneca was widely known.
14 . J. Plattard, L'Œuvre de Rabelais (巴黎, 1910), 175. 拉伯雷更喜欢卢西安；但卢西安从阿里斯托芬那里吸取了一些思想，因此这两位天才之间存在着间接的联系。
14. J. Plattard, L’Œuvre de Rabelais (Paris, 1910), 175. Rabelais preferred Lucian; but Lucian took some of his ideas from Aristophanes, so that there was an indirect contact between the two kindred geniuses.
15. Nicolaus Cusanus 为 Poggio 发现了这些文献，现在这些文献保存在梵蒂冈图书馆：参见 Sandys，《古典学术史》，2（剑桥，1908 年），34。
15. It was Nicolaus Cusanus who discovered them for Poggio, and they are now in the Vatican Library: see Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, 2 (Cambridge, 1908), 34.
16 . 中世纪戏剧中也有暴君：他就是希律王。希律王的残暴无情也影响到了文艺复兴时期舞台上的暴君，而马基雅维利的教义则使这些暴君变得更加残暴。
16. The tyrant was also known in medieval drama: he was King Herod. Some of Herod’s ruthlessness passed into the tyrants of the Renaissance stage, who were made still more diabolical by reminiscences of the teachings of Machiavelli.
17.洛奇，《智慧的苦难和世界的疯狂》（1596年）。
17. Lodge, Wits Miserie and the Worlds Madness (1596).
18 . 马洛，《帖木儿大帝》，2. 2. 4. 103 f.
18. Marlowe, Tamburlaine the Great, 2. 2. 4. 103 f.
19 . 关于《法语的辩护与阐释》，见第 231 页。若德尔创作了第一部现代法国悲剧和喜剧，他与杜·贝莱同为七星团成员。
19. On La Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse see p. 231 f. Jodelle, who produced the first modern French tragedy and comedy, was a member of the Pléiade with Du Bellay.
20。参见 Moore在其《但丁研究》第三辑（牛津，1903 年），363 页中对Eccerinis和《喜剧》的比较。文本收录于 LA Muratori 的《意大利文集》，10（米兰，1727 年），785é800。第一幕非常轰动，Ezzelino 的母亲（令他高兴）透露，他是魔鬼所生；但其余大部分都是信使的讲话。
20. See Moore’s comparison of Eccerinis and The Comedy in his Studies in Dante, Third Series (Oxford, 1903), 363 f. The text is in L. A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, 10 (Milan, 1727), 785é800. There is a sensational first act in which Ezzelino’s mother reveals (to his delight) that he was begotten on her by the Devil; but the rest is mostly messengers’ speeches.
21 .在对 1599 年至 1627 年间由耶稣会教师创作并在波森 Ordensschule 制作的拉丁戏剧的研究中，强调了它们对塞内卡的巨大借鉴：这是《神圣悲剧：Materialien und Beitrage zur Geschichte der polnisch-lateinischen Jesuitendramatik der Fruhzeit》，作者：阿道夫·斯坦德-彼得森（Adolf Stender-Petersen）（《大学学报与评论》） Tartuensis, 塔尔图, 1931, 25. 1)。
21. In an examination of the Latin dramas written by Jesuit teachers and produced in the Ordensschule at Posen between 1599 and 1627, their strong debt to Seneca is emphasized: this is Tragoediae sacrae: Materialien und Beitrage zur Geschichte der polnisch-lateinischen Jesuitendramatik der Fruhzeit, by Adolf Stender-Petersen (Acta et commentationes Universitatis Tartuensis, Tartu, 1931, 25. 1).
22 JS Kennard，《意大利剧院》（纽约，1932 年），第 1.6 卷，第 129 页，注 2。
22. J. S. Kennard, The Italian Theatre (New York, 1932), 1. 6. 129, n. 2.
23 . 波利蒂安在佛罗伦萨成为希腊文和拉丁文教授，他写《奥菲欧》时只有 17 岁，并在两天内完成。LE Lord 对该书和塔索的《阿明塔》都有译本，并附有一篇关于田园诗的介绍性文章（牛津，1931 年）。
23. Politian, who became professor of Greek and Latin in Florence, was only 17 when he wrote Orfeo, and he completed it in two days. There is a useful translation of it and of Tasso’s Aminta, with an introductory essay on the pastoral (Oxford, 1931) by L. E. Lord.
24 . J. S, Kennard, The Italian Theatre (New York, 1932), 1. 105 页，详细阐释了文艺复兴时期意大利喜剧从普劳图斯和泰伦斯那里得到的影响；另请参阅 W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas , 2 (Halle, 19182), 1. 250 页。
24. J. S, Kennard, The Italian Theatre (New York, 1932), 1. 105 f., explains the debt of Renaissance Italian comedy to Plautus and Terence in some detail; see also W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas, 2 (Halle, 19182), 1. 250 f.
25 .南大西洋季刊26. 1 (1947)，93–108刊登了一篇关于索福尼斯巴戏剧弱点的最新分析：E. Roditi 撰写的《新古典主义悲剧的起源》。他指出，特里西诺知道悲剧应该激发怜悯和恐惧，显然认为这意味着他的角色应该表现出这些情感，以便让观众感受到它们。关于特里西诺同样乏味的史诗，请参阅第 146 页。
25. A recent analysis of the dramatic weaknesses of Sofonisba appeared in The South Atlantic Quarterly, 26. 1 (1947), 93–108: ‘The Genesis of Neo-Classical Tragedy’, by E. Roditi. He points out that Trissino, knowing that tragedy ought to inspire pity and terror, apparently thought this meant his characters ought to display these emotions in order to make the audience feel them. On Trissino’s equally dull epic, see p. 146.
26.参见HB Charlton，《文艺复兴悲剧中的塞内卡传统》（曼彻斯特，1946 年重新发行），第 lxxii 页；另请参阅 W. Creizenach（引自注 24），2. 1. 367 页。
26. See the admirable description of Cinthio’s work and reputation by H. B. Charlton, The Senecan Tradition in Renaissance Tragedy (Manchester, reissued 1946), p. lxxii f.; see also W. Creizenach (cited in n. 24), 2. 1. 367 f.
27 .龙萨德说，“法国歌颂希腊悲剧”。A. Tilley 的《法国文艺复兴文学》（剑桥，1904 年），2. 72 f，对克利奥帕特俘虏有很好的批评。
27. ‘Françaisement chanter la grecque tragédie’, said Ronsard. There is a good criticism of Cléopâtre captive in A. Tilley’s Literature of the French Renaissance (Cambridge, 1904), 2. 72 f.
28.关于特洛伊与现代欧洲国家的传奇联系，请参见第 54 页。
28. On the legendary connexion between Troy and modern European countries see p. 54.
29.忒耳西忒斯这个名字的意思是大胆的：它与thrasonical一词来自同一个词根（皆大欢喜，5. 2. 35）。他是《伊利亚特》中唯一被点名的普通士兵，他试图表达“其他等级”的观点，被认为是一种可笑和令人厌恶的厚颜无耻，明智的王子奥德修斯理所当然地惩罚了他（Il . 2. 211 f.）。莎士比亚笔下的忒耳西忒斯——除了他的“咆哮”——几乎无法辨认。在忒耳西忒斯的闹剧中，英雄是一个夸夸其谈的士兵，他让神 Mulciber（= Vulcan）为他打造了一套神圣的盔甲：显然是对《伊利亚特》第 18 部中阿喀琉斯的武器和《埃涅阿斯纪》第8 部中埃涅阿斯的武器的回忆；但他并非无懈可击，像《伊利亚特》中的忒耳西特斯一样遭受殴打和羞辱。这是对史诗主题进行贬低模仿的一个非常早期的例子。
29. The name Thersites means Audacious: it is from the same root as thrasonical (As You Like It, 5. 2. 35). He is the only common soldier mentioned by name in the Iliad, and his attempt to present the views of the ‘other ranks’ is shown as a ridiculous and disgusting piece of effrontery, rightly punished by the wise prince Odysseus (Il. 2. 211 f.). Shakespeare’s Thersites is—except for his ‘railing’—barely recognizable. In the farce of Thersites the hero is a braggart soldier who gets the god Mulciber ( = Vulcan) to make him a suit of divine armour: evidently a reminiscence of the arms of Achilles in Iliad 18 and those of Aeneas in Aeneid 8; but he is not invulnerable, being beaten and disgraced like Thersites in the Iliad. This is a very early example of the degrading parody of epic themes.
30.寄生虫依附于富人，用自己的机智、谎言和奉承来换取富人的晚餐，他是希腊人而不是罗马人的类型，甚至对普劳图斯的听众来说也是陌生的。《拉尔夫·罗伊斯特·多伊斯特》中的大部分情节和对话都是原创的；但梅里希腊对拉尔夫的奉承，将他比作伟大的英雄，讲述他的英勇事迹，让他相信所有的女人都爱他，都来自普劳图斯的《光荣的迈尔斯》。例如，比较《拉尔夫·罗伊斯特·多伊斯特》，1. 2. 114 f. 与《迈尔斯·光荣的迈尔斯》，1. 1. 58 f. 和 4. 2；《拉尔夫·罗伊斯特·多伊斯特》，1. 4. 66 f.（大象的事迹）与《迈尔斯·光荣的迈尔斯》 ，1. 1. 25 f。
30. The ‘parasite’, who attached himself to the rich, and bought his dinners by his wit, mendacity, and flattery, was a Greek, not a Roman type, and was foreign even to the audiences of Plautus. Much of the plot and dialogue in Ralph Roister Doister is original; but Merrygreek’s flattery of Ralph, comparing him to great heroes, telling of his mighty deeds, and making him believe all the women love him, comes from Plautus’ Miles gloriosus. Compare, for instance, Ralph Roister Doister, 1. 2. 114 f., with Miles gloriosus, 1. 1. 58 f. and 4. 2; Ralph Roister Doister, 1. 4. 66 f. (the Deed of the Elephant), with Miles gloriosus, 1. 1. 25 f.
31.然而，西班牙对法国巴洛克戏剧的影响是相当大的——正如《熙德》的标题所表明的那样。关于洛佩的古典知识，请参阅 R. Schevill 的《洛佩·德·维加的戏剧艺术》（加州伯克利，1918 年），第 67 页：他有希腊文、拉丁文、流利的意大利语和一些法语的元素。他从古典中主要汲取的是 (a) 神话和 (6) 哲学思想，一些来自普鲁塔克的《道德论》，一些来自新柏拉图主义。
31. Spanish influence on French baroque drama, however, was considerable—as the very title of Le Cid would show. On Lope’s classical knowledge see R. Schevill, The Dramatic Art of Lope de Vega (Berkeley, Cal., 1918), 67 f.: he had the elements of Greek, much Latin, fluent Italian, and some French. What he chiefly took from the classics was (a) mythology, and (6) philosophical ideas, some from Plutarch’s Moralia and some from Neoplatonism.
32 . Allardyce Nicoll，《剧院的发展》（伦敦，1927 年），第 7 章，第六部分。
32. Allardyce Nicoll, The Development of the Theatre (London, 1927), c. 7, section vi.
33.米尔顿，科莫斯，494页。
33. Milton, Comus, 494 f.
34 . 弥尔顿，《科摩斯》，463–75 = 柏拉图，《斐多篇》，81b1–d4（参见 H. Agar，《弥尔顿与柏拉图》，普林斯顿大学，1928 年，第 39–41 页）。
34. Milton, Comus, 463–75 = Plato, Phaedo, 81b1–d4 (see H. Agar, Milton and Plato, Princeton, 1928, 39–41).
35. WW Greg 的《田园诗与田园戏剧》（伦敦，1906 年）中有一篇写得很好的综述。
35. There is a well-written survey in W. W. Greg’s Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama (London, 1906).
36.请参阅第 163 页以下有关维吉尔的《阿卡迪亚》的内容。
36. See p. 163 f. on Vergil’s Arcadia.
37 . “Bucolica eo successu editit ut in scaena quoque per cantores crebro pronuntiarentur”（Donatus' life，ed. Brummer，90）。 Tac 中对此有更模糊的提及。拨号。 13，还有一个非常奇怪的，涉及Cytheris（布克的Lycoris。10 ）作为废弃，在Serv。通讯。广告布克。 6. 11.
37. ‘Bucolica eo successu edidit ut in scaena quoque per cantores crebro pronuntiarentur’ (Donatus’ life, ed. Brummer, 90). There is a vaguer reference to this in Tac. Dial. 13, and a very strange one, involving Cytheris (the Lycoris of Buc. 10) as diseuse, in Serv. Comm. ad Buc. 6. 11.
38 . 这是维吉尔在《格奥尔格·奥古斯都》中使用的传说。4. 453 页。奥维德在《大都会歌剧》中刻意改变了它。10 . 8 页。K. 沃斯勒的《罗马人图书馆里的古董》（瓦尔堡图书馆书卷，1927-8，莱比锡，1930 年），第 225 页，认为《奥菲欧》是按照古典模式将田园诗与被称为“神圣的呈现”的宗教庆典相结合而成的，但他的论据并不十分令人信服。不过，他确实揭示了早期田园剧与中世纪晚期宗教剧中的田园场景之间的联系，以及法国抒情爱情剧与田园背景（被称为“牧歌”）的相关性。 （关于这些，请参阅 WP Jones 的《牧歌》（剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1931 年）。）
38. This is the legend Vergil uses in Georg. 4. 453 f. Ovid deliberately altered it in Met. 10. 8 f. K. Vossler, ‘Die Antike in der Bühnendichtung der Romanen’ (Vortrage der Bibliothek Warburg, 1927–8, Leipzig, 1930), 225 f., suggests that Orfeo was a synthesis of bucolic poetry on the classical model with the religious pageants known as sacre rappresentazioni, but his arguments are not very convincing. He does, however, bring out the connexion between the early pastoral drama and the pastoral scenes in religious plays of the late Middle Ages, and the relevance of the French lyrical love-episodes with a pastoral setting, called pastourelles. (On these see W. P. Jones, The Pastourelle (Cambridge, Mass., 1931).)
39.有关摘要，请参阅Greg（引自第35号），174–5页。
39. For a summary see Greg (cited in n. 35), 174–5.
40 . 与音乐的比较是西蒙兹的，另一个我要归功于格雷格（引自第 35 号注释），他在第 192 页的一个精彩段落中对它们进行了阐述。德利布迷人的芭蕾舞剧《西尔维娅》就是以《阿敏塔斯》为原型的。
40. The comparison to music is Symonds’s, and the other I owe to Greg (cited in n. 35), who develops them both in a finely written paragraph on his p. 192. Delibes’ charming ballet Sylvia is based on Amyntas.
41 .对于这一理论，请参见 W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas , 1 (Halle, 1911 2 ), 380 f.；阿勒代斯·尼科尔，《面具、哑剧和奇迹》（伦敦，1931 年）；和 K. Vossler（引自第 38 条），241 和注 2。
41. For this theory see W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas, 1 (Halle, 19112), 380 f.; Allardyce Nicoll, Masks, Mimes, and Miracles (London, 1931); and K. Vossler (cited in n. 38), 241 and note 2.
42 . 奥维德，《歌剧简史》（纽约，1947 年），第 1 卷，第 5 章，对《达芙妮》和《尤丽迪茜》进行了概述，并附上了音乐分析和引文。格鲁特先生说， 《达芙妮》写于 1594 年，于 1608 年首次演出，音乐由马可·达·加利亚诺创作。维泽和佩尔科波（《意大利文学史》 ，莱比锡，1899 年，第 438 页）认为， 《达芙妮》的早期演出日期为 1594 年，音乐由佩里和卡契尼创作。
42. Ovid, Met. I. 438–567. Summaries of both Dafne and Euridice, with musical analyses and quotations, are given by D. J. Grout, in A Short History of Opera (New York, 1947), 1, c. 5. Mr. Grout says that Dafne, written in 1594, was first performed with Marco da Gagliano’s music in 1608. Wiese and Percopo (Geschichte der italienischen Litteratur, Leipzig, 1899, 438) give 1594 as the date for the earlier performance of Dafne, with music by Peri and Caccini.
43 . 这是萨卡达斯创作的《vóμos Πνθικóδ 》，他活跃于公元前580年。在他去世 600 年后，仍有演奏家演奏这首乐曲。
43. This was the vóμos Πνθικóδ, composed by Sacadas, who flourished in 580 B.C. It was still being played by virtuosi 600 years after his death.
44.摘自 EJ Dent 的《巴洛克歌剧》，载于 1910 年 1 月的《音乐古物学》：一篇很有价值的文章。
44. Quoted from E. J. Dent, ‘The Baroque Opera’, in The Musical Antiquary for January 1910: a valuable article.
45.所指书籍为 JE Spingarn 的《文艺复兴时期文学批评史》（纽约，1899 年），对亚里士多德的引用为《诗人》。1451 a 32。另见 K. Borinski 的《诗歌与艺术理论中的古代事物》（Das Erbe der Alten，9，莱比锡，1914 年），1。215 f. 和 219 f.，他指出亚里士多德对舞台的影响始于 1492 年左右，非常微弱，并强调了这样一个悖论：随着亚里士多德作为道德家和哲学家的权威下降，他作为文学评论家的声望上升。但在中世纪和文艺复兴初期，《诗学》对大多数评论家来说太难读了。
45. The book referred to is J. E. Spingarn’s A History of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance (New York, 1899), and the reference to Aristotle is Poet. 1451a 32. See also K. Borinski, Die Antike in Poetik und Kunsttheorie (Das Erbe der Alten, 9, Leipzig, 1914), 1. 215 f. and 219 f., who shows that Aristotle’s influence on the stage began, very tenuously, about 1492, and emphasizes the paradox that, as Aristotle’s authority as a moralist and philosopher fell, his prestige as a literary critic rose. But in the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance the Poetics was too hard for most critics to read.
46。Ar.诗人。1449 b 12 f。
46. Ar. Poet. 1449b 12 f.
8.文艺复兴：史诗
8. THE RENAISSANCE: EPIC
1.龙沙写道，他的灵感被查理九世的去世摧毁了——查理九世曾敦促他创作这首诗，甚至选择了灾难性的韵律。但事实上，他从无法忍受的冲动中解脱出来。他打算写二十四本书，画了十四本草图，但只留下了四本（约 6,000 行）。有趣的是，他试图成为希腊人，却不由自主地成为罗马人——就像在他的颂歌中一样，他希望成为品达，然后回到贺拉斯身边（见第 247 页）。在《法兰西亚德》的序言中，他写道：
1. Ronsard wrote that his inspiration was destroyed by the death of Charles IX—who had urged him to undertake the poem, and even chosen the disastrous metre. But in fact he was relieved from an intolerable compulsion. He intended twenty-four books, sketched fourteen, but left only four (some 6,000 lines). It is interesting to watch him trying to be Greek, and being Roman in spite of himself—just as in his Odes, where he wishes to be Pindar and returns towards Horace (see p. 247 f.). In his preface to La Franciade he wrote:
“J'ay 赞助人 mon œuvre plustost sur la naϊve facilité d'Homere que sur la curieuse勤奋 de Virgile”
‘J’ay patronné mon œuvre plustost sur la naϊve facilité d’Homere que sur la curieuse diligence de Virgile’
（他是不是想着curiosa felicitas ，即佩特罗尼乌斯在Sat. 118. 5中用来形容贺拉斯的短语？）——然而他从荷马那里借鉴的很少，而从维吉尔那里借鉴的很多，甚至是单个的单词。参见 P. Lange 的Ronsards Franciade und ihr Verhältnis zu Vergils Aeneide（Würzen, 1887），其中提供了数页的口头对应关系。 Lange 指出，龙萨从荷马那里借鉴的主要手法是对单个操作（如战车装载或舰队出海）的惊人逐步描述：这使得描述听起来无比自然和生动。La Franciade的实际主题是特洛伊王子弗朗库斯作为法国人祖先幸存的传说，这是腐朽的罗马帝国以及蛮族与古典神话接触的产物，如狄奥多里克的特洛伊血统（见第 54 页）；它最早出现在公元七世纪的弗雷德加 (Fredegar) 中。龙沙 (Ronsard) 从让·勒梅尔·德·贝格斯 (Jean Lemaire de Beiges) (1509-13) 的《特洛伊的奇异高卢插图》 (Illustrations des Gaules et Singularitez de Troye ) 中借用了它，并已在他的《颂歌》 (1. 1 和 3. 1) 中使用过它。有关该神话的其他方面，请参阅 H. Gillot 的《法国的古代和现代神话》(La Querelle des anciens et des modernes en France ) (巴黎，1914)，第 131 页。
(was he thinking of curiosa felicitas, the phrase Petronius used of Horace, in Sat. 118. 5?)—and yet he took relatively little from Homer, and a great deal, down to single words, from Vergil. Cf. P. Lange, Ronsards Franciade und ihr Verhältnis zu Vergils Aeneide (Würzen, 1887), who gives pages of verbal correspondences. Lange points out that the chief device Ronsard did borrow from Homer was the wide-eyed step-by-step account of a single operation, such as a chariot loading or a fleet putting to sea: this makes the description sound incomparably natural and vivid. The actual subject of La Franciade, the legend of the survival of the Trojan prince Francus as ancestor of the French, was a product of the decaying Roman empire and of the contact between the barbarians and classical mythology, like Theodoric’s Trojan ancestry (see p. 54); it first appeared in Fredegar during the seventh century. Ronsard got it out of the Illustrations des Gaules et Singularitez de Troye, by Jean Lemaire de Beiges (1509-13), and had already used it in his Odes (1. 1 and 3. 1). For other aspects of the myth see H. Gillot, La Querelle des anciens et des modernes en France (Paris, 1914), 131 f.
2。《鲁西阿达斯》有十个篇章，采用了阿里奥斯托著名的诗节：八行 11 音节诗行，押韵 ABABABCC——称为八韵诗。鲁西阿达斯是葡萄牙人的神话祖先，罗马人称其土地为卢西塔尼亚。
2. Os Lusiadas is in ten cantos, and uses the stanza made famous by Ariosto: eight 11-syllable lines rhyming ABABABCC—called ottava rima. Lusus was the mythical ancestor of the Portuguese, whose land the Romans knew as Lusitania.
3. 《阿劳卡尼亚》的韵律也属于阿里奥斯托（注 2）。这首诗的主题非常有趣，一些情节非常感人；但埃尔西拉的叙事风格有时变得非常平淡。以下是第 9 章中的一节，由 CM Lancaster 和 PT Manchester 翻译（《阿劳卡尼亚》 ，田纳西州纳什维尔，
3. The metre of La Araucana also is Ariosto’s (n. 2). The subject of the poem is extremely interesting, and some of the episodes are very moving; but Ercilla’s narrative style sometimes becomes painfully prosaic. Here is a stanza from canto 9, as translated (not unworthily) by C. M. Lancaster and P. T. Manchester (The Araucaniad, Nashville, Tenn.,
上帝，我从许多作者口中得知了这些信息。
四月二十三日，
八天后，正好四年
，因为在那支军队中，
他们想到了这样一个奇迹，
一千四百人，
在 1550 年。
Lord, I gleaned this information
From the lips of many authors.
On the 23rd of April,
Eight days hence, four years exactly
It will be, since in that army
Such a miracle they pondered,
Fourteen hundred men well counted
In the year of 1550.
至于诗歌的结构，埃尔西拉试图将其打造成一个结构良好的整体，但未能如愿，因为他想把所有东西都写进去。这首诗本应以强大的印第安酋长考波利坎之死结束，但它却以埃尔西拉自己的自传和关于西班牙征服葡萄牙的论述收尾。对这首诗影响最大的古典作家是卢坎，文艺复兴时期的西班牙史诗诗人钦佩卢坎，因为他本人是西班牙人，而且他的风格中带有某种自豪的暴力，他们对此表示同情。C. Schlayer 指出了埃尔西拉对卢坎的一些改编，Spuren Lukans in der 西班牙诗集（海德堡，1927 年）、W. Strohmeyer，《Studie über die Araukana》（波恩，1929 年）和 G. Highet，《La Araucana 中的古典回声》（现代语言笔记，62 (1947)，329–31）。
As for the structure of the poem, Ercilla tried to make it a well-built whole, but failed because he wanted to get everything in. It should really end with the death of the formidable Indian chief Caupolicán, but it tails off into Ercilla’s own autobiography and a discourse on the Spanish attempt to conquer Portugal. The strongest classical influence on it is that of Lucan, whom Spanish epic poets of the Renaissance admired because he was himself a Spaniard and had a certain proud violence in his style which they found sympathetic. Some of the adaptations Ercilla made from Lucan have been pointed out by C. Schlayer, Spuren Lukans in der spanischen Dichtung (Heidelberg, 1927), W. Strohmeyer, Studie über die Araukana (Bonn, 1929), and G. Highet, ‘Classical Echoes in La Araucana’ (Modern Language Notes, 62 (1947), 329–31).
4 .塞万提斯，堂吉诃德，1. 6.
4. Cervantes, Don Quixote, 1. 6.
5。《疯狂的奥兰多》有四十六篇，每节由十一音节诗行组成，押韵方式为 ABABABCC（注 2）。罗兰实际上是查理曼大帝的参谋，但查理曼大帝与异教徒的战争经常被误认为是他的祖父查理·马特，后者于公元732 年在图尔取得胜利，扭转了伊斯兰侵略的形势。
5. Orlando Furioso has forty-six cantos, arranged in stanzas of hendecasyllabic lines rhyming ABABABCC (n. 2). Roland was actually on the staff of Charlemàgne, but that emperor with his wars against the pagans is often confused with his grandfather Charles Martel, who turned the tide of Islamic aggression with his victory at Tours in A.D. 732.
6.奥兰多疯狂, 34. 83:
6. Orlando Furioso, 34. 83:
E fu da l'altre conosciuta, quando
Avea scritto di fuor: Senno d'Orlando.
E fu da l’altre conosciuta, quando
Avea scritto di fuor: Senno d’Orlando.
7。《仙后》的诗节比阿里奥斯托的诗节更复杂：八行十音节诗行，结尾为亚历山大体诗行，押韵为 ABABBCBCC。斯宾塞在给雷利的介绍信中告诉他，这首诗意在体现荷马、维吉尔、阿里奥斯托和塔索的精髓。 W. Riedner 的《斯宾塞的神话》 (Müinchener Beiträge, 38, Leipzig, 1908)中有一个实用的斯宾塞所知道的古典作家名单，但应该与 HG Lotspeich的《埃德蒙·斯宾塞诗歌中的古典神话》 (普林斯顿英语研究, 9, 普林斯顿, 1932) 中给出的迹象相平衡，Lotspeich 指出斯宾塞很大程度上依赖两本神话手册，即薄伽丘的《神之谱系》和《纳塔利斯·科梅斯的神话》，并自由使用其中的评论和引文。尽管如此，考虑到他的年龄和职业，他还是一位相当有学问的学者。他熟知荷马，也了解柏拉图（《阿波罗》、《高尔基》、《斐多篇》、《斐德罗篇》、《再现》、《协和》、《提摩太后书》）和亚里士多德，以及一些普鲁塔克的作品；他读过赫西俄德的《神谱》，对希罗多德也略知一二，但（尽管他的朋友 EK 自夸）只读过忒奥克里托斯、比昂、摩西和卢西安各一两部作品。（关于田园诗，请参见 MY Hughes 的《斯宾塞和希腊田园诗三位一体》，《语言学研究》 ，20（1923），184–215。）他读拉丁语更多：他熟知维吉尔（Riedner，68–90，列出了他从《埃涅阿斯纪》中受益匪浅的清单）和奥维德的《变形记》 ；贺拉斯的书信、颂歌和史诗；恺撒；西塞罗的《图斯库兰讨论》和《论演说家》；卢克莱修（开场祈祷文改编自FQ，4.10.44 f.）；普林尼的《自然史》；还有不太确定的是，还有珀尔修斯（Persius）、卢坎（Lucan）和尤维纳尔（Juvenal）。
7. The Faerie Queene is in a more complex stanza than Ariosto’s: eight decasyllabic lines with a closing alexandrine, rhyming ABABBCBCC. Spenser, in his introductory letter to Raleigh, told him it was meant to embody the best of Homer, Vergil, Ariosto, and Tasso. There is a useful list of the classical authors whom Spenser knew in W. Riedner, Spensers Belesenheit (Müinchener Beiträge, 38, Leipzig, 1908), but it should be balanced by the indications given in H. G. Lotspeich, Classical Mythology in the Poetry of Edmund Spenser (Princeton Studies in English, 9, Princeton, 1932), who points out that Spenser depended heavily on two manuals of mythology, Boccaccio’s Genealogia deorum and the Mythologiae of Natalis Comes, using their comments and quotations freely. Still, considering his age and occupations, he was a considerable scholar. He knew Homer well, and Plato (Apol., Gorg., Phaedo, Phaedrus, Rep., Symp., Tim.), and Aristotle, and some Plutarch; he knew Hesiod’s Theogony and a little Herodotus, but (despite his friend E. K.’s boasts) only one or two works each of Theocritus, Bion, Moschus, and Lucian. (On the pastoral poets see M. Y. Hughes, ‘Spenser and the Greek Pastoral Triad’, Studies in Philology, 20 (1923), 184–215.) He was more widely read in Latin: he knew Vergil very well (Riedner, 68—90, gives a remarkable list of his debts to the Aeneid) and Ovid’s Metamorphoses equally well; Horace’s letters, odes, and epodes; Caesar; Cicero’s Tusculan Discussions and On the Orator; Lucretius (the opening invocation is adapted in FQ, 4. 10. 44 f.); Pliny’s Natural History; and, less certainly, Persius, Lucan, and Juvenal.
8. 《耶路撒冷的解放》采用与阿里奥斯托相同的韵律，共二十篇。塔索修改后的版本被称为《征服耶路撒冷》 ：它被大量“修正”，以便更加强调诗歌中的基督教元素，使其不那么浪漫，更具有古典主义色彩。
8. Gerusalemme Liberata uses the same metre as Ariosto, and runs to twenty cantos. The version Tasso issued after alteration was called Gerusalemme Conquistata: it was heavily ‘corrected’ so as to place more emphasis on the Christian elements in the poem and to make it less romantic, more classical.
9 . 吉本，《罗马帝国衰亡史》，第58 页。
9. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 58.
10 . 这就是波爱修斯被怀疑挑起的攻击：见第 41 页。这首诗的标题略有不同；我采用的是 1729 年出版的 Trissino 作品维罗纳版中出现的版本。
10. This was the attack which Boethius was suspected of inviting: see p. 41. The title of the poem varies slightly; I take the version which appears in the Verona edition of Trissino’s works, published in 1729.
11.参见第136页及第599页第25号注释。
11. See p. 136, and n. 25 on p. 599.
12 . 早期的一首杰出的说教诗不容忽视：加斯科尼人的《La Sepmaine》或《La Création du Monde》威廉·德·萨吕斯特的《巴塔斯先生》（1544-90 年）于 1578 年出版，大获成功。该书以亚历山大对句的七卷书形式讲述了创世的故事，语言偶尔做作，但通常崇高。主题取自《创世纪》第一至第二卷，但通过使用希腊罗马诗歌、科学和哲学以及当代科学知识而得到了极大的扩展。巴塔斯先生和塔索先生是弥尔顿最重要的两位前辈。
12. A remarkable didactic poem of an earlier period should not be overlooked: La Sepmaine, or La Création du Monde, by the Gascon Guillaume de Salluste, Sieur du Bartas (1544-90), which was published in 1578 and had a great success. It tells, in seven books of alexandrine couplets, the story of the creation, in language which is occasionally affected but often sublime. The theme is taken from Genesis i-ii, but is vastly expanded by the use of Greco-Roman poetry, science, and philosophy, and of contemporary scientific knowledge. Du Bartas and Tasso are Milton’s two most important predecessors.
13 . 斯宾塞在给雷利的信中说，他计划将《仙后》分成十二卷，因为根据亚里士多德的观点，《仙后》有十二种美德，他想在诗中分别加以体现。但亚里士多德并没有提供这种一成不变的美德体系。这是文艺复兴和巴洛克风格习惯的典型例子，他们将希腊人的建议视为法律，甚至将应该灵活的材料强加对称性。参见 J. Jusserand 著《英国文学史》（纽约，1926 3），第 2 卷，第 479 页，他将这一错误从斯宾塞的朋友布赖斯凯特追溯到意大利人文主义者皮科洛米尼和辛西奥。从另一个角度来看，这种图式结构是斯宾塞试图将古典设计引入像阿里奥斯托这样的典型松散的情节故事中：参见 MY Hughes, Virgil and Spenser（加州大学英文出版物，2. 3，加州伯克利，1929 年），322-32。图式结构得益于以下事实：十二是一个神秘的数字，体现在耶稣的门徒身上，而《埃涅阿斯纪》有十二本书。《失乐园》最初有十本书，但在 1674 年被重新安排为十二本。
13. In his letter to Raleigh, Spenser said he planned The Faerie Queene in twelve books because, according to Aristotle, there were twelve moral virtues, each of which he intended to exemplify in his poem. But Aristotle offered no such cut-and-dried scheme of the virtues. This is a typical example of the Renaissance and baroque habit of considering as laws what the Greeks meant as suggestions, and of forcing symmetry even on material which should be left flexible. See J. Jusserand, A Literary History of the English People (New York, 19263), 2. 479 n., who traces the error through Spenser’s friend Bryskett to the Italian humanists Piccolomini and Cinthio. From another point of view this schematism was Spenser’s attempt to introduce classical design into a typically loose episodic story like Ariosto’s: see M. Y. Hughes, Virgil and Spenser (University of California Publications in English, 2. 3, Berkeley, Cal., 1929), 322—32. The schematism was helped by the fact that twelve was a mystical number, embodied in the disciples of Jesus, and that the Aeneid was in twelve books. Paradise Lost was originally in ten books, but was rearranged into twelve in 1674.
14 . 南非诗人罗伊·坎贝尔 (Roy Campbell) 在我们这个时代重新唤起了这个神话，他出版了一本诗集，其中包含了卡蒙斯 (Camoens) 的巨人山构想中出现的同样的反叛暴力，并将它命名为Adamastor。（该诗集于 1930 年在伦敦出版：具体参见诗歌《绕过好望角》。）参考文献为Os Lusiadas，第 5 页。
14. The myth has been revived in our own day by the South African poet Roy Campbell, who has published a book of poems containing something of the same rebellious violence that appears in Camoens’s conception of the giant made mountain, and has entitled it Adamastor. (It was issued in London in 1930: see in particular the poem Rounding the Cape.) The reference is Os Lusiadas, 5.
15 .埃西拉，拉阿劳卡纳，23。
15. Ercilla, La Araucana, 23.
16 . 很多这些事物在希腊传说中都有相似之处：有翼的飞马珀伽索斯就像鹰头马身有翼兽，盖吉斯的指环使他隐形，等等。但是，没有一部伟大的古典史诗将这种超自然属性作为情节的必要元素。
16. For many of these things there are parallels in Greek legend: the winged horse Pegasus is like the hippogriff, the ring of Gyges made him invisible, &c. But none of the great classical epics makes such supernatural properties essential in its plot.
17 . 在《仙后》第 1 章第 1 节第 37 页中，邪恶的隐士阿奇马戈召唤赫卡忒和戈尔贡，并派一个精灵给莫菲斯做假梦。精灵从象牙门离开，这扇门出现在维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》第 6 章第 894-99 页中。在 MY Hughes 的《维吉尔和斯宾塞》 （加州大学英文出版物第 2 章第 3 页，伯克利，1929 年）第 371 页中，有一些关于斯宾塞对地狱的描述及其对维吉尔的影响的有价值的评论。
17. In The Faerie Queene, 1. 1. 37 f., the wicked hermit Archimago invokes Hecate and Gorgon, and sends a sprite to Morpheus for a false dream. The sprite leaves through the ivory door, which appears in Vergil (Aeneid, 6. 894–9). There are some valuable remarks on Spenser’s descriptions of hell and their debt to Vergil, in M. Y. Hughes’s Virgil and Spenser (University of California Publications in English, 2. 3, Berkeley, 1929), 371 f.
18 . Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata , 8. 60。该图像是由 Bertran de Born 在《但丁》中可怕的幻象暗示的。 28. 118 f.比照。阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·弗里奥索，18. 26 f.；还有维吉尔，艾恩。 7. 323 f。
18. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 8. 60. The image is suggested by the terrible vision of Bertran de Born in Dante, Inf. 28. 118 f. Cf. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 18. 26 f.; and Vergil, Aen. 7. 323 f.
19.喀耳刻出现在荷马史诗《奥德赛》第10 章；阿克拉西亚出现在斯宾塞的《仙后》第 2 章第 12 节；阿米达出现在塔索的《耶路撒冷的解放》第 10 章第 65 页。这是奥维德最喜欢的技巧，也是非常有效的，用来描述变形步骤逐步地，使其不成为突然的《一千零一夜》式的转变，而是一种可以理解、易于想象、因而是可信的发展。
19. Circe is in Homer, Od. 10; Acrasia in Spenser, The Faerie Queene, 2. 12; Armida in Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 10. 65 f. It is a favourite trick of Ovid’s, and a very effective one, to describe a metamorphosis step by step, making it not an abrupt Arabian Nights transformation, but a comprehensible, easily visualized, and therefore credible development.
20.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第11页，第244页。
20. Milton, Paradise Lost, 11 . 244.
21 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，5. 285，回忆水星登陆阿特拉斯山（Verg. Aen . 4. 252）：
21. Milton, Paradise Lost, 5. 285, a reminiscence of Mercury landing on Mount Atlas (Verg. Aen. 4. 252):
hic primum paribus nitens Cyllenius alis
constitit。
hic primum paribus nitens Cyllenius alis
constitit.
莎士比亚在写
Shakespeare was thinking of the same fine picture when he wrote
像天际新照耀的信使水星一样的车站（ 《哈姆雷特》，3.4.58-9）。
A station like the herald Mercury
New-lighted on a heaven-kissing hill (Hamlet, 3. 4. 58–9).
特里西诺 (Trissino) 的《戈蒂的解放者意大利》 (La Italia liberata da Gotti)中，异教神灵和基督教精神的融合更为完整，其中包含被称为 Gradivo (= Gradivus = Mars，第 12 册) 的天使：
There is an even more complete fusion of pagan deities and Christian spirits in Trissino’s La Italia liberata da Gotti, which contains angels called Gradivo (= Gradivus = Mars, book 12:
L'Angel Gradivo, che dal cielo
Scese per ajutar la genta Gotta ),
l’Angel Gradivo, che dal cielo
Scese per ajutar la genta Gotta),
帕拉迪奥（帕拉斯雅典娜的衍生品，第 2 卷及各处），涅墨西奥（涅墨西斯的衍生品，第 20 卷），以及埃尔米尼奥（赫尔墨斯的衍生品，第 23 卷及各处）。无处不在的欧内里奥（第 1 卷及各处）似乎是梦境“奥涅波斯”的天使化身，由宙斯在《伊利亚特》第 2 卷开头派给阿伽门农。
Palladio (a derivative of Pallas Athene, book 2 and passim), Nemesio (a derivative of Nemesis, book 20), and Erminio (a derivative of Hermes, book 23 and passim). The ubiquitous Onerio (book 1 and passim) appears to be an angelic form of the dream, “Oνεipos, sent by Zeus to Agamemnon in Iliad, 2 init.
22 . 塔索，《耶路撒冷的解放》，7. 92. 因此，守护天使不仅通过与维纳斯给她的儿子埃涅阿斯的同样治疗方法来治愈戈弗雷的伤口，而且实际上通过展示相同的草药（《耶路撒冷的解放》，11 . 72 页 = 《埃涅阿斯纪》 ，12. 411 页）。
22. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 7. 92. So also the guardian angel heals Godfrey’s wound not only by giving it the same treatment as Venus gave her son Aeneas, but actually by exhibiting the same herb (Gerusalemme Liberata, 11 . 72 f. = Aeneid, 12. 411 f.).
23弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第 1.732 页（Mulciber = Vulcan）和《复乐园》，第 2.149 页（有关内容见第 521 页）。CG Osgood 的《弥尔顿诗歌中的古典神话》（耶鲁大学英语研究，第 8 卷，纽约，1900 年），第 416-41 页对弥尔顿对古典神话的双重态度进行了精彩的讨论。
23. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 732 f. (Mulciber = Vulcan) and Paradise Regained, 2. 149 f. (on which see p. 521). There is an admirable discussion of Milton’s double attitude to classical mythology in C. G. Osgood’s The Classical Mythology of Milton’s Poems (Yale Studies in English, 8, New York, 1900), pp. xlvi—li.
24 . 参见 OH Moore 的《地狱会议》（《现代语言学》第 16 卷（1918 年），169-193 页）和 M. Hammond 的《从荷马到弥尔顿的 Concilia deorum 》（ 《语言学研究》第 30 卷（1933 年），1-16 页）。很难想象耶罗尼米斯·博斯和彼得·布鲁格笔下的魔鬼在混乱的大厅里举行庄严的会议，但很容易想象弥尔顿笔下的魔鬼是被推翻的奥林匹亚神。
24. See O. H. Moore, ‘The Infernal Council’ (Modern Philology, 16 (1918), 169—93), and M. Hammond, ‘Concilia deorum from Homer through Milton’ (Studies in Philology, 30 (1933), 1–16). It is impossible to imagine the fiends portrayed by Hieronimus Bosch and Pieter Brueghel as holding a stately council in the halls of Pandemonium, but it is easy enough to think of Milton’s devils as Olympians overthrown.
25 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第 6 页，特别是第 637 页。魔鬼堕落了九天——这是赫西奥德在《泰奥多罗三世》中提出的数字。第 722 页。
25. Milton, Paradise Lost, 6, especially 637 f. The devils fall for nine days—the figure suggested by Hesiod, Theog. 722.
26 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，4. 990 f. = Horn. Il. 8. 69–77 和 22. 209–13 = Verg. Aen . 12. 725–7。
26. Milton, Paradise Lost, 4. 990 f. = Horn. Il. 8. 69–77 and 22. 209–13 = Verg. Aen. 12. 725–7.
27。创世记 1：26-7。
27. Genesis i. 26–7.
28 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》， 2.351 页。= Verg. Aen.10.115，带有雷鸣般的美妙音效：
28. Milton, Paradise Lost, 2. 351 f. = Verg. Aen. 10. 115, with a fine sound-effect of thunder:
totum nutu tremefecit Olympum。
totum nutu tremefecit Olympum.
这个想法也出现在 Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata , 13. 74 （正如观察到的作者：CM Bowra，《从维吉尔到弥尔顿》，伦敦，1945 年，第 148-9 页）。有几种荷马式的模型。
The idea recurs also in Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 13. 74 (as observed by C. M. Bowra, From Virgil to Milton, London, 1945, 148–9). There are several Homeric models.
29 . 阿里奥斯托，《疯狂的奥兰多》，46. 80–96。同样，15. 56 f. 中巨人阿利戈兰的网与伏尔甘为诱捕火星和维纳斯而制作的网完全相同，后来被墨丘利偷去捕捉花神克洛里斯，然后存放在坎诺普斯的阿努比斯神庙中，最后被住在开罗附近的阿利戈兰偷走。而在《仙后》，3. 2. 25 中，阿塞加尔穿着一套华丽的盔甲，上面刻着
29. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 46. 80–96. Similarly, the net of the giant Aligoran in 15. 56 f. was the identical net made by Vulcan to entrap Mars and Venus, then stolen by Mercury to catch Chloris the flower-goddess, then kept in the temple of Anubis at Canopus, and finally stolen by Aligoran, who lived near Cairo. And in The Faerie Queene, 3. 2. 25, Arthegall is seen wearing a splendid suit of armour inscribed
“阿喀琉斯之臂，阿塞加尔赢得了它”
‘Achilles’ arms, which Arthegall did win’
—这一概念取自阿里奥斯托的《疯狂的奥兰多》（30），在该剧中，鲁杰罗赢得了赫克托尔的芳心。
—a notion adopted from Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso, 30, where Ruggiero wins the arms of Hector.
30 .卡蒙斯 (Camoens)，牛卢西亚达斯 (Ox Lusiadas)，2. 45 f.
30. Camoens, Ox Lusiadas, 2. 45 f.
31 . 斯宾塞，《仙后》，3. 9. 33–51。
31. Spenser, The Faerie Queene, 3. 9. 33–51.
32 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，1. 196 f.
32. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 196 f.
33 .埃西拉 (Ercilla)、拉阿劳卡纳 (La Araucana)，3 和 7。
33. Ercilla, La Araucana, 3 and 7.
34 .阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·弗里奥索，18. 64 和 18. 65. 6：
34. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 18. 64, and 18. 65. 6:
奥拉齐奥·索尔反对托斯卡纳图塔。
Orazio sol contra Toscana tutta.
35 .埃西拉，拉阿劳卡纳，2。
35. Ercilla, La Araucana, 2.
36 .卡蒙斯，牛卢西亚达斯，9。
36. Camoens, Ox Lusiadas, 9.
37 . 斯宾塞，《仙后》，1. 1. 6.
37. Spenser, The Faerie Queene, 1. 1. 6.
38 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第4卷，第266页；有关讨论，参见D.布什，《神话与英国诗歌的文艺复兴传统》（明尼阿波利斯和伦敦，1932年），第278-86页，以及W.燕卜荪，《田园诗的一些版本》（伦敦，1935年），第172页。
38. Milton, Paradise Lost, 4. 266 f.; for discussions, see D. Bush, Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry (Minneapolis and London, 1932), 278–86, and W. Empson, Some Versions of Pastoral (London, 1935), 172 f.
39 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，1. 713 页。然而，弥尔顿可能想到的是罗马的圣彼得大教堂！
39. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 713 f. It is possible, however, that Milton was thinking of St. Peter’s in Rome!
40 . Tasso，《Gerusalemme Liberata》，16。2-7，受 Verg 启发。Aen.1。 455 英尺。 6. 14-33。
40. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 16. 2–7, inspired by Verg. Aen.1. 455 f. and 6. 14–33.
41 .斯宾塞，《仙后》，1. 2. 30 = 塔索，《自由解放》，13. 40 f。 = 阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·弗里奥索，6。 28–9 = 但丁，《地狱》，13. 28 f。 =维吉尔，艾恩。 3. 22-48。这一事件也以不同的形式出现在薄伽丘的《Filocolo》中，但阿里奥斯托可能是从但丁那里借用的：参见 P. Rajna, Le fonti dell' Orlando Furioso (Florence, 1900 2 ), 169-70。
41. Spenser, The Faerie Queene, 1. 2. 30 = Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 13. 40 f. = Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 6. 28–9 = Dante, Inferno, 13. 28 f. = Vergil, Aen. 3. 22–48. The incident also occurs in different forms in Boccaccio’s Filocolo, but Ariosto probably took it from Dante: see P. Rajna, Le fonti dell’ Orlando Furioso (Florence, 19002), 169–70.
42 .塔索，Gerusalemme Liberata，17。66 f。 = 维尔格。艾恩。 8. 626–731（受荷马启发，Il. 18）；和 Tasso，Gerusaleme Liberata，18. 92-6，灵感来自荷马，Il。 5和21，以及在维吉尔，艾恩特洛伊陷落的巨大高潮。 2. 589–623：
42. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 17. 66 f. = Verg. Aen. 8. 626–731 (inspired by Homer, Il. 18); and Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 18. 92–6, inspired by Homer, Il. 5 and 21, and by the tremendous climax of the fall of Troy in Vergil, Aen. 2. 589–623:
明显的 dirae facies，inimicaque Troiae
numina magna deum。
apparent dirae facies, inimicaque Troiae
numina magna deum.
43 . Ercilla，La Araucana，23 岁，和 Camoens，Os Lusíadas，10 岁：受到 Verg 的启发。艾恩。 6 . 756–887。
43. Ercilla, La Araucana, 23, and Camoens, Os Lusíadas, 10: inspired by Verg. Aen. 6. 756–887.
44 . 阿里奥斯托，《疯狂的奥兰多》，3. 16–59（关于此点，参见P. Rajna，引自注41、133 f.）；斯宾塞，《仙后》，3. 3. 21–49；弥尔顿，《失乐园》，5. 563–7. 640，11. 423–12. 551。
44. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 3. 16–59 (on which see P. Rajna, cited in n. 41, 133 f.); Spenser, The Faerie Queene, 3. 3. 21–49; Milton, Paradise Lost, 5. 563–7. 640, 11. 423–12. 551.
45 .阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·愤怒，17。45 f。 = 喇叭。奥德。 9. 413 f。
45. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 17. 45 f. = Horn. Od. 9. 413 f.
46 .阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·愤怒，10。92 f。 = 奥夫。遇见了。 4. 663–752。
46. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 10. 92 f. = Ov. Met. 4. 663–752.
47 .阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·愤怒，46。101 f。 = 维尔格。艾恩。 12. 681 f。
47. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 46. 101 f. = Verg. Aen. 12. 681 f.
48. Verg. Aen. 12. 951–2：
48. Verg. Aen. 12. 951–2:
Ast illi soluontur frigore membra
uitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub umbras。
Ast illi soluontur frigore membra
uitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub umbras.
49 .阿里奥斯托，奥兰多·愤怒，46。140：
49. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 46. 140:
所有的鲻鱼都成熟了，
Sciolta dal corpo più freddo che giaccio，
Bestemmiando fuggi l'alma sdegnosa，
Che fù si altiera al mondo e si orgogliosa。
Alle squallide ripe d’Acheronte,
Sciolta dal corpo più freddo che giaccio,
Bestemmiando fuggi l’alma sdegnosa,
Che fù si altiera al mondo e si orgogliosa.
请注意，异教徒并没有被送到地狱（但丁和《罗兰之歌》的作者肯定会把他送到那里），而是被送到了古典的冥界。
Notice that the pagan is not sent to hell, where Dante and the author of La Chanson de Roland would certainly have put him, but to the classical underworld.
50.罗兰，1015；
50. Roland, 1015;
Paien unt tort e christiens unt dreit。
Paien unt tort e chrestiens unt dreit.
51 .塔索，Gerusalemme Liberata，2. 89 f。 = 李维，21. 18.
51. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 2. 89 f. = Livy, 21. 18.
52。阿里奥斯托，《疯狂的奥兰多》，17. 11 = Verg. Aen. 2. 471–5。参见塔索，《耶路撒冷的解放》，7. 55 = Verg. Georg . 3. 229 f.（愤怒的公牛）；塔索，《耶路撒冷的解放》，9. 75，逃跑的种马 = Hom. Il . 6. 506 f。REN Dodge，《斯宾塞对阿里奥斯托的模仿》，载于PMLA，1897 年，第 151–204 页，展示了斯宾塞如何从阿里奥斯托那里选取很小的图像并进行复制，而且通常复制得更为生动。
52. Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 17. 11 = Verg. Aen. 2. 471–5. Cf. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 7. 55 = Verg. Georg. 3. 229 f. (the angry bull); Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 9. 75, the escaped stallion = Hom. Il. 6. 506 f. R. E. N. Dodge, ‘Spenser’s Imitations from Ariosto’, in PMLA, 1897, 151–204, shows how Spenser will take quite small images from Ariosto and reproduce them, usually more vividly.
53 .埃西拉，拉阿劳卡纳，3。
53. Ercilla, La Araucana, 3.
54.弥尔顿，《失乐园》， 2.636 页。山的明喻见于《失乐园》，4.987 页：
54. Milton, Paradise Lost, 2. 636 f. The mountain simile is in Paradise Lost, 4. 987:
像特内里费岛或阿特拉斯岛一样，
Like Teneriffe or Atlas, unremoved
可能来自维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯》第 12 章第 701-3 节，其中埃涅阿斯（也准备战斗）被说成
and probably comes from Vergil, Aen. 12. 701–3, where Aeneas (also ready to fight) is said to be
Quantus Athos，aut quantus Eryx，aut ipse coruscis
cum fremit ilicibus quantus gaudetque niuali
uertice se attollens pater Appenninus ad auras。
quantus Athos, aut quantus Eryx, aut ipse coruscis
cum fremit ilicibus quantus gaudetque niuali
uertice se attollens pater Appenninus ad auras.
它也像 Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata , 9. 31。
It is also like Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 9. 31.
55 . 彭忒西勒亚在《埃恩》第 1 章第 491 行中被提及，并出现在许多短篇史诗中。卡米拉出现在《埃恩》第 7 章第 803 行和第 11 章第 532 行。阿里奥斯托的前辈博亚尔多在他的《奥兰多的情人：玛尔菲萨》中引入了另一位美丽的泼妇，她在阿里奥斯托的诗中也扮演了一些角色。莎士比亚在《仲夏夜之梦》第 4 章第 1 行第 118 行中保留了希波吕忒坚强独立的部分，在那里她听起来像一个来自夏尔郡的猎狐英国女孩——尽管她的不和谐音更具音乐性，她的雷声更甜美。
55. Penthesilea is mentioned in Verg. Aen. 1 . 491, and appeared in many minor epics. Camilla appears in Aen. 7. 803 f. and 11. 532 f. Ariosto’s predecessor Boiardo had introduced another beautiful virago in his Orlando Innamorato: Marfisa, who plays some part in Ariosto’s poem too. Something of Hippolyta’s tough independence was retained by Shakespeare in A Midsummer-Night’s Dream, 4. 1. 118 f., where she sounds like a fox-hunting English girl from the Shires—although her discord is more musical, her thunder sweeter.
56 . 塔索，《耶路撒冷的解放》，12。23–37。赫利奥多罗斯，《埃塞俄比亚》（参见第 164–5 页）：王后在那里看着阿波罗的雕像；在塔索，她看着圣乔治的画像：两人的孩子都是白人，克洛琳达渴望信奉基督教。在河上，维吉尔，《埃恩》。11。547–66。卡米拉的父亲向戴安娜发誓，就像克洛琳达发誓一样其母亲将其赠予圣乔治。有关该类型的信息，请参阅 Pio Rajna 的《Le fonti dell' Orlando Furioso》（佛罗伦萨，19002 年），45 页。
56. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 12. 23–37. Heliodorus, Aethiopica (on which see pp. 164–5): the queen there looked at Apollo’s statue; in Tasso she looked at a picture of St. George: the children of both were white, and Clorinda aspired towards Christianity. On the river, Vergil, Aen. 11 . 547–66. Camilla was vowed to Diana by her father, as Clorinda was vowed to St. George by her mother. On the type, see Pio Rajna, Le fonti dell’ Orlando Furioso (Florence, 19002), 45 f.
57 . Dante，Inf. 2. 7 f.、32. 10 f.；Purg. 1. 7 f.、29. 37 f.（其中 Helicon 是一股泉水而不是一座山）；Par. 1. 13 f.（其中阿波罗被召唤来诉诸他自己的功绩）、2. 8、18. 82 f.
57. Dante, Inf. 2. 7 f., 32. 10 f.; Purg. 1 . 7 f., 29. 37 f. (where Helicon is a spring instead of a mountain); Par. 1 . 13 f. (where Apollo is invoked with an appeal to his own exploits), 2. 8, 18. 82 f.
58 .塔索，《解放耶路撒冷》，1. 2：
58. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 1. 2:
O Musa，tu che di caduchi allori
Non circondi la fronte in Elicona，
Ma su nel Cielo infra i beati cori
Hai di stelle immortali aurea corona…。
O Musa, tu che di caduchi allori
Non circondi la fronte in Elicona,
Ma su nel Cielo infra i beati cori
Hai di stelle immortali aurea corona… .
有人认为塔索在这里指的是圣母玛利亚。不太正式的祈祷词见 6. 39。
It has been suggested that Tasso here means the Virgin Mary. For a less formal invocation see 6. 39.
59 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第 9. 13 页；另见第 1. 1-16 页、第 7. 1-39 页和《复乐园》，第 1. 8-17 页。归根结底，弥尔顿的灵感来自三位一体中的第三位。
59. Milton, Paradise Lost, 9. 13 f.; cf. 1. 1–16, 7. 1–39, and Paradise Regained, 1. 8–17. Ultimately Milton’s inspiration is the Third Person of the Trinity.
60.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，1.84页。
60. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 84 f.
61 . 维吉尔，《艾恩》 . 2. 274 页：
61. Vergil, Aen. 2. 274 f.:
Ei mihi，qualiserat，量子变异 ab illo
Hectore qui redit exuuias indutus Achilli！
Ei mihi, qualis erat, quantum mutatus ab illo
Hectore qui redit exuuias indutus Achilli!
62 . 艾略特，《荒原》，2. 77 页。= 莎士比亚，《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》，2. 2. 199 页。
62. Eliot, The Waste Land, 2. 77 f. = Shakespeare, Antony and Cleopatra, 2. 2. 199 f.
63 .塔索，《解放耶路撒冷》，2。 86：
63. Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, 2. 86:
Noi morirem，ma non morremo inulti。
Noi morirem, ma non morremo inulti.
Verg. Aen . 4. 659–60:
Verg. Aen. 4. 659–60:
'moriemur inultae！
sed moriamur，'艾特。
‘moriemur inultae!
sed moriamur,’ ait.
塔索还引入了对狄多的其他回忆，这次更为恰当，是在阿米达和里纳尔多的离别中（GL . 16. 36 f.）。例如，参见 16. 57：
Tasso has introduced other reminiscences of Dido, more appropriately this time, in the parting of Armida and Rinaldo (G.L. 16. 36 f.). See, for instance, 16. 57:
Ne te Sofia produsse，e non sei nato
De l'Azio sangue tu：te l'onda insana
Del mar produsse e il Caucaso gelato，
E le mamme allattar di tigre ircana。
Ne te Sofia produsse, e non sei nato
De l’Azio sangue tu: te l’onda insana
Del mar produsse e il Caucaso gelato,
E le mamme allattar di tigre ircana.
并比较维尔格。艾恩。 4. 365°：
And compare Verg. Aen. 4. 365 f.:
Nec tibi diua parens，generis nec Dardanus auctor，
perfide，sed duris genuit te cautibus horrens
Caucasus Hyrcanaeque admorunt ubera tigres。
Nec tibi diua parens, generis nec Dardanus auctor,
perfide, sed duris genuit te cautibus horrens
Caucasus Hyrcanaeque admorunt ubera tigres.
64 . Aubrey Bell, Luis de Camoes（西班牙笔记和专着：葡萄牙语系列，4，牛津，1923 年），92。
64. Aubrey Bell, Luis de Camoes (Hispanic Notes and Monographs: Portuguese Series, 4, Oxford, 1923), 92.
65.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第10卷，第312–13页。
65. Milton, Paradise Lost, 10. 312–13.
66.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，1.266。
66. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 266.
67 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，11。668–9：说话者可能为以诺（创世记第 5 章第 24 节）。
67. Milton, Paradise Lost, 11. 668–9: the speaker was probably Enoch (Gen. v. 24).
68 .米尔顿，《失乐园》，6. 83–4 = Verg。艾恩。 7. 789 英尺。 （图尔努斯之盾）：
68. Milton, Paradise Lost, 6. 83–4 = Verg. Aen. 7. 789 f. (the shield of Turnus):
At leuem Clipeum sublatis cornibus Io
auro insignibat, iam saetis obsita, iam bos,
argumentum ingens。
At leuem clipeum sublatis cornibus Io
auro insignibat, iam saetis obsita, iam bos,
argumentum ingens.
69.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第12页。2–3。
69. Milton, Paradise Lost, 12. 2–3.
70.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，2 . 151 页。将其翻译成拉丁语，就非常简单了：sit hoc bonum或licet hoc bonum sit = “假设这是好的”。
70. Milton, Paradise Lost, 2. 151 f. Translate it into Latin, and it is perfectly straightforward: sit hoc bonum or licet hoc bonum sit = ‘assuming that this is good’.
这里有一些关于弥尔顿的希腊主义和拉丁主义的进一步例子，其中许多例子我要感谢F. Buff，《弥尔顿的《失乐园在塞内姆Verhaltnisse zur Aeneide》，《伊利亚斯与奥德赛》（Ilias und Odyssee，Hof，1904），以及E. Des Essarts，《De ueterum potarum》罗马人模仿米尔顿的希腊语（巴黎，1871 年）。除非另有说明，所有引文均来自《失乐园》 。
Here are some further examples of Milton’s grecisms and latinisms, for many of which I am indebted to F. Buff, Miltons Paradise Lost in seinem Verhaltnisse zur Aeneide, Ilias und Odyssee (Hof, 1904), and E. Des Essarts, De ueterum poetarum tum Graeciae tum Romae apud Miltonem imitatione (Paris, 1871). All quotations are from Paradise Lost unless otherwise signalized.
(a) 使用的单词是其拉丁词根含义，而不是其当前的英语含义：
(a) Words used with their Latin root-meaning rather than their current English meaning:
(b) 许多此类单词和短语都是对希腊和拉丁诗人短语的直接引用，而单词的非英语用法是为了呼应原文：
(b) Many such words and phrases are direct quotations of phrases from the Greek and Latin poets, and the un-English use of a word is meant to serve as an echo to recall the original:
最终它来自希腊哲学，希腊哲学
的意思是“整体的‘所有部分’”。当它通过拉丁语传到弥尔顿那里时，它几乎无法理解。
Ultimately it comes from Greek philosophy, where means something like ‘all the parts’ of a whole. By the time it has passed through Latin and reached Milton it is practically unintelligible.
值得注意的是，弥尔顿最引人注目的文体手法之一是形容词-名词-形容词短语，例如
It should be noticed that one of the most striking of Milton’s stylistic devices, the adjective-noun-adjective phrase, as in
永恒全能的君王（6.227）
The Eternal King Omnipotent (6. 227),
比希腊语或拉丁语更意大利化：caro Figlio adorato。
is more Italian than Greek or Latin: caro figlio adorato.
拉丁语和希腊语对弥尔顿的风格产生了一种扭曲的元素，这种元素属于巴洛克时代而不是文艺复兴时期，并使弥尔顿与西班牙的贡戈拉、意大利的马里尼联系起来。胡安·德·豪雷吉起初的创作诗歌如《快乐的人》一样流畅，但在将卢坎翻译成西班牙语时，出于同样的原因，他发现自己不得不用贡戈拉的风格来写作（见第 116 页）。因此，当弥尔顿说到“纯净的大理石空气”（《失乐园》第 3.564 页）时，他的意思是“像大理石一样闪闪发光”，他想到的是《伊利亚特》第 14.273 页中的aλa μapμapέην和《埃涅阿斯纪》第 6.729 页中的marmoreo sub aequore，但他已经超越了荷马和维吉尔，进入了巴洛克风格的概念领域。
The Latin and Greek influences on Milton’s style introduced an element of distortion which belongs to the baroque age rather than to the Renaissance, and links him with G6ngora in Spain, Marini in Italy. Juan de Jauregui, who had begun by writing poetry as smooth as L’Allegro, found that he was forced, when translating Lucan into Spanish, to write in a Gongoristic style (see p. 116) for very much the same reasons. Thus, when Milton speaks of ‘the pure marble air’ (Paradise Lost, 3. 564) he means ‘gleaming as brightly as marble’, and he is thinking of aλa μapμapέην in Iliad, 14. 273 and marmoreo sub aequore in Aeneid, 6. 729, but he has gone beyond both Homer and Vergil into the realm of baroque conceits.
9.文艺复兴：田园与浪漫
9. THE RENAISSANCE: PASTORAL AND ROMANCE
1.我们所知道的田园诗是忒奥克里托斯发明的吗？显然是的。R. Reitzenstein 的《警句与诗篇》 （ Epigramm und Skolion，吉森，1893 年）和 H. Wendel 的《古代和法国文学中的阿卡迪亚诗人》（Giessener Beiträge zur romanischen Philologie，吉森，1933 年）以及其他许多人重新审查了这些证据。有阿卡迪亚诗人——例如泰格亚的阿尼特（活跃于公元前 290 年）——也有诗人描写乡村生活的乐趣并祈求潘神。但没有迹象表明在忒奥克里托斯之前有人创作出田园生活与自然诗歌和音乐的典型融合，被视为歌唱的牧民和乡村恋人的话语。
1. Did Theocritus invent pastoral poetry as we know it? Apparently he did. The evidence is re-examined by R. Reitzenstein, Epigramm und Skolion (Giessen, 1893), and H. Wendel, Arkadien im Umkreis bukolischer Dichtung in der Antike und in der französischen Literatur (Giessener Beiträge zur romanischen Philologie, Giessen 1933), together with many others. There were Arcadian poets—such as Anyte of Tegea (fl. 290 B.C.) —and there were poets who wrote of the pleasures of country life and invoked Pan. But there is no sign that anyone before Theocritus produced the characteristic blend of pastoral life with natural poetry and music, seen as the utterance of singing herdsmen and rustic lovers.
2.忒奥克里托斯的诗被称为田园诗：这个词的起源和含义都不太清楚。人们认为它是εíδúλλioν βoνkoλikoóν 的缩写，εíδúλλioν 是 εiδoς 的缩写，意为“一首小小的个人诗”。
2. Theocritus’ poems are called idylls: a word of obscure origin and meaning. It is thought to be short for εíδúλλioν βoνkoλikoóν εíδúλλioν being a diminutive of εiδoς, and meaning ‘a little individual poem.’
3 . 维吉尔并没有把它们称为“田园诗”，这个名字似乎是后期帝国的批评家们发明的；他们用的是ecloga，即“精选”，意思是从十首田园诗中选出的一首诗。
3. Vergil did not call them ‘eclogues’, which is a name invented (it would seem) by the critics of the later empire; they used ecloga, ‘selection’, to mean one poem selected from the ten Bucolics.
4.参见保萨尼亚斯（Pausanias），第7页和第8页；LR Farnell，《希腊城邦的崇拜》（牛津，1909年），第5页。
4. See Pausanias, 7 and 8; and L. R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States (Oxford, 1909), 5.
5. B. Snell 在《发现精灵》（汉堡，1946 年）一书中就这一主题发表了一篇文章，文章中引用了 E. Kapp 的观点，即阿卡迪亚之所以成为音乐的理想之地，是因为历史学家波利比乌斯 (4. 20-1) 的一段话。波利比乌斯本人就是阿卡迪亚人，他在讲述了阿卡迪亚发生的暴行后，插入了一段很长的道歉信，解释说阿卡迪亚人实际上非常文明，有全国性的音乐训练和音乐比赛——除了发生暴行的那个社区。但这段话几乎与理想的阿卡迪亚的创造无关：因为波利比乌斯强调的不是他国家音乐的野性和质朴，而是其高度发达的文化。他写的不是牧羊人狂野地哼唱他们家乡的木曲，而是精心制作的由训练有素的合唱团演唱菲洛克塞努斯和提摩修斯创作的难度较高的现代音乐。他想证明阿卡迪亚不是“自然的”，而是高度文明的。此外，像维吉尔这样的年轻诗人，在写一位失恋的挽歌者时，会将自己的幻想建立在一个相对枯燥的作者的相对晦涩的段落上，这种可能性比维吉尔想到潘神阿卡迪亚的概率要小得多（Buc.10.26）。田园诗是由潘神用他的排箫发明的：参见 Reitzenstein（引自第 1 号），249-53。
5. B. Snell’s essay on this subject in Die Entdeckung des Geistes (Hamburg, 1946) cites E. Kapp’s suggestion that Arcadia became the ideal land of music because of a passage in the historian Polybius (4. 20–1). Himself an Arcadian by origin, Polybius, after narrating an atrocity committed in Arcadia, inserted a long apologia, explaining that the Arcadians were really highly civilized and had national musical training and musical competitions—except for the one community where the atrocity took place. But this passage can scarcely be relevant to the creation of the ideal Arcadia: because Polybius emphasized, not the wildness and rusticity of the music of his country, but its highly developed culture. He wrote not of shepherds warbling their native wood-notes wild, but of elaborate performances by trained choruses singing difficult modern music by Philoxenus and Timotheus. He wanted to prove that Arcadia was not ‘natural’ but highly civilized. Also, the probability that a young poet like Vergil, writing about a lovelorn elegist, would base his fantasy on a comparatively obscure passage in a comparatively dry author is much less than that Vergil thought of Pan, deus Arcadiae (Buc. 10. 26). Bucolic poetry was invented by Pan, with his pan-pipes: see Reitzenstein (cited in n. 1), 249–53.
6。本节的写作很大程度上要归功于一本关于这些奇异故事的写得很好的书：SL Wolff 的《伊丽莎白散文小说中的希腊浪漫史》（纽约，1912 年）。另请参阅 WW Greg 的《田园诗和田园剧》（伦敦，1906 年）、EH Haight 的《论希腊浪漫史》（纽约，1943 年）和《论希腊浪漫史的更多论文》（纽约，1945 年）以及 FA Todd 的《一些古代小说》（牛津，1940 年）。关于这个主题的核心著作是 Erwin Rohde 的《希腊浪漫史和其先驱》 （莱比锡，1914 年3 ）。 “浪漫”一词既用于十二世纪流行的骑士冒险故事（约 3 年），也用于这些希腊故事，也用于冒险比人物塑造更重要的现代故事。严格地说，这种说法有些宽泛和不准确，但也许可以原谅，因为当代普遍使用浪漫这个词来涵盖这三种类型小说的几乎所有主要元素。
6. I owe much in this section to a well-written book about these strange stories: S. L. Wolff’s Greek Romances in Elizabethan Prose Fiction (New York, 1912). See also W. W. Greg’s Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama (London, 1906), E. H. Haight’s Essays on the Greek Romances (New York, 1943) and More Essays on Greek Romances (New York, 1945), and F. A. Todd’s Some Ancient Novels (Oxford, 1940). The central book on the subject is Erwin Rohde’s Der griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer (Leipzig, 19143). The word romance is used both for the stories of chivalrous adventure which became popular in the twelfth century (c. 3), for these Greek tales, and for modern stories in which adventure is more important than character-drawing. Strictly, this is loose and inaccurate, but it can perhaps be excused by the general contemporary use of the word romantic to cover nearly all the chief elements in all these three types of fiction.
7.关于“Dares”和“Dictys”，请参见第 51 页。
7. On ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’ see p. 51 f.
8 . AJ Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 6. 363, n. 7, 评论了这样一个事实：当天使宣告耶稣诞生（《路加福音》第 ii 章）以及希腊缪斯女神讲述希腊诸神的诞生和后裔（《赫西奥德》，《泰奥多尔三世》）时，他们选择的听众是“守在田野里的牧羊人”——因为，汤因比先生认为，牧羊人而非城镇居民拥有天真单纯的心，适合接受这样的启示。
8. A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 6. 363, n. 7, comments on the fact that when the angels announced the birth of Jesus (Luke ii) and when the Greek Muses related the birth and descent of the Hellenic gods (Hesiod, Theog. init.), the hearers they chose were ‘shepherds abiding in the field’—because, Mr. Toynbee suggests, shepherds and not townspeople have guileless and simple hearts fit to receive such a revelation.
9.关于“罗宾与马里昂” ，请参见WWGreg的《田园诗与田园剧》（伦敦，1906年），第63–5页；关于“田园诗”，请参见WPJones的《田园诗》（剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1931年）。
9. On Robin et Marion see W. W. Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama (London, 1906), 63–5; on the pastourelles, W. P. Jones, The Pastourelle (Cambridge, Mass., 1931).
10 . Sannazaro，阿卡迪亚（编辑 M. Scherillo，都灵，1888 年），prosa，11。 308 = 伊利诺伊州荷马。 23.724.
10. Sannazaro, Arcadia (ed. M. Scherillo, Turin, 1888), prosa, 11 . 308 = Homer, Il. 23. 724.
11 . “Le rnanuel le plus complet de patoralisme qu'il soit possible d'imaginer”——H. Genouy，L''Arcadia' de Sidney dans ses rapports avec I'Arcadia' de Sannazaro et la 'Diana' de Montemayor (蒙彼利埃，1928)，53。
11. ‘Le rnanuel le plus complet de pastoralisme qu’il soit possible d’imaginer’—H. Genouy, L’‘Arcadia’ de Sidney dans ses rapports avec I‘Arcadia’ de Sannazaro et la ‘Diana’ de Montemayor (Montpellier, 1928), 53.
12 . 塞万提斯，《堂吉诃德》，2.67；焚书事件发生在1.6。
12. Cervantes, Don Quixote, 2. 67; the book-burning is in 1. 6.
13.参见第 91-3 页。
13. See pp. 91–3.
14.同一时期出版的其他此类作品有格林的《梅纳芬》，该剧中多次出现伪装、绑架和沉船事件，直接源于希腊传奇故事；洛奇的《罗莎琳德》为莎士比亚的《皆大欢喜》提供了大量素材，该剧最终改编自英国田园英雄罗宾汉的传奇故事。
14. Others of this type published about the same time are Greene’s Menaphon, which, with its multiple disguises, kidnappings, and shipwrecks, stems straight from the Greek romances; and Lodge’s Rosalynde, which gave Shakespeare much material for As You Like It, and which was ultimately based on the saga of the English pastoral hero Robin Hood.
15.参见Genouy（引自注11），109页。
15. See Genouy (cited in n. 11), 109 f.
16.详情请参阅Genouy（引自注11），174页。
16. See Genouy (cited in n. 11), 174 f., for details.
17.有关西德尼的书与十八世纪小说之间的联系，请参见第 18 章第 341 页。
17. For the link between Sidney’s book and the eighteenth-century novel, see c. 18, p. 341.
18 .爱情的徒劳无功，4. 2. 96 f.
18. Love’s Labour’s Lost, 4. 2. 96 f.
19 .冠军之家的歌声
19. Ce ne sont pas bergers d’une maison champestre
Qui menent pour salaire aux champs les brebis paistre,
Qui menent pour salaire aux champs les brebis paistre,
Mais de haute famille et de race d'ayeux。
Mais de haute famille et de race d’ayeux.
（第一篇牧歌，第一次演讲。）
(Eclogue 1, first speech.)
H. Wendel（引自注释 1）在第 50 页探讨了龙沙从古典田园作家那里获得的经验；有关整个主题，请参见 A. Hulubei 的《 16世纪的法国话语》（巴黎，1938 年）。
H. Wendel (cited in n. 1) examines on p. 50 f. Ronsard’s debt to the classical bucolic writers; and on the whole subject see A. Hulubei, L’Églogue en France au XVIe siécle (Paris, 1938).
20 . 参见 M. Y. 休斯的《斯宾塞与希腊田园诗三部曲》（《语言学研究》第 20 卷（1923 年），第 184-215 页）以及同一位学者的《维吉尔与斯宾塞》（《加利福尼亚大学英文出版物》第 2. 3 卷，加州伯克利，1929 年）。休斯先生强调了巴伊夫的学术性，认为他确实为在坚实的古典基础上创作法国田园诗做出了贡献。
20. See M. Y. Hughes, ‘Spenser and the Greek Pastoral Triad’ (Studies in Philology, 20 (1923), 184–215), and the same scholar’s Virgil and Spenser (University of California publications in English, 2. 3, Berkeley, Cal., 1929). Mr. Hughes emphasizes the scholarship of Baïf, and holds him really responsible for creating French pastoral poetry on a firm classical foundation.
21.这些引文出自《热情的牧羊人对他的爱人》，该书刊登于英国的赫利孔出版社（1600 年），被认为是马洛所作。
21. These quotations are from The Passionate Shepherd to His Love, which appeared in England’s Helicon (1600), and is ascribed to Marlowe.
22 .加卢斯，布克。 10；瓦里乌斯，布克。 9. 35；巴维乌斯和梅维乌斯，布克。 3. 90.
22. Gallus, Buc. 10; Varius, Buc. 9. 35; Bavius and Maevius, Buc. 3. 90.
23 . Buc. 1 . 43 f.；参见Buc . 9. 2 f.
23. Buc. 1. 43 f.; cf. Buc. 9. 2 f.
24 . 有关这些诗歌中希腊田园诗的回响，参见《快乐的人》第81-90页；《沉思者》第131-138页。
24. For the echoes of Greek pastoral in these poems, see L’Allegro, 81–90; Il Penseroso, 131–8.
25.莱西达斯119 f .
25. Lycidas 119 f.
26 . 《失乐园》 ,第4卷,第192—3页。英语中田园教会讽刺作品最极端的例子大概就是夸尔斯的《牧羊人的神谕》（1646年），有关该作品可参见格雷格的《田园诗与田园剧》（伦敦,1906年）,第118—19页。
26. Paradise Lost, 4. 192—3. The most extreme example of pastoral-ecclesiastical satire in English is probably Quarles’s Shepherds’ Oracles (1646), on which see Greg’s Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama (London, 1906), 118–19.
27 . 关于阿多尼斯，另见第 420-1 页。济慈在去世前几年，在斯塔法岛的“海之教堂”里看到了莱西达斯的幻象，这是诗歌传统延续的一个感人例子。参见他在苏格兰之旅期间在那里写的诗。
27. On Adonais see also pp. 420—1. It is a touching example of the continuity of poetic tradition that Keats should have had a vision of Lycidas only a few years before his death, in the ‘cathedral of the sea’, Staffa. See his poem written there during his tour of Scotland.
28。参见第139页。
28. See p. 139.
29.参见第 135-6 页。
29. See pp. 135–6.
30.关于这些作品，请参阅 Greg 的《田园诗与田园戏剧》（伦敦，1906 年），第 170 页及其附录 1。
30. On these pieces see Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama (London, 1906), 170 f. and his Appendix 1.
31.有关Il sacrifizio的详述见Greg，《田园诗与田园戏剧》（伦敦，1906年），第174–175页。
31. Details on Il sacrifizio in Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama (London, 1906), 174–5.
32.关于《阴影》请参阅A. Tilley，《法国文艺复兴文学》（剑桥，1904 年），第 2 卷。115 页。
32. On Les Ombres see A. Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance (Cambridge, 1904), 2. 115 f.
33。他们的意大利名字是Aminta和Il pastor fido 。K. Olschki在《Guarinis 'Pastor fido' in Deutschland》（莱比锡，1908 年）中描述了无数的模仿者。
33. Their Italian names are Aminta and Il pastor fido. Some of the innumerable imitations are described by K. Olschki, Guarinis ‘Pastor fido’ in Deutschland (Leipzig, 1908).
34. H. Smith，《英国戏剧中的田园影响》（PMLA，12（ns 5），1897，355–460），对这一主题进行了详细的讨论。
34. H. Smith, ‘Pastoral Influence in the English Drama’ (PMLA, 12 (n.s. 5), 1897, 355–460), discusses the subject at length.
35。 随你喜欢，2. 1. 21 f.
35. See As You Like It, 2. 1. 21 f.
36 . 参见第 139 页。D . Bush 的《英语诗歌中的神话和文艺复兴传统》（明尼阿波利斯和伦敦，1932 年），第 264 页对Comus进行了令人钦佩的论述。
36. See p. 139. There is an admirable treatment of Comus in D. Bush’s Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry (Minneapolis and London, 1932), 264 f.
37.参见第141页，以及PH Lang，《西方文明中的音乐》（纽约，1941年），第337页。
37. See p. 141, and P. H. Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York, 1941), 337 f.
38. PH Lang（引自注37），347。
38. P. H. Lang (cited in n. 37), 347.
39 . H. Hauvette，《意大利文学》（巴黎，19246 年），322：“un long belement retentit des Alpes a la Sicile”。
39. H. Hauvette, Litterature italienne (Paris, 19246), 322: ‘un long belement retentit des Alpes a la Sicile’.
40 . 该协会的历史始于 I. Carini 的《1690 至 1890 年的阿卡迪亚》（第 1 卷，罗马，1891 年）。Vernon Lee 的《十八世纪意大利研究》（伦敦，1907 年2）第 1 册对阿卡迪亚进行了精彩的描述，只是有点过于“现在一切都消失了，但过去是多么古老”的态度。
40. The history of the society was begun by I. Carini, L’Arcadia dal 1690 al 1890 (v. 1, Rome, 1891). There is a fine evocation of Arcadia in c. 1 of Vernon Lee’s Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy (London, 19072), marred only by a little too much of the ‘now it is all gone, but how quaint it was’ attitude.
41 . L'aprés-midi d'un faune在第 12 页上进行了讨论。 507 楼。
41. L’aprés-midi d’un faune is discussed on p. 507 f.
42 .这是Die Bekehrte，不。沃尔夫的歌德之歌第 27 首。
42. This is Die Bekehrte, no. 27 in Wolf’s Goethe-Lieder.
补充说明
Additional note
著名短语Et in Arcadia ego经常被误认为Et ego in Arcadia（例如歌德、席勒和尼采都这样引用），并被误译为“我也曾生活在阿卡迪亚”。它最早出现在巴比耶里（称为“Guercino”）的一幅画作中，画中两个阿卡迪亚牧羊人来到一座坟墓，坟墓上方有一个老鼠咬过的头骨。普桑在一幅现藏于查茨沃斯的精美画作中复制了这一主题，而卢浮宫中还有一幅更著名的画作。这个短语的意思是“即使在阿卡迪亚，我（死亡）也被发现。”它的中世纪原型是三个死人和三个活人的会面，与 J. Huizinga 的《中世纪的衰落》（伦敦，1937 年）第 129 页的死亡之舞有关。古典文学中没有这个短语的踪迹，它可能是在文艺复兴时期创造的。其含义和背景在 E. 帕诺夫斯基的《哲学与历史：呈交恩斯特·卡西尔的论文集》（牛津，1936 年），第 223 页和1938 年的《美术公报》中进行了讨论；W. 魏斯巴赫的《古董》第 6 页和1937 年的《美术公报》中进行了讨论；以及 H. 温德尔（引自注释 1），第 72 页。
The famous phrase Et in Arcadia ego is often misquoted as Et ego in Arcadia (e.g. by Goethe, Schiller, and Nietzsche) and mistranslated as ‘I too have lived in Arcady’. It occurs first in a painting by Barbieri (called ‘Guercino’) showing two Arcadian shepherds coming upon a tomb, surmounted by a rat-gnawed skull. The theme was copied by Poussin in a fine painting now at Chatsworth, and in a more famous one in the Louvre. The phrase means ‘Even in Arcadia I (Death) am found.’ Its medieval ancestor is the meeting of the Three Dead Men and the Three Living Men, which is connected with the Danse Macabre by J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (London, 1937), 129 f. There is no trace of the phrase in classical literature, and it was probably coined in the Renaissance. Its meaning and background are discussed by E. Panofsky in Philosophy and History: Essays presented to Ernst Cassirer (Oxford, 1936), 223 f. and Gazette des beaux arts, 1938; W. Weisbach in Die Antike, 6, and Gazette des beaux arts, 1937; and H. Wendel (cited in n. 1), 72 f.
10.拉伯雷与蒙田
10. RABELAIS AND MONTAIGNE
拉伯雷
Rabelais
对于研究拉伯雷的资料来源和环境而言，让·普拉塔尔 (Jean Plattard) 的《拉伯雷的作品》(L'Œuvre de Rabelais )（巴黎，1910 年）具有重要意义。
For the study of Rabelais in relation to his sources and his milieu, Jean Plattard’s L’Œuvre de Rabelais (Paris, 1910) is of prime importance.
1 . JH de Groot 的《莎士比亚与旧信仰》（纽约，1946 年）很好地证明了这一理论：莎士比亚的父亲约翰·莎士比亚秘密地信奉罗马天主教，而威廉对天主教的同情多于对新教的同情。不过，宗教在哈姆雷特、麦克白和奥赛罗等人的思想中只占很小一部分。
1. J. H. de Groot, The Shakespeares and ‘The Old Faith’ (New York, 1946), makes out a good case for the theory that John Shakespeare, the father, remained a Roman Catholic in secret and that William gave more sympathy to Catholicism than to Protestantism. Still, religion plays a markedly small part in the thought of such men as Hamlet, Macbeth, and Othello.
2.参见 Plattard，第 5 章。
2. See Plattard, c. 5.
3.另一方面，拉伯雷几乎是唯一一位能够将医学描述变得有趣的医生。例如，参见约翰修士造成的伤口（1. 44）、朗迪比利斯的演讲（3. 31）以及忏悔节的解剖学描述（4. 30 f.），这些都取自意大利人文主义者塞利奥·卡尔卡尼尼（Celio Calcagnini）对非自然怪物巨人（ Gigantes ）的描述（Plattard，162–5, 297 f.）。
3. On the other hand, Rabelais is almost the only doctor who has ever managed to make medical descriptions funny. See, for instance, the wounds inflicted by Friar John (1. 44), the lecture of Rondibilis (3. 31), and the anatomical description of Shrovetide (4. 30 f.), taken from a description of unnatural monsters, Gigantes, by the Italian humanist Celio Calcagnini (Plattard, 162–5, 297 f.).
4 .魔鬼在圣路易斯之谜中出现并说话，由 L. Petit de Julleville 描述，《法国戏剧史：les mystères》（巴黎，1906 年6），2. 527 f。有关拼写，请参阅 A. Lefranc、J. Boulenger、H. Clouzot、P. Dorveaux、J. Platard 和 L. Sainéan 所著的 Rabelais 批评版（巴黎，1912-31），第 3 卷，第 xv 页和十七。
4. The devil appears and speaks in the mystery of Saint Louis, described by L. Petit de Julleville, Histoire du théâtre en France: les mystères (Paris, 19066), 2. 527 f. For the spelling, see the critical edition of Rabelais by A. Lefranc, J. Boulenger, H. Clouzot, P. Dorveaux, J. Plattard, and L. Sainéan (Paris, 1912–31), v. 3, pp. xv and xvii.
5 . NH Clement，《亚瑟王传奇对拉伯雷五书的影响》（加州大学现代语言学出版物，第 12 卷，加州伯克利，1925-6，147-257 页），将这本书描述为“法国中世纪传奇的滑稽模仿，尤其是圆桌传奇”——1 和 2 戏仿了亚瑟王传奇，3-5 戏仿了圣杯之战。这无疑是真的，但我们不能忘记拉伯雷英雄的巨大力量和巨大的胃口，这些都来自普尔奇和中世纪的奇迹故事，如《纪事》。有关拉伯雷与他创作的流行巨人故事之间关系的非常详细而仔细的分析，请参阅 M. Fraçcon 的《关于“庞大固鲁”的起源》，PMLA，62（1947），1. 45–61。
5. N. H. Clement, ‘The Influence of the Arthurian Romances on the Five Books of Rabelais’ (University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 12, Berkeley, Cal., 1925–6, 147–257), describes the book as ‘a burlesque imitation of the French medieval romances, but particularly of the romances of the Round Table’—1 and 2 parodying the Arthurian romances in general, and 3–5 the Grail quest. This is doubtless true, but we must not forget the giant powers and giant appetites of Rabelais’s heroes, which come from Pulci and from the medieval tales of marvels like the Cronicques. For a very detailed and careful analysis of the relation between Rabelais and the popular giant-stories which started him off, see M. Fraçcon, ‘Sur la genése de “Pantagruel”‘, PMLA, 62 (1947), 1. 45–61.
6.有关 Ponocrates，请参见 1. 23、Anagnostes 1. 23、Gymnast 1. 18 和 1. 35、Philotimus 1. 18、Picrochole 1. 26。
6. For Ponocrates see 1. 23, Anagnostes 1. 23, Gymnast 1. 18 and 1. 35, Philotimus 1. 18, Picrochole 1. 26.
7.泰勒玛在1.52，其座右铭在1.57。
7. Thelema is in 1. 52, its motto in 1. 57.
8. Dipsodes 出现在2.23，Amaurots 和 Utopia 出现在 2.2，Epistemon 首先出现在 2.5，而 Panurge 首先出现在 2.9。
8. The Dipsodes are in 2. 23, the Amaurots and Utopia in 2. 2, Epistemon first in 2. 5, and Panurge first in 2. 9.
9.关于维托里诺·德·兰博尔迪尼（1378-1446），又名维托里诺·达·费尔特雷，以及他辉煌的教育生涯，参见JE Sandys，《古典学术史》，2.53 f.
9. On Vittorino dei Ramboldini (1378-1446), called Vittorino da Feltre, and his magnificent educational career, see J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, 2. 53 f.
10. Plattard，54 f.和300。
10. Plattard, 54 f. and 300.
11 .贝迪埃和阿扎尔，《法国文学插图历史》，164。
11. Bédier and Hazard, Histoire illustrée de la littérature française, 164.
12。 H. Schoenfeld 在《拉伯雷和伊拉斯谟》（PMLA，ns 1（1893））一书中指出，伊拉斯谟的许多信念都出现在他年轻的拉伯雷身上，后者的生活与他大致相同。《谚语》充满了对妇女、僧侣、法学家、仪式、教皇的世俗权力、虚荣心以及反人文主义势力的讽刺，就像拉伯雷的书一样。Le Duchat 指出，拉伯雷在 3.9 页 Panurge 对婚姻的讨论中抄袭了伊拉斯谟的《回声》 ；Birch-Hirschfeld 推测，拉伯雷在 1532 年创作《庞大固埃》时写的一封信实际上是写给伊拉斯谟的，这封信表达了他对导师的深切感激。
12. H. Schoenfeld, ‘Rabelais and Erasmus’ (PMLA, n.s. 1 (1893)), has pointed out that many of Erasmus’s beliefs reappeared in those of his junior Rabelais, who had something of the same kind of life. The Adages are full of satirical remarks against women, monks, jurists, ceremonies, the temporal power of the popes, vanity, and anti-humanist forces generally, very much as the books of Rabelais are. Le Duchat has shown that Erasmus’s Echo was copied by Rabelais in Panurge’s discussion of marriage in 3. 9 f.; and Birch-Hirschfeld conjectured that a letter, expressing the deepest indebtedness to an instructor, and written by Rabelais in 1532 while he was working on Pantagruel, was in fact addressed to Erasmus.
13.参见2.8。尽管拉伯雷声称钦佩柏拉图，但他很少直接引用对话录，而是从伊拉斯谟的《格言》和周围人文主义氛围中获取有关柏拉图学说的大部分知识（Plattard，225）。
13. See 2. 8. In spite of his professed admiration for Plato, Rabelais makes few direct quotations from the dialogues, and gets most of his knowledge of Platonic doctrines from Erasmus’s Adages and by osmosis out of the surrounding humanist atmosphere (Plattard, 225).
14 . 1. 33：这一争论源自普鲁塔克所著的《皮洛士传》（c.14）中西尼亚斯与皮洛士之间的访谈，以及卢西安的《船（或愿望）》：普拉塔德，207–8 页。
14. 1. 33: the debate comes from the interview between Cineas and Pyrrhus given in Plutarch’s life of Pyrrhus (c. 14), plus Lucian’s The Ship (or Wishes): Plattard, 207–8.
15 . 2. 30，来自卢西安的Menippus：Plattard，208 f。
15. 2. 30, from Lucian’s Menippus: Plattard, 208 f.
16 . 特鲁约根是以皮浪为原型的，正如卢西安的《出卖生命》中所描绘的那样（该作品本身又以梅尼普斯的一部已失传的讽刺作品为原型）：Plattard，212 f.
16. Trouillogan is modelled on Pyrrho, as depicted in Lucian’s Sale of Lives (itself modelled on a lost satire of Menippus’): Plattard, 212 f.
还有一些事件是拉伯雷直接从卢西安那里借来的，总体上使这些事件更加完善，并且更加生动。
There are a few more incidents which Rabelais has taken directly from Lucian, generally improving them and giving them more vigour.
17. 《庞大固埃》序言，厄克哈特译。
17. Preface to Pantagruel, tr. Urquhart.
蒙田
Montaigne
对我们而言，关于蒙田的必备书籍是 P. Villey 的《蒙田散文集的来源与演进》（巴黎，1908 年）。J. Zeitlin 有一本很好的现代译本，其中有非常有用的注释，部分内容基于 Villey 的著作（纽约，1934-6 年）。
The essential book on Montaigne for our purposes is P. Villey’s Les Sources et l’évolution des essais de Montaigne (Paris, 1908). There is a good modern translation with very useful notes, partly based on Villey, by J. Zeitlin (New York, 1934–6).
18。随笔，1。25：关于儿童的制度和教育：致富瓦的黛安娜夫人。
18. Essays, 1. 25: Of the institution and education of children: to the Lady Diana of Foix.
19 .随笔集，1. 25，弗洛里奥译本，改编。
19. Essays, 1. 25, Florio’s translation, adapted.
20 . 乔治·布坎南和马克-安托万·米雷是文艺复兴时期最伟大的教师之一。关于布坎南，请参阅 JE Sandys的《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908 年），第 2 卷，第 243-246 页；关于米雷更为杰出的职业生涯，请参阅第 2 卷，第 148-152 页。
20. George Buchanan and Marc-Antoine Muret were among the greatest teachers of the Renaissance. On Buchanan see J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 243–6; on the even more remarkable career of Muret, 2. 148–52.
21.这些话出自蒙田在书房里挂上的一块铭文，显然出自伊壁鸠鲁（fr. LVIII Bailey）。
21. The words are from one of the inscriptions Montaigne put up in his study, and apparently come from Epicurus (fr. LVIII Bailey).
22 . P. Villey，引自上文引言；另见 P. Hensel，《蒙田与古董》（《瓦尔堡图书馆评论》1925-6 年（莱比锡，1928 年），第 67-94 页）。在《蒙田图书馆》（《法国文学史评论》第 2 期（1895 年），第 313-71 页）中，P. Bonnefon 列出了已知属于蒙田的现存书籍清单（9 本希腊文、35 本拉丁文、13 本意大利文、2 本西班牙文和 17 本法文），并附有他刻在塔楼书房天花板上的希腊文和拉丁文句子的抄本。关于《随笔集》的各个版本，请参见 J. Bédier 和 P. Hazard 的《法国文学图解史》（巴黎，1923-4 年），第 1 卷，第 204 页：他们说 1588 年版是“第五版（我们所知的是第四版）”，并附上了一张《随笔集》一页的大幅照片，上面满是蒙田亲手添加的内容，其手写内容的复杂性堪比普鲁斯特式的复杂程度。
22. P. Villey, quoted in the introductory note above; see also P. Hensel, ‘Montaigne und die Antike’ (Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg 1925–6 (Leipzig, 1928), 67–94). In ‘La Bibliotheque de Montaigne’ (Revue d’histoire littéraire de la France, 2 (1895), 313–71) P. Bonnefon gives a list of the extant books known to have belonged to Montaigne (9 Greek, 35 Latin, 13 Italian, 2 Spanish, and 17 French), with a transcription of the Greek and Latin sentences which he inscribed on the ceiling of his tower-study. On the various editions of the Essays see J. Bédier and P. Hazard, Histoire de la littérature française illustrée (Paris, 1923–4), 1. 204: they say that the 1588 edition was ‘a fifth edition (the fourth which we know)’, and give a large photograph of a page from the Essays covered with Montaigne’s own handwritten additions in a positively Proustian intricacy.
23。随笔， 2。10：论书籍。
23. Essays, 2. 10: Of Books.
24 . 有关蒙田是否真的懂希腊语的讨论，请参阅 Borje Knos 的《蒙田的希腊语引文》，收录于《Eranos》44（1946 年），第 460-83 页。蒙田在《随笔》 1. 25 和 2. 4 中说，他不懂希腊语；他喜欢尽可能使用翻译。尽管如此，他引用了希腊语，他明白引文的含义，并将希腊语引文刻在天花板上。Knos 先生的结论是，蒙田懂一些希腊语（在图卢兹受到了图梅布斯和兰比努斯的希腊化影响），但他不想显得学究气十足。
24. For a discussion of the question whether Montaigne really knew Greek or not, see Borje Knos, ‘Les Citations grecques de Montaigne’, in Eranos, 44 (1946), 460—83. Montaigne, in Essays, 1. 25 and 2. 4, said he knew none; and he liked using translations where possible. Nevertheless, he quoted Greek, he understood what his quotations meant, and he had Greek quotations inscribed on his ceiling. Mr. Knos concludes that Montaigne knew some Greek (having come under the hellenizing influence of Tumebus and Lambinus at Toulouse) but did not want to appear scholarly to the point of pedantry.
25 . AD Menut在《蒙田和《尼各马可伦理学》中（《现代语言学》，31.3（1934），225–42）列出了蒙田《随笔集》中27处对《尼各马可伦理学》的引用（比维莱的清单更完整），并指出了许多重要的间接联系领域，在这些领域中，蒙田的思想与亚里士多德的思想相吻合，不仅因为他从中间作者那里学到了亚里士多德的原则，还因为他独立地得出了相同的观点。
25. A. D. Menut, ‘Montaigne and the “Nicomachean Ethics” ‘(Modern Philology, 31.3 (1934), 225–42), gives a list of 27 references in Montaigne’s Essays to the Nicomachean Ethics (a list more complete than Villey’s), and indicates a number of important areas of indirect contact, where Montaigne’s thought coincides with that of Aristotle not only because he has learnt Aristotelian principles from intermediary authors but because he has arrived independently at the same point of view.
26. CH Hay 在《蒙田的塞内克读者和模仿者》（Poitiers，1938）中强调，蒙田更喜欢塞内加的风格和思想，而不是西塞罗的风格和思想。（关于这一点，另见第 323 页）第 167 页。Hay 博士研究了蒙田的论文《论孤独》，发现它主要建立在塞内加的思想之上，其结尾是直接从塞内加翻译的句子的拼凑。
26. C. H. Hay, in Montaigne lecteur et imitateur de Sénèque (Poitiers, 1938), emphasizes the preference of Montaigne for Seneca’s style and thought over those of Cicero. (On that point see also p. 323 f.) On p. 167 f. Dr. Hay examines Montaigne’s essay De la solitude, finding that it is largely built on Senecan ideas, and that its peroration is a pastiche of sentences translated directly from Seneca.
27. Villey（引言中引用），215。
27. Villey (quoted in introductory note), 215.
28.关于蒙田从塞内加和普鲁塔克那里得到什么，见他在1.25和2.32中的陈述。众所周知，莎士比亚曾饶有兴趣地阅读过《随笔集》 （见JM Robertson， 《蒙田与莎士比亚》，伦敦，1897年），因此蒙田的一些古典学识肯定也是通过这些渠道传到他那里的，这些文体的魅力也使他大加赞赏。
28. On Montaigne’s debt to Seneca and Plutarch, see his own assertions in 1. 25 and 2. 32. Shakespeare is known to have read the Essays with interest and affection (see J. M. Robertson, Montaigne and Shakspere, London, 1897), so that some of Montaigne’s classical learning certainly reached him through these channels also, commended by the charm of their style.
29.关于这一点，请参阅 GS Gordon 的一篇优秀论文《泰奥弗拉斯托斯及其模仿者》，载于《英国文学和古典学》 （Gordon 主编，牛津，1912 年）。
29. On this point see a good essay by G. S. Gordon, ‘Theophrastus and His Imitators’, in English Literature and the Classics (ed. Gordon, Oxford, 1912).
30 . 贺拉斯，Serm. 2. 1 . 32 f.：沉船或其他事故的祈愿图总是清晰地显示每一个细节，现代同类祭品仍然如此。
30. Horace, Serm. 2. 1 . 32 f.: the votive picture of a shipwreck or some other accident always showed every detail with naive clarity, as modern offerings of the same kind still do.
31 .拉穆斯（Ramus）是蒙田的一位稍微年长的同时代人，他于 1536 年获得了博士学位，他坚持以下论点：所有亚里士多德的学说都是错误的：quaecumque ab Aristotel dicta essent commentitia esse，（关于他，请参见 H. Gillot, La Querelle des anciens et des Modernes en法国，巴黎，1914 年，第 56 页，谁比较了蒙田的Que sçais-je？与桑切斯的论文：Quod nihil scitur。）
31. Ramus, a slightly older contemporary of Montaigne, got his doctorate in 1536 by maintaining the thesis that all Aristotle’s doctrines were false: quaecumque ab Aristotele dicta essent commentitia esse, (On him, see H. Gillot, La Querelle des anciens et des modernes en France, Paris, 1914, 56 f., who compares Montaigne’s Que sçais-je? with the thesis of Sanchez: Quod nihil scitur.)
11.莎士比亚经典作品
11. SHAKESPEARE’S CLASSICS
关于这个主题有很多好书和文章。以下文章将特别有帮助：
There are many good books and articles on this subject. The following will be found particularly helpful:
P. Alexander，《莎士比亚的生活和艺术》（伦敦，1939 年）。
P. Alexander, Shakespeare’s Life and Art (London, 1939).
HRD 安德斯，《莎士比亚著作》（Schriften der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft，1，柏林，1904 年）。
H. R. D. Anders, Shakespeare’s Books (Schriften der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, 1, Berlin, 1904).
AL Attwater，《莎士比亚的资料来源》，《莎士比亚研究公司》，H. Granville-Barker 和 GB Harrison 编辑（纽约，1934 年）。
A. L. Attwater, ‘Shakespeare’s Sources’, in A Companies to Shakespeare Studies, ed. H. Granville-Barker and G. B. Harrison (New York, 1934).
TW Baldwin，《威廉·莎士比亚的《小拉丁文》和《小希腊文》 (Urbana，111.，1944 年)。
T. W. Baldwin, William Shakspere’s Small Latine and Lesse Greeke (Urbana, 111., 1944).
D. Bush，《英国诗歌中的神话和文艺复兴传统》（明尼阿波利斯和伦敦，1932 年）。
D. Bush, Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry (Minneapolis and London, 1932).
JW Cunliffe，《塞内加对伊丽莎白悲剧的影响》（伦敦，1893 年）。
J. W. Cunliffe, The Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy (London, 1893).
TS Eliot，《莎士比亚与塞涅卡的斯多葛主义》和《伊丽莎白翻译中的塞涅卡》，载于《精选论文集 1917-1932》（纽约，1932 年）。
T. S. Eliot, ‘Shakespeare and the Stoicism of Seneca’ and ‘Seneca in Elizabethan Translation’, in Selected Essays 1917–1932 (New York, 1932).
J.恩格尔，“莎士比亚戏剧中的斯普伦塞内卡斯”（《普鲁士年鉴》 ，112（1903），60-81）。
J. Engel, ‘Die Spuren Senecas in Shaksperes Dramen’ (Preussische Jahrbücher, 112 (1903), 60–81).
EI Fripp，《莎士比亚对奥维德《变形记》的运用》 ，载于其《莎士比亚研究：传记与文学》（伦敦，1930 年）。
E. I. Fripp, ‘Shakespeare’s Use of Ovid’s Metamorphoses’, in his Shakespeare Studies, Biographical and Literary (London, 1930).
EI Fripp，《莎士比亚，人与艺术家》（伦敦，1938 年）。
E. I. Fripp, Shakespeare, Man and Artist (London, 1938).
S. Lee，《威廉·莎士比亚的一生》（纽约，19254）。
S. Lee, A Life of William Shakespeare (New York, 19254).
FL卢卡斯，《塞内卡与伊丽莎白时代的悲剧》（剑桥，1922 年）。
F. L. Lucas, Seneca and Elizabethan Tragedy (Cambridge, 1922).
MW MacCallum，《莎士比亚的罗马戏剧及其背景》（伦敦，1910 年）。
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare’s Roman Plays and their Background (London, 1910).
SG Owen，《奥维德与浪漫》，《英国文学与古典文学》（GS Gordon 编辑，牛津，1912 年）。
S. G. Owen, ‘Ovid and Romance’, in English Literature and the Classics (ed. G. S. Gordon, Oxford, 1912).
L. Rick，《莎士比亚与奥维德》，《德国莎士比亚年鉴》，55 (1919)，35–53。
L. Rick, ‘Shakespeare und Ovid’, in Jahrbuch der deutschen ShakespeareGesellschaft, 55 (1919), 35–53.
RK Root，《莎士比亚中的古典神话》（纽约，1903 年）。
R. K. Root, Classical Mythology in Shakespeare (New York, 1903).
WW Skeat，莎士比亚的普鲁塔克（伦敦，1875 年）。
W. W. Skeat, Shakespeare’s Plutarch (London, 1875).
P. Stapfer，《莎士比亚与古典时代》（EJ Carey 译，伦敦，1880 年）。这些注释中还提到了有关该主题的其他作品。
P. Stapfer, Shakespeare and Classical Antiquity (tr. E. J. Carey, London, 1880). Other works on the theme are mentioned in these notes.
1. 《鲁克丽丝受辱记述了导致国王被驱逐的罪行； 《科利奥兰纳斯》、 《尤利乌斯·恺撒》和《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》涉及共和国； 《辛白林》涉及早期帝国，《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》涉及晚期帝国。W. Dibelius，《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯的历史》（《德国莎士比亚协会年鉴》，48（1912 年），1-12），认为场景实际上是拜占庭，《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》是 1183 年至 1185 年在位的暴虐拜占庭皇帝，塔莫拉是格鲁吉亚的塔玛尔（1184-1220），无法辨认的德米特里是德米特里。另见 EH McNeal 所著的《艾萨克与安德洛尼卡的故事》，载于《Speculum》第 9 卷（1934 年），第 324–9 页。该书讲述了皇帝安德洛尼卡如何被残忍地折磨致死，并解释了该故事如何通过理查一世的军队传到英国：它出现在彼得伯勒的本尼迪克特编年史中。《辛白林》的背景部分是罗马的，部分是模糊的早期英国；但该剧实际上与罗马的关系远不如长期萦绕莎士比亚心中的主题，即英国人的诚实与意大利人的背叛之间的冲突：见 3. 2. 4、5. 5. 197 f.、5. 5. 211。
1. The Rape of Lucrece narrates the crime which caused the expulsion of the kings; Coriolanus, Julius Caesar, and Antony and Cleopatra concern the republic; Cymbeline the early and Titus Andronicus the late empire. W. Dibelius, ‘Zur Stoffgeschichte des Titus Andronikus’ (Jahrbuch der deutschen ShakespeareGesellschaft, 48 (1912), 1–12), suggests that the scene is really Byzantium, that Titus Andronicus is the violent Byzantine emperor who reigned from 1183 to 1185, and that Tamora is Thamar of Georgia (1184-1220), the unidentifiable Demetrius being a Dmitri. See also ‘The Story of Isaac and Andronicus’ by E. H. McNeal, in Speculum, 9 (1934), 324–9. This tells how the emperor Andronicus was tortured to death with frightful barbarity, and explains how the story could have reached England via the army of Richard I: it appears in the chronicle of Benedict of Peterborough. The setting of Cymbeline is partly Roman, partly vague early-British; but the play really concerns Rome much less than the subject which long haunted Shakespeare’s mind, the conflict between English honesty and Italian treachery: see 3. 2. 4, 5. 5. 197 f., 5. 5. 211.
2.其中一部《错误的喜剧》改编自两部罗马改编的希腊戏剧（见第 214、624-5 页）。一部改编自雅典历史（《雅典的泰门》，约公元前 407 年）。三部故事背景设定在史前神话中（《维纳斯与阿多尼斯》、《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》、《仲夏夜之梦》）；还有一部《佩里克利斯》是对晚期希腊传奇故事的复述。（关于这些传奇故事，见第 163 页以下）。
2. One of these, The Comedy of Errors, is an adaptation of two Roman adaptations of Greek plays (see pp. 214, 624–5). One is from Athenian history (Timon of Athens, c. 407 B.C.). Three are set in the prehistoric past of myth (Venus and Adonis, Troilus and Cressida, A Midsummer-Night’s Dream); and one, Pericles, is a retelling of a late Greek romance. (On these romances see p. 163 f.)
3.请参阅第 4 页。
3. See p. 4.
4.《哈姆雷特》，5.2.29f.
4. Hamlet, 5. 2. 29 f.
5. 《哈姆雷特》 ，2 . 2. 350 页。
5. Hamlet, 2. 2. 350 f.
6 . 意大利戏剧中有两部发生在威尼斯和威尼斯帝国（《奥赛罗》和《商人》）；两部发生在维罗纳（《罗密欧与朱丽叶》和《两位绅士》）；一部发生在墨西拿（ 《无事生非》）；一部发生在西西里（《冬天的故事》）；一部发生在帕多瓦（《驯悍记》）。
6. Two of the Italian plays take place in Venice and the Venetian empire (Othello and The Merchant); two in Verona (Romeo and Juliet and The Two Gentlemen); one in Messina (Much Ado about Nothing); one in Sicily (The Winter’s Tale); and one in Padua (The Taming of the Shrew).
7 .莎士比亚以洛奇的《皆大欢喜》为基础创作了《罗莎琳德》，故事背景是英国东北部的阿登森林。法国，田园化和田园诗化。莎士比亚通过改名将其搬到了自己家附近的英格兰：他母亲的名字是玛丽·阿登。H. Smith，《英国戏剧中的田园影响》（PMLA，12（ns 5），1897，378 f.），展示了莎士比亚在改编洛奇的故事时如何大大减少了传统的田园色彩，以及他如何使它变得更加真实和朴实。
7. In Lodge’s Rosalynde, from which Shakespeare took the basis of As You Like It, the setting was the forest of Ardenne in north-eastern France, pastoralized and idyllized. By changing its name Shakespeare moved it to England near his own home: his mother’s name was Mary Arden. H. Smith, ‘Pastoral Influence in the English Drama’ (PMLA, 12 (n.s. 5), 1897, 378 f.), shows how greatly Shakespeare reduced the conventional pastoral colouring in adapting Lodge’s story, and how much more real and homely he made it.
8.特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，4.2.31。
8. Troilus and Cressida, 4. 2. 31.
9.辛白林，2 . 3. 21 f.
9. Cymbeline, 2. 3. 21 f.
10 .冬天的故事，4. 3. 120 f.
10. The Winter’s Tale, 4. 3. 120 f.
11. 《哈姆雷特》，3.4.55页；另请参阅第605页。
11. Hamlet, 3. 4. 55 f.; and see p. 605.
12.威尼斯商人，5 . 1. 9 f.
12. The Merchant of Venice, 5. 1. 9 f.
13.亨利五世，2.3.9 。
13. Henry V, 2. 3. 9.
14 . 2 亨利四世，3. 2. 300 f.
14. 2 Henry IV, 3. 2. 300 f.
15.《李尔王》，3.4.185；参见布朗宁的《罗兰公子来到黑暗塔》。
15. King Lear, 3. 4. 185; cf. Browning’s Childe Roland to the Dark Tower came.
16 . 参见 Stapfer，《莎士比亚与古典时代》（引言中引用），第 223 页，以及 Attwater（引言中引用），第 233–5 页。《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》中的埃阿斯不仅愚蠢，而且虚荣——“贪图赞美，自负”。荷马笔下的埃阿斯根本不是那样的。RK Root（引言中引用）在第 36 页以下指出，埃阿斯性格的这一部分来自奥维德（Met . 13），其中埃阿斯与尤利西斯争夺阿喀琉斯的武器，在自己的话语和他的对手的话语中，他都被描绘成一个可笑的自负者。
16. See Stapfer, Shakespeare and Classical Antiquity (cited in introductory note), 223, and Attwater (introductory note), 233–5. Ajax in Troilus and Cressida is made not only stupid, but vain—’covetous of praise, self-affected’. Homer’s Ajax is not at all like that. R. K. Root (cited in introductory note) shows on p. 36 f. that this part of Ajax’s character comes from Ovid (Met. 13), where Ajax competes with Ulysses for the weapons of Achilles, and is presented, both in his own speech and in that of his rival, as ridiculously conceited.
17.特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，2.2.166 。
17. Troilus and Cressida, 2. 2. 166.
18。特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，1。1。81.希腊没有七天一周。
18. Troilus and Cressida, 1. 1. 81. The seven-day week did not exist in Greece.
19 .错误的喜剧，5.1。
19. The Comedy of Errors, 5. 1.
20.纳什，格林《梅纳芬》序言。
20. Nashe, preface to Greene’s Menaphon.
21 . C. Spurgeon，《莎士比亚的意象》（纽约，1935 年）。请特别参阅第 13、19-20、44-5 页和图表 V。
21. C. Spurgeon, Shakespeare’s Imagery (New York, 1935). See especially pp. 13, 19–20, 44–5, and Chart V.
22。皆大欢喜，3. 3. 7 f.
22. As You Like It, 3. 3. 7 f.
23. 《罗密欧与朱丽叶》，3. 2. 1f。法厄同的神话出现在奥维德的《变形记》 1. 748–2. 332 中；“车夫”是伊丽莎白时代的译者戈尔丁用来指代年轻车夫的词，莎士比亚无疑记得它。（见引言中引用的 Root—97。）
23. Romeo and Juliet, 3. 2. 1f. The myth of Phaethon is in Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1. 748–2. 332; ‘waggoner’ is the Elizabethan translator Golding’s word for the young charioteer, and no doubt Shakespeare remembered it. (See Root—cited in the introductory note—97.)
24。这句话出自琼森在《第一对开本》中的赞美诗。JE Spingarn 的《文艺复兴时期的文学批评》（纽约，1899 年），第 89 页注，暗示琼森引用了 Minturno 的《诗艺》，第 158 页中的一句话：poco del latino e pochissimo del greco。有关莎士比亚教育的整个主题，请参阅引言中引用的 TW Baldwin 先生的宝贵著作。
24. The phrase comes from Jonson’s commendatory verses in the First Folio. J. E. Spingarn, Literary Criticism in the Renaissance (New York, 1899), 89 n., suggests that Jonson was quoting a phrase from Minturno, Arte poetica, 158: poco del latino e pochissimo del greco. On the entire subject of Shakespeare’s education see Mr. T. W. Baldwin’s valuable book cited in the introductory note.
25 . 只有几个引人注目的名词，如cacodemon (《理查三世》，1. 3. 144)、anthropophagi (《奥赛罗》，亦见 1. 3. 144) 和misanthropos (《雅典的泰门》，4. 3. 53)，最后一个名词来自诺斯的普鲁塔克的脚注，发音错误，并进行了仔细的解释。
25. There are only a few striking nouns, like cacodemon (Richard III, 1. 3. 144), anthropophagi (Othello, also 1. 3. 144), and misanthropos (Timon of Athens, 4. 3. 53), which last comes from a footnote in North’s Plutarch, is mispronounced, and is carefully explained.
26 . 《风流娘儿们》中讲威尔士语的校长显然是以莎士比亚在斯特拉特福的拉丁语老师托马斯·詹金斯为原型的（见引言中引用的鲍德温和弗里普）。约翰·奥布里记载了威廉·比斯顿 (William Beeston) 口中的传统，即莎士比亚本人“年轻时曾是乡村的一名校长”。
26. The Welsh-spoken schoolmaster in The Merry Wives is apparently modelled on Thomas Jenkins, Shakespeare’s own Latin master at Stratford (see Baldwin and Fripp, cited in the introductory note). John Aubrey reports a tradition from William Beeston’s mouth that Shakespeare himself was ‘in his younger years a schoolmaster in the country’.
27.参见庞大固埃，2.6和第108页。
27. See Pantagruel, 2. 6, and p. 108.
28 .爱情的徒劳无功，4. 3. 342 f.
28. Love’s Labour’s Lost, 4. 3. 342 f.
29.参见第 156 页。
29. See p. 156 f.
30，《暴风雨》，1.2.167。
30. The Tempest, 1. 2. 167.
31.《威尼斯商人》，5.1.60 页；参见柏拉图，《Rep .》10.617页。
31. The Merchant of Venice, 5. 1. 60 f.; cf. Plato, Rep. 10. 617 b.
32 . 鲍德温（引言中引用），2. 418 f. RK Root（引言）指出，莎士比亚的神话典故绝大多数直接来自奥维德，其余的，除了少数例外，都来自维吉尔。“换句话说，一个只熟悉这两位作家而不熟悉其他作家的人，能够运用莎士比亚无可争议的作品中的所有神话典故，除了少数例外。” Root 先生还指出，随着莎士比亚的成熟，他几乎放弃了使用神话，但在晚年他又重新使用神话，赋予了它更深刻的含义。
32. Baldwin (cited in introductory note), 2. 418 f. R. K. Root (introductory note) has shown that the overwhelming majority of Shakespeare’s mythological allusions come directly from Ovid, and the remainder, with few exceptions, from Vergil. ‘In other words, a man familiar with these two authors, and with no others, would be able to make all the mythological allusions contained in the undisputed works of Shakespeare, barring some few exceptions.’ Mr. Root also points out that, as Shakespeare matured, he almost gave up using mythology, and that he returned to it in later life, giving it much deeper meanings.
33. Meres，Palladis Tamia：Wits Treasury，280。
33. Meres, Palladis Tamia: Wits Treasury, 280.
34、“我的发明的第一个继承人”（献给维纳斯和阿多尼斯）。
34. ‘The first heir of my invention’ (Dedication to Venus and Adonis).
35 . 在奥维德的维纳斯与阿多尼斯的故事（Met . 10. 519–559 和 705–39）中，阿多尼斯并不像莎士比亚笔下的那样冷漠和不情愿。莎士比亚对爱情的顽固抗拒取自奥维德在Met . 4. 285–388 中讲述的赫马佛洛狄忒斯和萨尔玛西斯的故事。这两个故事在《热情的朝圣者》第 6 章中完全融合，阿多尼斯跳进小溪，维纳斯喊道“哦，朱庇特，为什么我不是一条洪水？”——因为萨尔玛西斯在她心爱的人之后也跳了进来，两人合在一起，都变成了洪水。有关对阿多尼斯待遇的详细分析，请参阅 D. Bush（引言中引用），139 f.；以及 RK Root（引言），31–3，证明莎士比亚对狂暴野猪（《维纳斯与阿多尼斯》）的描述来自奥维德的另一段话，Met . 8. 284–6，可能是戈尔丁的版本。
35. In Ovid’s tale of Venus and Adonis (Met. 10. 519–59 and 705–39), Adonis is not cold and reluctant as Shakespeare makes him. Shakespeare took his froward resistance to love from Ovid’s story of Hermaphroditus and Salmacis in Met. 4. 285–388. The two stories coalesce completely in The Passionate Pilgrim, 6, where Adonis bounces into a brook, and Venus cries ‘O Jove, why was not I a flood?’—for Salmacis bounced in after her beloved, the two joined, and both became a flood. See D. Bush (cited in introductory note), 139 f., for a detailed analysis of the treatment of Adonis; and R. K. Root (introductory note), 31–3, for the proof that Shakespeare’s description of the raging boar (Venus and Adonis) comes from a different passage of Ovid, Met. 8. 284–6, probably in Golding’s version.
36。Ov. Am . 1. 15. 35–6。
36. Ov. Am. 1. 15. 35–6.
37.卢克丽霞的故事见于李维的《诗篇》第 1 卷第 57-9 行，以及奥维德的《诗篇》第 2 卷第 721-852 行。由于《诗篇》直到 1640 年才出现英译本，而且莎士比亚改编了诗中的短语，因此他显然知道原文。（见引言中引用的欧文、弗里普（同上），第 1 卷第 363 行，以及布什（同上），第 149 行）
37. The story of Lucretia is in Livy, 1. 57–9, and Ovid, Fasti, 2. 721–852. Since no English translation of the Fasti appeared until 1640, and since Shakespeare adapts phrases from the poem, he apparently knew the original. (See Owen—cited in the introductory note—Fripp (ditto), 1. 363 f., and Bush (ditto), 149 f.)
38.《驯悍记》，3. 1. 26 f。引文来自奥维德的《英雄》，1. 33–4。佩内洛普写信给尤利西斯说，其他英雄都回家了，现在正在重新讲述他们的战斗，在桌子上勾画地形，并说
38. The Taming of the Shrew, 3. 1. 26 f. The quotation is from Ovid, Heroides, 1. 33–4. Penelope writes to Ulysses that the other heroes have all returned home, and are now telling their battles over again, sketching the terrain on the table, and saying
西莫瓦河就在这里流淌；这里是西格厄姆；
这里是古老普里阿摩斯的高耸城堡。
Here flowed the Simois; here is Sigeum;
here was old Priam’s lofty citadel.
39 .泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯, 4. 3. 4 = Ov.遇见了。 1. 150; 3 亨利六世, 1. 3. 48 = Ov.她。 2. 66.
39. Titus Andronicus, 4. 3. 4 = Ov. Met. 1. 150; 3 Henry VI, 1. 3. 48 = Ov. Her. 2. 66.
40 . Ov. Met . 1. 395 (皮拉), 3. 173 (戴安娜), 6. 346 (拉托娜), 14. 382 和 438 (喀耳刻). 安德斯 (见引言), 22, 指出泰坦尼亚这个名字并不在戈尔丁版的《变形记》中, 因此莎士比亚耳朵很灵敏，他一定是从拉丁文原文中记住了这句话。
40. Ov. Met. 1. 395 (Pyrrha), 3. 173 (Diana), 6. 346 (Latona), 14. 382 and 438 (Circe). Anders (see introductory note), 22, points out that the name Titania is not in Golding’s version of the Metamorphoses, so that Shakespeare, with his delicate ear, must have remembered it from the original Latin.
41 . TS 艾略特，《古典文学与文人》（伦敦和纽约，1943 年）。艾略特先生对莎士比亚和弥尔顿教育中的古典传统的整个讨论非常值得一读。
41. T. S. Eliot, The Classics and the Man of Letters (London and New York, 1943). Mr. Eliot’s whole discussion of the classical tradition in Shakespeare’s and Milton’s education is well worth reading.
42 . 原文为 Ov. Met . 15. 181 f.: ut
42. The original is Ov. Met. 15. 181 f.: ut
Unda impellitur
undaurgturqueprior uenienteurgetquepriorem,
tempora sic fugiunt pariter pariterque sequuntur
et noua sunt semper。
unda impellitur unda
urgeturque prior ueniente urgetque priorem,
tempora sic fugiunt pariter pariterque sequuntur
et noua sunt semper.
莎士比亚的“后续”可能表明他看过原作。在奥维德的作品中，波浪是河流的独立波浪，这是希腊哲学家对变化中永恒的形象。莎士比亚把它们描绘成海岸上的海浪，因为英国的河流很少有波浪，也因为他想到了第 64 首十四行诗中的海洋形象。（见引言中引用的 SG Owen。）
Shakespeare’s ‘sequent’ may be a sign that he had looked at the original. In Ovid the waves are the separate waves of a river, the Greek philosophers’ image for permanence in change. Shakespeare makes them the waves of the sea on the shore, because British rivers seldom have waves, and because he is thinking of the sea-image in Sonnet 64. (See S. G. Owen, cited in introductory note.)
43。Ov. Met . 15。75 页，特别是 165 页：最终来自赫拉克利特。
43. Ov. Met. 15. 75 f., especially 165 f.: ultimately from Heraclitus.
44 . Tranio，《驯悍记》，1. 1. 29 f.
44. Tranio, in The Taming of the Shrew, 1. 1. 29 f.
45. 《罗密欧与朱丽叶》， 2.2.92 页。= 奥维德，A.A.1.633页；但参见 Root（引言中引用），82 页，其中暗示这一观点可能通过博亚尔多的《恋爱中的奥兰多》（1.22.45 页）传到了莎士比亚那里。
45. Romeo and Juliet, 2. 2. 92 f. = Ovid, A. A. 1. 633; but see Root (cited in introductory note), 82, for the suggestion that this idea may have reached Shakespeare through Boiardo’s Orlando innamorato, 1. 22. 45.
46，《驯悍记》，4.2.8。
46. The Taming of the Shrew, 4. 2. 8.
47.莎士比亚此处的来源是奥维德的《她的情书》。7、狄多的信：其中至少有一句直接引用：
47. Shakespeare’s source here was Ovid, Her. 7, the letter of Dido: there is at least one straight quotation:
已婚妇女说了什么？你可以走吗？
她不会允许你来的！
（《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》，1.3.20-1）。Sed
iubet ire deus. Vellem uetuisset adire！（《她》7.139）。
What says the married woman? You may go?
Would she had never given you leave to come!
(Antony and Cleopatra, 1.3. 20–1).
Sed iubet ire deus. Vellem uetuisset adire! (Her. 7. 139).
莎士比亚在 4. 12. 53 中让安东尼明确地将自己和克娄巴特拉与埃涅阿斯和狄多进行比较。有关这一情况和其他有趣的相似之处，请参阅 T. Zielinski 的《Marginalien》（Philologus，64 (nF 18)，1905，1 页），他指出，克娄巴特拉就像《她的》7. 133 页中的狄多一样，暗示自己怀孕了：参见《安东尼与克娄巴特拉》，1. 3. 89–95。
And in 4. 12. 53 Shakespeare makes Antony explicitly compare himself and Cleopatra with Aeneas and Dido. For this and other interesting parallels see T. Zielinski, ‘Marginalien’ (Philologus, 64 (n.F. 18), 1905, 1 f.), who points out that Cleopatra, like Dido in Her. 7. 133 f., hints at being pregnant: see Antony and Cleopatra, 1. 3. 89–95.
48 . 《暴风雨》，5. 1. 33–50。海边和林间空地的小仙女，豌豆花、蜘蛛网和芥菜籽的兄弟，在这里是爱丽儿温和的亲戚帕克的回忆，而不是普洛斯彼罗神奇魔法的助手。毫无疑问，莎士比亚不是被咒语的内容所吸引，而是被戈尔丁的文字精灵所吸引。
48. The Tempest, 5. 1. 33–50. The tiny fairies of the seashore and the glade, brothers to Pease-blossom, Cobweb, and Mustard-seed, are here reminiscences of Ariel’s gentler kinsman Puck rather than assistants in Prospero’s prodigious magic. Doubtless they were suggested to Shakespeare, not by the content of the invocation, but by Golding’s word elves.
49.麦克白，4 . 1.4 f.
49. Macbeth, 4. 1. 4 f.
50 . Ov. Met . 7. 262 f.
50. Ov. Met. 7. 262 f.
51.麦克白，3.5.23–4 。
51. Macbeth, 3. 5. 23–4.
52。 Ov. Met . 3. 206 f.
52. Ov. Met. 3. 206 f.
53 . MND . 4. 1. 118 f. 另请参阅《风流娘儿们》，2. 1. 120：
53. M.N.D. 4. 1. 118 f. See also The Merry Wives, 2. 1. 120:
像阿克泰翁爵士一样，林伍德紧随其后
Like Sir Actaeon he, with Ringwood at thy heels
—其中 Ringwood 是 Golding 的狗名，代替了奥维德的 Hylactor, Barker。（参见引言 30 中引用的 Root。）以下段落也值得比较：
—where Ringwood is the dog-name Golding substituted for Ovid’s Hylactor, Barker. (See Root, cited in introductory note, 30.) The following passages also are worth comparing:
《仲夏夜之梦》，1. 1. 170，与《Ov. Met.》 1. 470，这一对比表明，赫米娅演讲中的难懂第 172 行是指箭，应该放在 171 之前；
A Midsummer-Night’s Dream, 1. 1. 170, and Ov. Met. 1. 470, a parallel which suggests that the difficult line 172 in Hermia’s speech refers to the arrow, and ought to be placed before 171;
《皆大欢喜》，3. 3. 10 f.，及《Ov. Met.》 8. 626–30；
As You Like It, 3. 3. 10 f., and Ov. Met. 8. 626–30;
冬天的故事》，4. 3. 116 页，以及 Ov. Met. 5. 391 页。
The Winter’s Tale, 4. 3. 116 f., and Ov. Met. 5. 391 f.
54 . 例如《皆大欢喜》 , 3. 3. 7f.（引自第 199 页）和L.LL. 4. 2. 128，均包含拉丁语双关语。
54. e.g. As You Like It, 3. 3. 7f. (quoted on p. 199), andL.L.L. 4. 2. 128, both containing Latin puns.
55例如《辛白林》2. 2. 44 f. 和《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》4. 1. 42 f.
55. e.g. Cymbeline, 2. 2. 44 f., and Titus Andronicus, 4. 1. 42 f.
56，《仲夏夜之梦》，5. 1. 129 页。
56. A Midsummer-Night’s Dream, 5. 1. 129 f.
57 . 《冬天的故事》 5. 3. 21 f. Fripp，《莎士比亚，人与艺术家》（伦敦，1938 年），1. 102–14，对莎士比亚对奥维德的热爱进行了详细而敏锐的讨论。他还指出（1. 597，注 4），莎士比亚在很多方面都同情蒙田，在早期对《变形记》的崇拜上也与他相似。（见第 186 页。）
57. The Winter’s Tale, 5. 3. 21 f. Fripp, Shakespeare, Man and Artist (London, 1938), 1. 102–14, has a detailed and sensitive discussion of Shakespeare’s love for Ovid. He also points out (1. 597, n. 4) that Shakespeare, who sympathized with Montaigne in so much, resembled him in his early admiration of the Metamorphoses. (See p. 186.)
58.《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》， 2.1.133 f. = Sen. Phaedra，1180，乱码；4.1.81-2 = Sen. Phaedra，671-2，文本有差异，只有拉丁文学者才能理解。后一段直接模仿了琼森的《喀提林》，3.4.1-2，并改编了图尔纳的《复仇者的悲剧》，4.2。
58. Titus Andronicus, 2. 1. 133 f. = Sen. Phaedra, 1180, garbled; 4. 1. 81–2 = Sen. Phaedra, 671–2, with a textual variation that would occur only to a latinist. The latter passage is directly imitated in Jonson’s Catiline, 3. 4. 1–2, and adapted in Tourneur’s The Revenger’s Tragedy, 4. 2.
59. JW Cunliffe 和 FL Lucas 曾详细论述过这一主题，引言中引用了他们的著作。
59. This subject has been treated in detail by J. W. Cunliffe and F. L. Lucas, whose books are cited in the introductory note.
60.《哈姆雷特》，5.2.232 页；《麦克白》，5.5.19 页。
60. Hamlet, 5. 2. 232 f.; Macbeth, 5. 5. 19. f.
61.雅典的泰门，4.1，4.3 。
61. Timon of Athens, 4. 1, 4. 3.
62.《李尔王》，4.1.36f.
62. King Lear, 4. 1. 36 f.
63.参见 Cunliffe（引言中引用），25 页，他引用了 Seneca 的《Phaedra》，978 页：
63. See Cunliffe (quoted in introductory note), 25 f., who refers to Seneca, Phaedra, 978 f.:
Res humanas ordine nullo
Fortuna regit sparsitque manu
munera caeca, peiora fouens;
uincit saintos dira libido，
fraus sublimi regnat in aula。
Res humanas ordine nullo
Fortuna regit sparsitque manu
munera caeca, peiora fouens;
uincit sanctos dira libido,
fraus sublimi regnat in aula.
64.例如韦伯斯特的《马尔菲公爵夫人》（5. 3 fin.，5. 5 fin.）。
64. e.g. in Webster’s The Duchess of Malfi (5. 3 fin., 5. 5 fin.).
65. 《哈姆雷特》，5.1.245f.
65. Hamlet, 5. 1. 245 f.
66.亨利四世一书，1 . 3. 130 f.
66. I Henry IV, 1. 3. 130 f.
67.雅典的泰门，4 . 3. 178 f.
67. Timon of Athens, 4. 3. 178 f.
68.参见第 132-3 页。
68. See pp. 132–3.
69 . So Cunliffe（引言中引用），第 16—17 页，以及 TS Eliot 的论文《伊丽莎白翻译中的塞内卡》（精选论文 1917—1932 年，纽约，1932 年）。
69. So Cunliffe (cited in introductory note), 16—17, and T. S. Eliot, in his essay ‘Seneca in Elizabethan Translation’ (Selected Essays 1917–1932, New York, 1932).
70.参见《理查三世》，1. 2. 68 页，4. 4. 344 页，并比较艾略特（引自注69），72 页和卢卡斯（引言），119 页。
70. See Richard III, 1. 2. 68 f., 4. 4. 344 f., and compare Eliot (cited in n. 69), 72 f., and Lucas (introductory note), 119 f.
71. Cunliffe（引言中引用）对 68 f 进行了详细说明。
71. Cunliffe (cited in introductory note) gives details on 68 f.
72. Sen. Phaedra , 715 f.，在同一场景中，希波吕托斯向天堂呼喊复仇，引自注释58：
72. Sen. Phaedra, 715 f., in the same scene which contains Hippolytus’ cry to heaven for vengeance, cited in note 58:
我的塔奈斯（Tanais）还是野蛮人（
Maeotis undis Pontico incumbens mari）？
非 ipse toto magnus Oceano pater
tantum expiarit sceleris。
Quis eluet me Tanais aut quae barbaris
Maeotis undis Pontico incumbens mari?
non ipse toto magnus Oceano pater
tantum expiarit sceleris.
73 . 参议员Herc. Fur . 1323 f.，结尾
73. Sen. Herc. Fur. 1323 f., ending
非常惊讶。
haerebit altum facinus.
74 .麦克白,2.2.61 f.,5.1.56. 在本剧中，谋杀不断被描绘成一团血迹：参见通篇的2.2.47 f.,2.3.118–23,5.1，以及4.1.123和4.3.40–1等暗示。
74. Macbeth, 2. 2. 61 f., 5. 1. 56. Murder is constantly imaged as a blood-stain in this play: see 2. 2. 47 f., 2. 3. 118–23, 5. 1 throughout, and hints such as 4. 1. 123 and 4. 3. 40–1.
75 .参议员赫克。毛皮。 1258–61。
75. Sen. Herc. Fur. 1258–61.
76.麦克白，5 . 3. 22 f.
76. Macbeth, 5. 3. 22 f.
77 .参议员赫克。毛皮。 1261–2。
77. Sen. Herc. Fur. 1261–2.
78.麦克白， 5.3.40。
78. Macbeth, 5. 3. 40.
79.麦克白，1 . 7. 7 f. = Sen. Herc. Fur . 735–6:
79. Macbeth, 1. 7. 7 f. = Sen. Herc. Fur. 735–6:
quod quisque fecit patitur：auctorem scelus
repetit suoque premitur exemplo nocens。
quod quisque fecit patitur: auctorem scelus
repetit suoque premitur exemplo nocens.
麦克白，4.3.209 f.=参议员菲德拉，607，伊丽莎白时代最受欢迎的一行：
Macbeth, 4. 3. 209 f. = Sen. Phaedra, 607, a favourite line with the Elizabethans:
curae leues loquuntur，ingentes Stupent。
curae leues loquuntur, ingentes stupent.
麦克白夫人（《麦克白》，1. 5. 41 页）和美狄亚（《美狄亚夫人》 ，1-55 页，尤其是 9-15 页和 40-50 页）的祈祷之间有相似之处，但这种相似性并不令人信服。但似乎很明显，赞美睡眠的长篇短语（《麦克白》，2. 2. 37 页）是由塞内加（Herc. Fur . 1065 页）提出的；恩格尔还提供了更多的回忆，他的文章被引用于本章的引言中。
A parallel between the invocations of Lady Macbeth (Macbeth, 1. 5. 41 f.) and Medea (Sen. Medea, 1–55, especially 9–15 and 40—50) has been noticed, but is less convincing. But it seems clear that the long series of phrases in praise of sleep (Macbeth, 2. 2. 37 f.) was suggested by Seneca, Herc. Fur. 1065 f.; and still more reminiscences are given by Engel, whose essay is quoted in the introductory note to this chapter.
80.参见第 393 页。
80. See p. 393 f.
81 . 在《雅典的泰门》的最后一幕中（5.4.70 f.），阿尔西比亚德斯读出了一段据说是他为泰门所写的墓志铭，刻在他的坟墓上：
81. In the final scene of Timon of Athens (5. 4. 70 f.) Alcibiades reads out what is supposed to be an epitaph written for Timon by himself and engraved on his tomb:
这里躺着一具可怜的尸体，可怜的灵魂被夺去：
不要寻求我的名字；瘟疫会吞噬你们这些留下的恶人！
我，泰门，就在这里躺着；活着的时候，所有活着的人都恨我：
过去吧，咒骂个够；但过去吧，不要在这里停留你的脚步。
Here lies a wretched corse, of wretched soul bereft:
Seek not my name; a plague consume you wicked caitiffs left!
Here lie I, Timon; who, alive, all living men did hate:
Pass by, and curse thy fill; but pass, and stay not here thy gait.
显然，这不是一首诗，而是两首。只要看一下普鲁塔克的作品，就会发现他给出了两篇不同的墓志铭，它们写于不同的时间（一篇是卡利马科斯写的，一篇据说是泰蒙自己写的），而且互相矛盾。但莎士比亚却不顾这种不协调，把这两篇放在一起。
Obviously this is not one poem but two. A glance at Plutarch shows that he gives two different epitaphs written at different times (one by Callimachus, one attributed to Timon himself) and mutually incompatible. But Shakespeare, careless of the incongruity, runs the two together.
82.莎士比亚的父亲是一名制革工人，他加工皮革，用于制作手套、钱包、羊皮纸等。就行业而言，这无疑是体面而有利可图的；但就社会机会而言，它远远低于专业人士和地主阶级。至于斯特拉福德的学校，它足够高效，但它不是圣保罗学校、温彻斯特学校或伊顿公学。
82. Shakespeare’s father was a whittawer, who processed leather for the manufacture of gloves, purses, parchment, &c. As trades went, this was doubtless dignified and lucrative; but in its social opportunities it was far below the professions and the landed gentry. As for the school at Stratford, it was efficient enough, but it was not St. Paul’s, or Winchester, or Eton.
83.尤里乌斯·凯撒， 2 . 1. 61–5。
83. Julius Caesar, 2. 1. 61–5.
84 。在这之前，莎士比亚认识塞涅卡，曾在《理查三世》中模仿他，而且，如果《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》是他的作品或部分是他的作品，莎士比亚在当学徒时曾尝试写塞涅卡悲剧；但只是在他将塞涅卡的风格与普鲁塔克的内容结合起来后，他才创作出伟大的悲剧。
84. Before this, Shakespeare knew Seneca, had copied him in Richard III, and, if Titus Andronicus be his or partly his, had tried his prentice hand at writing Senecan tragedy; but it was only after he married the manner of Seneca to the matter of Plutarch that he created great tragedy.
85.莎士比亚对诺斯的普鲁塔克作品的运用，已由 MW MacCallum 进行了雄辩而详细的论述，他的书在引言中被引用注。另请参阅 Skeat 的文本重印本，其中提到。Skeat 指出，莎士比亚其他戏剧中的许多次要角色的名字都来自普鲁塔克——马塞勒斯、莱桑德，也许还有德米特里厄斯（但请参阅注 1）。W. Warde Fowler在他的《罗马论文和解读》 （牛津，1920 年）中发表了一篇关于尤利乌斯·凯撒的有用论文。
85. Shakespeare’s use of North’s Plutarch has been treated eloquently and in detail by M. W. MacCallum, whose book is cited in the introductory note. See also Skeat’s reprint of the text, mentioned there. Skeat points out that many of the names of secondary characters in Shakespeare’s other dramas come from Plutarch—Marcellus, Lysander, and perhaps Demetrius (but see note 1). W. Warde Fowler has a useful essay on Julius Caesar in his Roman Essays and Interpretations (Oxford, 1920).
86 .朱利叶斯·凯撒，1.2.191f。
86. Julius Caesar, 1. 2. 191 f.
87. 《凯撒大帝》 2. 2. 37 f. HM Ayres 在《从其他版本看莎士比亚的《凯撒大帝》》 ( PMLA , ns 18 (1910), 183–227) 中指出，文艺复兴时期，由于古典悲剧中没有原型，凯撒性格的戏剧概念被扭曲为类似于塞涅卡 (Seneca) 笔下的夸夸其谈的赫拉克勒斯 (Hercules) (例如马克-安托万·米雷 (Marc-Antoine Muret) 的拉丁悲剧《凯撒大帝》)，并且莎士比亚戏剧中凯撒大摇大摆、吹牛的段落受到了塞涅卡傲慢英雄及其当代戏剧模仿者的影响。
87. Julius Caesar, 2. 2. 37 f. H. M. Ayres, in ‘Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar in the Light of some other Versions’ (PMLA, n.s. 18 (1910), 183–227), points out that during the Renaissance the dramatic conception of Caesar’s character had, in default of a model in classical tragedy, been distorted to resemble that of the braggart Hercules in Seneca (e.g. in Marc-Antoine Muret’s Latin tragedy on Caesar), and that the passages in Shakespeare’s play where Caesar struts and brags are affected by the hybristic heroes of Seneca and their copies in contemporary drama.
88。《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》，2. 2. 194 页。另请参阅第 157 页。
88. Antony and Cleopatra, 2. 2. 194 f. See also p. 157.
89.莎士比亚在写作《错误的喜剧》时是否使用了普劳图斯的译本，这个问题一直备受争议。在我看来，这个问题被过分重视了：因为如果莎士比亚能用拉丁文读《安菲特鲁奥》 ，他肯定能读《梅纳赫米》，而且没有人能证明《安菲特鲁奥》有译本。然而，以下是一些主要事实：
89. The question whether Shakespeare used a translation of Plautus when writing The Comedy of Errors has been much vexed. It seems to me to have been given more importance than it deserves: for if Shakespeare could read Amphitruo in Latin, he could surely read Menaechmi, and no one has undertaken to show that a translation of Amphitruo was available. However, these are some of the main facts:
（a）《错误喜剧》创作和制作于 1589 年至 1593 年之间。当时法国正在“与其继承人”亨利四世开战（见 3. 2. 127–8）。这个笑话在 1589 年 8 月之前晦涩难懂，在 1593 年之后过时了。
(a) The Comedy of Errors was written and produced between 1589 and 1593. when France was ‘making war against her heir’, Henri IV (see 3. 2. 127–8). The joke would be obscure before August 1589 and out of date after 1593.
( b ) 唯一已知的伊丽莎白时代普劳图斯《梅纳赫米》译本由 Creede 于 1595 年出版，作者为 WW，可能是威廉·华纳。出版商在前言中说，WW 翻译了普劳图斯的几部戏剧，“供他的私人朋友使用和欣赏，他们无法理解普劳图斯的原话”，他本人说服 WW 出版了这部戏剧。如果这是真的，那么该译本一直以手稿形式流传。如果莎士比亚是 WW 的朋友之一，他应该看过。但更有可能的是（正如有人所暗示的那样），《错误的喜剧》的成功促使 WW 出版了他的版本。
(b) The only known Elizabethan translation of Plautus’ Menaechmi was published by Creede in 1595 and attributed to W. W., who may have been William Warner. The publisher in his foreword says that W. W. had translated several plays of Plautus ‘for the use and delight of his private friends, who in Plautus owne words are not able to understand them’, and that he himself had prevailed on W. W. to publish this one. If this is true, the translation had been circulating in manuscript. If Shakespeare was one of W. W.’s friends, he could have seen it. But it seems more probable that (as has been suggested) the success of The Comedy of Errors prompted W. W. to publish his version.
( c ) 将《错误的喜剧》与 WW 的译本进行比较，可以发现两者并不一致。几个重要的人物和戏剧角色是不同的，尽管两部剧中处境相似的人们说的话也类似，但莎士比亚笔下的人物并没有重复 WW 的话。因此，推测莎士比亚对 WW 的使用是完全错误的（参见 H. Isaac 的详细比较，《莎士比亚的错误喜剧和普拉图斯的阴谋》，Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen，70（1883），1-28。）
(c) A comparison of The Comedy of Errors with W. W.’s translation shows that the two do not coincide. Several important characters and dramatic roles are different, and although people in similar situations say similar things in both plays, Shakespeare’s characters do not echo W. W.’s words. The presumption is therefore heavily against Shakespeare’s use of W. W. (See the detailed comparison by H. Isaac, ‘Shakespeares Comedy of Errors und die Menachmen des Plautus’, Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen, 70 (1883), 1—28.)
（d）1576-7 年元旦，“波尔斯的孩子们”在汉普顿宫创作了一部名为《错误的历史》的作品。圣保罗学校的男孩们都是优秀的拉丁语学者（现在他们依然如此），这可能是《梅纳赫米》的改编，就像拉尔夫·罗伊斯特·多伊斯特改编自《光荣的迈尔斯》的主题一样。如果是这样，莎士比亚就可以见过并使用过它。但我们不知道它是否存在，或者他是否见过它。
(d) On New Year’s Day 1576–7, the ‘children of Powles’ produced something called The Historie of Error at Hampton Court. The boys of St. Paul’s School were good latinists (as they still are) and this could have been an adaptation of Menaechmi, just as Ralph Roister Doister was an adaptation of themes from Miles gloriosus. If it was, Shakespeare could have seen and used it. But we do not know that it was, or that he ever saw it.
（e）M. Labinski 的《莎士比亚的喜剧》（布雷斯劳，1934 年）表明莎士比亚可能使用了普劳图斯的意大利改编版本：因为德洛米奥、阿德里安娜和卢西安娜的名字，以及金匠安杰洛和商人巴尔萨泽的角色都是当代意大利人。但尚未发现与他的剧本非常相似的改编版本。
(e) M. Labinski, Shakespeares Komödie der Irrungen (Breslau, 1934), suggests that Shakespeare might have used an Italian adaptation of Plautus: for the names of Dromio and Adriana and Luciana, and the characters of the goldsmith Angelo and the merchant Balthazar, are contemporary Italian. But no adaptation very like his play has been found.
除了莎士比亚读过原著《安菲特鲁奥》之外，他还知道普劳图斯的第三部喜剧《莫斯特拉里亚》。《驯悍记》中仆人特拉尼奥和格鲁米奥的名字来自《莫斯特拉里亚》；一些情节和特拉尼奥的性格也是如此——他和普劳图斯一样，成为他年轻主人的监护人，但却把他变成了快乐的主人（见 1. 1. 29 f. 中的演讲）。
To the fact that Shakespeare read Amphitruo in the original should be added the fact that he also knew a third comedy by Plautus, the Mostellaria. In The Taming of the Shrew the names of the servants Tranio and Grumio come from the Mostellaria; and so also do some incidents, and the character of Tranio—who, as in Plautus, is made his young master’s guardian, but instead turns him into merry ways (see his speech in 1. 1. 29 f.).
90。几项关于莎士比亚在《错误的喜剧》中技巧的研究表明，在接手普劳图斯的《墨涅赫米与安菲特鲁》的故事时，他并没有因为拉丁文理解困难而受到阻碍，而是感到可以自由地进行修改和改造，就像一个人只有牢牢掌握了素材才会感到自由一样。这些文章强调了这样一个事实：他通过使妓女不那么显眼，使可爱的妻子阿德里安娜更加真实和人性化，净化和提升了剧本。尤其参见 E. Gill 的《错误喜剧与梅纳赫米人物的比较》（得克萨斯大学英语研究，5（1925），79-95），同一作者的非常细致的论文《错误喜剧的情节结构与其资料来源的关系》（得克萨斯大学英语研究，10（1930），13-65），以及 M. Labinski 的《莎士比亚的喜剧》 （布雷斯劳，1934）。VG Whitaker 的《莎士比亚对其资料来源的使用》（语言学季刊，20（1941），特别是第 380 页）中有一些富有启发性的评论。 GB Parks 在《莎士比亚的“错误喜剧”地图》（《英语和日耳曼语言学杂志》第 39 期（1940 年），第 93-7 页）中指出，当莎士比亚想要寻找一些其他地点而不是相对不为人知的埃皮丹努斯（普劳图斯放置《梅纳赫米》的地方）时，他查阅了安特卫普的奥特柳斯的大型地图集的索引，在那里，在埃皮丹努斯旁边，找到了以弗所。然后，他将地点移到了以弗所，每个现代读者都从《使徒行传》中轰动一时的情节中知道了这一点；他非常聪明地重新安排了主要人物的旅程以适应这种变化。他还引入了《埃皮达鲁斯》，该剧在索引中紧跟在《埃皮达姆努斯》之后：见 1.1.93。 《错误的喜剧》中似乎只指出了一处对普劳图斯戏剧的口头回忆——而且是一小段：《错误的喜剧》，3.1.80 = 《安菲特鲁奥》，1048。
90. Several studies of Shakespeare’s technique in The Comedy of Errors have shown that, in taking over the stories of Plautus’ Menaechmi and Amphitruo, he was not hindered by any difficulty in understanding Latin, but felt quite free to alter and transform, as one feels free only when one has a firm grip on one’s material. These articles emphasize, among others, the fact that he purified and ennobled the play by making the courtesan less prominent and the loving wife Adriana more real and human. See, in particular, E. Gill’s ‘A Comparison of the Characters in The Comedy of Errors with those in the Menaechmi’ (Texas University Studies in English, 5 (1925), 79–95), the same author’s very careful essay ‘The Plot-structure of The Comedy of Errors in Relation to its Sources’ (Texas University Studies in English, 10 (1930), 13–65), and M. Labinski’s Shakespeares Komodie der Irrungen (Breslau, 1934). There are some suggestive remarks in V. G. Whitaker’s ‘Shakespeare’s Use of his Sources’ (Philological Quarterly, 20 (1941), esp. 380 f.). G. B. Parks, in ‘Shakespeare’s Map for “The Comedy of Errors’” (Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 39 (1940), 93–7), shows that, when Shakespeare wanted to find some other locale than the relatively unknown Epidamnus (where Plautus put the Menaechmi), he looked up the index of the great atlas of Ortelius of Antwerp, and there, beside Epidamnus, found Ephesus. He then moved the locale to Ephesus, which every modern reader knows from the sensational episode in the Acts of the Apostles; and he rearranged the journey of the chief characters very intelligently to fit the change. He also brought in Epidaurus, which appears in the index just after Epidamnus: see 1. 1. 93. Only one verbal reminiscence of Plautus’ plays seems to have been pointed out in The Comedy of Errors —a small one at that: The Comedy of Errors, 3. 1. 80 = Amphitruo, 1048.
91 . 《亨利四世》，2.1.104；《无事生非》，4.1.21-2；尤其是《温莎的风流娘儿们》 ，4.1。
91. I Henry IV, 2. 1. 104; Much Ado about Nothing, 4. 1. 21–2; and especially The Merry Wives of Windsor, 4. 1.
92 . 例如，在《泰伦斯传》（Eun . 1. 1. 29）中，一个仆人告诉他的主人，由于他已被爱情俘虏，他唯一的办法就是尽可能便宜地赎回自己：
92. For instance, a servant in Terence (Eun. 1. 1. 29) tells his master that, since he has been captured by love, his only resort is to ransom him-self as cheaply as possible:
奎德阿加斯？ Nisi ut te redimas captum quam queas
minumo。
quid agas? nisi ut te redimas captum quam queas
minumo.
科利特和莉莉把这句话缩写成一行，无疑是为了说明带有最高级的quam习语（=‘尽可能……’）；特拉尼奥就是以这种形式向他的主人引用这句话的（《驯悍记》，1. 1. 166）：
Colet and Lily abbreviated this into one line, no doubt to illustrate the idiom of quam with the superlative ( = ‘as … as possible’); and in that form Tranio quotes it to his master (The Taming of the Shrew, 1. 1. 166):
如果爱情已经触动了你，那么就只剩下这样：
Redime te captum，quam queas minimo。
If love have touched you, nought remains but so:
Redime te captum, quam queas minimo.
尽管《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》并不能证明莎士比亚的创作手法，但其中有一个非常有趣的例子来说明这种引用手法。剧中的反派人物被送去了一些带有铭文的武器：
And although Titus Andronicus is shaky evidence for Shakespeare’s practice, there is a most amusing illustration of this method of quotation in it. The villains are sent certain weapons bearing the inscription:
Integer vitae scelerisque purus
Non eget Mauri iaculis neque arcu (Horace, Carm . 1. 22)。
一个没有犯罪的无辜者
将不需要摩尔人的长矛或弓箭。
Integer vitae scelerisque purus
Non eget Mauri iaculis neque arcu (Horace, Carm. 1. 22).
An innocent unstained with crime
will need no Moorish spears nor bow.
当德米特律斯读出这句话时，喀戎观察到：
When Demetrius reads this out, Chiron observes:
哦！这是贺拉斯的一首诗；我很熟悉它；
很久以前我就在语法书中读到过它。（《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》，4.2.20）
O! ‘tis a verse in Horace; I know it well;
I read it in the grammar long ago. (Titus Andronicus, 4. 2. 20).
93. LLL . 4. 2. 96 f .
93. L.L.L. 4. 2. 96 f.
94 . 《哈姆雷特》，5.1.260 f.
94. Hamlet, 5.1. 260 f.
95.波斯书，1. 38–9：
95. Persius, 1. 38–9:
Nunc non e tumulo fortunataque fauilla
nascentur uiolae？
Nunc non e tumulo fortunataque fauilla
nascentur uiolae?
96 . 鲍德温，《威廉·莎士比亚的《小拉丁文》和《小希腊文》，1.649。
96. Baldwin, William Shakspere’s Small Latine and Lesse Greeke, 1.649.
97.错误的喜剧，1. 1. 31 = Verg. Aen . 2. 3：
97. The Comedy of Errors, 1. 1. 31 = Verg. Aen. 2. 3:
Infandum、Regina、iubes renouare dolorem。
Infandum, regina, iubes renouare dolorem.
其他维吉尔式的回忆录包括：
Other Vergilian reminiscences include:
《暴风雨》，4. 1. 101–2 = Verg. Aen . 1. 46 与 1. 405 混合；
The Tempest, 4. 1. 101–2 = Verg. Aen. 1. 46 blended with 1. 405;
《暴风雨》中的舞台方向，3. 3. 53 = Verg。艾恩。 3. 219 f.：“拍打他的翅膀”是magnis quatiunt clangoribus alas的翻译，3. 226；
the stage direction in The Tempest, 3. 3. 53 = Verg. Aen. 3. 219 f.: ‘claps his wings’ being a translation of magnis quatiunt clangoribus alas, 3. 226;
《暴风雨》中艾里斯的藏红花色翅膀，4.1.78 = Verg. Aen . 4.700–2（可能通过 Phaer 的翻译：参见 Root，《莎士比亚的古典神话》，77）；
the saffron wings of Iris in The Tempest, 4. 1. 78 = Verg. Aen. 4. 700–2 (perhaps through Phaer’s translation: see Root, Classical Mythology in Shakespeare, 77);
《哈姆雷特》中的先驱水星，3. 4. 58 = Verg。艾恩。 4. 246–53（根，85）；
the herald Mercury in Hamlet, 3. 4. 58 = Verg. Aen. 4. 246–53 (Root, 85);
《亨利六世下》 2 卷2. 1. 24 = Verg. Aen. 1. n中有一个巧妙的双关语，其中caelestibus（“天堂的”）被理解为“神职人员的”。
and a neat pun in 2 Henry VI, 2. 1. 24 = Verg. Aen. 1 . n, where caelestibus, ‘heavenly’, is taken as though it meant ‘clerical’.
98 . 2母鸡。 VI , 4. 7. 65 = 凯撒，B. G . 5.14.1：
98. 2 Hen. VI, 4. 7. 65 = Caesar, B. G. 5. 14. 1:
'ex eis omnibus longe sunt humanissimi qui Cantium incolunt';在这些人（英国南部人）中，肯特郡的居民是最文明的。
‘ex eis omnibus longe sunt humanissimi qui Cantium incolunt’; of these (the southern British) the inhabitants of Kent are far the most civilized.
99.参见 EI Fripp，《莎士比亚：人与艺术家》，第 96 页。
99. See E. I. Fripp, Shakespeare, Man and Artist, 96 f.
100 .朱利叶斯·凯撒, 5. 3. 94 f.
100. Julius Caesar, 5. 3. 94 f.
101 . 卢肯，贝尔。第1. 2–3 页。莎士比亚可能在重复卢肯的观点，而“把我们的在我们自己的内脏中插入剑”，这看起来像是拉丁语的一个错误翻译：
101. Lucan, Bell. Ciu. 1. 2–3. The probability that Shakespeare is echoing Lucan is strengthened by the oddity of the phrase ‘turns our swords in our own proper entrails’, which looks like a remembered mis-translation of the Latin:
人民的潜能
populumque potentem
在sua uictrici conuersum uiscera dextra 中。
in sua uictrici conuersum uiscera dextra.
102. 《哈姆雷特》，2.2.200f .
102. Hamlet, 2. 2. 200 f.
103.尽管如此，莎士比亚对尤维纳尔讽刺诗的了解显然非常模糊：如果他读过，一定会记得清清楚楚。“厚厚的琥珀和李子树胶”这个精彩的细节并没有出现在尤维纳尔的诗中（他会很欣赏这个细节），哈姆雷特的其余讲话也只是对这首诗的模糊反映。这首讽刺诗有时被称为《虚荣的人类愿望》，约翰逊用这个名字改编了英文版。西奥博尔德和其他人已经在梅内克拉底对雄心勃勃的庞培的警告中发现了对其强有力的开场白的回忆（《安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉》， 2.1.5-8）：
103. Nevertheless, Shakespeare’s knowledge of Juvenal’s satire is obviously very vague: if he had read it, he would certainly have remembered it vividly. The brilliant detail ‘thick amber and plum-tree gum’ is not in Juvenal (who would have admired it), and the rest of Hamlet’s speech is only a faint reflection of the poem. The satire is sometimes called The Vanity of Human Wishes, and was adapted in English by Johnson under that title. Theobald and others have detected a reminiscence of its powerful opening lines in Menecrates’ warning to the ambitious Pompey (Antony and Cleopatra, 2. 1. 5–8):
我们对自己一无所知，
常常祈求自己受到伤害，而那些明智的力量
却为了我们的利益而拒绝我们；因此，我们发现，我们
因失去祈祷而获益。
We, ignorant of ourselves,
Beg often our own harms, which the wise powers
Deny us for our good; so find we profit
By losing of our prayers.
有关莎士比亚讽刺目的和方法的更详细描述，请参阅 OJ Campbell 的《Comicall Satyre and Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida》 (San Marino, California, 1938) 和他的《Shakespeare's Satire》 (New York and London, 1943)。
For a larger treatment of Shakespeare’s satirical purposes and methods, see O. J. Campbell, Comicall Satyre and Shakespeare’s ‘Troilus and Cressida’ (San Marino, Cal., 1938), and his Shakespeare’s Satire (New York and London, 1943).
12.抒情诗
12. LYRIC POETRY
1.撒母耳记下 vi. 14 f.
1. 2 Samuel vi. 14 f.
2. “抒情诗”的意思是“竖琴音乐”。希腊人通常称其为“melic”诗，源于“melos” =“歌曲”，这个词源于“旋律”。
2. ‘Lyric’ means ‘music for the lyre’. The Greeks usually spoke of ‘melic’ poetry, from melos = ‘song’, the word we know from ‘melody’.
3.有关他漫长而辉煌的职业生涯的按时间顺序的叙述，通过其在各个阶段创作的诗歌进行追溯，请参阅 U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff的《品达罗斯》（柏林，1922 年）和 G. Norwood 写得很优美的《品达》（Sather Classical Lectures，1945 年，加州伯克利，1945 年）。
3. For a chronological account of his long and magnificent career, traced through the poems produced at its various stages, see U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Pindaros (Berlin, 1922), and G. Norwood’s beautifully written Pindar (Sather Classical Lectures, 1945, Berkeley, Cal., 1945).
4 . 当诗句过长，无法一次性唱完或跳完时，可以将其再次分成相应的乐句（kola）。
4. When the verses are longer than can be sung or danced in a single sweep, they are divisible again into phrases (kola) which correspond in their turn.
5.品达颂歌. 4. 2. 5–8. 然而，认为贺拉斯认为品达的颂歌是用“自由诗”写成的，这是错误的。根据贺拉斯的逻辑划分，无模式的韵律严格限制在酒神颂歌中：见第 10-24 行。E. Fraenkel 在《品达颂歌》（海德堡大学科学学院论文集，1932-3 年）中对这首诗进行了有价值的讨论。
5. Hor. Carm. 4. 2. 5–8. It is a mistake, however, to believe that Horace thought Pindar’s odes were written in ‘free verse’. The patternless rhythms are strictly limited, by Horace’s logical division, to the dithyrambs: see lines 10–24. E. Fraenkel, ‘Das Pindargedicht des Horaz’ (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1932–3), has a valuable discussion of the poem.
6.请参阅第 271-2 页，讲述一位法国女士的故事，她拒绝相信她丈夫对品达第一首奥林匹克颂歌的直译。
6. See pp. 271–2 for the story of a French lady who refused to believe her husband’s literal translation of Pindar’s first Olympian ode.
7 .引自 A. Croiset 所著的拉康的《Vie de Malherbe》，《La Poésie de Pindare et les lois du lyrisme grec》（巴黎，1895 3），449。
7. Quoted from Racan’s Vie de Malherbe by A. Croiset, La Poésie de Pindare et les lois du lyrisme grec (Paris, 18953), 449.
8 .布瓦洛，《诗意艺术》，2. 72。
8. Boileau, Art poétique, 2. 72.
9 . Norwood, Pindar（引自注 3），第 98 页。DM Robinson 教授在其著作《永恒观念的诗人品达》（巴尔的摩，1936 年）第 51 页中提出，品达是第一位创作出世界上最著名的意象之一“命运之轮”（图 2，第 35 页）的诗人。Norwood 教授在第 253 页中采纳了这一建议。
9. Norwood, Pindar (quoted in n. 3), 98 f. On p. 51 f. of his Pindar, a Poet of Eternal Ideas (Baltimore, 1936), Prof. D. M. Robinson suggests that Pindar was the first poet to develop one of the most famous images ir the world, the Wheel of Fortune (Ol. 2. 35 f.). The suggestion is taken up by Prof. Norwood on p. 253 f.
10 .霍。卡姆. 4. 2. 他从未试图复制品达惊人的音速或丰富的词汇；但他确实使用了品达的一些主题：例如，在《卡姆》中。 1 . 12 init.，3. 4，以及重要的胜利颂歌 4. 4。关于整个主题，请参阅 E. Fraenkel，在 n. 中引用。 5、P. Rummel，Horatius quid de Pindaro iudicauerit（Rawitsch，1892），以及 E. Harms，Horaz in seinen Beziehungen zu Pindar（马尔堡，1936）。
10. Hor. Carm. 4. 2. He never attempted to copy Pindar’s astonishing metres or his sumptuous vocabulary; but he did use a number of Pindar’s themes: for instance, in Carm. 1 . 12 init., 3. 4, and the important victory ode 4. 4. On the whole subject see E. Fraenkel, cited in n. 5, P. Rummel, Horatius quid de Pindaro iudicauerit (Rawitsch, 1892), and E. Harms, Horaz in seinen Beziehungen zu Pindar (Marburg, 1936).
11.根据《大英百科全书》（1946年），sv，我们的天鹅是Cygnus olor ，它只能发出嘶嘶声，而天鹅唱歌的传说则来自迁徙的美洲大天鹅（ Cygnus musicus ）的声音，它有一个美国的表亲，叫小号天鹅。
11. According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica (1946), s.v., our swan is the Cygnus olor, which can only hiss, and the legend that the swan sings comes from the voice of the migrant whooper swan (Cygnus musicus), which has an American cousin, the trumpeter swan.
12。格雷，《诗歌的进步》；并非他一个人写过。
12. Gray, The Progress of Poesy; and not he alone.
13 . 但是，如果说贺拉斯认为自己是一只蜜蜂，与天鹅般的品达形成对比，那么，他也认为自己与普通人相比是一只天鹅（Carm . 2. 20, 4. 3. 19 f.）。我无法理解 LP Wilkinson（Horace and his Lyric Poetry，Cambridge，1945，62）的观点，即贺拉斯在写到 Carm . 2. 20 中间时被咯咯笑声所征服，然后又变得严肃起来，完成了这首诗。像贺拉斯这样的诗人不会在抒情诗中间失去控制，也不会在整本书的结尾这样重要的地方发表一首半滑稽的诗。这首诗是失败的，并不是因为贺拉斯无法抑制自己的幽默感，而是因为六个简短紧凑的阿尔卡语诗节没有给他足够的空间使他的变形在想象力上令人信服。在一首短诗中，你可以说你建造了一座纪念碑，但很少说你正在变成一只大鸟。
13. Yet if Horace thought he was a bee in contrast to the swan-like Pindar, he also thought that he himself was a swan in comparison with ordinary men (Carm. 2. 20, 4. 3. 19 f.). I cannot follow L. P. Wilkinson (Horace and his Lyric Poetry, Cambridge, 1945, 62) in believing that Horace was overcome by the giggles in the middle of Carm. 2. 20, and then became serious again to finish the poem. A poet like Horace does not lose control in the middle of a lyric, nor publish a half-comical poem in such an important place as the end of an entire book. The poem is a failure, not because Horace could not restrain his sense of humour, but because six brief tight Alcaic stanzas do not give him enough room to make his metamorphosis imaginatively convincing. In a short poem you can say that you have built a monument, but scarcely that you are turning into a large bird.
14.参见第 418 页。
14. See p. 418 f.
15.关于“古典”（浪漫）这一错误的对立面，可以写一本很长的书。关于这一主题的其他评论可以在本书第 355 页、第 375 页和第 390 页找到。维克多·雨果在 1824 年为《颂歌与叙事曲》所写的序言中对这一区别进行了激烈的批判：
15. A long book could be written on the false antithesis ‘classical)(romantic’. Other remarks on the subject will be found on pp. 355 f., 375, 390 of this work. There is an exuberant attack on the distinction in Victor Hugo’s 1824 preface to Odes et ballades:
'II [ie Hugo] répudie tous ces termes de convention que lespartisse rejettent reciproquement comme des ballons vides, Signes sans signification, statements sans expression, mots模糊s que chacun définit au besoin de ses haines ou de ses préjuges, et qui neservent存在的理由安大略省我忽略了古典流派和浪漫流派的深度……。莎士比亚的美人就是拉辛的美人； et le faux dans Voltaire est tout aussi romantique (si romantique veut dire mauvais) que le faux dans Calderon.'
‘II [i.e. Hugo] répudie tous ces termes de convention que les partis se rejettent réciproquement comme des ballons vides, signes sans signification, expressions sans expression, mots vagues que chacun définit au besoin de ses haines ou de ses préjuges, et qui ne servent de raisons qu’à ceux qui n’en ont pas. Pour lui, il ignore profondément ce que c’est que le genre classique et que le genre romantique… . Le beau dans Shakespeare est tout aussi classique (si classique signifie digne d’être étudié) que le beau dans Racine; et le faux dans Voltaire est tout aussi romantique (si romantique veut dire mauvais) que le faux dans Calderon.’
请参阅亨利·佩雷 (Henri Peyre) 对古典主义理念的宝贵讨论及其广泛的参考书目：《法国古典主义》(Le Classicisme francais)（纽约，1942 年）。
See Henri Peyre’s valuable discussion of the idea of Classicism with his extensive bibliography: Le Classicisme francais (New York, 1942).
16 . Bergk，Poetae lyrici Graeci（莱比锡，1878-824），3，p。 315，没有。 31：
16. Bergk, Poetae lyrici Graeci (Leipzig, 1878–824), 3, p. 315, no. 31:
爱伦·坡知道这首诗吗？并在《乌鸦》中将其妖魔化？主题是一样的：一个超自然的生物在半夜进入一个孤独男人的房间，拒绝离开，主宰了他的生活。
Did Poe know this poem, and diabolize it in The Raven? The theme is the same: a supernatural being enters a lonely man’s room at midnight, and, refusing to leave, dominates his life.
17.遗憾的是，本书的范围不允许讨论现代警句，也不允许讨论马夏尔和希腊警句作家对它的不同影响。
17. Unfortunately the scope of this book will not permit a discussion of the modern epigram, nor of the different influences exercised upon it by Martial and by the Greek epigrammatists.
18 . 詹姆斯·赫顿 (James Hutton) 有两本令人钦佩的关于这一主题的详尽研究，分别是《意大利希腊文选集》和《1800 年前荷兰拉丁作家中的法国希腊文选集》（康奈尔大学出版社，纽约州伊萨卡，1935 年和 1946 年）。另请参阅KA 麦克尤恩 (KA McEuen) 所著的《古典主义对本部落的影响》（爱荷华州锡达拉皮兹，1939 年），第 7 和 8 册。
18. There are two admirably thorough studies of the subject by James Hutton, The Greek Anthology in Italy, and The Greek Anthology in France and in the Latin Writers of the Netherlands to the Year 1800 (Cornell University Press, Ithaca, N.Y., 1935 and 1946). See also Classical Influence upon the Tribe of Ben, by K. A. McEuen (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1939), cc. 7 and 8.
19 . 第 85 类：
19. Cat. 85:
奥迪等人。 Quare id faciam fortasse 要求。
Nescio，sed fieri sense et excrucior。
Odi et amo. Quare id faciam fortasse requiris.
Nescio, sed fieri sentio et excrucior.
20 . 第 2 和第 3 组诗是两首最著名的诗，主题是情人将自己与情人爱抚的宠物联系起来。这些十一音节诗的语言口语化非常重要，但有时会被忽视：除其他外，它表明它们是即兴创作。
20. Cat. 2 and 3, two of the most famous poems on a favourite theme— the lover’s identification of himself with a pet animal which his mistress caresses. The colloquialism of the language in these hendecasyllabic poems is very important, and is sometimes overlooked: it shows, among other things, that they were posing as improvisations.
21 .详细信息请参阅Orazio nella letteratura mondiale（罗马尼研究学院，罗马，1936 年 - XIV）。
21. Details in Orazio nella letteratura mondiale (Istituto di studi romani, Rome, 1936—XIV).
22 . Carm . 4. 2：第 225-226 页。
22. Carm. 4. 2: pp. 225–6 above.
23.阿拉曼尼当时流亡在法国宫廷。劳莫尼耶认为，龙沙并没有在任何重要程度上学习或模仿阿拉曼尼的品达风格，这一点似乎是正确的（见他的《龙沙抒情诗人》，巴黎，19232，344 n. 1 和 704-6）。有时人们说，特里西诺的悲剧《索福尼斯巴》（见第 136 页）中的合唱部分“与品达风格一致”（R. Shafer，《1660 年英国颂歌》，普林斯顿，1918，60 页）；但它们不被称为颂歌，也不分为称为节、对节和尾声的部分。即使特里西诺试图在《索福尼斯巴》中写一首希腊合唱，他更有可能想到悲剧合唱，因为悲剧合唱也是三重唱，而不是品达的。在我看来，这些诗就像特里西诺的普通颂歌。另见 P. de Nolhac，《龙萨尔与人文主义》（巴黎，1921 年），45 页。
23. Alamanni was then living in exile at the French court. Laumonier believes, apparently with justice, that Ronsard did not study or imitate Alamanni’s Pindarics in any important degree (see his Ronsard poète lyrique, Paris, 19232, 344 n. 1 and 704–6). It is sometimes said that the choruses in Trissino’s tragedy Sofonisba (on which see p. 136) are ‘in agreement with Pindaric practice’ (R. Shafer, The English Ode to 1660, Princeton, 1918, 60 f.); but they are not called odes, nor divided into sections called strophe, antistrophe, and epode. Even if Trissino was trying to write a Greek chorus in Sofonisba, he is much more likely to have been thinking of the tragic choruses, which were also triadic, than of Pindar. The poems look to me just like Trissino’s ordinary canzoni. See also P. de Nolhac, Ronsard et I’humanisme (Paris, 1921), 45 f.
24 . 法国首相
J'ay pindarizè（颂歌，2 . 2. 36–7；参见 1. 4 fin.）。
24. Le premier de France
J’ay pindarizè (Odes, 2. 2. 36–7; cf. 1. 4 fin.).
25.参见第94、145页。
25. See pp. 94, 145.
26 .德·诺哈克确认这位朋友为克劳迪奥·杜奇（Claudio Duchi）（参见 Laumonier，Ronsard pote lyrique（第 23 段引用），5-6，以及 H. Chamard，Histoire de la Pléiade，巴黎，1939-40，1. 72） 。奇怪的是，龙萨德从未提到过他，这有点不慷慨。
26. This friend has been identified by de Nolhac as Claudio Duchi (see Laumonier, Ronsard poete lyrique (cited in n. 23), 5—6, and H. Chamard, Histoire de la Pléiade, Paris, 1939–40, 1. 72). Strange, and a little ungenerous, that Ronsard never mentions him.
27.有关 Dorat 教学的证言，请参阅 Ronsard 为他写的颂歌（Odes，1. 13）；H. Chamard（引自 n. 26），1，c. 2；P. de Nolhac（引自 n. 23），cc. 6–7；JE Sandys，A History of Classical Scholarship（剑桥，1908），2. 186–8。他的名字有时拼写为 D'Aurat，拉丁化为Auratus，但更常见的是 Dorat。（他放弃了家族姓氏 Dinemandi：Dorat 被认为是他祖先的名字。）E. Gandar，Ronsard considéré comme imitateur d'Homère et de Pindare（梅斯，1854 年），80 页，指出当 Ronsard 开始用希腊语阅读品达作品时，并没有品达学习的传统，也没有完整的法语版品达作品，因此 Dorat 既解释了这种困难的语言，又向他的学生展示了品达颂歌中诗歌的美。关于这一点，另见 Chamard（引自 n. 26），1. 338 页。
27. For testimonies to Dorat’s teaching, see Ronsard’s ode to him (Odes, 1. 13); H. Chamard (cited in n. 26), 1, c. 2; P. de Nolhac (cited in n. 23), cc. 6–7; J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 186–8. His name was sometimes spelt D’Aurat and latinized as Auratus, but more usually Dorat. (He had given up the family name Dinemandi: Dorat was supposed to be the name of his ancestors.) E. Gandar, Ronsard considéré comme imitateur d’Homère et de Pindare (Metz, 1854), 80 f., points out that there was no tradition of Pindaric learning and no complete French edition of Pindar when Ronsard started his reading in Greek, so that Dorat both explained the difficult language and showed his pupils the beauties of the poetry in Pindar’s odes. On this see also Chamard (cited in n. 26), 1. 338 f.
28 . 公元前三世纪，亚历山大有一群诗人，他们以七宿星命名。（亚历山大的批评家和崇拜他们的人喜欢将伟大的诗人分为七人。）龙沙对亚历山大的诗歌非常了解（他在他的《赞美诗》中抄袭了卡利马科斯的作品），当他将这个名字转移到自己的派系时，他可能想到了这个群体。比奈将他们的名字列为：多拉特、龙沙、杜贝莱、巴伊夫、贝洛、若德尔和泰亚德（Chamard，引自第 26 号，第 1 卷，第 5 章）。
28. There was a group of poets in Alexandria in the third century B.C. who were called the Pleiad after the constellation. (Alexandrian critics and those who admired them liked to group greatnesses in sevens.) Ronsard knew a good deal about Alexandrian poetry (he copied Callimachus in his Hymns), and he was probably thinking of this group when he transferred the name to his own clique. Binet gives their names as: Dorat, Ronsard, Du Bellay, Baïf, Belleau, Jodelle, and Tyard (Chamard, cited in n. 26, v. 1, c. 5).
29。第一版的标题是《法语的解释与图解》。图解一词可能仅仅意味着“解释”——即对语言的力量和未来的阐释。但实际上它的意思是“赞美”或“高贵化”。它包含两个意思：
29. The title in the first edition is La Deffence, et Illustration de la Langue Francoyse. The word illustration might simply mean ‘explanation’ —i.e. an elucidation of the powers and the future of the language. But in fact it means ‘glorification’ or ‘ennoblement’. It contains two ideas:
（a）使法语变得高贵和受人尊敬的一种方法；
(a) a method of making the French language noble and respected;
（b）法语确实高贵的证明。杜·贝莱主要考虑的是前者，这一点可以从他用来举例的同义词以及关于法语的以下句子中看出：
(b) a proof that the French language is genuinely noble. Du Bellay was chiefly thinking of the former, as is shown by the synonyms he uses for illustration, and by such sentences as this about the French language:
“Je ne te puis mieux suggester d'y ecrire, qu'en te montrant le moyen de I'enrichir et illustrer , qui est I'imitation des Grecz et Remains” (2. 2. 191-2)。
‘Je ne te puis mieux persuader d’y ecrire, qu’en te montrant le moyen de I’enrichir et illustrer, qui est I’imitation des Grecz et Remains’ (2. 2. 191–2).
但这两种含义是相通的。他认为，丰富法语是提高法语声望的途径。关于这本书，请参阅 Chamard（引自第 26 号），1. 4。
But the two meanings were connected. He believed that to enrich the French language was the way to increase its prestige. On the book see Chamard (cited in n. 26), 1. 4.
30 . 1552 旧式 = 1553。参见第 137 页，亦见 Chamard（引自注 26），2. II。
30. 1552 old style = 1553. See p. 137, also Chamard (cited in n. 26), 2. II.
31 .比照。龙萨德，《颂歌》，1. 22（《七弦琴》）：
31. Cf. Ronsard, Odes, 1. 22 (A sa lyre):
Je pillay Thebe, et saccageay la Pouille,
T'enrichissant de leur belle despouille.
Je pillay Thebe, et saccageay la Pouille,
T’enrichissant de leur belle despouille.
这个比喻带有年轻人的大胆，但敏感的罗马人可能会认为其中也有不幸的返祖野蛮。贺拉斯本可以写一篇有趣的短篇小说，描写年轻的高卢人踉踉跄跄地走回家，他们的战利品是装满雕塑头和四肢的袋子，还有切成整齐的小方块的图画。
There is a youthful boldness about this metaphor; but a sensitive Roman might think there was also an unfortunate touch of atavistic barbarism. Horace could have written an amusing epode on the young Gauls staggering homewards with their shoulders bent beneath their loot—sacks full of sculptural heads and limbs, bales of pictures cut up into small neat squares.
32 . 'Sur toutes 选择了 prens garde que ce 流派 de poëme soit eloingné du vulgaire、丰富和说明 motz propres 和修饰词非 oysifz、orné de Graves 句子、et varié de toutes manieres de couleurs 和 ornementz poetiques，noncomme un Laissez la verde couleur ，阿莫尔·阿韦克·普赛克斯， O Comien est heureuse，et autres telz ouvraiges，mieux dignes d'estre nommez Chansons vulgaires qu'Odes ou Vers liriques'。（杜贝莱，Deffence 2.4，由 Laumonier 引用和注释（见第 23 号），引言 xxi。）有趣的是，这些作品中的第二篇本身就是一个古典主题，来自一本名为《维纳斯哀悼美人阿多尼斯之死》的诗集。但反对意见是它太过民间化，不够古典。
32. ‘Sur toutes choses prens garde que ce genre de poëme soit eloingné du vulgaire, enrichy et illustré de motz propres et epithetes non oysifz, orné de graves sentences, et varié de toutes manieres de couleurs et ornementz poetiques, non comme un Laissez la verde couleur, Amour avecques Psyches, O combien est heureuse, et autres telz ouvraiges, mieux dignes d’estre nommez Chansons vulgaires qu’Odes ou Vers liriques.’ (Du Bellay, Deffence 2. 4, quoted and annotated by Laumonier (see n. 23), introd. xxi.) The amusing thing is that the second of these pieces is itself on a classical theme, and comes from an anthology of poems entitled Lament of Venus on the Death of Fair Adonis. But the objection to it was that it was too folksy and not classical enough.
33 . 杜·贝莱并没有明确地说出这一点，他也不能说出来，因为多拉特创作了许多拉丁语和希腊语诗歌；但这是一个必然的暗示。
33. Du Bellay does not say this explicitly, nor could he, since Dorat composed much Latin and Greek poetry; but it is a necessary implication.
34.参见 Laumonier（引自注23），引言 xv、xx f .、xxix、xxxi f. 和 706 f.
34. See Laumonier (cited in n. 23), introd. xv, xx f., xxix, xxxi f., and 706 f.
35 . I. Silver, “龙沙和杜·贝莱论他们与品达的合作” ( 《罗曼尼评论》 , 33 (1942), 1–25), 表明杜·贝莱和龙沙一样早甚至更早地尝试了这一工作；在发现自己无法胜任这项任务后，便将优先权让给了龙沙。他们的老师多拉特曾用拉丁语写过品达颂歌，就像一位意大利人文主义者所做的那样 (见 Chamard，引自注 26, 1. 339)。很可能他先写了这些，然后他的学生开始用法语模仿。 (详情见 P. de Nolhac，引自注 23, 44–52。) 在一篇预备文章中，《杜·贝莱认识品达吗？》 （PMLA，56（1941），1007–19），西尔弗先生用实际行动表明他确实做到了。杜贝莱的《梅尔菲王子颂》虽然带有品达式的崇高感，却也批评品达晦涩难懂、漫无目的。
35. I. Silver, ‘Ronsard and Du Bellay on their Pindaric Collaboration’ (Romanic Review, 33 (1942), 1–25), shows that Du Bellay tried his hand quite as soon as Ronsard, if not before; and, after finding himself unequal to the task, relinquished priority to Ronsard. At some time their teacher Dorat wrote Pindaric odes in Latin, as an Italian humanist had done (see Chamard, cited in n. 26, 1. 339). It seems most probable that he wrote these first, and that his pupils then set out to emulate them in French. (Details in P. de Nolhac, cited in n. 23, 44–52.) In a preparatory article, ‘Did Du Bellay know Pindar?’ (PMLA, 56 (1941), 1007–19), Mr. Silver showed with practical certainty that he did. Du Bellay’s Ode au Prince de Melphe, although Pindaric in its loftiness, criticizes Pindar as obscure and rambling.
36 . 龙沙的巨作《献给米歇尔·德·洛必达的颂歌》1.10 由 24 个三和弦组成，显然是为了超越品达最长的颂歌《皮特颂歌》4，后者有 13 个三和弦。
36. Ronsard’s tremendous ode to Michel de L’Hospital, 1. 10, in 24 triads, was evidently designed to outdo the longest of Pindar’s odes, Pyth. 4, with its 13 triads.
37 .颂歌1. 1-7 和 9-15 属于品达的AZP模式。颂歌1.8 经常被描述为“单调的”，并被视为对品达颂歌的模仿（Laumonier 如此认为，引自 n. 23, 298）。然而，它的主题、韵律和开头表明它不是品达式的，而是贺拉斯式的，是贺拉斯第三本书Carm . 3. 30尾声的发展，其长度和形状与后者完全相同。
37. Odes, 1. 1–7 and 9–15 are in the Pindaric A-Z-P pattern. Odes, 1.8 is often described as ‘monostrophic’ and treated as an imitation of such odes as Pindar, Ol. n (so Laumonier, cited in n. 23, 298). Its theme, its metre, and its opening, however, show that it is not Pindaric but Horatian, a development of the epilogue to Horace’s third book, Carm. 3. 30, which it exactly equals in length and shape.
38 .卡姆. 4. 2. 1–4（第 225 页）；参见龙萨德，《颂歌》，1. 11，ep。 4：
38. Carm. 4. 2. 1–4 (p. 225 f.); cf. Ronsard, Odes, 1. 11, ep. 4:
Par une cheute subite
Encor je n'ay fait nomrner
Du nom de Ronsard la mer,
Bien que Pindare j'imite。
Par une cheute subite
Encor je n’ay fait nomrner
Du nom de Ronsard la mer,
Bien que Pindare j’imite.
39. Laumonier（引自注23），第399页，引用了《颂歌》第2卷第13节中一段特别严厉的段落：
39. Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 399, quotes a particularly tough passage from Odes, 2. 13:
啊! que maudite soit L'asnesse，
Laquelle pour trouver de l'eau，
Au serpent donna la jeunesse，
Qui tous les anschange de peau！木星上的
大众青年避开了寻找火的秘密。
Ah! que maudite soit L’asnesse,
Laquelle pour trouver de l’eau,
Au serpent donna la jeunesse,
Qui tous les ans change de peau!
Jeunesse que le populaire
De Jupiter avoit receu
Pour loyer de n’avoir sceu taire
Le secret larrecin du feu.
这个神话非常晦涩难懂（来自 Nicander，Theriaca，343 页）；但措辞相当清楚。Laumonier 认为，当 Boileau 责备 Ronsard “用法语讲希腊语和拉丁语”时，他是批评的不是他的语言，而是他对神话名称和迂回语调的使用（参见第 407 页和第 316 页、第 395 页）。
The myth is terribly obscure (it comes from Nicander, Theriaca, 343 f.); but the wording is quite clear. Laumonier thinks that when Boileau reproached Ronsard for ‘talking Greek and Latin in French’ he was criticizing not his language but his use of mythical names and periphrases (see his p. 407, and 316 f., 395 f.).
40.品达，皮斯. 9. 28 f.
40. Pindar, Pyth. 9. 28 f.
41。参见第 144 页。
41. See p. 144.
42. Horace harpeur 拉丁语，
42. Horace harpeur Latin,
Estant fils d'un libertin,
Basse et lente avoit l'audace；
Non pas moy de franche race,
Dont la Muse enfle les sons
De plus pleasureuse haleine ( Odes 1. 11, epod. 4)。
Estant fils d’un libertin,
Basse et lente avoit l’audace;
Non pas moy de franche race,
Dont la Muse enfle les sons
De plus courageuse haleine (Odes 1. 11, epod. 4).
43 . 关于龙沙的阿那克里翁诗歌，请参阅 Chamard (引自 n. 26)，2. 56–70。龙沙以阿那克里翁为模型，创作了小颂歌，或称 odelette，尽管也受到了 Joannes Secundus 等人的新拉丁爱情抒情诗的帮助。
43. On Ronsard’s Anacreontic poems see Chamard (cited in n. 26), 2. 56–70. It was on the model of Anacreon—though helped by the little neo-Latin love-lyrics of Joannes Secundus and the like—that he created the miniature ode, or odelette.
44.有关龙沙的韵律创新，请参见 Laumonier（引自注23），639 f. Chamard（注26），1. 373–4，强调了龙沙的品达颂歌从1551年到1660年左右有许多崇拜者和模仿者。
44. For Ronsard’s metrical innovations see Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 639 f. Chamard (n. 26), 1. 373–4, emphasizes the fact that Ronsard’s Pindaric odes had many admirers and imitators from 1551 until about 1660.
45 . “Thebanos modos fidibus Hetruscis/adaptare primus docuit：/Cycnum Dircaeum/audacibus，sed non deciduis pennis sequutus/Ligustico Mari/nomen aeternum deedit。” （1807 年米兰版墓志铭第 1 节，第 xxxv 页）
45. ‘Thebanos modos fidibus Hetruscis/adaptare primus docuit:/Cycnum Dircaeum/audacibus, sed non deciduis pennis sequutus/Ligustico Mari/nomen aeternum dedit.’ (Epitaph in v. 1 of the Milan edition of 1807, p. xxxv.)
46 .有关详细信息，请参阅 F. Neri，《Il Chiabrera e la Pléiade francese》（都灵，1920 年）。
46. For details, see F. Neri, Il Chiabrera e la Pléiade francese (Turin, 1920).
47 . 这是他的第五首关于托斯卡纳海战胜利的诗的格式，即《英雄颂》第 72 首。他的《神圣颂》中也出现了几首品达式的诗。
47. This is the pattern of the fifth of his poems on Tuscan naval victories, no. 72 in the Canzoni eroiche. A few Pindaric poems also occur in his Canzoni sacre.
48. LLL . 4. 3. 99 .
48. L.L.L. 4. 3. 99.
49 .皆大欢喜, 3. 2. 382–6。
49. As You Like It, 3. 2. 382–6.
50.参阅上文注24、31。
50. Cf. notes 24, 31 above.
51.对于 Southern 诗歌的分析、引用以及本节中的许多其他信息，我都感谢 R. Shafer 的《1660 年英国颂歌》（普林斯顿，1918 年）。在颂歌 1（第 2 集）中，Southern 谈到
51. For the analysis of Southern’s poems, for quotations from them, and for much other information in this section, I am indebted to R. Shafer’s The English Ode to 1660 (Princeton, 1918). In Ode 1 (epode 2) Southern speaks of
伟大的先知，
或者底比斯人，或者卡拉波罗伊人，
the great Prophets,
Or Theban, or Calaborois,
在第二节中，他命令缪斯起立歌唱
and in strophe 2 he orders the Muses to stand up and sing
一首新的小调Calaborois，
致伊班竖琴Thebanois。
A newe dittie Calaborois,
To the Iban harpe Thebanois.
“Calaborois” 是他愚蠢地误抄和误解了 Ronsard 的calabrois，“卡拉布里亚人”，并将其应用于来自意大利南部的贺拉斯。
‘Calaborois’ is his stupid miscopying and misunderstanding of Ronsard’s calabrois, ‘Calabrian’, applied to Horace, who came from south Italy.
52.关于这首诗，请参见 Shafer（注 51），第 92 页和 G.N. Shuster 的《弥尔顿致济慈的英文颂歌》（纽约，1940 年），第 67 页。关于弥尔顿抄袭的品达诗，请参见 Robinson（引自注 9），第 26 页。
52. On this poem see Shafer (n. 51), 92 f., and G. N. Shuster, The English Ode from Milton to Keats (New York, 1940), 67. On Milton’s copy of Pindar see Robinson (cited in n. 9), 26 f.
53.参见Shafer (n. 51), 96 页。Shafer先生还指出，在琼森的《献给詹姆斯伯爵德斯蒙的颂歌》的开头，有对品达的祈求。
53. See Shafer (n. 51), 96 f. Mr. Shafer also points to the invocation of Pindar at the opening of Jonson’s Ode to James Earl of Desmond.
54 . 蒲柏，《模仿贺拉斯》，第 2 集，1. 75 f. 这部史诗是一部大卫史诗，巧合的是，考利在龙萨尔放弃《法兰西亚德》时（写完四卷书后）就放弃了这部史诗（见第 I44 页）。
54. Pope, Imitations of Horace, Ep. 2. 1. 75 f. The epic was a Davideis, which, by a significant coincidence, Cowley abandoned at the very point (after finishing four books) where Ronsard dropped The Franciad (see p. I44).
55 . 详见 Shafer (注 51)，第 128 页，他引用了弥尔顿的《论时间》和《在庄严的音乐中》、沃恩的《复活与不朽》、《圣餐》和《苦难》，以及考利的密友克拉肖的许多诗歌：例如《祈祷，一首颂歌》。另见 Shuster (引自注 52)，第 4 章。人们经常说（显然是 Gosse 的说法）考利不理解品达颂歌的三元形式，而康格里夫则攻击他无知。 AH Nethercot 在《考利的“品达式”颂歌与品达颂歌的关系》（《现代语言学》，19（1921-2），107 页）中解释说，这些都是误解：早在 1675 年，弥尔顿的侄子菲利普斯就指出，考利所实践的“品达式”颂歌比品达自己的模式自由得多。康格里夫的《论品达颂歌》（1705 年）实际上断言，考利风格的自由诗是不恰当的，即使是狂想颂歌也有其规律。
55. Details in Shafer (n. 51), 128 f., who cites Milton’s On Time and At a Solemn Music, Vaughan’s Resurrection and Immortality, The Holy Communion, and Affliction, and numerous poems by Crashaw, who was a close friend of Cowley: for instance, Prayer, an Ode. See also Shuster (cited in n. 52), c. 4. It has often been said (apparently on Gosse’s authority) that Cowley did not understand the triadic form of Pindar’s odes, and that Congreve attacked him for his ignorance. A. H. Nethercot, ‘The Relation of Cowley’s “Pindarics” to Pindar’s Odes’ (Modern Philology, 19 (1921-2), 107 f.), explains that these are misapprehensions: as early as 1675 Milton’s nephew Phillips was pointing out that the ‘Pindaric’ ode as Cowley practised it was much freer than Pindar’s own patterns. Congreve’s Discourse on the Pindarique Ode (1705) really asserted that free verse in the manner of Cowley was improper, and that even rhapsodical odes had their laws.
56。参见第227页。
56. See p. 227.
57.弥尔顿，《庄严的音乐》
57. Milton, At a Solemn Music.
58 . 参见 DJ Grout的《歌剧简史》（纽约，1947 年），第 1. 11 页，其中介绍了这一时期的英国歌剧。在第 1. 14 页中，Grout 先生对这一时期歌唱大师的技术能力进行了精彩的描述。关于这一主题分支的许多事实，我都要感谢 GN Shuster（引自第 52 页），第 132 页。
58. See D. J. Grout, A Short History of Opera (New York, 1947), 1. 11, on English opera of this period. In 1. 14 Mr. Grout gives a superb sketch of the technical powers of the singing virtuosi of this period. For many of the facts on this branch of the subject I am indebted to G. N. Shuster (cited in n. 52), 132 f.
59 . RM Myers, “新古典主义对音乐颂歌的批评”, PMLA , 62 (1947), 2. 399–421. 教皇1708 年的圣塞西莉亚节颂歌就是此类作品的一个很好的例子。
59. R. M. Myers, ‘Neo-classical Criticism of the Ode for Music’, in PMLA, 62 (1947), 2. 399–421. Pope’s Ode on St. Cecilia’s Day, 1708 is a good example of the kind of thing.
60 . 博士与圣伊夫雷斯的故事
60. Quelle docte et sainte ivresse
今天我认识你吗？
Aujourd’hui me fait la loi?
Docte 的意思是“诗意博学”，“通晓缪斯的秘密”。这是布瓦洛关于攻占那慕尔的颂歌的开头——这是一首简洁的小诗，每节十行，与品达的距离就像杜伊勒里花园与希腊的森林、峡谷和山脉的距离一样远。普赖尔对此进行了精彩的模仿，实际上这是一首更好的诗。
Docte means ‘poetically learned’, ‘wise in the secrets of the Muses’. This is the opening of Boileau’s ode on the capture of Namur—a neat little piece in stanzas of ten short lines each, which is as far from Pindar as the Tuileries gardens from the forests and glens and mountains of Greece. There is a brilliant parody of it by Prior, which is actually a better poem.
61 . 最多可以承认，巴洛克时期的品达作家确实被崇高地位的观念所感动。不幸的是，这个主题现在已不能引起我们的注意；即使在当时，这些诗人也常常无法表达他们的情感，因为他们选择通过使用荒谬的夸张来表达。例如，在那慕尔颂歌的开头，布瓦洛告诉风儿保持安静，因为他即将谈到路易十四。欧洲各地都在写这样的东西。转向葡萄牙，你会发现安东尼奥·迪尼斯·达·克鲁斯·席尔瓦将轻松的韵律和宏大的夸张结合在一起：他称何塞国王比居鲁士、亚历山大和图拉真更优秀（颂歌，30.7）。在此期间，模仿贺拉斯的诗人更经常地表现出真正的情感：见第 249 页及以下。
61. At most it might be conceded that the baroque Pindaric-writers were genuinely moved by the idea of lofty rank. Unfortunately this is a subject which fails to excite us now; and even at the time, these poets often failed to communicate their emotion because they chose to do so by the use of ridiculous exaggerations. For instance, at the beginning of the Namur ode Boileau tells the winds to keep silent, because he is about to speak of Louis XIV. Such stuff was being written all over Europe. Turn to Portugal, and you find Antonio Dinys da Cruz e Silva combining light metres and grandiose hyperboles: he calls King José a more excellent monarch than Cyrus, Alexander, and Trajan (Odes, 30. 7). During this period real emotion is more often found in the poets who imitate Horace: see p. 249 f.
62.摘自杨的《天界帝国》，DB Wyndham Lewis 和 C. Lee 引用自《标本猫头鹰》（伦敦，1930 年），第 62 页：一本可爱的糟糕诗集。
62. From Young’s Imperium pelagi, quoted by D. B. Wyndham Lewis and C. Lee, in The Stuffed Owl (London, 1930), 62: a lovable collection of bad poetry.
63.舒斯特（引自注52）137页。舒斯特先生通过强调德莱顿在诗中对考利的借鉴，帮助解释了这首诗令人失望的性质。
63. So Shuster (cited in n. 52), 137. Mr. Shuster helps to account for the disappointing character of this poem by emphasizing Dryden’s debt to Cowley in it.
64 . 贺拉斯的讽刺诗和书信显然是道德方面的作品，在黑暗时代和中世纪更受人们的喜爱。例如，但丁就知道他是讽刺作家（见第 84 页）。他被称为“ethicus”，在《读者文摘》中被引用了数十次。八世纪的《Exempla diuersorum auctorum》引用了他七十四次，布鲁内托·拉蒂尼的《Li livres dou tresor》（约1260 年）引用了他六十次。他的抒情诗很少被阅读。住在班贝格附近的校长雨果·特林贝格（卒于 1313 年）就是一个典型，他了解这些诗，但不信任它们；在他的《Registrum auctorum》（2. 66）中，他说：
64. Horace’s more obviously moral works, the Satires and Letters, were much preferred in the Dark Ages and Middle Ages. Dante, for instance, knew him as a satirist (see p. 84). He was called ethicus, and quoted scores of times in Reader’s Digest collections. The eighth-century Exempla diuersorum auctorum cites him seventy-four times and Brunetto Latini’s Li livres dou tresor (c. 1260) sixty times. His lyrics were seldom read. Hugo of Trimberg (d. 1313), a schoolmaster living near Bamberg, is typical in that he knew them but distrusted them; in his Registrum auctorum (2. 66) he says:
Sequitur Horatius、prudens et disretus、
Vitiorum emulus、firmus et mansuetus、
Qui tres libros etiam fecit primes、
Duosque dictaverat minus commones、
Epodon videlicet et librum odarum、
Quos nostris temporibus credo valere parum。
Sequitur Horatius, prudens et discretus,
Vitiorum emulus, firmus et mansuetus,
Qui tres libros etiam fecit principales,
Duosque dictaverat minus usuales,
Epodon videlicet et librum odarum,
Quos nostris temporibus credo valere parum.
有关详细信息，请参阅 E. Stemplinger，Horaz im Urteil der Jahrhunderte （Das Erbe der Alten，第 2 系列，5，莱比锡，1921 年），以及 J. Marouzeau 和 L. Pietrobono 在Orazio nella letteratura mondiale中的文章（引用于 n. 1921）。 21）。
For details, see E. Stemplinger, Horaz im Urteil der Jahrhunderte (Das Erbe der Alten, 2nd series, 5, Leipzig, 1921), and the articles by J. Marouzeau and L. Pietrobono in Orazio nella letteratura mondiale (cited in n. 21).
65 . 参见 L. Pietrobono, Orazio nella letteratura mondiale (引自 n. 21), 118 页。关于兰迪诺，参见 JE Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 81 页；关于波利蒂安，参见本书第 135–6、599 页。
65. See L. Pietrobono, Orazio nella letteratura mondiale (cited in n. 21), 118 f. On Landino see J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 81 f.; on Politian see pp. 135–6, 599 of this book.
66。详情见 C. Riba 的《世界文学的奥拉齐奥》 （注 21），第 195 页。加西拉索在这一风格中最著名的诗歌是 Canción 5，La Flor de Gnido，由 Horace，Carm. 1.8 发展而来，具有优雅华丽的风格。
66. Details in C. Riba’s article on Spanish Horatians, in Orazio nella letteratura mondiale (n. 21), 195 f. The most famous of Garcilaso’s poems in this vein is Canción 5, La Flor de Gnido, developed from Horace, Carm. 1. 8, with graceful luxuriance.
67.参见 A. Coster 著《Fernando de Herrera》（巴黎，1908 年），第 283 页和 RM Beach 著《Fernando de Herrera 是希腊学者吗？》（费城，1908 年）。
67. See A. Coster, Fernando de Herrera (Paris, 1908), 283 f., and R. M. Beach, Was Fernando de Herrera a Greek Scholar? (Philadelphia, 1908).
68。这是科斯特版的第三首颂歌，写给 1571 年摩尔人起义后（不是勒班陀之后）的唐璜。埃雷拉的抒情模式是颂歌，由 11 个音节的诗行组成，并根据诗人自己的选择混合了较短的诗行：所有诗节都呼应了每首诗中第一节所设定的模式。这些模型是贺拉斯、卡姆。3. 4 和 4. 4。
68. This is Cancion 3 in Coster’s edition, addressed to Don Juan after the rising of the Moriscos in 1571 (not after Lepanto). Herrera’s lyrical pattern is the cancion, made up of eleven-syllable lines mixed with shorter lines at the poet’s own choice: all stanzas echoing the pattern set by the first in each poem. The models are Horace, Carm. 3. 4 and 4. 4.
69 . “Se me cayeron como de entre las manos estas obrecillas”，C. Riba 在Orazio nella letteratura mondiale中引用（第 21 期引用），198，n. 13.
69. ‘Se me cayeron como de entre las manos estas obrecillas’, quoted by C. Riba in Orazio nella letteratura mondiale (cited in n. 21), 198, n. 13.
70 .韦尔格。艾恩。 8. 31-67；霍。卡姆。 1 . 15.
70. Verg. Aen. 8. 31–67; Hor. Carm. 1 . 15.
71 .路易斯·德莱昂，我的生活！加西拉索的第二首牧歌来自贺拉斯《埃波德》。 2：
71. Luis de León, iQue descansada vida! and Garcilaso’s second Eclogue come from Horace, Epod. 2:
Beatus ille qui procul negotiis
ut prisca gens mortalium … .
Beatus ille qui procul negotiis
ut prisca gens mortalium … .
这首诗曾得到桑蒂利亚纳侯爵的响应，后来又由洛佩·德·维加改编（参见 G. Showerman 的《贺拉斯及其影响》（波士顿，1922 年），第 118 页）。
The poem had already been echoed by the Marques de Santillana, and was adapted later by Lope de Vega (see G. Showerman, Horace and His Influence (Boston, 1922), 118).
72. P. Laumonier（引自注23），25，注2。
72. P. Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 25, n. 2.
73.有关 Chiabrera，请参见第 235-6 页。
73. On Chiabrera see pp. 235–6.
74.有关该问题的更详细说明，请参见 LP Wilkinson（引自第 13 号注释），169 页。
74. For a more detailed account of this problem see L. P. Wilkinson (cited in n. 13), 169 f.
75.克劳迪奥·托洛梅 (Claudio Tolomei) 在他的《托斯卡纳新诗歌版本与规则》(Versi e regole della nuova poesia toscana ) (1539) 中尝试过这种做法。在英语中，有几封由加布里埃尔·哈维 (Gabriel Harvey) 就此主题写的臭名昭著的信，他说他正在修改英语韵律并为所有未来诗人树立先例，就像恩尼乌斯 (Ennius) 用拉丁语所做的那样。（这些信据说是写给斯宾塞的；尽管如此，JW Bennett 在《斯宾塞和加布里埃尔·哈维的“书信集”》( 《现代语言学》，29 (1931-2)，163–86) 给出了认为它们是文学虚构的理由。）在法国，现在最著名的该运动的领袖是 JA de Baïf，但杜贝莱、龙沙和德奥比涅都以某种方式与之有联系。 DP Walker近期有一篇关于该主题的论文，名为《十六世纪最后四分之一时期的法国古典韵律诗及其所配乐》（牛津，1947 年），我只看过该论文的摘要。另请参阅 E. Egger 的《法国的希腊主义》（巴黎，1869 年），Lecon 10，以及 H. Chamard（引自第 26 号注释），4. 133 页。
75. The attempt was made in Italian by Claudio Tolomei in his Versi e regole della nuova poesia toscana (1539). In English there are several notorious letters on the subject by Gabriel Harvey, who says he is revising English prosody and setting precedents for all future poets, as Ennius did in Latin. (The letters are supposed to be addressed to Spenser; still, J. W. Bennett, ‘Spenser and Gabriel Harvey’s “Letter Book”’ (Modern Philology, 29 (1931-2), 163–86), gives reasons for thinking them a literary fiction.) In France the leader of the movement now best known was J. A. de Baïf, but Du Bellay, Ronsard, and d’Aubigne were all associated with it in one way or another. There is a recent dissertation on the subject, French Verse in Classical Metres, and the Music to which it was set, of the Last Quarter of the Sixteenth Century, by D. P. Walker (Oxford, 1947), of which I have seen only a summary. See also E. Egger, L’Hellenisme en France (Paris, 1869), Lecon 10, and H. Chamard (cited in n. 26), 4. 133 f.
76。参见第 381 页。
76. See p. 381.
77.关于卡尔杜奇，另见第 443 页。
77. On Carducci, see also p. 443.
78.详见Laumonier（引自注23），662–3。
78. Details in Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 662–3.
79.颂歌，1.11，第4集。
79. Odes, 1. 11, epode 4.
80. Laumonier（引自注23），5f.
80. Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 5 f.
81. Laumonier（引自注23），41页，以及Chamard（注26），1.9页，对此进行了详细说明。
81. Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 41 f., and Chamard (n. 26), 1. 9, give details.
82.颂歌，1.22，2.1 。
82. Odes, 1. 22, 2. 1.
83。关于龙沙思想的这种变化，请参见 Laumonier（引自注23），第 113 页、123 页、137 页、161 页，特别是第 170-4 页。J. Hutton 在《法国希腊文选和 1800 年前荷兰拉丁作家选集》（纽约伊萨卡，1946 年），第 350 页中表明，龙沙的作品中没有直接引用 1553 年之前的选集。然后，Folastries包含了 17 个来自该选集的译文。此后，他继续提及、翻译和模仿它，在整个选集中慢慢但稳步地进行。1578 年版的《作品集》中的许多十四行诗都深受该选集的影响。龙沙对卡图卢斯的兴趣是在 1552 年由 Muret 的讲座引发的；他的《福拉斯特里》包含许多呼应。但我感觉不到他理解了卡图卢斯，而像《盖耶特》这样的作品“雅克爱罗宾……”与原作卡图卢斯 45 相比，只是粗俗而已。
83. On this change in Ronsard’s mind see Laumonier (cited in n. 23), 113 f., 123, 137, 161 f., and particularly 170–4. J. Hutton, in The Greek Anthology in France and in the Latin Writers of the Netherlands to the Year 1800 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1946), 350 f., shows that there are no direct echoes in Ronsard from the Anthology before 1553. Then the Folastries contain seventeen translations from it. After that, he continues to allude to it, translate it, and imitate it, working his way slowly but steadily through the entire collection. A number of the sonnets in the 1578 edition of his Works are deeply indebted to the Anthology. Ronsard’s interest in Catullus was awakened in 1552 by Muret’s lectures; and his Folastries contain a number of echoes. But I cannot feel that he understood Catullus, and a piece like the Gayete, ‘Jaquet aime autant sa Robine …’, is merely vulgar when compared to its original, Catullus 45.
84 . “我和贺拉斯家族的人一样，天真地反对，dés le mémetens que Cl。 Marot (seule lumiere en ses ans de la vulgaire poësie) se travailloit à la poursuite de son Psautier。
84. ‘Je me rendi familier d’Horace, contrefaisant sa naiİve douceur, dés le méme tens que Cl. Marot (seule lumiere en ses ans de la vulgaire poësie) se travailloit à la poursuite de son Psautier.’
85. Laumonier, 625–6。但请参阅 P. de Nolhac（引自第 23 号注释），第 61 页，其中有一篇关于在阿尔克伊举行的一次充满诗意和学术气息的野餐的迷人记述，其中多拉特负责指导他的学生们，并用拉丁语给他们朗诵了一首优美的贺拉斯颂歌，颂歌的内容是他们饮水的地方：
85. Laumonier, 625–6. But see P. de Nolhac (cited in n. 23), 61 f., for a charming account of a poetic and scholarly picnic at Arcueil where Dorat presided over his pupils, and recited to them a neat Horatian ode in Latin, on the spring by which they had been drinking:
O fons Arculii sidere purior … .
O fons Arculii sidere purior … .
正如龙沙的许多轻松颂歌所表明的那样（5. 15、5. 16），他喝酒的乐趣很大程度上来自于与诗友的陪伴：参见诺拉克的 237–9 页。
As many of Ronsard’s lighter odes show (5. 15, 5. 16), much of his pleasure in drinking came from the company of poetic friends: see also de Nolhac’s pages 237–9.
86.关于《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》中的引文，请参见第 626 页。当莎士比亚哭的时候
86. On the quotation in Titus Andronicus see p. 626. When Shakespeare cried
无论是大理石，还是王子的镀金纪念碑
，都无法比这首强有力的韵律更长久
Not marble, nor the gilded monuments
Of princes, shall outlive this powerful rhyme
（第 55 首十四行诗）他模仿的是贺拉斯（《卡门》第 3 章第 30 节）。但他是否曾在学校看过这首诗，或听朋友引用过，甚至瞥见过龙沙的第八首颂歌：
(Sonnet 55), he was echoing Horace (Carm. 3. 30). But had he seen the poem at school, or heard it quoted by friends, or even glimpsed Ronsard’s eighth ode:
Ne pilier，ne terrne Dorique
d'histoires vieilliesdecoré …？
Ne pilier, ne terrne Dorique
d’histoires vieillies decoré …?
87.有关整个主题，请参阅 KA McEuen（引自第 18 号注释）；另请参阅 R. Shafer（引自第 23 号注释），第 99–103 页。有关赫里克，MJ Ruggles 的注释为《贺拉斯与赫里克》（《古典学期刊》，第 31 卷（1935-6 年），第 223–34 页），GW Regenos 的进一步评论和一些精彩的类比为《贺拉斯对罗伯特·赫里克的影响》（《哲学季刊》，第 26 卷（1947 年），第 3 卷，第 268–84 页）。
87. See K. A. McEuen (cited in n. 18) on the entire subject; also R. Shafer (cited in n. 23), 99–103. On Herrick there are some notes by M. J. Ruggles, ‘Horace and Herrick’ (The Classical Journal, 31 (1935-6), 223—34), and further remarks, with some excellent parallels, by G. W. Regenos, ‘The Influence of Horace upon Robert Herrick’ (The Philo-logical Quarterly, 26 (1947), 3. 268–84).
88 . Hor. Carm . 1. 5. 弥尔顿在《失乐园》第 4. 771 页中描写亚当和夏娃在凉亭中的情景时，想起了这幅画：
88. Hor. Carm. 1. 5. Milton remembered this picture when, in Paradise Lost, 4. 771 f., he described Adam and Eve in their bower:
他们在夜莺的催眠下，相拥而眠，
花屋顶上
洒落着玫瑰花，落在他们裸露的肢体上。
These, lulled by nightingales, embracing slept,
And on their naked limbs the flowery roof
Showered roses.
89.参见第 159 页。
89. See p. 159 f.
90 .霍。卡姆. 1. 16: O matre pulchra filia pulchrior，在弥尔顿的第二十首十四行诗中得到呼应。
90. Hor. Carm. 1. 16: O matre pulchra filia pulchrior, echoed in Milton’s twentieth sonnet.
91 . 摘自第 11 首十四行诗，灵感来自霍卡尔姆. 1 . 2 . 18–20：
91. From Sonnet 11, inspired by Hor. Carm. 1 . 2. 18–20:
Sinistra
Labitur ripa loue non probante u-
xorius amnis。
sinistra
labitur ripa loue non probante u-
xorius amnis.
92.这一主题在 JH Finley, Jr. 的论文《弥尔顿和贺拉斯》中得到了很好的阐述（《哈佛古典语言学研究》48 卷（马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年），29–73 页）。
92. This subject is well developed in an essay by J. H. Finley, Jr., ‘Milton and Horace’ (Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 48 (Cambridge, Mass., 1937), 29–73).
93.关于英国，C. Goad 写了一篇论述Horace in the English Literature of the Eighteenth Century (Yale Studies in English, 58, New Haven, 1918) 的论文。
93. For England there is a handy treatise on the subject by C. Goad, Horace in the English Literature of the Eighteenth Century (Yale Studies in English, 58, New Haven, 1918).
94。后来，斯温伯恩的《法兰西共和国宣言颂》以六个连续的诗节开始，然后是六个对句，最后是一个孤独的尾声。这样使用，这些术语几乎没有意义。
94. Later, Swinburne’s Ode on the Proclamation of the French Republic begins with six consecutive strophes, then six antistrophes, followed by a lonely epode. Used like this, the terms are almost meaningless.
95. E. Maass 的《歌德与古董》（柏林，1912 年）第 10 册对这一主题进行了有趣的讨论。
95. There is an interesting discussion of the subject in E. Maass’s Goethe und die Antike (Berlin, 1912), c. 10.
96 .其中包括《Mahomets Gesang》、《Wanderers Sturmlied》（实际上引用了品达）、《Prometheus》、《Das Göttliche》、《Ganymed》和《Grenzen der Menschheit》。《Grenzen der Menschheit》等诗的自由诗与阿诺德《埃特纳火山上的恩培多克勒斯》中的歌词之间的相似之处非常惊人。
96. Among these are Mahomets Gesang, Wanderers Sturmlied (which actually invokes Pindar), Prometheus, Das Göttliche, Ganymed, and Grenzen der Menschheit. The resemblance between the free verse of such poems as Grenzen der Menschheit and Arnold’s lyrics in Empedocles on Etna is very striking.
97。详细分析，见 F. Beissner, Hölderlins ûbersetzungen aus dem griechischen (Stuttgart, 1933), E. Lachmann, Hölderlins Hymnen (Frankfurt a/M., 1937) 和 G. Zuntz, ûber Holderlins Pindar-Ubersetzung (Marburg, 1928)。荷尔德林的译本涵盖了大约一半的奥林匹亚诸神和几乎所有的皮提亚诸神，但他常常不能完成他正在创作的颂歌的翻译，无论是由于懒惰还是由于任务太难。关于歌德和荷尔德林的更多信息，见第 379 页、377 页。
97. For a detailed analysis, see F. Beissner, Hölderlins ûbersetzungen aus dem griechischen (Stuttgart, 1933), E. Lachmann, Hölderlins Hymnen (Frankfurt a/M., 1937), and G. Zuntz, ûber Holderlins Pindar-Ubersetzung (Marburg, 1928). Holderlin’s translations covered about half the Olympians and nearly all the Pythians, but he often did not complete his rendering of the ode on which he was working, whether from lassitude or from the difficulty of the task. For more on Goethe and Holderlin see PP. 379 f., 377 f.
98 . 《颂歌》 5.12 却是一首优美的贺拉斯式抒情诗。
98. Odes, 5.12, however, is a handsome little Horatian lyric.
99. MR Thayer 在《贺拉斯对十九世纪主要英国诗人的影响》 （康奈尔英语研究，2，耶鲁大学出版社，纽黑文，1916 年）一书中对英格兰的这一主题进行了详细的研究，但并不十分令人满意。
99. There is a detailed, but not very satisfactory, study of the subject for England by M. R. Thayer, The Influence of Horace on the Chief English Poets of the Nineteenth Century (Cornell Studies in English, 2, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1916).
100 . 还应提及格雷的《逆境颂》。它受到贺拉斯的《财富颂》（Carm . 1. 35）的启发，并帮助激发了华兹华斯的《责任颂》（参见第 411 页）；但作为一首诗，它相对不成功。贺拉斯引入的拟人化要少得多，他引入的拟人化通过具有坚实真实的动作和附属物而变得生动：albo Fides uelata panno；需要携带沉重的钉子、楔子和熔化的铅。
100. Gray’s Hymn to Adversity should also be mentioned. It was inspired by Horace’s ode to Fortune (Carm. 1. 35), and helped to inspire Wordsworth’s Ode to Duty (on which see p. 411); but it is comparatively unsuccessful as a poem. Horace introduced far fewer Personifications, and those he did introduce were made alive, by having solidly real actions and appurtenances: albo Fides uelata panno; Necessity carrying heavy nails, and wedges, and molten lead.
101.我的心很痛，昏昏欲睡的麻木感让我痛苦不已
101. My heart aches, and a drowsy numbness pains
我的感觉就像我喝了毒芹，
或者把一些沉闷的鸦片倒进了下水道
，一分钟过去了，Lethe-wards 已经沉没……
My sense, as though of hemlock I had drunk,
Or emptied some dull opiate to the drains
One minute past, and Lethe-wards had sunk… .
Mollis inertia cur tantam diffuderit imis
obliuionem sensibus,
pocula Lethaeos ut si ducentia somnos
arete fauce traxerim … (Hor. Epod . 14. 1–4)
Mollis inertia cur tantam diffuderit imis
obliuionem sensibus,
pocula Lethaeos ut si ducentia somnos
arente fauce traxerim … (Hor. Epod. 14. 1–4)
这种明显的移情现象最早是由格林伍德爵士在其著作《李氏、莎士比亚和第三种诗歌》（伦敦，1923 年）第 139 页中发现的。随后，埃德蒙·布伦登先生对其进行了精彩的阐述，他比较了贺拉斯下一首诗的第一个词：
This unmistakable transference was first spotted by Sir G. Greenwood, in his Lee, Shakespeare, and a Tertium Quid (London, 1923), 139. It was then beautifully elaborated by Mr. Edmund Blunden, who compares the first words of Horace’s next poem:
Nox 时代，等 caelo fulgebat Luna sereno
inter 小号 sidera
Nox erat, et caelo fulgebat Luna sereno
inter minora sidera
夜莺颂的第四节：
with the fourth stanza of the Nightingale ode:
也许月亮女王正坐在宝座上，
周围聚集着她星光灿烂的仙子。
And haply the Queen-Moon is on her throne,
Clustered around by all her starry Fays.
最后，他总结道：
Finally, he points to the closing words:
那是幻象，还是白日梦？
那音乐已远去：——我是醒着还是睡着了？
Was it a vision, or a waking dream?
Fled is that music:—Do I wake or sleep?
with the resemblance to Horace s
Auditis，我是个疯狂的
人吗？ （卡姆.3.4.5-6）
Auditis, an me ludit amabilis
insania? (Carm. 3. 4. 5–6)
他非常有说服力地说，这些回忆让我们有理由相信，当济慈那天晚上坐在花园里并开始写作时，他手里拿着他的《贺拉斯》。（见他的《济慈和他的前辈们》，《伦敦水星报》，20（1929 年），289 页）
These reminiscences, he says very convincingly, would justify us in believing that Keats had his Horace in his hand when he sat down in the garden on that evening, and presently began to write. (See his ‘Keats and his Predecessors’, London Mercury, 20 (1929), 289 f.)
102.转引自 DS Savage 所著《哈特·克兰的美国主义》（《地平线》5 期（1942 年）5 月）。
102. Quoted by D. S. Savage, ‘The Americanism of Hart Crane” (Horizon, 5 (1942), May).
103. “哦，该死的一切卑鄙之物，我都无法忍受。”（戈德史密斯，《屈尊俯就》，1.2）法国超现实主义者克罗尼亚门塔尔巧妙地表达了同样的感受：
103. ‘O damn anything that’s low, I cannot bear it’ (Goldsmith, She Stoops to Conquer, 1. 2). The same feeling was neatly put by the French surrealist Croniamental:
路特祖特
！
Luth
Zut!
（引自 RG Cadou 的《阿波利奈尔遗嘱》（巴黎，1945 年），第 168 页。）对巴洛克式矫揉造作的憎恨和颂歌作者志向过高的感觉在十八和十九世纪产生了许多戏仿颂歌。例如，沃尔科特就写了一些关于时事的通俗但粗俗的诗，称它们为颂歌，并取了笔名彼得·品达。但有些戏仿作品很令人愉快：例如，卡尔弗利的关于烟草的萨福克：
(Quoted in R. G. Cadou’s Testament d’Apollinaire (Paris, 1945), 168.) Hatred of baroque pretentiosity and the feeling that the ode-writers aspired too high produced many parodic odes in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Wolcot, for instance, wrote commonsensical but vulgar poems on current affairs, called them odes, and took the pseudonym Peter Pindar. But some of the parodies are delightful: for instance, Calverley’s Sapphic on tobacco:
甜蜜，当早晨灰蒙蒙的时候；
甜蜜，当他们吃完
午餐的时候；甜蜜，在一天结束的时候
也许最甜蜜。
Sweet, when the morn is gray;
Sweet, when they’ve cleared away
Lunch; at the close of day
Possibly sweetest.
毫无疑问，正是英国皇家防止虐待动物协会（1824年）的成立，启发了《致一只濒死的青蛙》这首伟大的颂歌的创作：
And doubtless it was the founding of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (1824) which inspired the great ode To an Expiring Frog:
我能否看见你气喘吁吁，趴
在地上，而不叹息；
我能否无动于衷地看见你死
在木头上，
奄奄一息的青蛙！
Can I view thee panting, lying
On thy stomach, without sighing;
Can I unmoved see thee dying
On a log,
Expiring frog!
利奥·亨特夫人以密涅瓦的角色（“以密涅瓦的角色！”匹克威克先生说道）重复了这首颂歌。
This ode was repeated by Mrs. Leo Hunter, in character (‘in character!’ said Mr. Pickwick) as Minerva.
13.过渡
13. TRANSITION
1.除了法国科学院和英国皇家学会的成立之外，还有一件重要的文化事件值得铭记，那就是许多最伟大的拉丁经典著作以六十四卷为一个系列出版，其中有拉丁文散文翻译、插图和法国最优秀的学者的解释性注释。这是著名的德尔芬版，由路易十四的赞助，供太子使用。该书由太子的总管蒙托西耶伯爵和太子的导师博须埃和于埃于 1672 年提出，大部分内容在 1674 年至 1698 年之间制作完成。该书制作精美，删节得当；词汇索引有时仍然有用。
1. One important cultural date which ought to be remembered along with such things as the foundation of the Académie in France and the Royal Society in Britain is the publication of many of the greatest Latin classics in a single series of sixty-four uniform volumes, with renderings in Latin prose, illustrations, and explanatory notes by the best living French scholars. This is the famous Delphin edition, produced under the patronage of Louis XIV ad usum serenissimi Delphini, for the use of the dauphin. It was proposed in 1672 by the Comte de Montausier, majordomo to the dauphin, and the dauphin’s tutors Bossuet and Huet, and most of it was produced between 1674 and 1698. It was attractively produced and carefully expurgated; the vocabulary indexes are occasionally still useful.
2.法语中高中的单词是lycée，以亚里士多德的学院 Lyceum 命名，就像美国和英国的学校经常以柏拉图的学院 Academy 命名一样。德语单词是gymnasium，以苏格拉底教书的地方命名。学校这个词源于希腊语 σϰoλή，源于拉丁语schola：意思是“休闲”，与成年人所做的严肃的日常工作相反。
2. The word for high school in French is lycée, named after Aristotle’s college, the Lyceum, in the same way as American and British schools are often named after Plato’s college, the Academy. The German word is gymnasium, after the place where Socrates taught. The word school is the Greek σϰoλή, through the Latin schola: it means ‘leisure’, as opposed to the serious daily work which an adult does.
3.参见第 466 页。
3. See p. 466 f.
4 . 华兹华斯，《序曲》，第11卷，第108–9页。
4. Wordsworth, The Prelude, 11. 108–9.
5。JE Sandys的《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908 年），第 2 页和 JA Symonds 的《意大利的文艺复兴：学习的复兴》，第 7 章，摘自同时代的记录，对这场灾难进行了生动但简短的描述。罗马学院由杰出的教师和人文主义者庞波尼乌斯莱图斯于 15 世纪中叶创立，但却遭到了毁灭：其院长亲眼目睹其收藏的几乎所有精美手稿和古董都被洗劫一空并毁坏。保罗乔维奥丢失了他雄心勃勃的《罗马史》前十卷中唯一的副本，并在他的传记集结尾处哀叹德国人“夺走了疲惫的希腊和沉睡的意大利的和平、学习和艺术的装饰”。世界各地的学者写信说世界之光已熄灭。
5. There are vivid, though brief, descriptions of this disaster, taken from contemporary accounts, in J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2, and J. A. Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy: the Revival of Learning, c. 7. The Roman Academy, founded in the mid-fifteenth century by the distinguished teacher and humanist Pomponius Laetus, was ruined: its head saw nearly all his fine collection of manuscripts and antiquities looted and destroyed. Paolo Giovio lost his only copy of part of the first ten books of his ambitious History of Rome, and, at the end of his collection of biographies, lamented that the Germans had ‘robbed exhausted Greece and slumbering Italy of the ornaments of peace, learning, and the arts’. Scholars everywhere wrote to each other that the light of the world had perished.
6. “图尔纳布斯是十六世纪法国最杰出的学者之一，他在圣巴塞洛缪大屠杀前几年去世；拉姆斯在屠杀中丧生，兰比努斯死于惊恐，而霍特曼和多诺逃往日内瓦，再也没有回来。约瑟夫·尤斯图斯·斯卡利杰也撤退到了同一座城市……伊萨克·卡苏朋出生于日内瓦，父母是胡格诺派教徒，他们从加斯科尼逃出来。九岁时，他就能说会写拉丁语了。他正在跟父亲学习希腊语，以伊索克拉底的《德摩尼教导论》为教科书，圣巴塞洛缪大屠杀的消息传来，他们不得不躲到山上，在多菲内的一个山洞里继续学习希腊语。” （Sandys，引自第 5 号注释，2. 199 和 2. 204，引自 AA Tilley的《法国文艺复兴文学》，剑桥，1904 年。）卡苏朋后来被迫成为一名天主教徒，他迫于压力离开法国前往英国，并在那里学习，直至英年早逝。
6. ‘Of the foremost scholars of France in the sixteenth century, Turnebus died some years before the eventful date of St. Bartholomew; Ramus perished in the massacre, Lambinus died of fright, while Hotman and Doneau fled to Geneva, never to return. Joseph Justus Scaliger withdrew to the same city… . Isaac Casaubon was born at Geneva of Huguenot parents, who had fled from Gascony. At the age of nine he could speak and write Latin. He was learning Greek from his father, with Isocrates, Ad Demonicum, as a textbook, when the news of the massacre of St. Bartholomew’s drove them to the hills, where the lessons in Greek were continued in a cave in Dauphiné.’ (Sandys, cited in n. 5, 2. 199 and 2. 204, quoting A. A. Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance, Cambridge, 1904.) Casaubon was later pressed to become a Catholic, so urgently that he left France for England, where he studied until his too early death.
7.学者兼诗人 Aonio Paleario (1504-70) 谴责《目录》是“一把从剑鞘中拔出的匕首，用来谋杀文学”，并哀叹《目录》“导致人文学科研究荒废，年轻人游手好闲，在公共广场上闲逛”。他于 1570 年在罗马殉道。（Sandys，引自第 5 号，2. 155。）
7. The scholar and poet, Aonio Paleario (1504-70), denounced the Index as ‘a dagger drawn from the scabbard to assassinate literature’, and lamented that because of it ‘the study of the liberal arts was deserted, the young men wantoned in idleness and wandered about the public squares’. He died a martyr’s death in Rome in 1570. (Sandys, cited in n. 5, 2. 155.)
8.参见阿拉代斯·尼科尔，《剧院的发展》（伦敦，1927年），第9页。
8. See Allardyce Nicoll, The Development of the Theatre (London, 1927), c. 9.
14.书籍之战
14. THE BATTLE OF THE BOOKS
1.关于这个主题，已经有很多优秀的书籍和文章。我特别感谢：
1. A number of good books and essays have been written on this subject. I am particularly indebted to:
F. Brunetière，《文学史中流派的演变》（巴黎，1924 年），《Quatrième leÇon》。
F. Brunetière, L’Évolution des genres dans l’histoire de la littérature (Paris, 1924), Quatrième leÇon.
AE Burlingame，《历史背景下的书籍之战》（纽约，1920 年）。
A. E. Burlingame, The Battle of the Books in its Historical Setting (New York, 1920).
JB Bury，《进步的理念》（伦敦，1920 年），第 4 和第 5 页。
J. B. Bury, The Idea of Progress (London, 1920), cc. 4 and 5.
AFB 克拉克、布瓦洛和英国的法国古典批评家（Bibliothèque de la Revue de littérature comparée，19，巴黎，1925 年）。
A. F. B. Clark, Boileau and the French Classical Critics in England (Bibliothèque de la Revue de littérature comparée, 19, Paris, 1925).
G.芬斯勒，《荷马在但丁之歌德的新时代》（莱比锡，1912 年）。
G. Finsler, Homer in der Neuzeit von Dante bis Goethe (Leipzig, 1912).
H. Gillot，《法国古代与现代的问题》（巴黎，1914 年）。
H. Gillot, La Querelle des anciens et des modernes en France (Paris, 1914).
RF琼斯，《书籍之战的背景》（华盛顿大学研究，人文系列，7.2，圣路易斯，1920 年，99-162）。
R. F. Jones, ‘The Background of the Battle of the Books’ (Washington University Studies, Humanistic Series, 7. 2, St. Louis, 1920, 99–162).
RF Jones，《古代与现代》（华盛顿大学研究，新系列，语言和文学，6，圣路易斯，1936 年）。
R. F. Jones, Ancients and Moderns (Washington University Studies, New Series, Language and Literature, 6, St. Louis, 1936).
H. Rigault，Histoire de la querelle des anciens et des Modernes，v. 1 of his OEuvres complètes (巴黎，1859)。
H. Rigault, Histoire de la querelle des anciens et des modernes, v. 1 of his OEuvres complètes (Paris, 1859).
AATilley，《路易十四时代的衰落》（剑桥，1929 年），第 10 章。
A. A.Tilley, The Decline of the Age of Louis XIV (Cambridge, 1929), c. 10.
CHC Wright，《法国古典主义》（哈佛罗曼语研究，4，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1920年）。
C. H. C. Wright, French Classicism (Harvard Studies in Romance Languages, 4, Cambridge, Mass., 1920).
2 . 《复乐园》 4. 331 f. 这是基督教会中非常古老的教义，早在公元二世纪就出现了。殉道者贾斯汀断言，所有异教哲学和诗歌实际上都是从希伯来人那里偷来的；他的追随者有塔提安、安条克的提奥菲勒斯、亚历山大的克莱门特、特土良、奥利金，甚至圣杰罗姆。
2. Paradise Regained, 4. 331 f. This is a very ancient doctrine in the Christian church, and appears as early as the second century. Justin Martyr asserted that all pagan philosophy and poetry was really stolen from the Hebrews; and he was followed by Tatian, Theophilus of Antioch, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, even St. Jerome.
3 . 参见第 608 页和第 8 章第 155 页及以下页面。关于反对在基督教诗歌中使用异教机械的说法，参见 AFB Clark（引自第 1 号注释），尤其是第 308 页及以下页面。
3. See p. 608, and Chapter 8, p. 155 f. On the opposition to the use of pagan machinery in Christian poems, see A. F. B. Clark (cited in n. 1), especially 308 f.
4. AE Housman，什罗普郡小伙子，31岁。
4. A. E. Housman, A Shropshire Lad, 31.
5.关于被遗忘的工艺的反驳在这场争论中很早就出现了。1637 年举行的一次讨论有一个有趣的记录，并由法国公报的创始人 Renaudot 报道（作为一般文化计划的一部分） 。提出的主题是：难道你还不能像 18 世纪以前的那些伟人一样，继续这样下去吗？五位发言者参加了会议，尽管他们的论点并不总是像后来的辩论者那样清晰，但涵盖了四个主要观点。然而，其中一位发言者超越了第 266 页提到的反驳，并试图表明罗马人在科学方面与现代人不相上下，因为他们发明了可锻玻璃之类的东西（Pliny，NH . 36. 195；Petron. Sat. 51）。威廉·坦普尔爵士过分强调了这一论点，并使其变得荒谬。对于相关的讨论，请参阅 LM Richardson 的《泰奥弗拉斯特·勒诺多的“会议”》（现代语言笔记，48（1933 年），312–16）。
5. The counter-argument about forgotten crafts appeared very early in this dispute. There is an interesting account of a discussion held in 1637, and reported (as part of a general cultural programme) by Renaudot, the founder of the Gazette de France. The subject proposed was: S’il y a eu de plus grands hommes en quelqu’vn des siécles precédens qu’en cettui-ci? Five speakers took part, and although the arguments were not always as clearly cut as later debaters made them the four chief points were covered. One of the speakers, however, went beyond the counter-argument mentioned on p. 266, and attempted to show that the Romans equalled the moderns in science, because they had invented such things as malleable glass (Pliny, N.H. 36. 195; Petron. Sat. 51). Sir William Temple over-played this particular argument, and made it absurd. For the discussion in question, see L. M. Richardson, ‘The “Conférences” of Théophraste Renaudot’ (Modern Language Notes, 48 (1933), 312–16).
6. FE Guyer 在《巨人肩上的侏儒》一书中介绍了这个短语的历史（《现代语言笔记》 ，45（1930 年），第 398-402 页）。这个词显然是由沙特尔的伯纳德创造的（尽管其他人认为它与布卢瓦的罗杰有关），并由他的学生康奇斯的威廉和理查德·埃韦克传给了索尔兹伯里的约翰，后者在他的《元逻辑学》中使用了这个词。这个词在文艺复兴时期很流行，出现在蒙田（《随笔集》第 3.13 页）、德乌尔菲为《西尔瓦尼尔》所写的序言和伯顿的《忧郁的解剖学》等奇怪的地方——在《忧郁的解剖学》中，这个词被归功于斯特拉二世，这位作者甚至连伯顿都感到高兴。
6. A history of this phrase is given by F. E. Guyer, ‘The Dwarf on the Giant’s Shoulders’ (Modern Language Notes, 45 (1930), 398–402). It was apparently coined by Bernard of Chartres (although others have associated it with Roger of Blois), and passed by his pupils William of Conches and Richard 1’Évêque to John of Salisbury, who used it in his Metalogicus. It was current through the Renaissance, and appears in such odd places as Montaigne (Essays, 3. 13), d’Urfé’s preface to Sylvanire, and Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy—where it is attributed to Didacus Stella, an author obscure enough to delight even Burton.
7.科学家们尤其喜欢这个论点。培根使用过它；笛卡尔的思想也预设了它；帕斯卡的《肉体之谜》片段对此也有精彩的表述：
7. The scientists in particular liked this argument. Bacon uses it; Descartes’s thought presupposes it; and there is a fine statement of it in Pascal’s Fragment d’un traité du vide:
今天的人类是一个古老的哲学世界，我们现在就知道现在的一切，以及我们对未来细胞的认识。获得世纪之交的最爱。 De la vient que, par une prerogative particuliere, non seulement chacun des hommes s'avance de jour en jour dans les sciences, mais que tous les hommes y font un continuel progrès, a mesure que l'univers vieillit, parce que la meme selected到达不同时代的人类继承d'un 特别。 De sorte que toute la suite des hommes, pendant le cours de tant de siècles, doit être considérée comme un même homme qui subsiste toujours et qui appendllement; d'ou l'on voit avec commien d'injustice nous recognizes l'antiquité dans sa philosophie: car, comme la vieillesse est 1'age le plus distance de 1'enfance, qui ne voit que la vieillesse dans cet hommeUniversl ne doit在萨的时间进程中度过的时光诞生，mais dans qui en sont les plus eloignes？ Ceux que nous appelons anciens etaient veritablement nouveaux en toutes selects et formaient 1'enfance des hommes proprement；我们将与埃文斯共同探索 1'世纪以来的经验，这就是我们在其他地方的历史。”
‘Les hommes sont aujourd’hui en quelque sorte dans le même état où se trouveraient les anciens philosophies, s’ils pouvaient avoir vieilli jusqu’à présent, en ajoutant aux connaissances qu’ils avaient celles que leurs études auraient pu leur acquérir à la faveur de tant de siècles. De la vient que, par une prerogative particuliere, non seulement chacun des hommes s’avance de jour en jour dans les sciences, mais que tous les hommes y font un continuel progrès, à mesure que l’univers vieillit, parce que la meme chose arrive dans la succession des hommes que dans les ages diffrents d’un particulier. De sorte que toute la suite des hommes, pendant le cours de tant de siècles, doit être considérée comme un même homme qui subsiste toujours et qui apprend continuellement; d’ou l’on voit avec combien d’injustice nous respectons l’antiquité dans sa philosophie: car, comme la vieillesse est 1’âge le plus distant de 1’enfance, qui ne voit que la vieillesse dans cet homme universel ne doit pas etre cherchee dans les temps proches de sa naissance, mais dans ceux qui en sont les plus eloignes? Ceux que nous appelons anciens etaient veritablement nouveaux en toutes choses et formaient 1’enfance des hommes proprement; et comme nous avons joint a leurs connaissances 1’expérience des siècles qui les ont suivis, c’est en nous que l’on peut trouver cette antiquité que nous révérons dans les autres.”
8.有时，这种论证会更进一步，得出这样的结论：我们现在正处于文明的老年时期，文明虽然聪明，但已衰弱，正在走向死亡。这种观点在 17 世纪初非常流行，以至于 1628 年剑桥哲学辩论会上就以这种观点为主题。辩论者有责任反驳这种观点，于是向弥尔顿求助；弥尔顿以拉丁诗歌《Naturam non pati senium》对宇宙衰老的信念进行了有力的反击。参见 V. Harris 的《一切连贯性都消失了》（芝加哥，1950 年）。
8. Sometimes this argument was carried one stage farther, and the conclusion was drawn that we are now in the old age of civilization, that it is wise but enfeebled, and that it is approaching its death. This idea became so popular in the early seventeenth century that it was set as the subject for the philosophical disputation at Cambridge in 1628. The respondent, whose duty it was to argue against it, called upon Milton for help; Milton answered with a vigorous attack on the belief in the senility of the universe, his Latin poem Naturam non pati senium. See V. Harris, All Coherence Gone (Chicago, 1950).
9. La nature est immuable （引自 Rigault（引自注 1），192） 。Du Bellay 在他的《辩护》中已经提出了这一观点，并得到了 Ronsard 的支持：参见 Gillot（引自注 1），45。
9. La nature est immuable (quoted by Rigault (cited in n. 1), 192). This point had already been made by Du Bellay in his Deffence, and supported by Ronsard: see Gillot (cited in n. 1), 45.
10.柏拉图，Rep.2.377b f.
10. Plato, Rep. 2. 377b f.
11.参阅JL Gerig 和GL van Roosbroeck，《皮埃尔·培尔未发表的书信》（第10部分），《罗曼史评论》24卷（1933年），第211页。
11. See J. L. Gerig and G. L. van Roosbroeck, ‘Unpublished Letters of Pierre Bayle’ (section 10), The Romanic Review, 24 (1933), 211.
12.Brunetiere引述（引自注释1），123。
12. Quoted by Brunetiere (cited in n. 1), 123.
13.荷马，《奥德赛》6.71 页。佩罗，第四段对话，里戈（Rigault）引用（引自注1），211 页；也在戏仿作品《特洛伊的城墙法》或《滑稽戏的起源》的序言中，这部戏仿作品是他与其兄弟克劳德（Claude）合著的（Finsler，引自注1，179 页）。
13. Homer, Od. 6. 71 f. Perrault, fourth dialogue, quoted by Rigault (cited in n. 1), 211 f.; also in the preface to the parody Lex Murs de Troye ou I’origine du burlesque, which he wrote with his brother Claude (Finsler, cited in n. 1, 179).
14.切斯特菲尔德，《书信》，1734 年（1750 年），第 iv 页，1610 页，D. 布什引用，《神话与英国诗歌的浪漫主义传统》（哈佛英语研究，18，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年），第 6 页。
14. Chesterfield, Letters, 1734 (1750), iv, 1610, quoted by D. Bush, Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English, 18, Cambridge, Mass., 1937), 6.
15.这种对使用普通物品名称的厌恶是巴洛克时代品味的主要特征之一。女士们和先生们根本无法忍受不淑女、不绅士的词语——即工人阶级的词语。它们之所以“低俗”，不是因为它们淫秽，而是因为它们带有用手工作的含义。我们将再次遇到这种感觉（见第 399 页 f.、318 页 f.）；同时，这里有三段引文来说明这一点：
15. This revulsion from the use of the names of ordinary objects is one of the central characteristics of the taste of the baroque age. Ladies and gentlemen simply could not bear unladylike and ungentlemanly words— i.e. working-class words. They were ‘low’, not because they were obscene, but because they carried the connotations of working with one’s hands. We shall meet this feeling again (see pp. 399 f., 318 f.); meanwhile, here are three quotations to illustrate it:
“Ces mots de veaux et de vaches ne sont point choquants dans le grec, comme ils le sont en notre langue, qui ne veut presque rien souffrir。” （拉辛，《Remarques sur I'Odyssée d'Homère》，10. 410 f.）
‘Ces mots de veaux et de vaches ne sont point choquants dans le grec, comme ils le sont en notre langue, qui ne veut presque rien souffrir.’ (Racine, Remarques sur I’Odyssée d’Homère, 10. 410 f.)
在弗朗索瓦的谈话中，我们有一些奇怪的言论，对弗朗索瓦的严重嘲笑，是对翻译的翻译。在chaudrons和marmites的termes、dans le sang、dans graisses、dans les intestins和autres partys des Animaux parce que tout cela n'est plus dans nos kitchens et dans nos boucheries等中，我们有伟大的低音。选择了 nous 字体 bondir le cœur。 （Le Bossu，《Traité du poème épique》，6. 8，引用自 Gillot（第 1 段引用），188-9。）
‘Nous trouvons de la bizarrerie en des façons de parler, qui seroient ridicules en François, si on les traduisoit mot à mot. Nous trouvons de grandes bassesses dans les termes de chaudrons et de marmites, dans le sang, dans les graisses, dans les intestins et autres parties des Animaux parce que tout cela n’est plus que dans nos cuisines et dans nos boucheries, et que ces choses nous font bondir le cœur.’ (Le Bossu, Traité du poème épique, 6. 8, quoted by Gillot (cited in n. 1), 188–9.)
“On est bien plus délicat qu'on ne 1'estoit même du temps d' Auguste”。 On veut que tout 土壤 remply de bon et de beau, et qu'il n'y ait rien de bas。 Pourroit-on souffrir que je fisse certaines compariisons comme Virgile qui Compare Amatas Furieux à un sabot, ou a une toupie que les enfants font aller dans quelque galerie;您是否可以将 une feur à une eau qui bout dans un chaudron 进行比较？您是否可以比较一种在太阳光中的精神激动，在太阳光下颤抖和激动，以及在所有山丘和壁画和大厅的木板上的回响？ Ces 比较预兆 1'esprit à des selects basses...。维护者，on ne veut rien que de fort Nobel et de fort beau。” （德斯马雷·德·圣索兰写给他兄弟罗兰的信，引自《吉洛》（引自第 1 期），第 505 页。）
‘On est bien plus délicat qu’on ne 1’estoit même du temps d’ Auguste. On veut que tout soil remply de bon et de beau, et qu’il n’y ait rien de bas. Pourroit-on souffrir que je fisse certaines comparaisons comme Virgile qui compare Amatas furieux à un sabot, ou a une toupie que les enfants font aller dans quelque galerie; ou quand il compare une fureur à une eau qui bout dans un chaudron? ou quand il compare un esprit agite à une eau qui est aussi dans un chaudron, dans laquelle la lumiere du soleil semble trembler et est agitée, et par répercussion frappe de tous côtés et les murailles et les planches d’une salle? Ces comparaisons portent 1’esprit à des choses basses… . Maintenant, on ne veut rien que de fort noble et de fort beau.” (Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin’s letter to his brother Rolland, quoted in Gillot (cited in n. 1), 505.)
对荷马低级趣味的攻击早在 1561 年就开始了，当时崇拜维吉尔的尤利乌斯·恺撒·斯卡利杰出版了他的《诗论》，其中包含数十处对荷马史诗中诸神和英雄粗鲁愚蠢行为的激烈谴责。细节和引文可以在 Finsler，135 页和 Gillot，70 页（均在注释 1 中引用）中找到。这一时期一些古典诗人被斥为真正淫秽，事实也确实如此。贝尔将尤维纳尔的讽刺作品描述为égouts de saleté，因此不如布瓦洛的作品；他称马夏尔和卡图卢斯是 gritsiers et rustiques，不如拉封丹。 （见第 11 号引自 Gerig 和 van Roosbroeck。）然而，这种论点很少被使用，因为它只与古典文学的小众流派有关。
The attacks on Homer’s bad taste began as early as 1561, when Julius Caesar Scaliger, who adored Vergil, published his Poetice, containing dozens of bitter denunciations of the crude and silly behaviour of the Homeric gods and heroes. Details and quotations will be found in Finsler, 135 f., and Gillot, 70 f. (both cited in n. 1). Some of the classical poets were denounced at this period as being genuinely obscene, as indeed they are. Bayle described Juvenal’s satires as égouts de saleté, and therefore inferior to Boileau’s; he called Martial and Catullus des esprits grossiers et rustiques, inferior to La Fontaine. (See Gerig and van Roosbroeck, cited in n. 11.) This argument, however, was much less often used, since it was relevant only to the minor genres of classical literature.
16 .喇叭。伊尔。 11. 558 英尺。拉辛比同时代的任何人都更了解荷马，他就这段话给布瓦洛写了一封非常明智的信。布瓦洛曾想为荷马辩护，他说“驴”在希腊语中确实是一个非常高贵的表达方式。拉辛说：“J'ai fait reflexion aussi qu'au lieu de dire que le mot d'âne est en grec un mot très-noble, vous pourriez vous contenter de dire que c'est un mot qui n'a rien de bas , et qui est comme celui de cerf, de cheval, de brebis, 等等。 Ce très-noble me paroit un peu trop fort'（1693 年第 125 封信）。
16. Horn. Il. 11. 558 f. Racine, who knew more about Homer than any man of his time, wrote a very judicious letter to Boileau on this passage. Boileau had thought of defending Homer by saying that ‘donkey’ was really a very noble expression in Greek. Racine says, ‘J’ai fait reflexion aussi qu’au lieu de dire que le mot d’âne est en grec un mot très-noble, vous pourriez vous contenter de dire que c’est un mot qui n’a rien de bas, et qui est comme celui de cerf, de cheval, de brebis, etc. Ce très-noble me paroit un peu trop fort’ (letter 125, 1693).
17。角。外径17。297 f。
17. Horn. Od. 17. 297 f.
18 . 'Quella maniera di guerreggiare usata dagli antichi, i conciti, le cerimonie, e 1'altre usanze di quel remotissimo secolo pajono alcuna volta' nostri uomini nojose, e rincrescevoli, anzi che no, come avviene ad alcuni idioti, che Leggono i divinissimi图书馆d'Omero trasportati 在altra lingua 中。 E di ciÒ in buona parte è cagione 1'antichità de' costumi, la quale da coloro, che hanno avvezzo il gusto alla gentilezza, e al Decoro da questa, e schivata come cosa vieta, e rancida' (Tasso, Discorsi del poma eroico) （歌剧院，G. Rosini 编，比萨， 1823 年，第 12 节），2，第 46-7 页）。
18. ‘Quella maniera di guerreggiare usata dagli antichi, i conviti, le cerimonie, e 1’altre usanze di quel remotissimo secolo pajono alcuna volta a’ nostri uomini nojose, e rincrescevoli, anzi che no, come avviene ad alcuni idioti, che leggono i divinissimi libri d’Omero trasportati in altra lingua. E di ciÒ in buona parte è cagione 1’antichità de’ costumi, la quale da coloro, che hanno avvezzo il gusto alla gentilezza, e al decoro da questa, e schivata come cosa vieta, e rancida’ (Tasso, Discorsi del poema eroico (Opere, ed. G. Rosini, Pisa, 1823, v. 12), 2, pp. 46–7).
19 .塔西佗、安. 1 . 65：“amissa per quae egeritur humus aut exciditur caespes”。 Nero 的deuerticula（对应于 Suetonius在Nero 26. 1中称为popinae 的内容）出现在Ann中。 13. 25.
19. Tacitus, Ann. 1 . 65: ‘amissa per quae egeritur humus aut exciditur caespes’. Nero’s deuerticula (which correspond to what Suetonius called popinae in Nero 26. 1) appear in Ann. 13. 25.
20 .奎尔吨！真是太糟糕了！啊，夫人，quel dommage que le Saint Esprit eÛt aussi peu de goÛt！”——引用自利顿·斯特拉奇 (Lytton Strachey) 在《Madame du Defand》（书籍与人物，纽约，1922 年）中。人们宁愿用“风格”来翻译——但这已经意味着文学风格，而元帅则意味着圣经世界的整个社会基调。
20. ‘Quel ton! quel effroyable ton! ah, Madame, quel dommage que le Saint Esprit eÛt aussi peu de goÛt!’—quoted by Lytton Strachey in ‘Madame du Deffand’ (Books and Characters, New York, 1922). One would rather translate ton by ‘style’—but that has come to mean literary style, whereas the Marechale meant the entire social tone of the biblical world.
21.关于女性对十七世纪品味的影响，参见Gillot（引自注1），349页。
21. On the feminine influence in seventeenth-century taste, see Gillot (cited in n. 1), 349 f.
22.引用自利顿·斯特雷奇在《拉辛》（书籍与人物，纽约，1922 年）一书中的论述。斯特雷奇在这段文字中讨论了拉辛对此类迂回句的使用：例如，当罗克珊娜呼唤弓弦来勒死她的情人时，她说：
22. Quoted by Lytton Strachey, in ‘Racine’ (Books and Characters, New York, 1922). In this passage Strachey discusses Racine’s use of such periphrases: for instance, where Roxane, calling for bowstrings to strangle her lover, says:
Qu'ils viennent preparer ces noeuds infortuné 的
Par qui de ses pareils les jours sont termines。
Qu’ils viennent préparer ces noeuds infortuné’s
Par qui de ses pareils les jours sont termines.
斯特雷奇给出了两个理由来证明这种做法的合理性。其一是“必须不惜一切代价，将感官事物——物理对象和细节——排除在画面之外……以便将全部注意力集中在构图的核心和主导特征上——人物的精神状态”；然后，他将这种迂回的措辞比作“肖像背景中匆匆画出的柱子和窗帘”。但这种比较经不起推敲，因为对于拉辛来说，设计这样的迂回的措辞实际上比写下它们所取代的简单单词更困难；其原因也经不起推敲，因为当通过引入感官事物使人物的精神状态变得生动时，人物的精神状态往往表现得最清晰、最令人印象深刻，观众的注意力也最集中于他们身上。《李尔王》的最后一幕和《麦克白》中的梦游场景就是例子。斯特雷奇的另一个理由是，拉辛有时设法用这种迂回曲折的表达方式来传达人物内心的混乱——这证明他是一位优秀的艺术家，但并不能证明这条规则在审美上有用。更好的做法是承认这条规则不是由审美纯粹主义强加的，而是由社会审查制度强加的；谴责它；并展示拉辛如何设法规避和克服它的局限性。
Strachey gives two reasons to justify this kind of thing. One is that ‘the things of sense—physical objects and details—… must be kept out of the picture at all hazards … so that the entire attention may be fixed upon the central and dominating features of the composition—the spiritual states of the characters’; and he then compares the periphrasis to ‘the hastily dashed-in column and curtain in the background of a portrait’. But the comparison will not stand scrutiny, for it was actually more difficult for Racine to devise such periphrases than to write down the simple words which they replaced; nor will the reason, for the spiritual states of characters are often most clearly and memorably shown, and the audience’s attention most closely fixed upon them, when they are made vivid by the introduction of the things of sense. The last scene of Lear, the sleep-walking scene in Macbeth, are examples. Strachey’s other reason is that sometimes Racine manages to make such a circumlocution convey the confusion in the minds of his characters—which proves that he was a fine artist, but not that the rule was aesthetically useful. It would have been better to acknowledge that the rule was imposed, not by aesthetic purism, but by social censorship; to deplore it; and to show how Racine contrived to circumvent and overcome its limitations.
23 . “Les neuf Muses, seins nus, chantaient la Carmagnole”（雨果，Les Contemplations，1 . 7：Rèponse à un acte d'accusation；有关此主题，请参阅第 405 页）
23. ‘Les neuf Muses, seins nus, chantaient la Carmagnole,’ (Hugo, Les Contemplations, 1. 7: Rèponse à un acte d’accusation; on this subject see p. 405 f.)
24 .但丁，《De vulgari eloquio》，第 14 页提到。 71 楼。
24. Dante, De vulgari eloquio, mentioned on p. 71 f.
25。参见第 231 页以下关于“法语的辩护与阐释”。Gillot（引自注 1）在第 37 页以下指出了现代主义者在书籍之战中发起的攻击中的法国民族主义方面。许多现代人认为这是拉丁语（国际语言）与法语之间的斗争，法语不再是一种方言，而是宣称自己是一种文化语言；其中最激烈的争论之一是关于纪念路易十三的铭文应该用拉丁文还是法语书写的问题。 （正是在这个时候，德马雷特·德·圣索林（Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin）（第 278 页）发表了他的《法语与希腊语和拉丁语的比较》 （Comparaison de la langue et de la poesie francaise avec la grecque et la la latine）（1670 年）。）法国“现代人”有时提出的另一个论点是，法语是理想的语言，其美感和表现力远胜于拉丁语或任何其他语言，就像法国是一个完美的国家，拥有各种财富和优雅。这个论点虽然不值得客观研究，但时不时地在其他国家出现；我们今天仍然可以听到它，明天也无疑会听到它。
25. See p. 231 f. on the Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse. The French nationalist aspect of the modernist attack in the Battle of the Books is brought out by Gillot (cited in n. 1), 37 f. Many of the moderns felt that it was a struggle between Latin, the international language, and French, which, having ceased to be a dialect, was now asserting itself as a culture-language; and one of the hottest engagements was fought over the question whether an inscription in memory of Louis XIII should be written in Latin or French. (This was the occasion on which Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin (p. 278 f.) published his Comparaison de la langue et de la poesie francaise avec la grecque et la latine (1670).) Another argument sometimes put up by the ‘moderns’ in France was that French was the ideal speech, far superior in beauty and expressiveness to Latin or any other language, just as France was the perfect country, endowed with every variety of wealth and grace. This thesis, although scarcely worth objective examination, has reappeared in other countries from time to time; we can still hear it to-day, and no doubt to-morrow also.
26.关于这一点，请参见Rigault（引自注释1），159页。
26. On this see Rigault (cited in n. 1), 159 f.
27 . 引自 RF Jones 的《书籍之战的背景》 （引自注 1），第 117 页；参见同一篇文章，第 102 页，其中讨论了培根日益激进的态度。中世纪对亚里士多德哲学的崇敬是这次攻击的主要目标，因此许多“古人”加入了现代主义者的行列。1671 年，布瓦洛写了一篇讽刺阿雷特的讽刺作品，嘲笑那些试图通过立法禁止传播笛卡尔哲学并支持亚里士多德经院哲学的教授。F. Morrison 在《关于书籍之战的注释》（《语言学季刊》，第 13 卷（1934 年），第 4 卷，第 16-20 页）中指出，斯威夫特在写作自己的作品之前可能已经看过这篇讽刺作品。
27. Quoted from R. F. Jones, ‘The Background of the Battle of the Books’ (cited in n. 1), 117; see the same essay, 102 f., on Bacon’s increasingly aggressive attitude. The medieval reverence for Aristotle’s philosophy was the chief target of this attack, so that many of the ‘ancients’ joined the modernists in it. Boileau wrote an Arret burlesque in 1671 to deride the professors who had attempted to procure legislation forbidding the dissemination of Descartes’s philosophy and supporting Aristotelian scholasticism. F. Morrison, in ‘A Note on The Battle of the Books’ (Philological Quarterly, 13 (1934), 4. 16–20), points out that Swift might have seen that parody before writing his own.
28 .莫里哀《厌世者》1． 2：
28. Molière, Le Misanthrope 1 . 2:
Alceste：Ce风格的形象，不要虚荣，
Alceste: Ce style figuré, dont on fait vanité,
Sort du bon caractère et de la vérité：
Ce n'est que jeu de mots, qu'affectation pure,
Et ce n'est point ainsi que parle la nature。
Le mechant goût du siècle, en cela, me fait peur。
Nos pères, tousgrosiers, 1'avoient beaucoup meilleur,
Et jeprize bien moins toout ce que 1'on程度上欣赏，
Qu'une vieille chanson que je m'en vais vous dire:
Sort du bon caractère et de la vérité:
Ce n’est que jeu de mots, qu’affectation pure,
Et ce n’est point ainsi que parle la nature.
Le mechant goût du siècle, en cela, me fait peur.
Nos pères, tous grossiers, 1’avoient beaucoup meilleur,
Et je prise bien moins tout ce que 1’on admire,
Qu’une vieille chanson que je m’en vais vous dire:
Si le Roi m'avoit donne
Paris, sa grand'ville,
Et qu'il t quitter
L'amour de ma mie,
Je dirois au roi Henri:
'Reprenez votre Paris:
J'aime mieux ma mie, au gué！
我爱我，我的妈妈。”
Si le Roi m’avoit donne
Paris, sa grand’ ville,
Et qu’il me fallût quitter
L’amour de ma mie,
Je dirois au roi Henri:
‘Reprenez votre Paris:
J’aime mieux ma mie, au gué!
J’aime mieux ma mie.’
29 . Éliante : L'amour, pour 1'ordinaire, est peu fait à ces lois,
29. Éliante: L’amour, pour 1’ordinaire, est peu fait à ces lois,
Et 1'on voit les amants vanter toujours leur choix …
Et 1’on voit les amants vanter toujours leur choix …
=卢克莱修，《论自然》，4。1153 f。
= Lucretius, De rerum natura, 4. 1153 f.
30.参见Tilley（引自注1），338页；Rigault（注1），c.5；Finsler（注1），191页。
30. See Tilley (cited in n. 1), 338 f.; Rigault (n. 1), c. 5; Finsler (n. 1), 191 f.
31.各种思想：第九和第十本书包含与战斗相关的论点。根据 Finsler（引自 n. 1），第 85 页，它早在 1601 年就以Quistioni filosofich的名义出现过。Finsler对这本书以及另一本带有类似思想的意大利作品 Paolo Beni 的Comparazione di Torquato Tasso con Omero e Virgilio （1607 年）进行了有益的讨论。确实，塔索尼和法国“现代人”之间的联系并不十分密切；但 Pierre Perrault 于 1678 年出版了La Secchia rapita的译本，并利用序言针对 Boileau 进行现代主义宣传。
31. Pensieri diversi: the ninth and tenth books contain the arguments which are relevant to the battle. According to Finsler (cited in n. 1), 85 f., it had already appeared in 1601 under the name of Quistioni filosofich Finsler has a useful discussion of the book, and of another Italian work which carried similar ideas, Paolo Beni’s Comparazione di Torquato Tasso con Omero e Virgilio (1607). True, the connexion between Tassoni and the French ‘moderns’ is not very close; but Pierre Perrault published a translation of La Secchia rapita in 1678, and used the preface to aim modernist propaganda against Boileau.
32 . Boileau, Art poétique , 3. 193 页。Finsler（引自注1），160 页，讨论了Desmarets 的史诗。
32. Boileau, Art poétique, 3. 193 f. Finsler (cited in n. 1), 160 f., discusses the epics of Desmarets.
33.这是《Délices de I'esprit》（1658），它运用了论点1和2，特别提到了建筑的进步。
33. This is the Délices de I’esprit (1658), which uses arguments 1 and 2, with particular reference to progress in architecture.
34 . Viens Defencere, Perrault, la France qui t'appelle；
34. Viens defendre, Perrault, la France qui t’appelle;
我与这支反叛剧团的战斗：
敌人、谎言、谎言和叛变，
优先选择拉丁歌曲。
Viens combattre avec moi cette troupe rebelle:
Ce ramas d’ennemis, qui, faibles et mutins,
Préfèrent à nos chants les ouvrages latins.
（引自 Rigault（引自注释 1），他是第 279 页上与 Hamilcar 进行比较的作者。）
(Quoted by Rigault (cited in n. 1), who is the author of the comparison with Hamilcar on p. 279.)
35。这些出现在布瓦洛作品中的警句 22–8 中。野蛮人是北美的休伦人和巴西的托皮纳姆布人。
35. These appear as Epigrams 22–8 in Boileau’s works. The savages are the Hurons of North America and the Topinambous of Brazil.
36 .德卡利埃的《古代与现代之间的战争新诗》（Histoire poétique de la guerre nouvellement entre les Anciens et les Modernes）（1688）由芬斯勒（第 1 段引用），186-9 进行了总结，并描述了它的模式，即福雷蒂埃的学究和哲学家之战。另见 Rigault（第 1 条中引用），c。 13.
36. De Callières’s Histoire poétique de la guerre nouvellement déclarée entre les Anciens et les Modernes (1688) is summarized by Finsler (cited in n. 1), 186–9, and its model, a battle of pedants and philosophers by Furetiere, is described. See also Rigault (cited in n. 1), c. 13.
37 .关于贝尔哲学词典中的“现代主义”论点，请参见 Finsler（第 1 条中引用），198 f. 和 Rigault（第 1 条），250 f.。
37. On the ‘modernist’ arguments in Bayle’s Dictionnaire philosophique see Finsler (cited in n. 1), 198 f., and Rigault (n. 1), 250 f.
38 . Rigault（引用于 n.1），第 2 册，c. 1：“L'Angleterre，selon sonhabitude en toutes choices，nous a pris un peu plus qu'elle ne nous a donné。”关于圣埃夫勒蒙对这场争端的态度的更全面的分析可以在 Gillot（第 1 段引用），407-14 中找到。
38. Rigault (cited in n. 1), book 2, c. 1: ‘L’Angleterre, selon son habitude en toutes choses, nous a pris un peu plus qu’elle ne nous a donné.’ A fuller analysis of St. Évremond’s attitude to the dispute will be found in Gillot (cited in n. 1), 407–14.
39.关于“Dares”和“Dictys”，请参见第 51 页。
39. On ‘Dares’ and ‘Dictys’ see p. 51 f.
40. JE Sandys 著《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908 年），第 2 卷，第 405 页。请参阅第 401–10 页，其中有对本特利的热情描述；此外，还有理查德·杰布爵士的精彩传记和德·昆西的精彩随笔。
40. So J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 405. See his pp. 401–10 for a sympathetic account of Bentley; there is also a good life by Sir Richard Jebb, and a finely written essay by De Quincey.
41.蒲柏，《愚人记》，第4卷，第203–74页。
41. Pope, The Dunciad, 4. 203–74.
42.所以豪斯曼，《古典主义评论》，34（1920），110：毫无疑问其中有部分讽刺意味。
42. So Housman, The Classical Review, 34 (1920), 110: no doubt partly in irony.
43 .失乐园，1。63.
43. Paradise Lost, 1. 63.
44.弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫的《普通读者》 （伦敦和纽约，1925 年）中有一篇关于“弥尔顿和本特利”的精彩文章，而威廉·燕卜荪的《田园诗的一些版本》（伦敦，1935 年），第 149-191 页则对本特利对弥尔顿的修正进行了精彩的分析。
44. There is a charming essay on ‘Milton and Bentley’ in Virginia Woolf’s The Common Reader (London and New York, 1925), and a dazzling analysis of Bentley’s emendations of Milton in William Empson’s Some Versions of Pastoral (London, 1935), 149–91.
45.参见《斯威夫特的道歉》（摘自乔纳森·斯威夫特散文集）H. Davis，牛津，1939 年），第 7-8 页，以及编辑介绍第 xxix 页，并引用了相关文献。
45. See Swift’s Apology (in The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, ed. H. Davis, Oxford, 1939), pp. 7–8, and the editor’s introduction, xxix, with literature there cited.
46。斯威夫特让史诗模仿的语调融入到寓言中：因此，蜘蛛住在一个可怕的堡垒中，就像浪漫小说中的巨人一样；在描述蜜蜂的挣扎时，有一个毫无疑问的对荷马英雄的努力的暗示（“它三次试图强行通过，中心震动了三次”）；蜘蛛认为他们的意思是“大自然正在走向最终的解体；或者是比尔泽布带着他所有的军团来了……”。
46. Swift let the tone of epic parody run over into the fable: thus, the spider lives in a terrible fortress, like a giant of romance; there is an unmistakable allusion to the efforts of Homeric heroes in the description of the struggles of the bee (‘Thrice he endeavoured to force his passage, and thrice the centre shook’); and the spider thought they meant ‘that nature was approaching to her final dissolution; or else, that Beelzebub with all his legions was come… .’
47.关于贺拉斯和蜜蜂，见第226页和第628页注13。
47. On Horace and the bee, see p. 226, and n. 13 on p. 628.
48.关于斯威夫特的品达颂歌，参见H. Davis为第45号版本所写的序言，第xi-xv页。
48. On Swift’s Pindaric odes, see H. Davis’s introduction to the edition cited in n. 45, pp. xi—xv.
49. CJ Home 在《法拉里斯之争》 (The Review of English Studies , 1946, 289–303)中很好地描述了本特利的对手们的机智。
49. The wit of Bentley’s opponents is well described by C. J. Home, ‘The Phalaris Controversy’ (The Review of English Studies, 1946, 289–303).
50.参考第41号。
50. Reference in n. 41.
51.尽管如此，Houdar de la Motte 的初步著作《家庭论》中还是有一些好的想法：参见 Finsler（引自注 1），214 页。
51. Nevertheless, there were some good ideas in Houdar de la Motte’s preliminary Discours sur Homère: see Finsler (cited in n. 1), 214 f.
15.巴洛克风格注释
15. A NOTE ON BAROQUE
1.文中给出的“巴洛克”一词的派生词是长期以来被接受的，例如，在《牛津英语词典》中可以找到。它起源于 1650 年梅纳吉 (Ménage) 在其《词源词典》中，1755 年温克尔曼 (Winckelmann) 在其《Sendschreiben》中继续使用。但K. Borinski 在《诗歌与艺术理论中的古代》卷 1中提出了另一种派生词（ 《古代世界》第 9 卷，莱比锡，1914 年）——我要感谢他引用了梅纳吉和温克尔曼——以及 Benedetto Croce 在《巴洛克和历史》中提出的另一种派生词（《文学与政治历史》第 23 卷，巴里，1929 年）。他们从baroco中衍生出这个词，这是一种三段论的助记标签，用于支持牵强附会的论点。他们指出，像argomento in baroco这样的短语逐渐被扩展，直到人们谈到discorsi barocchi，即“夸张的论述”，这个词的意思变成了“极其机智”、“怪异的复杂”。 Borinski 将这个意思追溯到巴尔塔萨·格雷西安，并将其与在文艺复兴时期流行的极端思想联系起来，但在之后的时代却风靡一时。因此，它与 17 世纪文学中“形而上学”的用法非常接近。
1. The derivation of ‘baroque’ given in the text is that which was long accepted, and is found, for example, in the Oxford English Dictionary. It was originated by Ménage in his Dictionnaire étymologique in 1650, and taken up in 1755 by Winckelmann in his Sendschreiben. But another derivation has been proposed by K. Borinski, in Die Antike in Poetik und Kunsttheorie, v. 1, Mittelalter, Renaissance, Parock (Das Erbe der Alten, 9, Leipzig, 1914)—to whom I owe the references to Menage and Winckelmann—and Benedetto Croce, in Storia dell’ età barocca (Scritti di storia letteraria e politica, 23, Bari, 1929). They derive the word from baroco, the mnemonic label for a type of syllogism which was used to support far-fetched arguments. Phrases like argomento in baroco were, they point out, gradually extended until people spoke of discorsi barocchi, ‘extravagant disquisitions’, and the word came to mean ‘extremely sharp-witted’, ‘weirdly elaborate’. Borinski traces this meaning back to Baltasar Gracian, and connects it with the intellectually extreme conceits, which were fashionable in the Renaissance but became a rage in the age that succeeded it. It would, therefore, be pretty close to the use of ‘metaphysical’ in seventeenth-century literature.
尽管这一派生词的语境是智力性的，而不是文本中给出的美学性的，但它仍然具有与张力相同的基本含义。这意味着理性占主导地位，但已被推向极端，几乎失去平衡。这一含义也与本章文本中对巴洛克张力的描述相一致，因为巴洛克的概念不是单一的、整体的，而是双重的：要么是“几乎从球体中冲破的美”，要么是“被幻想推向奇异极端的智慧”。
This derivation, although its context is intellectual, rather than aesthetic like that given in the text, still carries much of the same fundamental meaning of strain. It means that reason dominates, but has been pushed to a remote extreme, almost out of balance. That meaning also harmonizes with the description of baroque tension given in the text of this chapter, for the idea of baroque is not single and monolithic, but dual: either ‘beauty almost breaking outward from the sphere’, or ‘intelligence pushed by fancy to a bizarre extreme’.
这个词最初带有贬义，与“怪诞”非常接近：德国语境请参见 J. Mark 的《“巴洛克”一词的用法》（《现代语言评论》，第 33 卷（1938 年），第 547-63 页）。直到最近，该词才被扩展为包括 17 世纪和 18 世纪早期所有宏伟而正式的艺术和思想。W. Weisbach 的《巴洛克与反改革艺术》（柏林，1921 年）对其一些主要含义进行了很好的分析。如果没有 René Wellek 的《文学研究中的巴洛克概念》（《美学与艺术批评杂志》 ，第 5 卷（1946 年），第 2 卷，第 77-109 页），对该术语的历史及其在过去三十年中的快速扩展进行了精彩的分析，那么对该主题的研究就不完整。同一期中还有 W. Stechow 撰写的《视觉艺术中的巴洛克风格定义》和 R. Daniells 撰写的《英国巴洛克风格和刻意的晦涩》等实用文章。
The word at first had a pejorative sense very close to ‘grotesque’: on its German contexts see J. Mark, ‘The Uses of the Term “baroque”’ (Modern Language Review, 33 (1938), 547–63). It has only recently been extended to include all the grand and formal art and thought of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. There is a good analysis of some of its chief implications in W. Weisbach’s Der Barock ah Kunst der Gegen-reformation (Berlin, 1921). No study of the subject would be complete without the superb article on the history of the term and its rapid expansion during the last thirty years by René Wellek, ‘The Concept of Baroque in Literary Scholarship’ (The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, 5 (1946), 2. 77–109). In the same issue there are useful articles by W. Stechow, ‘Definitions of the Baroque in the Visual Arts’, and R. Daniells, ‘English Baroque and Deliberate Obscurity’.
但是，如果没有审美和情感上的欣赏，对这个术语的理性理解是无用的。只有通过听音乐、看戏剧、在高贵优雅的建筑周围散步、研究绘画以及阅读该时期的散文（既要了解其内容又要了解其风格），才能获得这种理解。Sacheverell Sitwell 的精美著作将激发任何读者的想象力：《南方巴洛克艺术》（伦敦，1924 年）、《德国巴洛克艺术》（伦敦，1927 年）、《西班牙巴洛克艺术》（伦敦，1931 年）。有关该主题的其他作品，请参阅 Wellek 先生丰富的参考书目。
But the intellectual understanding of the term is useless without aesthetic and emotional appreciation. This can be got only from listening to the music, seeing the plays, walking round the noble and gracious buildings, studying the paintings, and reading the prose of the period both for its content and for its style. Sacheverell Sitwell’s exquisitely written books will stir any reader’s imagination: Southern Baroque Art (London, 1924), German Baroque Art (London, 1927), Spanish Baroque Art (London, 1931). For other works on the subject, see Mr. Wellek’s rich bibliography.
2 . 麦考利，《詹姆斯二世即位以来的英国史》，第 7 章，第一页。圣西门为勃艮第公爵（有关其内容，请参阅第 336 页）所作的画像也给人以同样强烈的压制暴力激情的印象：
2. Macaulay, The History of England from the Accession of James II, c. 7, init. Saint-Simon’s portrait of the Duc de Bourgogne (on whom see p. 336 f.) gives the same impression of forcible restraint exercised upon violent passions:
勃艮第公爵主教 (Mgr le duc de Bourgogne étoit né avec un naturel à faire trembler) Il étoit fougueux jusqu'à vouloir briser ses pendules, lorsqu'elles sonnoient 1'heure qui 1'appeloit a ce qu'il ne vouloit pas, et jusqu'a s'emporter de la plus étrange manière contre la pluie, quand elle s '对面a ce qu'il自由放任…… D'ailleurs，un goût ardent le portoit à tout ce qui est défendu au corps et à 1'esprit...。 Tout ce qui est plaisir, il 1'aimoit avec une pestle, et tout cela avec plus d'orgueil et de hauteur qu'on ne peut expprimer… 。 Le Prodige est qu'en tres-peu de temps la devotion et la Grace en firent un autre homme, et changerent tant et de si redoutables défauts en vertus parfaitement contraires…。 La 暴力 qu'il s'étoit sur tant de fauts et tous véhéments, ce désir of Perfects…le faisoit excéder dans le contre-pied de ses defauts, et lui inspiroit une austérité qu'il outroit en tout.'
‘Mgr le duc de Bourgogne étoit né avec un naturel à faire trembler. Il étoit fougueux jusqu’à vouloir briser ses pendules, lorsqu’elles sonnoient 1’heure qui 1’appeloit a ce qu’il ne vouloit pas, et jusqu’a s’emporter de la plus étrange manière contre la pluie, quand elle s’opposoit a ce qu’il vouloit faire… . D’ailleurs, un goût ardent le portoit à tout ce qui est défendu au corps et à 1’esprit… . Tout ce qui est plaisir, il 1’aimoit avec une passion violente, et tout cela avec plus d’orgueil et de hauteur qu’on ne peut exprimer… . Le prodige est qu’en tres-peu de temps la devotion et la grace en firent un autre homme, et changerent tant et de si redoutables défauts en vertus parfaitement contraires… . La violence qu’il s’étoit faite sur tant de défauts et tous véhéments, ce désir de perfection … le faisoit excéder dans le contre-pied de ses défauts, et lui inspiroit une austérité qu’il outroit en tout.’
事实上，巴洛克时期的主要理想之一是克莱门特君主，他和奥古斯都一样，将巨大的权力与超人的仁慈和自我克制融为一体。他出现在许多戏剧和政治论文中，并被莫扎特在《狄托的仁慈》和《后宫诱逃》中神化。
In fact, one of the principal ideals of the baroque era was the Clement Monarch, the man who, like Augustus, combined vast power with super-human kindness and self-restraint. He appears in many plays and political treatises, and has been apotheosized by Mozart in La clemenza di Tito and Die Entfûhrung aus dent Serail.
3.著名的太监法里内利是有史以来最伟大的歌手之一，他可以在一首歌的一个音节上演奏出华彩乐段，该乐段涵盖两个八度，长达 155 个音符，以长颤音结尾。DJ Grout 的《歌剧简史》（纽约，1947 年）第 1 卷第 195 页上有这样一首杰作的抄本。
3. The famous eunuch Farinelli, one of the greatest singers who ever lived, could execute a cadenza on one syllable of a song, which covered two octaves and ran to 155 notes ending with a long trill. There is a transcription of such a masterpiece on p. 195 of vol. 1 of D. J. Grout’s A Short History of Opera (New York, 1947).
4 . 参见 H. Peyre 对这一概念的研究，《法国古典主义》（新York，1942 年）：他观察到，英语可以使用“古典主义”和“古典化”来表示超出希腊和罗马文学所能推断范围的极端形式主义，而法语却不能。
4. See H. Peyre’s study of the concept, Le Classicisme français (New York, 1942): he observes that English can, while French cannot, use ‘classicism’ and ‘classicizing’ to connote extreme formalism going beyond anything deducible from Greek and Roman literature.
16.巴洛克悲剧
16. BAROQUE TRAGEDY
1 .参见 C. Müller，Die Phadra Racine's, eine Quellenstudie (莱比锡，1936 年)。
1. See C. Müller, Die Phadra Racine’s, eine Quellenstudie (Leipzig, 1936).
2.关于这本书，请参见第 164 页。莎士比亚也通过 Under-down 的翻译了解这本书。他的公爵在《第十二夜》第 5. 1. 121 页中提到了其中的一个激动人心的事件：
2. On this book see p. 164. Shakespeare knew it too, through Under-down’s translation. His Duke, in Twelfth Night, 5. 1. 121 f., refers to one of its exciting incidents:
如果我忍心这样做，为什么我不应该
像那个濒临死亡的埃及强盗一样，
杀死我所爱的人？
Why should I not, had I the heart to do it,
Like to the Egyptian thief at point of death,
Kill that I love?
G. May 在《关于《菲德拉》希腊来源研究的贡献》一文中论证了赫利奥多洛斯的传奇故事与《菲德拉》之间的密切关系，《现代语言季刊》第 8 卷（1947 年），第 228–34 页；在《安德洛玛克》和其他戏剧中也有呼应。
The close relation between Heliodorus’ romance and Phèdre is demonstrated by G. May, ‘Contribution à 1’étude des sources grecques de Phèdre’, Modern Language Quarterly, 8 (1947), 228–34; there are echoes in Andromaque and other plays too.
3.关于弥尔顿和希腊人，WR 帕克有一本很好的专著，《弥尔顿在《力士参孙》中从希腊悲剧中汲取的养分》（巴尔的摩，1937 年）。帕克先生指出，无法评估弥尔顿从三位悲剧作家中究竟汲取了多少养分，因为他完全吸收了从他们身上学到的东西。据弥尔顿的女儿说，欧里庇得斯是他最喜欢的悲剧作家；当然，他在非戏剧作品中经常引用欧里庇得斯的话。然而，埃斯库罗斯显然为《参孙》提供了原型，也为将近一半剧情都由一名演员独自留在舞台上的技巧提供了原型。在其他方面——合唱团的作用、反讽的运用、结局的性质——帕克先生认为弥尔顿主要追随索福克勒斯。
3. On Milton and the Greeks there is a good monograph by W. R. Parker, Milton’s Debt to Greek Tragedy in ‘Samson Agonistes’ (Baltimore, 1937). Mr. Parker points out that it is impossible to assess Milton’s precise debt to any one of the three tragedians, because he so completely assimilated what he learned from them. According to Milton’s daughter Euripides was his favourite; certainly he often quotes Euripides in his non-dramatic writings. Aeschylus, however, evidently supplied the model for Samson, and also for the technique which keeps one actor alone on the stage through nearly half the play. In other things—the role of the chorus, the use of irony, the nature of the denouement—Mr. Parker believes Milton chiefly followed Sophocles.
4.关于十七世纪巴黎剧院观众的规模，HC Lancaster 的巨著《十七世纪法国戏剧文学史》（巴尔的摩和巴黎，1929-42 年）曾有过估计，但 J. Lough 在《法国研究》第 1 卷（1947 年 4 月）第 2 期中对此进行了批评。Lough 先生引用了伏尔泰 1733 年的言论，当时巴黎经常去剧院的人不到 4,000 人；他估计法兰西喜剧院的常客人数为 10,000 至 17,000 人。
4. On the size of the theatre audience in seventeenth-century Paris there is an estimate in H. C. Lancaster’s monumental History of French Dramatic Literature in the Seventeenth Century (Baltimore and Paris, 1929–42), which has recently been criticized by J. Lough in French Studies, 1 (April 1947), 2. Mr. Lough quotes Voltaire’s remark in 1733 that there were less than 4,000 people in Paris who went constantly to the theatre; and he estimates the regular public of the Comédie Francaise at 10,000 to 17,000.
5. 《哈姆雷特》，3.4.212 。
5. Hamlet, 3. 4. 212.
6.不，是为了生存
6. Nay, but to live
在臭气熏天的床上，在腐败的空气中，在肮脏的猪圈里
做爱！ 哦，别再跟我说话了。（《哈姆雷特》，3. 4. 91 页）
In the rank sweat of an enseamed bed,
Stewed in corruption, honeying and making love
Over the nasty sty!
O, speak to me no more. (Hamlet, 3. 4. 91 f.)
7. 《麦克白》，1.5.51 页；《漫步者》，1751 年 10 月 26 日。
7. Macbeth, 1. 5. 51 f.; The Rambler, 26 Oct. 1751.
8.参见第272页及第642页第15号注释。
8. See p. 272, and note 15 on p. 642.
9.埃施·阿伽门农，109 页。
9. Aesch. Agamemnon, 109 f.
10 . 巴黎，王冠儿子无礼的火焰，
10. Et Pâris, couronnant son insolente flamme,
Retiendra sans péril la sceur de votre femrne？
Retiendra sans péril la sceur de votre femrne?
（拉辛，《伊菲革涅亚》，1.2.）
(Racine, Iphigénie, 1. 2.)
11 .拉辛，伊菲格尼，2. 4。
11. Racine, Iphigénie, 2. 4.
12.有关这些‘法律’起源的概述，见第 142 页及以下；并参阅 CHC Wright 著《法国古典主义》（哈佛罗曼语研究，4，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1920 年），第 8 和 9 册。
12. For a sketch of the origin of these ‘laws’, see p. 142 f.; and consult C. H. C. Wright, French Classicism (Harvard Studies in Romance Languages, 4, Cambridge, Mass., 1920), cc. 8 and 9.
13 . H. Peyre，《Les Règies》，《法国古典主义》（纽约，1942 年），91–103
13. H. Peyre, ‘Les Règies’, in Le Classicisme français (New York, 1942), 91–103
17.讽刺
17. SATIRE
1.最近有人试图将satura 一词从伊特鲁里亚语satir（=“演讲”）中派生出来，但更可能的说法是它来自satur，即“充分的”，这一派生词在李维的《impletas modis saturas》（7. 2）和尤维纳尔的《nostri farrago libelli》（1. 86）中有所提及。“Farce”一词来自低地拉丁语farsa，即“填充”，是一个类似的词。
1. There has recently been an attempt to derive satura from the Etruscan satir (= ‘speech’), but it is more probable that it comes from satur, ‘full’, the derivation which is alluded to in Livy’s impletas modis saturas (7. 2) and Juvenal’s nostri farrago libelli (1. 86). ‘Farce’, which comes from the Low Latin farsa, ‘stuffing’, is a similar word.
2.有关贺拉斯的歌词，请参见第 225 页。
2. On Horace’s lyrics, see p. 225 f.
3.手稿称这部作品为《克劳狄的死亡之谜》，但人们通常认为它与 Dio 所说的塞涅卡为取悦尼禄宫廷而写的《Apocolocyntosis》相同。标题中的“南瓜”对应于拉丁语cucurbita，俚语意思是“傻瓜”：因此，重点在于神化过程并没有将克劳狄斯塑造成真正的神，而是让他成为了傻瓜。英国的类似作品是拜伦的《审判的幻象》，讽刺了骚塞对乔治三世的神化。
3. The manuscripts call this work the Ludus de morte Claudi, but it is usually thought to be the same as the Apocolocyntosis which Dio says Seneca wrote to amuse Nero’s court. ‘Pumpkin’ in the title corresponds to the Latin cucurbita, slang for ‘fool’: the point therefore is that the process of deification, instead of making a real god of Claudius, made a fool of him. The British parallel is Byron’s Vision of Judgment, which satirizes Southey’s apotheosis of George III.
4.标题是Satirica或Satyrica，而不是Satiricon，后者是依赖libri 的属格复数。关于这部作品的目的及其与作者性格的关系，请参阅 G. Highet，《道德家 Petronius》，载于《美国语言学会会刊》，72（1941 年），176-94。
4. The title is Satirica or Satyrica, not Satiricon, which is a genitive plural depending on libri. On the purpose of this work and its relation to the character of its author, see G. Highet, ‘Petronius the Moralist’, in Transactions of the American Philological Association, 72 (1941), 176–94.
5.关于这一点，请参见第 66 页。
5. For this point see p. 66 f.
6.短暂的生命是我们的一部分，而献给你，亲爱的祖国，也出自伯纳德的诗，HC Hoskier 曾编辑过这首诗（伦敦，1929 年）。有关其他此类作品，请参阅 T. Wright 的《十二世纪英拉丁讽刺诗人和警句家》 （伦敦，1872 年），其中特别有趣的是 John de Hauteville 的《Architrenius》（ft. 1184）。
6. Brief life is here our portion and For thee, O dear, dear country also come from Bernard’s poem, of which there is a fine edition by H. C. Hoskier (London, 1929). See also T. Wright’s The Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets and Epigrammatists of the Twelfth Century (London, 1872) for other works of this type, a particularly interesting one being the Architrenius of John de Hauteville (ft. 1184).
7.尤维纳尔，10. 81.
7. Juvenal, 10. 81.
8.尤维纳尔,6.660–1。
8. Juvenal, 6. 660–1.
9.豪斯曼，什罗普郡小伙子，48 岁。
9. Housman, A Shropshire Lad, 48.
10 . Juvenal，1。79。斯威夫特的墓志铭：HIC DEPOSITVM EST CORPVS JONATHAN SWIFT，STP，VBI SAEVA INDIGNATIO VLTERIVS COR LACERARE NEQVIT。
10. Juvenal, 1. 79. Swift’s epitaph: HIC DEPOSITVM EST CORPVS JONATHAN SWIFT, S.T.P., VBI SAEVA INDIGNATIO VLTERIVS COR LACERARE NEQVIT.
11。这是亚伯拉罕风格的一个样本，以对诗篇第 18 篇的精彩对唱模仿形式出现。他说，许多人在唱晚祷时，会想到晚上的赌博，就像这样：
11. Here is a specimen of Abraham’s style, in the form of a brilliant antiphonal parody of Psalm cx. He says that many when they are singing vespers are thinking of the evening’s gambling, like this:
参见 Hugo Mareta 的《犹大·埃兹谢尔姆》 (Ueber)，《亚伯拉罕·阿萨姆·阿萨姆·克拉拉》(未注明日期，未注明地点，约1875 年)；西奥多·冯·卡拉扬的《亚伯拉罕·阿萨姆·阿萨姆·克拉拉》 (维也纳，1867 年)；K. Bertsche 的《亚伯拉罕·阿萨姆·阿萨姆·克拉拉》 (慕尼黑，1922 年2 )。1945-6 年，我在十个德国城市的书店里几乎找不到亚伯拉罕的任何作品。维也纳科学学院正在出版他的作品的原始手稿：第 3 卷出版于 1945 年；但很难找到。
See Hugo Mareta, Ueber ‘Judas der Erzschelm’ von Abraham a Sancta Clara (no date, no place, circa 1875); Theodor von Karajan, Abraham a Sancta Clara (Vienna, 1867); K. Bertsche, Abraham a Sancta Clara (Munich, 19222). I could scarcely find any of Abraham’s works in the bookshops of ten German cities in 1945–6. The Vienna Akademie der Wissenschaften is issuing his works from the original manuscript: volume 3 appeared in 1945; but they are very difficult to come by.
12 . 卡苏朋的许多宝贵评论如今都体现在康宁顿对佩尔修斯的评论中，而德莱顿则将卡苏朋关于讽刺的论文中的大部分内容写进了《讽刺论述》，并以此为他翻译的《尤维纳尔》作序。
12. Much of Casaubon’s invaluable commentary is now embodied in Conington’s commentary on Persius, and Dryden took over a great deal of his essay on satire for the Discourse concerning Satire with which he prefaced his translation of Juvenal.
13 . 有一篇很好的诗歌翻译、介绍和评论（包含有用的参考书目，并附有原始木刻版画）（EH Zeydel 著，纽约，1944 年）。
13. There is a good verse translation, introduction, and commentary (containing a useful bibliography, and illustrated with the original wood-cuts) by E. H. Zeydel (New York, 1944).
14.布兰特的朋友洛赫尔将这部作品译成拉丁文，名为Stultifera nauis (1497)，并在布兰特的帮助下附上了其资料的概要，现代学者对此进行了研究。泽德尔先生 (注 13) 列出了布兰特的主要拉丁文资料：武加大译本、奥维德、维吉利亚附录、尤维纳尔、泰伦提乌斯、塞涅卡；他还对卡图卢斯、西塞罗、佩尔修斯和波爱修斯有所了解；他还读过普鲁塔克的《论儿童教育》、色诺芬和荷马的著作，显然是拉丁文译本。
14. Brant’s friend Locher made a Latin translation of the work as Stultifera nauis (1497), and included (with Brant’s help) a conspectus of its sources, which has been worked over by modern scholars. Mr. Zeydel (n. 13) gives Brant’s chief Latin sources as: the Vulgate, Ovid, the Appendix Vergiliana, Juvenal, Terence, Seneca; he also knew something of Catullus, Cicero, Persius, and Boethius; and he had read Plutarch’s essay On the Education of Children, Xenophon, and Homer, apparently in Latin translations.
15 . AK Foxwell，《托马斯·怀亚特爵士诗歌研究》（伦敦，1911 年），在 c.n 中指出，这些讽刺作品中几乎没有“古典影响”；但尤维纳尔和其他人的回忆却相当清晰。例如，第一篇以贺拉斯关于城里老鼠和乡下老鼠的寓言的变体开始（Hor. Serm. 2. 6）；第二篇很好地改编了尤维纳尔巨大的冷笑：
15. A. K. Foxwell, A Study of Sir Thomas Wyatt’s Poems (London, 1911), observes in c. n that Very little classical influence’ is to be traced in these satires; but the reminiscences of Juvenal and others are pretty clear. The first, for instance, begins with a variation of Horace’s fable of the town mouse and the country mouse (Hor. Serm. 2. 6); the second has a good adaptation of Juvenal’s tremendous sneer:
quid Romae faciam 吗？ mentiri nescio …（3. 41 f.）。
quid Romae faciam? mentiri nescio … (3. 41 f.).
详细信息请参阅 RM Alden 著《古典主义影响下英国形式讽刺文学的兴起》（费城，1899 年），52 页。
Details will be found in R. M. Alden, The Rise of Formal Satire in England under Classical Influence (Philadelphia, 1899), 52 f.
16.参见RMAlden（引自注15），67页。
16. See R. M. Alden (cited in n. 15), 67 f.
17.该故事载于Alden（引自注15），第98页。
17. The story is in Alden (cited in n. 15), 98 f.
18 . 讽刺精神的直接出口因该禁令而受阻，而后流入戏剧，这一观点有一个有趣的发展，请参见 OJ Campbell 的Comicall Satyre 和莎士比亚的《特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达》（加利福尼亚州圣马力诺，1938 年）。
18. For an interesting development of the suggestion that the satiric spirit, its direct outlet choked by this ban, flowed into drama, see O. J. Campbell’s Comicall Satyre and Shakespeare’s ‘Troilus and Cressida’ (San Marino, Cal., 1938).
19.参见第 183 页。
19. See p. 183 f.
20 .参见 F. Giroux，《La Composition de la Satire Ménippée》（拉昂，1904 年）。
20. See F. Giroux, La Composition de la Satire Ménippée (Laon, 1904).
21 .正如文艺复兴时期古典图案的模拟器一样，优先级很难决定。据 L. Petit de Julleville 在他的《Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française》（4. 30 f.）中所述，沃克林·德拉·弗雷斯内于 1605 年发表了他的讽刺作品，但雷尼耶的讽刺作品在此之前就已经以手稿形式流传。
21. As often with emulators of classical patterns during the Renaissance, priority is difficult to decide. According to L. Petit de Julleville, in his Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 4. 30 f., Vauquelin de la Fresnaye published his satires in 1605, but Régnier’s had been circulating in manuscript before that.
22 . 或者这就是伟大的化学反应
22. Or c’est un grand chemin jadis assez frayé
Qui des rimeurs françois ne fut oncq' 文章：
Qui des rimeurs françois ne fut oncq’ essayé:
Suivant les pas d'Horace, entrant en la carrière,
Suivant les pas d’Horace, entrant en la carrière,
Je trouve des humeurs de different manière。 （周六14 日。）
Je trouve des humeurs de diverse manière. (Sat. 14.)
23. L. Petit de Julleville 在其关于 Régnier 的章节中对 Régnier 著作中的这五个主要元素进行了区分，请参阅第 21 号注释。
23. These five leading elements in Régnier’s work are distinguished by L. Petit de Julleville in his chapter on Régnier, referred to in n. 21.
24 . Je n'entends point le cours du ciel ni des planètes,
24. Je n’entends point le cours du ciel ni des planètes,
我不知道什么是秘密事务。（周六3 日。）
Je ne sais deviner les affaires secrètes. (Sat. 3.)
比较《尤维纳尔》第3卷，第42–7节：
Compare Juvenal, 3. 42–7:
莫图斯
Motus
星象无知； funus promittere patris
nec uolo nec 负鼠；兰纳鲁姆 uiscera numquam
inspexi； ferre ad nuptam quae rnittit 通奸，
quae mandat，norint alii：我尼莫部长毛埃里特
......。
astrorum ignoro; funus promittere patris
nec uolo nec possum; ranarum uiscera numquam
inspexi; ferre ad nuptam quae rnittit adulter,
quae mandat, norint alii: me nemo ministro
fur erit… .
朝臣们尤其喜欢这种讽刺：怀亚特已经使用过它；参见注释 15。
Courtiers particularly liked this satire: Wyat had already used it; see note 15.
25 . “Du siècle les mignons, fils de la poule blanche” （周六3 日）；参见尤维纳尔，13。141：
25. ‘Du siècle les mignons, fils de la poule blanche’ (Sat. 3); cf. Juvenal, 13. 141:
白鸡亚种。
gallinae filius albae.
（是白母鸡下的蛋是农家院里最好的，还是仅仅是因为颜色的原因才最受宠爱？）雷尼埃的讽刺诗中有 3 首受朱维纳尔 (Juvenal) 启发，3 首；7 首受卢克莱修 (Lucretius) 启发，4. 1134 f. 和奥维德 (Ovid)，Am . 2. 4 首；8 首受贺拉斯 (Horace) 启发，1. 9 首，并逐字引用；12 首或多或少受贺拉斯启发，1. 4 首；13 首受奥维德 (Ovid) 启发，Am. 1. 8 和 Prop. 4. 5 首，并引用了其他诗歌；15 首受贺拉斯启发，2. 3 首。许多其他引用很容易辨认：例如，佩特罗尼乌斯 (Petronius)，《讽刺诗》(Sat.)，127 f. 出现在《讽刺诗》 (Sat. ) 11 首。
(Were the white hen’s eggs the best in the farmyard, or was she simply a favourite because of her colour?) Among Régnier’s satires 3 is inspired by Juvenal, 3; 7 by Lucretius, 4. 1134 f. and Ovid, Am. 2. 4; 8 by Horace, 1. 9, with verbatim quotations; 12 more or less by Horace, 1. 4; 13 by Ovid, Am. 1. 8 and Prop. 4. 5, with quotations from other poems; and 15 by Horace, 2. 3. Many other quotations are easily identifiable: for instance, Petronius, Satirica, 127 f., turns up in Sat. 11.
26 . II faut suivre un sentier qui soit moins rebatu
26. II faut suivre un sentier qui soit moins rebatu
Et，导管 d'Apollon，recognoistre la Trace
Du libre Juvenal； trop 谨慎 est Horace
Pour un homme picqué... . （周六 2 日开始）
Et, conduit d’Apollon, recognoistre la trace
Du libre Juvenal; trop discret est Horace
Pour un homme picqué… . (Sat. 2, init.)
27 . Devant moy justement on plante a grand potage
27. Devant moy justement on plante an grand potage
D'où les mousches à jeun se sauvoient à la nage。 （周六10 日。）
D’où les mousches à jeun se sauvoient à la nage. (Sat. 10.)
28 . Ainsi dedans la têe
28. Ainsi dedans la têe
请注意不要对
这些建议抱有任何幻想。（周六 11 日。）
Voyoit-on clairement au travers de ses os
Ce dont sa fantaisie animoit ses propos. (Sat. 11.)
雷尼埃或他的意大利模特可能在《普里阿佩阿》 （Priapea ，32. 5–6）中知道这个想法的粗俗版本，关于一个瘦弱的女孩
Probably either Régnier or his Italian model knew the coarser version of this idea in Priapea, 32. 5–6, about the thin girl
cuius uiscera non aperta Tuscus
per pellem poterit uidere haruspex。
cuius uiscera non aperta Tuscus
per pellem poterit uidere haruspex.
29 .死亡的三个凹痕和杜帕彻宁。（周六11 日。）
29. Trois dents de mort pliez en du parchernin. (Sat. 11.)
30 . 讽刺诗 13 是关于宗教妓女的，部分来自同时代生活，部分来自奥维德（Am. 1.8），部分来自普罗佩提乌斯（4.5），部分来自《玫瑰传奇》，而后者（见第 66 页）又借鉴了朱维纳尔（6）的一些内容。
30. Satire 13, about the religious bawd, comes partly from contemporary life, partly from Ovid (Am. 1 . 8), partly from Propertius, 4. 5, and partly from the Roman de la Rose, which in its turn (see p. 66 f.) took something from Juvenal, 6.
31.德莱顿本人创作了讽刺作品1、3、6、10和16。
31. Dryden himself was responsible for satires 1, 3, 6, 10, and 16.
32。这是尤维纳尔的第四部讽刺作品。还有一部希腊模仿英雄的讽刺作品，《哲学家之战》，名为∑íλλoi，即“冷笑”，作者是弗利乌斯的提蒙（活在公元前 280 年），其中有相当多的片段留存下来；但德莱顿不太可能知道它们。
32. This is Juvenal’s fourth satire. There is also a Greek mock-heroic satire, a Battle of the Philosophers, called ∑íλλoi, ‘Sneers’, by Timon of Phlius (fl. 280 B.C.), of which considerable fragments remain; but it is unlikely that Dryden knew them.
33 . AFB Clark 在其著作《布瓦洛和英国的法国古典主义批评家》（巴黎比较文学评论图书馆，第 19 卷，1925 年），第 153–155 页中指出，《La secchia rapita》并不是布瓦洛的《卢特林》和蒲柏的《劫发记》的祖先，因为 (a) 前者更长，并且(b)它实际上是一首带有滑稽夸张元素的严肃诗。尽管如此，这三首诗的主题是一样的：一场无缘无故的巨大冲突。塔索尼诗中的冲突是一场真正的战争，而布瓦洛的诗中的冲突是教会争议，蒲柏的诗中的冲突是社会世仇，这并不是本质区别，只是风格从文艺复兴变成了巴洛克和洛可可。 （即使在La secchia rapita中，战争也不是一场严肃的、几乎是同时代发生的战争，而是几百年前两个小城邦之间的争斗，其拥护者都是傻瓜。）而布瓦洛本人在Le Lutrin（第 4 行）中，也援引了启发塔索尼的缪斯女神；而蒲柏的标题显然是在影射奥泽尔翻译的塔索尼的标题。这两首诗的真正区别在于La secchia rapita是对文艺复兴时期骑士史诗的戏仿，特别是对《解放耶路撒冷》（Tassoni v . Tasso）的戏仿，而其他两首诗则是对纯粹古典史诗的戏仿；但这种区别不足以使这些讽刺作品属于不同的类型。在《夺发记》中，W. Frost 最近指出了一些对蒲柏自己翻译的荷马作品的精彩戏仿。参见《夺发记》和蒲柏的《荷马史诗》(《现代语言季刊》第 8 卷 (1947 年)，第 3 卷，第 342-354 页)。弗罗斯特先生认为，尽管译本的出版时间晚于《夺发记》，但其中的一些最引人注目的诗句早在蒲柏创作讽刺作品时就已经存在于他的脑海中或手稿中。
33. A. F. B. Clark, in his Boileau and the French Classical Critics in England (Bibliothèque de la Revue de Littérature Comparée, 19, Paris, 1925), 153–5, suggests that La secchia rapita is not the ancestor of Boileau’s Lutrin and Pope’s Rape of the Lock, because (a) it is longer, and (b) it is really quite a serious poem with burlesque exaggerations. Nevertheless, the subject of all three poems is the same: a tremendous conflict over nothing. The fact that in Tassoni’s poem the conflict is a real war, while in Boileau’s it is an ecclesiastical dispute and in Pope’s a social feud, is not an essential difference, but a change in style from Renaissance to baroque and rococo. (Even in La secchia rapita the war is not a serious, nearly contemporary war, but a tussle between two little city-states hundreds of years earlier, whose champions are fools.) And Boileau himself, in Le Lutrin, 4, invokes the muse who inspired Tassoni; while Pope’s title is an obvious allusion to Tassoni’s title as translated by Ozell. The real difference between the poems is that La secchia rapita is a parody of Renaissance chivalric epic, and in particular of The Liberation of Jerusalem (Tassoni v. Tasso), while the other two are parodies of the purely classical epic; but that difference is not enough to make the satires belong to different types. In The Rape of the Lock some beautiful parodies of Pope’s own translation of Homer have recently been pointed out by W. Frost. See ‘The Rape of the Lock and Pope’s Homer’ (Modern Language Quarterly, 8 (1947), 3. 342–54). Mr. Frost suggests that, although the translation appeared later than The Rape, some of the most notable lines in it already existed in Pope’s mind or in manuscript when he was writing his satire.
34.关于《愚人记》与古典讽刺作品关系的一些评论，请参阅 G. Highet 的《愚人记》，《现代语言评论》第 36 卷（1941 年），第 3 期，第 320–43 页。
34. For some remarks on the relation of The Dunciad to classical satire, see G. Highet, ‘The Dunciad’, in The Modern Language Review, 36 (1941), 3. 320–43.
35 。JW Tupper 在《蒲柏模仿贺拉斯研究》一文中对原作与改编作品之间的关系进行了很好的分析，刊于PMLA 15（1900 年），第 181-215 页。真正的区别（正如我们所预料的）在于蒲柏加入了更多他自己的个人友谊和仇恨，通过引入大量当代细节，使许多段落比原作更加生动逼真，并且总体而言，他扩大了而不是缩小了对原作的借鉴。
35. There is a good analysis of the relation between originals and adaptations by J. W. Tupper, ‘A Study of Pope’s Imitations of Horace’, in PMLA, 15 (1900), 181–215. The real difference (as we should expect) is that Pope adds far more of his own personal friendships and hatreds, makes many passages more vividly real than their originals by introducing much contemporary detail, and, on the whole, expands rather than contracts his borrowings.
36.英国巴洛克讽刺作品对罗马原作的借鉴，在评估时不应忽视它对布瓦洛的借鉴，后者的借鉴几乎同样多。因此，尤维纳尔在第 10 篇讽刺作品中以一览无余的视角开篇：
36. The debt of English baroque satire to Roman originals should never be assessed without reference to its almost equally considerable debt to Boileau. Thus, Juvenal begins satire 10 with a world-sweeping glance:
Omnibus in terris, quae sunt a Gadibus usque
Auroram et Gangen... .
Omnibus in terris, quae sunt a Gadibus usque
Auroram et Gangen… .
约翰逊对此的诠释非常有名：
Johnson’s variation on this is justly famous:
让观察以广阔的视野，
审视从中国到秘鲁的人类。
Let observation, with extensive view,
Survey mankind from China to Peru.
然而，这其中最好的部分来自布瓦洛（讽刺诗8，开头）：
Yet the best thing in that comes from Boileau (Satire 8, init.):
De tous les animaux qui s'élèvent dans l'air,
Qui Marchent sur la terre ou nagent dans la mer,
De Paris au Pérou, du Japon jusqu'à Rome,
Le plus sot Animal, à mon avis, c'est 1'男人。
De tous les animaux qui s’élèvent dans l’air,
Qui marchent sur la terre ou nagent dans la mer,
De Paris au Pérou, du Japon jusqu’à Rome,
Le plus sot animal, à mon avis, c’est 1’homme.
37. Juvenal，I. 127 f.，给出了描述整个一天过程的想法：
37. Juvenal, I. 127 f., gives the idea of describing the entire course of the day:
Ipse dies pulchro distinguitur ordine rerum….
Ipse dies pulchro distinguitur ordine rerum… .
《珀耳修斯三世》以一个被宠坏的懒惰青年早上起床晚开始，然后像帕里尼的诗一样，用很长的撇号给他写信。这些回忆并没有削弱《伊尔·吉奥诺》令人钦佩的独创性。
Persius, 3, begins with a spoilt and lazy young man waking up late in the morning, and goes on with a long apostrophe to him, as Parini’s poem does. These reminiscences do not diminish the admirable originality of Il giorno.
38 . 布瓦洛，1692 年 10 月 7 日致拉辛的信。
38. Boileau, letter to Racine, 7 October 1692.
39.蒲柏，《愚人记》，4.551–4。
39. Pope, The Dunciad, 4. 551–4.
40 . Boileau，讽刺作品8. 29–39。
40. Boileau, Satire 8. 29–39.
41 . 德莱顿，《押沙龙和阿奇托弗》，1 . 108–15。
41. Dryden, Absalom and Achitophel, 1. 108–15.
42 .布瓦洛，《诗意艺术》，2。 175–8。
42. Boileau, Art poétique, 2. 175–8.
43 . D. Mornet，Nicolas Boileau（巴黎，1942 年），第 101 页。第 57 页，Mornet 先生指出，Régnier 的讽刺作品在他去世后曾多次重新出版，但从 1641 年起，每一版都经过了进一步的整理。
43. D. Mornet, Nicolas Boileau (Paris, 1942), 101 f. On p. 57 Mr. Mornet points out that Régnier’s satires were reissued several times after his death, but that from 1641 onwards each successive edition was cleaned up a little more.
44。参见第272页。
44. See p. 272.
45. Boileau，讽刺诗6.37–8和6.94；Juvenal，3.292–5。
45. Boileau, Satire 6. 37–8 and 6. 94; Juvenal, 3. 292–5.
46.Dryden，《押沙龙与阿奇托菲尔》，2。464–5。
46.Dryden, Absalom and Achitophel, 2. 464–5.
47.教皇，致阿巴斯诺特博士的书信，309–10。
47.Pope, Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, 309–10.
48.Persius , 3. 34；Dante, Inf . 7. 117 f.，具有良好的音效。
48.Persius, 3. 34; Dante, Inf. 7. 117 f., with a good sound-effect.
49. Boileau，讽刺作品10。195–200。
49. Boileau, Satire 10. 195–200.
50.Juvenal , 6. 461–4, 471–3:
50.Juvenal, 6. 461–4, 471–3:
Interea foedaspectu ridendaque multo
pane tumet facies、aut pinguia Poppaeana
spirat、ethinc Miseri uiscantur labra mariti。
Ad moechum ueniunt lota 可爱... .
Sed quae mutatis inducitur atque fouetur
tot medicaminibus coctaeque siliginis offas
accipit et madidae, facies dicetur an ulcus?
Interea foeda aspectu ridendaque multo
pane tumet facies, aut pinguia Poppaeana
spirat, et hinc miseri uiscantur labra mariti.
Ad moechum ueniunt lota cute… .
Sed quae mutatis inducitur atque fouetur
tot medicaminibus coctaeque siliginis offas
accipit et madidae, facies dicetur an ulcus?
斯威夫特的《年轻女神上床》比这糟糕得多。
Swift’s On a Young Nymph going to Bed is far worse than this.
51 .雷尼耶，《讽刺》 3. 82；尤维纳尔，13, 105。
51. Régnier, Satire 3. 82; Juvenal, 13, 105.
52 .布瓦洛，《讽刺》 12，《歧义》。
52. Boileau, Satire 12, L’Équivoque.
53.一个有用的证据是，计算布瓦洛讽刺作品中实际提到的人物，并将该数字与其罗马原作或类似大小的罗马讽刺作品中提到的人物数量进行比较。例如，在他的第八部讽刺作品中，布瓦洛提到了 308 行
53. A useful proof of this limitation of scope is to count the persons actually mentioned in one of Boileau’s satires, and to compare the number with those mentioned in its Roman original or in a Roman satire of similar size. For instance, in his eighth satire, which is 308 lines long, Boileau mentions
七个活着的人；
六个刚去世的人
；八个历史人物，从伊索到加尔文。
seven living men
six recently dead
eight historical figures, from Aesop to Calvin.
在 Juvenal，8，长度大致相同，有
In Juvenal, 8, approximately the same length, there are
二十三位在世人物，
二十五位历史人物；
twenty-three living people
twenty-five historical figures;
在贺拉斯的《说文》第 2.3 行中，我们发现，
and in Horace, Serm. 2. 3, with 326 lines altogether, we find
三十个活着的人，
二十四个死去的人物。
thirty living people
twenty-four dead characters.
蒲柏通常会往另一个方向犯错，并加入令人眼花缭乱的人物。在布瓦洛的作品中，将目光从现实生活中转移开的倾向发展到了极致，以至于在他最后一部讽刺作品《猜想》中，关于耶稣会的重要主题，根本没有活人，只有四个最近去世的人和八个历史人物或蜡像。
Pope usually errs in the other direction, and puts in a bewildering assortment of characters. In Boileau the tendency to turn the eyes away from real life developed so far that in his last satire, L’Équivoque, on the important subject of Jesuitry, there are no living men at all, only four who had died within recent memory, and eight historical characters, or waxworks.
54.教皇，致阿布斯诺特博士的书信，203。
54. Pope, Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, 203.
55 .布瓦洛，第 10章，最后。
55. Boileau, Épître 10, ad fin.
18.巴洛克散文
18. BAROQUE PROSE
1.这是斯库德里 (Scudéry) 的克莱莉 (Clélie)。
1.This was Scudéry’s Clélie.
2.在这一部分，我非常感谢 MW Croll 教授的精彩论文。请特别参阅他的《17 世纪的“阿提卡散文”》，载《语言学研究》，18（1921），2，第 79-128 页；《米雷和“阿提卡”散文的历史》，载《PMLA》，39（1924），第 254-309 页；以及《散文中的巴洛克风格》，载《英语语言学研究……以纪念 Frederick Klaeber》（明尼阿波利斯，1929），第 427-56 页。Croll 教授更喜欢使用“巴洛克风格”这一短语来指代 16 世纪末、17 世纪和 18 世纪蓬勃发展的两大对立散文流派之一：即“反西塞罗”流派。当然，这是他的权利；但我禁不住想到，巴洛克风格的建筑和音乐装饰精美，充满了复杂的对称性和在基本简单的设计上进行平衡的变化，与西塞罗主义的阐述有更多共同之处，而像约翰逊这样的风格应该被称为纯巴洛克风格，或者这个术语应该扩展到涵盖这两种风格。
2. In this section I am much indebted to the brilliant essays of Professor M. W. Croll. See in particular his ‘“Attic Prose” in the Seventeenth Century’, in Studies in Philology, 18 (1921), 2. 79–128; ‘Muret and the History of “Attic” Prose’, in PMLA, 39 (1924), 254–309; and ‘The Baroque Style in Prose’, in Studies in English Philology … in honour of Frederick Klaeber (Minneapolis, 1929), 427–56. Professor Croll prefers to use the phrase ‘baroque style’ for only one of the two rival schools of prose which flourished in the late sixteenth, the seventeenth, and the eighteenth centuries: the ‘anti-Ciceronian’ school. That is, of course, his right; but I cannot help thinking that baroque architecture and music, highly decorated, full of complex symmetries and counterbalancing variations on a fundamentally simple design, have more in common with the elaborations of Ciceronianism, and that either a style like Johnson’s should be called pure baroque or the term should be extended to cover both styles.
3.关于亚洲主义和阿提卡主义，请参阅 E. Norden 的Die antike Kunstprosa（莱比锡，1898 年），1. 251-99 页；以及 Wilamowitz 的杰出论文《亚洲主义和阿提卡主义》，载于Hermes，35（1900 年），1-52 页。西塞罗的《布鲁图与演说家》表明了他对这场争论的看法：他忠于自己的指导原则，努力表明自己的风格体现了两个学派的精髓。
3. On Asianism and Atticism, see E. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa (Leipzig, 1898), 1. 251–99; and Wilamowitz’s remarkable essay ‘Asia-nismus und Atticismus’ in Hermes, 35 (1900), 1–52. Cicero’s Brutus and Orator show his side of the controversy: true to his guiding principle, he endeavoured to show that his own style embodied the essentials of both schools.
4. MW Croll 教授在《巴洛克散文风格》（引自注 2）第 431 页中对此进行了区分。了解这两种风格起源的不同非常重要。période coupée，即“简洁风格”，有意识地模仿了塞内加。而“松散风格”实际上并非模仿任何古典作家，而是出于双重愿望：（a）不要像西塞罗那样拘谨；（4）反映思维过程的灵活性和偶尔的不连贯性和模糊性。
4. The distinction is made by Professor M. W. Croll, ‘The Baroque Style in Prose’ (cited in n. 2), 431 f. It is important to grasp the difference in the origins of the two styles. The période coupée, the ‘curt manner’, was consciously modelled on Seneca. The ‘loose manner’ was not really modelled closely on any classical author, but was built up from the double wish (a) not to be formal like Cicero, and (4) to reflect the flexibility and the occasional inconsequence and vagueness of the processes of thought.
5 . 伯顿，《忧郁的解剖学》，第 1 部分，第 2 节，第 2 部分，第 6 小节，医学（伦敦版，1924 年，第 161 页）。
5. Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, partition 1, section 2, member 2, subsection 6, med. (London edition, 1924, p. 161).
6.多恩，第 34 篇布道（圣保罗大教堂，圣灵群岛 1623 年）。
6. Donne, Sermon 34 (St. Paul’s, Whitsunday 1623).
7. A. Momigliano 所著的《对塔西佗的第一篇政治评论》对这一主题进行了很好的介绍，并附有很好的参考书目，载于《罗马研究杂志》第 37 卷（1947 年），第 91-101 页。
7. There is an able introduction to this subject, with a good bibliography, ‘The First Political Commentary on Tacitus’, by A. Momigliano, in The Journal of Roman Studies, 37 (1947), 91–101.
8. JE Sandys 在其第一版《菲利普与奥林西亚克人》（伦敦，1897 年）序言第 ix 页 f 部分中引用了这一事件。
8. This incident is quoted by J. E. Sandys in his edition of the first Philippic and the Olynthiacs (London, 1897), preface, p. ix f.
9.皮特关于在入侵时增强国家军队的动议（1796 年 10 月 18 日）的演讲中，有不少德摩斯梯尼式的段落。一般防御法案（1801 年 6 月 2 日）和志愿者监管法案（1804 年 2 月 27 日）。- 这些参考资料以及有关尼布尔的事实由 JE Sandys 提供（引自第 8 号）。关于德摩斯梯尼早些时候反对菲利普的演讲的类似用法，请参阅第 122 页。
9. Demosthenic passages occur in Pitt’s speeches on the motion for augmenting the national force in case of invasion (18 Oct. 1796), on the general defence bill (2 June 1801), and on the volunteer regulation bill (27 Feb. 1804).- These references, and the fact about Niebuhr, are given by J. E. Sandys (quoted in n. 8). On a similar use of Demosthenes’ speeches against Philip at an earlier date, see p. 122.
10 . 参见 T. Zielinski，《西塞罗在百年轮回中》（莱比锡，19123 年），第 247 页及其注释。伏尔泰通过梅米乌斯大加赞扬西塞罗的《论道德义务》一书。梅米乌斯是哲学家兼诗人卢克莱修的赞助人。
10. See T. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123), 247 and note. Speaking through Memmius, Voltaire heaps praises on Cicero’s book On Moral Duties. Memmius was the patron of the philosopher-poet Lucretius.
11 .伏尔泰，《Des Délits et des peines》书评(1766)，c. 22.
11. Voltaire, Commentaire sur le livre ‘Des Délits et des peines’ (1766), c. 22.
12. Juvenal, 8. 124: spoliatis arma supersunt；引自伯克 1775 年 3 月 22 日关于与殖民地和解的演讲。
12. Juvenal, 8. 124: spoliatis arma supersunt; quoted from Burke’s speech on Conciliation with the Colonies, 22 March 1775.
13.关于史诗中古典引证的使用，见第 156 页及以下。
13. On the use of classical citations in epic, see p. 156 f.
14 . 布朗，《居鲁士的花园》，5。12。
14. Browne, The Garden of Cyrus, 5. 12.
15.维吉尔，格奥尔格. 1. 250–1:
15. Vergil, Georg. 1 . 250–1:
Nosque ubi primus mais Oriens adflauit anhelis
illic sera rubens accendit lumina Vesper。
Nosque ubi primus equis Oriens adflauit anhelis
illic sera rubens accendit lumina Vesper.
该记述取自 JE Sandys 的《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908 年），2.433 页。
The account is taken from J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 433 f.
16 . Faydit，引自 A. Hurel，《Les Orateurs sacrés à la cour de Louis XIV》（巴黎，1872 年），1. 335 n。博须埃在一篇为年轻演说家提供建议的文章中说，他的目标是将圣约翰金口和圣奥古斯丁结合起来：'ce que j'ai appris du style, je le tiens des livres latins et un peu des grecs; de Platon, d'Isocrate, et de Démosthène, don't j'ai lu aussi quelque selected…de Cicéron, surtout de ses livres…mais aussi de ses discous, avec choix…enfin Tite-Live, Salluste, Térence。他说他的“tourné et Figuré”风格归功于他们，并建议先学习自己的语言，然后再研究其他国家的文学，“surtout latine, dont le génie n'est pas éloigné de celui de la Nôtre, ou plutôt est tout le même'。 （A. Rebelliau 在 Petit de Julleville 的Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française中引用，5.5。）
16. Faydit, quoted by A. Hurel, Les Orateurs sacrés à la cour de Louis XIV (Paris, 1872), 1. 335 n. In an essay written to advise a young orator Bossuet says that his aim was to combine St. John Chrysostom and St. Augustine: ‘ce que j’ai appris du style, je le tiens des livres latins et un peu des grecs; de Platon, d’Isocrate, et de Démosthène, dont j’ai lu aussi quelque chose … de Cicéron, surtout de ses livres … mais aussi de ses discours, avec choix … enfin Tite-Live, Salluste, Térence.’ He says it is to them he owes his style ‘tourné et figuré’, and advises learning one’s own language first, and then studying the literatures of other countries, ‘surtout la latine, dont le génie n’est pas éloigné de celui de la nôtre, ou plutôt est tout le même’. (Quoted by A. Rebelliau in Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 5.5.)
17 . Chair angélisée被 F. Brunètière, Bossuet (Paris, 1914 2 ), 31引用，摘自关于第一假设的布道，第 2 节。其他的话由 F. Brunot 在 L. Petit de Julleville 的Histoire de la langue et中给出法国文学，5. 795 f.
17. Chair angélisée is quoted by F. Brunètière, Bossuet (Paris, 19142), 31, from the sermon on the First Assumption, section 2. The other words are given by F. Brunot in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 5. 795 f.
18 . H. Schmidt 著《塞缪尔·约翰逊的诗意》 （马尔堡，1905 年），第 4 页，其中列出了约翰逊最喜欢的拉丁语单词。ZE Chandler 著《艾迪生、约翰逊、哈兹利特和佩特的文体技巧分析》（爱荷华大学人文研究，第 4.3 页，爱荷华城，1928 年）对这些单词的性质进行了研究，结果表明，约翰逊文体沉重的原因是这些单词的内容主要是知识性的。
18. There are long lists of Johnson’s favourite words of Latin origin in H. Schmidt, Der Prosastil Samuel Johnson’s (Marburg, 1905), 4 f. A study of their nature, which shows that the heaviness of his style is due to the fact that they are predominantly intellectual in content, has been made by Z. E. Chandler, An Analysis of the Stylistic Technique of Addison, Johnson, Hazlitt, and Pater (University of Iowa Humanistic Studies, 4. 3, Iowa City, 1928).
19.博斯韦尔，《约翰逊传》（牛津版，1924年），第2卷，第569页。
19. Boswell, Life of Johnson (Oxford ed., 1924), 2. 569.
20 . 参见 G. Guillaumie，JL Guez de Balzac et la prose française （巴黎，1927 年），第 132 页。巴尔扎克批评了onguent和auspices等词语的使用（Vest parler latin en français'），甚至指责黎塞留称某人为“任性的夸大者”。然而，他本人却使用像vecordie、helluon和remore（= retard ）这样的词：这说明，并不是他的水平参差不齐，而是迂腐的拉丁语泛滥成灾。顺便说一句，他的真名是 Guez；Balzac 是他母亲嫁妆中财产的名字，他加上这个名字是为了显得高贵。
20. See G. Guillaumie, J. L. Guez de Balzac et la prose française (Paris, 1927), 132 f. Balzac attacked the use of such words as onguent and auspices (Vest parler latin en français’), and reproached even Richelieu for calling someone a petulant exagérateur. He himself, nevertheless, used words like vecordie, helluon, and remore (= retard): which shows, not that his standards were uneven, but that the plague of pedantic latinisms was very widespread. His real name, by the way, was Guez; Balzac was the name of a property in his mother’s dowry, and he added it in order to appear noble.
21 . 布朗，《瓮葬》，第 5 章。
21. Browne, Urn Burial, c. 5.
22.约翰逊，《野蛮人的生活》。
22. Johnson, Life of Savage.
23，布朗，《致朋友的信》。
23. Browne, Letter to a Friend.
24 .博苏埃，《世界财富》，2。
24. Bossuet, Sur Vhonneur du monde, 2.
25.弥尔顿，《论出版自由》。
25. Milton, Areopagitica.
26 .博苏埃，正义之城，3。
26. Bossuet, Sur la justice, 3.
27，培根，《论研究》。
27. Bacon, Of Studies.
28 .多恩，讲道 66（1625/6 年 1 月 29 日）。
28. Donne, Sermon 66 (29 Jan. 1625/6).
29.教皇致一位贵族的信。
29. Pope, Letter to a Noble Lord.
30.林肯，葛底斯堡演说。
30. Lincoln, Gettysburg Address.
31 .布尔达卢，《La Misère de notre condition》。 （在堆积了这些单独的术语之后，他继续分别计算出每一个术语。参见 F. Brunetiere, 'L'Éloquence de Bourdaloue', in Études critiques sur I'histoire de la littérature française , huitième série (巴黎, 1907) ), 151 f.)
31. Bourdaloue, La Misère de notre condition. (He went on, after this heaping up of separate terms, to work out each separately. See F. Brunetiere, ‘L’Éloquence de Bourdaloue’, in Études critiques sur I’histoire de la littérature française, huitième série (Paris, 1907), 151 f.)
32乔伊斯，《一个青年艺术家的肖像》，第3 章开头。（伦敦，1928 年，第 133 页及后续页）
32. Joyce, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, c. 3 init. (London, 1928, p. 133 f.).
33 . Bourdaloue, Sur le royaume de Dieu（五旬节后第 14 个星期日）。参见 MF Hitz，Die Redekunst in Bourdaloues Predigt（慕尼黑，1936 年），44。
33. Bourdaloue, Sur le royaume de Dieu (14th Sunday after Pentecost). See M. F. Hitz, Die Redekunst in Bourdaloues Predigt (Munich, 1936), 44.
34. “我发现我，你在一个诗人和一本你欣赏的书里，选择了美丽的事物，而这些美丽事物不能与形象或对立统一。”（伏尔泰，引自 Guillaumie（引自注 20），444。）对立在英语散文风格中比较早期的阐述——婉转语中盛行。这套奇怪的习惯做法的确切起源尚未确定。然而，在题为“婉转语的直接来源”的文章中（PMLA，53（1938），3.678–86），W. Ringler 给出了理由，相信 Lyly 和其他人从牛津大学基督圣体学院的 John Rainolds 的精彩而著名的拉丁语讲座中获得了它，他们着手用英语复制其影响。下一个问题是，如果这是真的，雷诺兹是从哪里学来的？林格勒先生认为，他的风格模仿了“圣奥古斯丁和纳齐安的格列高利”——这似乎很难令人相信——以及反西塞罗人文主义者维韦斯的教学。现在，维韦斯本人于 1523 年至 1525 年在 Corpus ，并举办了两门精彩的讲座（桑迪斯，《古典学术史》，剑桥，1908 年，2. 214-15）：他是伊拉斯谟的朋友，伊拉斯谟是模仿西塞罗的另一个反对者，也是一位出色的教师。如果我们认为委婉语 (a) 非常正式和做作，(b)精心对称，(c) 高度头韵，(d)过于学究，(e)不是西塞罗式的，那么我们可能会推测，委婉语是新创造的拉丁风格的英语体现，由维维斯这样的人文主义者创造，他希望在不使用西塞罗自己的模式的情况下，实现与西塞罗一样的复杂性和艺术性。（维维斯无疑知道伊索克拉底的演讲，他结合了头韵、谐音和对立，就像委婉语一样，尽管更温和。）
34. ‘Trouvez-moi, je vous en defie, dans quelque poete et dans quelque livre qu’il vous plaira, une belle chose qui ne soit pas une image ou une antithese.’ (Voltaire, quoted by Guillaumie (cited in n. 20), 444.) Antithesis ran mad in a comparatively early elaboration of English prose style —Euphuism. The precise origin of this curious set of mannerisms has not yet been determined. However, in an article called ‘The Immediate Source of Euphuism’ (PMLA, 53 (1938), 3. 678–86), W. Ringler gives reason for believing that Lyly and the others got it from the brilliant and celebrated Latin lectures of John Rainolds, of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, whose effects they set out to reproduce in English. The next question is, if this is true, where did Rainolds get it? Mr. Ringler thinks he modelled his style on ‘St. Augustine and Gregory Nazianzen’—which seems rather hard to believe—and on the teaching of the anti-Ciceronian humanist Vives. Now Vives himself was at Corpus from 1523 to 1525, and gave two remarkable courses of lectures (Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge, 1908, 2. 214–15): he was a friend of Erasmus, another opponent of the imitation of Cicero, and was a superb teacher. If we consider that Euphuism is (a) highly formal and artificial, (b) carefully symmetrical, (c) highly alliterative, (d) excessively learned, and (e) not Ciceronian, we might conjecture that it was an English reflection of a newly created type of Latin style, worked out by a humanist like Vives who wished to achieve as much intricacy and artistry as Cicero without using Cicero’s own patterns. (The speeches of Isocrates, whom Vives would no doubt know, combine alliteration and assonance and antithesis rather like Euphuism, although more moderately.)
35. Donne，《灵修》，17。
35. Donne, Devotions, 17.
36巴尔扎克，《Soar. disc . n》，Guillaumie 引用（引自 n. 20）。M. Guillaumie 在第 461 页以下展示了巴尔扎克如何通过培养各种对称性（对立、语法平行、平衡节奏、混合声音）赋予法国散文一种新的、更流畅的和谐。巴尔扎克的风格部分来自他自己优秀的品味，部分来自他令人钦佩的拉丁语训练（来自耶稣会教师加拉塞），部分来自意大利演说家和散文家的精致影响，他们既使用意大利语也使用拉丁语。M. Guillaumie 在第 III 页上说道：“融合拉丁精灵和法语趣味，让我们拥有巴尔扎克的艺术。”鉴于此，遗憾的是，M. Guillaumie 竟然写了一本关于巴尔扎克的长篇著作，其中主要的观点是，有天赋的学生学习拉丁语是一种错误：他称巴尔扎克本人认为对他的才华影响最大的教育是“ce préjugé si tenace et … si funeste”（26），并说它给了他“一种错误的幻想，可以穿透思想，并真正理解古人”（77）。然而，这本书的其余部分却致力于证明巴尔扎克从这种有害的体系中获益匪浅。
36. Balzac, Soar. disc. n, quoted by Guillaumie (cited in n. 20). M. Guillaumie, on p. 461 f., shows how Balzac gave French prose a new and smoother harmony, by cultivating symmetry of all kinds: antithesis, grammatical parallelisms, balanced rhythms, blended sounds. Balzac formed his style partly by his own excellent taste, partly by his admirable training in Latin (received from a Jesuit teacher, Garasse), and partly by the refining influence of the Italian orators and prose-writers, working both in Italian and in Latin. ‘Fusion harmonieuse du genie latin et du gout francais, tel nous apparaitra 1’art de Balzac’, says M. Guillaumie on p. III. In view of this it is unfortunate that M. Guillaumie should have written a long book on Balzac, dominated by the idea that it is a mistake for talented students to learn Latin: he calls the education which Balzac himself believed largely responsible for his talent ‘ce préjugé si tenace et … si funeste’ (26), and says it gave him ‘la fausse illusion d’avoir pénétré dans la pensée intime et 1’âme véritable des anciens’ (77). Yet the rest of the book is devoted to proving how much Balzac profited from this injurious system.
37.斯威夫特，《拉普达之旅》，第6 册。
37. Swift, A Voyage to Laputa, c. 6.
38.教皇，致阿布斯诺特博士的书信，201–2。
38. Pope, Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, 201–2.
39.皮特谈与美国殖民地的战争（《关于向王位致辞的动议》，1777 年 11 月 18 日）。
39. Pitt on the war with the American colonies (On the Motion for an Address to the Throne, 18 Nov. 1777).
40 .多恩，布道 48（1628/9 年 1 月 25 日）。
40. Donne, Sermon 48 (25 Jan. 1628/9).
41 . 布朗，《瓮葬》，第 5 章。
41. Browne, Urn Burial, c. 5.
42 . Bossuet，Oraison funèbre d'Henriette d'Angleterre。
42. Bossuet, Oraison funèbre d’Henriette d’Angleterre.
43 . 约翰逊，致切斯特菲尔德勋爵的信。后来，兰多尔的《伊索与罗多彼》中出现了一个著名而美丽的三行诗句：
43. Johnson, Letter to Lord Chesterfield. From a later age there is a famous and beautiful tricolon in Landor’s Aesop and Rhodope:
“劳达梅亚死了，海伦也死了，而朱庇特的爱人勒达则先走了。”
‘Laodameia died; Helen died; Leda, the beloved of Jupiter, went before.’
44 . “On jetait des louis d'or à la tête des libraires”（Brunetière，Histoire de la littérature française classique（巴黎，1904 年），2. 4. 2）。关于该书在国外的受欢迎程度，请参见 A. Eckhardt, 'Télémaque en Hongrie' (Revue des études hongroises , 4 (1926), 166 f.)； HG Martin，Fénelon en Hollande（阿姆斯特丹，1928 年）；和 G. Maugain，Documenti bibliografici e commenti per la storia della fortuna del Fenelon in Italia（Bibliothèque de 1' Institut français de Florence，1. 1，巴黎，1910 年）。
44. ‘On jetait des louis d’or à la tête des libraires” (Brunetière, Histoire de la littérature française classique (Paris, 1904), 2. 4. 2). On the popularity of the book abroad, see A. Eckhardt, ‘Télémaque en Hongrie’ (Revue des études hongroises, 4 (1926), 166 f.); H. G. Martin, Fénelon en Hollande (Amsterdam, 1928); and G. Maugain, Documenti bibliografici e critici per la storia della fortuna del Fenelon in Italia (Bibliothèque de 1’ Institut français de Florence, 1. 1, Paris, 1910).
45.有关Astrée，请参见第170页。
45. On Astrée see p. 170.
46 .因此，第 12 卷包含了索福克勒斯的悲剧《菲罗克忒忒斯》和《特拉基尼亚》的盆栽版本；在第九卷中，导师用言语的力量安抚了一群野蛮人，并采用了西塞罗的《De inuentione》的开场主题。 Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 1912 3 ), 321-2，说这一理想在法国大革命时期仍然有效，显然是通过费内隆对它的唤起：“die Schaufenster der Buchlāden boten gern das Bild” des beredten Greises, der mit seinem Wort die aufgeregte门格·贝佐伯特。 P. Janet, Fénelon (Paris, 1892), 123 f.中有一份 Fénelon 从经典作品中借用的简短清单，L. Boulve, De I'hellénisme chez Fénelon (Paris, 1897)中有更详细的信息。
46. Thus, book 12 contains a potted version of Sophocles’ tragedies Philoctetes and Trachiniae; and book 9, in which Mentor calms a group of savages by the power of speech, takes up the opening theme of Cicero’s De inuentione. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123), 321–2, says that this ideal continued to be potent in the days of the French Revolution, apparently through Fénelon’s evocation of it: ‘die Schaufenster der Buchlāden boten gern das Bild des beredten Greises, der mit seinem Wort die aufgeregte Menge bezaubert.’ There is a short list of Fénelon’s borrowings from the classics in P. Janet, Fénelon (Paris, 1892), 123 f., and fuller information in L. Boulve, De I’hellénisme chez Fénelon (Paris, 1897).
47.关于阿卡迪亚，请参见第 167 页。
47. On Arcadia see p. 167.
48.关于荷马史诗的教育内容，请参阅W. Jaeger，Paideia，1（牛津，1939年），第3章。
48. On the educational content of Homer’s epics see W. Jaeger, Paideia, 1 (Oxford, 1939), c. 3.
49.有关此内容的扩展，请参阅 A. Tilley 的《路易十四时代的衰落》（剑桥，1929 年），第 8 章。
49. For an expansion of this, see A. Tilley, The Decline of the Age of Louis XIV (Cambridge, 1929), c. 8.
50.参见Brunetiére（引自第44号引文）。
50. See Brunetiére (cited in n. 44).
51 .详情参见 E. Poetzsche, Samuel Richardsons Belesenheit (Kieler Studien zur englischen Philologie, nF 4, Kiel, 1908)。
51. Details in E. Poetzsche, Samuel Richardsons Belesenheit (Kieler Studien zur englischen Philologie, n.F. 4, Kiel, 1908).
52.理查森，帕梅拉（牛津，1929 年版），3，第 18 封信，第 93 页。
52. Richardson, Pamela (Oxford, 1929 edition), 3, letter 18, p. 93.
53. Richardson, Pamela (牛津，1929年版)，2，第55页。
53. Richardson, Pamela (Oxford, 1929 edition), 2, p. 55.
54理查森，克拉丽莎（牛津，1930 年版），3，第 59 封信，第 318 页。
下一批较轻松的书籍包括“斯蒂尔、罗和莎士比亚的戏剧”。
54. Richardson, Clarissa (Oxford, 1930 edition), 3, letter 59, p. 318.
The next batch of lighter books consisted of ‘Steele’s, Rowe’s, and Shakespeare’s Plays’.
55.关于西德尼的阿卡迪亚，请参阅第 169-70 页。
55. On Sidney’s Arcadia see pp. 169–70.
56 .参见 M. Gassmeyer，Samuel Richardson 的“Pamela”，ihre Quellen und ihr Einfluss auf die englische Literatur（莱比锡，1890 年），11 f。
56. See M. Gassmeyer, Samuel Richardson’s ‘Pamela’, ihre Quellen und ihr Einfluss auf die englische Literatur (Leipzig, 1890), 11 f.
57 . SL Wolff，《伊丽莎白散文小说中的希腊浪漫史》（纽约，1912 年），第 463 页注。如果《帕梅拉》中提到了《阿卡迪亚》的内容，我无法找到它们。
57. So S. L. Wolff, in Greek Romances in Elizabethan Prose Fiction (New York, 1912), 463 n. If there are references in Pamela to the content of Arcadia, I have been unable to trace them.
58理查森的发音是错误的。在《西德尼》中，发音是 Paméla，正如歌词中“Philόclea ànd Paméla swéet”所示：可能意为
“羊群众多”。理查森在《离别诗篇》（第 31 封信）中让女主角把自己的名字念错了，她像现在所有人一样，读成了 Pàmela。菲尔丁在他的戏仿作品《约瑟夫·安德鲁斯》中立即对此嗤之以鼻： “他们有一个女儿，名字很奇怪，叫 Paměla 或 Pamēla；有人这样念，有人那样念”（4. 12）。
58. Richardson got the pronunciation wrong. In Sidney it was Paméla, as is shown by one of the lyrics where it appears as ‘Philόclea ànd Paméla swéet’: probably meant to be ,‘rich in flocks of sheep’. Richardson made his heroine mispronounce her own name in Verses on My Going Away (letter 31), where she scanned it Pàmela, as everyone does nowadays. Fielding sneered at this immediately in his parody Joseph Andrews: ‘they had a daughter of a very strange name, Paměla, or Pamēla; some pronounced it one way, and some the other’ (4. 12).
59.托斯卡纳和法国风情在我的脑海里，
59. Tuscan and French are in my head,
我写拉丁文，读希腊文。
Latin I write, and Greek—I read.
（菲尔丁，致沃波尔的信，1730 年）
(Fielding, Letter to Walpole, 1730).
60.参见汤姆·琼斯（Tom Jones）第 8 卷第 1 章中关于“奇妙”的内容；以及约瑟夫·安德鲁斯（Joseph Andrews）关于史诗中的荒谬之处的序言。
60. See Tom Jones, bk. 8, c. 1, on the ‘marvellous’; and the preface to Joseph Andrews on the ridiculous in epic.
61. A. Dobson，《十八世纪小插图》（伦敦，1896 年），第 3 页。163 页。
61. A. Dobson, Eighteenth-century Vignettes (London, 1896), 3. 163 f.
62.关于希腊传奇故事，请参见第 163 页。
62. On the Greek romances see p. 163 f.
63. “因此，在我看来，坎布雷大主教的《忒勒马科斯》和荷马的《奥德赛》一样，都是史诗；事实上，给它起一个与它只在一个方面不同的史诗相同的名字，要比将它与那些与它完全不同的史诗混淆要公平和合理得多——比如那些通常被称为传奇的巨著，即《克莱莉亚》、《克娄巴特拉》、《阿斯特莱亚》、《卡珊德拉》、《大居鲁士》和无数其他作品，在我看来，它们包含的指导或娱乐很少。”——菲尔丁，约瑟夫·安德鲁斯，序言，第一部分。菲尔丁混淆了这种混淆，他在下一句中继续说他自己的作品是一部喜剧传奇，并将喜剧传奇定义为散文喜剧史诗。这表明他隐约地承认他的书中存在这两种元素——只是觉得史诗更有活力和男子气概，而不喜欢浪漫主义，认为它们很虚假、不真实。
63. ‘Thus the Telemachus of the Archbishop of Cambray appears to me of the epic kind, as well as the Odyssey of Homer; indeed it is much fairer and more reasonable to give it a name common with that species from which it differs only in a single instance, than to confound it with those which it resembles in no other—such as those voluminous works, commonly called Romances, namely, Clelia, Cleopatra, Astraea, Cassandra, the Grand Cyrus, and innumerable others, which contain, as I apprehend, very little instruction or entertainment”—Fielding, Joseph Andrews, preface, init. Fielding then confuses confusion, by going on in the next sentence to talk of his own work as a comic romance, and denning a comic romance as a comic epic poem in prose. This shows that he dimly recognized the presence of both elements in his book—only felt that epic was more vigorous and manly, and disliked romances as artificial and unreal.
64.有关吉本在牛津的日子，请参阅第494页。
64. On Gibbon’s Oxford days, see p. 494.
65.参见 AJ Toynbee的《历史研究》（牛津，1939 年），第 5.506 页注和第 5.643–5 页，其中提到吉本选择英语作为其伟大著作的载体，汤因比先生将此归功于英国在七年战争中的胜利。（他还有趣地提到了吉本的风格对年轻的亚伯拉罕·林肯的影响。）
65. See A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 5. 506 n. and 5. 643–5 on Gibbon’s choice of English as the vehicle of his great work, which Mr. Toynbee attributes to the victory of Britain in the Seven Years war. (He also has an interesting mention of the influence of Gibbon’s style on the young Abraham Lincoln.)
66 . Bossuet，Discous sur I'histoire Universelle，3. 8 init.：“Dieu tient du plus haut des cieux les resnes de tous les royaumes; il a tous les coeurs en sa main: tantost il retient les Passions, tantost il leur lasche la新娘, et par la il remuë tout le Genre humain…。 II connoist la sagesse humane toujours Courte par quelque endroit; il 1'éclaire, il étend ses veûeIs, et puis il 1'abandonne à ses 无知; il 1'aveugle、il la précipite、il la confond par elle-mesme…。 Ne parlons plus de Hazard ni de Fortune, ou parlonsen seulement comme d'un nom dont nous couvrons nostre ignorance. Ne parlons plus de Hazard ni de Fortune, ou parlonsen seulement comme d'un nom dont nous couvrons nostre ignorance. Ne parlons plus de Hazard ni de Fortune, ou parlonsen seulement comme d'un nom dont nous couvrons nostre ignorance. Ne parlons plus de Hazard ni de Fortune, ou parlonsen seulement comme d'un nom dont nous couvrons nostre ignorance。 Ce qui estanger à 1'égard de nos conseils incertains est un dessein Concerté dans un conseil plus haut”——这句话与波爱提乌斯在他的上一本书中的教导相吻合（第 42 页）。
66. Bossuet, Discours sur I’histoire universelle, 3. 8 init.: ‘Dieu tient du plus haut des cieux les resnes de tous les royaumes; il a tous les coeurs en sa main: tantost il retient les passions, tantost il leur lasche la bride, et par la il remuë tout le genre humain… . II connoist la sagesse humaine toujours courte par quelque endroit; il 1’éclaire, il étend ses veûeİs, et puis il 1’abandonne à ses ignorances; il 1’aveugle, il la précipite, il la confond par elle-mesme… . Ne parlons plus de hazard ni de fortune, ou parlonsen seulement comme d’un nom dont nous couvrons nostre ignorance. Ce qui est hazard à 1’égard de nos conseils incertains est un dessein concerté dans un conseil plus haut’—a remark which chimes with the teaching of Boethius in his last book (p. 42).
67.参见RG Collingwood在《历史的观念》（牛津，1946年）第117页中关于基督教史学一般特征的评论。
67. See R. G. Collingwood’s remarks in The Idea of History (Oxford, 1946), 117 f. on the general character of Christian historiography.
68.这些引文出自布莱克的《历史的艺术》（纽约和伦敦，1926年），第144页，其中引用了白芝浩的《文学研究》，第1卷，第226页；圣伯夫的《周一的考斯里》，第8卷，第456页，以及哈里森的《吉本百年诞辰》，载于《回忆与思考》。
68. These quotations are from Black, The Art of History (New York and London, 1926), 144 f., who refers to Bagehot, Literary Studies, 1. 226; Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du lundi, 8. 456, and Harrison, ‘The Centenary of Gibbon’, in Memories and Thoughts.
69。参见第 10 页。
69. See p. 10.
70 . 孟德斯鸠在最后也逐渐淡化了。参见吉本在第 48 页开头对他改变计划的解释（其中明确引用了孟德斯鸠的最后一句话）。
70. Montesquieu also tailed off towards the end. See Gibbon’s explanation of his change of plan (with an explicit quotation of Montesquieu’s final phrase) at the beginning of his c. 48.
71 . Puis, d'une main encor plus Fine et plus habile,
71. Puis, d’une main encor plus fine et plus habile,
牧师和维吉勒 (Chapelain et Virgile) 没有激情；
说起贫穷的美丽，
也许是一个美丽的忏悔者，
牧师的内心深处，讽刺的是，
其他的却不是爱情。
Pese sans passion Chapelain et Virgile;
Remarque en ce dernier beaucoup de pauvretés,
Mais pourtant confessant qu’il a queiques beautés,
Ne trouve en Chapelain, quoi qu’ait dit la satire,
Autre défaut sinon qu’on ne le saurait lire.
（Boileau，讽刺诗10. 453–8）。
(Boileau, Satire 10. 453–8).
72.以下是这些简单句型的典型序列，摘自Everyman 版第 5 卷第55 章第518 页：
72. Here is a characteristic succession of these simple sentence-patterns, from c. 55, p. 518 of the Everyman edition, vol. 5:
“但圣徒们要么充耳不闻，要么毫不留情；洪流滚滚向前，直到被卡拉布里亚的边远地区拦住。每个意大利臣民都得到了一份礼物，并接受了；土耳其营地里倾注了十蒲式耳的白银。但谎言是暴力的天然对手；强盗们在评估数字和金属标准上都被骗了。在东方，匈牙利人与保加利亚人势均力敌，保加利亚人的信仰禁止他们与异教徒结盟，他们的位置构成了匈牙利的屏障。拜占庭帝国。屏障被推翻；君士坦丁堡皇帝看到土耳其人挥舞的旗帜；他们最勇敢的战士之一竟然敢用战斧砍金门。希腊人的艺术和宝藏转移了进攻；但匈牙利人在撤退时可能会吹嘘他们向保加利亚的精神和凯撒的威严致敬。同一场战役的远程和快速行动似乎放大了土耳其人的力量和人数；但他们的勇气最值得称赞，因为一支由三四百名骑兵组成的轻装部队经常会尝试并执行最大胆的入侵到塞萨洛尼基和君士坦丁堡的大门。在九世纪和十世纪这个灾难性的时代，欧洲遭受了来自北部、东部和南部的三重灾难：诺曼人、匈牙利人和萨拉森人有时踏上同一片荒凉的土地；荷马可能会把这些野蛮的敌人比作两只狮子在一头受伤的雄鹿尸体前咆哮。’
‘But the saints were deaf or inexorable; and the torrent rolled forwards, till it was stopped by the extreme land of Calabria. A composition was offered and accepted for the head of each Italian subject; and ten bushels of silver were poured forth in the Turkish camp. But falsehood is the natural antagonist of violence; and the robbers were defrauded both in the numbers of the assessment and the standard of the metal. On the side of the East the Hungarians were opposed in doubtful conflict by the equal arms of the Bulgarians, whose faith forbade an alliance with the pagans, and whose situation formed the barrier of the Byzantine empire. The barrier was overturned; the emperor of Constantinople beheld the waving banners of the Turks; and one of their boldest warriors presumed to strike a battle-axe into the golden gate. The arts and treasures of the Greeks diverted the assault; but the Hungarians might boast in their retreat that they had imposed a tribute on the spirit of Bulgaria and the majesty of the Caesars. The remote and rapid operations of the same campaign appear to magnify the power and numbers of the Turks; but their courage is most deserving of praise, since a light troop of three or four hundred horse would often attempt and execute the most daring inroads to the gates of Thessalonica and Constantinople. At this disastrous era of the ninth and tenth centuries, Europe was afflicted by a triple scourge from the North, the East, and the South: the Norman, the Hungarian, and the Saracen sometimes trod the same ground of desolation; and these savage foes might have been compared by Homer to the two lions growling over the carcase of a mangled stag.’
73 . 狄更斯，《我们共同的朋友》，第 5 章。
73. Dickens, Our Mutual Friend, c. 5.
74. JB Bury，《大英百科全书》，sv“晚期罗马帝国”。
74. J. B. Bury, in Encyclopaedia Britannica, s.v. ‘Roman Empire, Later’.
75.柯尔律治，《餐桌谈话》，1833 年 8 月 15 日。
75. Coleridge, Table Talk, 15 Aug. 1833.
76 . 吉本，《罗马帝国衰亡史》，第6 章开头。（Everyman 版，1. 126）。然而，与他在第 9 章开头的评论形成鲜明对比（Everyman 版，1. 213）：“一种无知和贫穷的状态，一些演说家乐于用有德行的朴素来称呼它。”
76. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 6 init. (Everyman edition, 1. 126). Yet contrast his remark at the beginning of c. 9 (Everyman edition, 1. 213): ‘a state of ignorance and poverty, which it has pleased some declaimers to dignify with the appellation of virtuous simplicity.’
77 . Gibbon, c. 2 fin. (Everyman 版, 1. 58). 他经常提到的这个原因的变体是，长期的和平使得罗马人变得堕落和软弱。
77. Gibbon, c. 2 fin. (Everyman edition, 1. 58). A variation of this reason to which he often refers is that long peace made the Romans degenerate and soft.
78 . Gibbon，第 5 章开头。（Everyman 版，1. 101）。另请参阅 Bury 版中的第 7 章结尾和附录 n。
78. Gibbon, c. 5 init. (Everyman edition, 1. 101). See also c. 7 fin. and Bury’s appendix n, in his edition.
79 . Gibbon, c. 35 fin. （Everyman 版，3. 406）：这是最受欢迎的现代解释之一，特别是自从最近发现的纸莎草纸向我们详细揭示了罗马埃及的财政管理以来。
79. Gibbon, c. 35 fin. (Everyman edition, 3. 406): this is one of the favourite modern explanations, particularly since the financial administration of Roman Egypt has been revealed to us in great detail by recently discovered papyri.
80 . Gibbon，c. 38 fin. (Everyman 版，4. 103 f.)。Gibbon 在最后一章 (Everyman 版，6. 550 f.) 中提出的“罗马毁灭的四个主要原因”仅涉及城市的毁灭，而不是帝国及其文明的毁灭；但它们将我们带回到坐在朱庇特神庙废墟中的年轻人 (参见第 352 页)。JW Swain，《爱德华·吉本与罗马的衰落》(South Atlantic Quarterly，39 (1940)，1.77-93)，c. 中的文章写道。 38 写于 1772 年之前，也许早在 1767 年就已写成。斯温教授指出，吉本对罗马衰落的真正原因和意义的态度变化（从一卷到另一卷都有所变化）、他自身的政治局势的变化以及大英帝国的命运变化（特别是对美国殖民地的丧失）之间存在有趣的相似之处。
80. Gibbon, c. 38 fin. (Everyman edition, 4. 103 f.). The ‘four principal causes of the ruin of Rome’ set out in Gibbon’s last chapter (Everyman edition, 6. 550 f.) concern only the destruction of the city, not that of the empire and its civilization; but they take us back to the young man sitting in the ruins of the Temple of Jupiter (see p. 352). J. W. Swain, ‘Edward Gibbon and the Decline of Rome’ (South Atlantic Quarterly, 39 (1940), 1.77-93), says the essay in c. 38 was written before 1772, and perhaps as early as 1767. Professor Swain points out interesting parallels between Gibbon’s changing attitude (altering from one volume to another) to the real cause and significance of Rome’s decline, and the changes in his own political situation, and the changing fortunes of the British empire, with particular reference to the loss of the American colonies.
81. Walter Moyle，作品（伦敦，1726 年），第 1 卷。有关斯宾格勒，请参阅第 267-8 页。
81. Walter Moyle, Works (London, 1726), v. 1. On Spengler see pp. 267–8.
82. Gibbon，第 10 章初始篇。（Everyman 版，1.238 页）。
82. Gibbon, c. 10 init. (Everyman edition, 1. 238).
83. Gibbon，第 10 章末尾。（Everyman 版，1.274）。
83. Gibbon, c. 10 fin. (Everyman edition, 1. 274).
84. NH Baynes 教授有一篇很好的综述，《资本主义的衰落》《罗马在西欧的权力——一些现代的解释》，载于 JRS，33（1943 年）。
84. There is a fine survey by Professor N. H. Baynes, ‘The Decline of Roman Power in Western Europe—Some Modern Explanations’, in JRS, 33 (1943).
85.日期是1764年10月15日：参见吉本自传第167页。
85. The date was 15 Oct. 1764: see Gibbon’s autobiography, p. 167.
86.吉本的对手所提出的论点在 ST 麦克洛伊的著作《吉本对基督教的敌意及其所引起的讨论》（北卡罗来纳州教堂山，1933 年）中得到了有益的总结。
86. The arguments advanced by Gibbon’s opponents are usefully summarized in S. T. McCloy’s book Gibbon’s Antagonism to Christianity and the Discussions that it Provoked (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1933).
87.Gibbon，第28页：参见特别是最后几页（Everyman版，3.145–7）。
87. Gibbon, c. 28: see especially the last pages (Everyman edition, 3. 145–7).
88. Gibbon，第 50 章末尾。（Everyman 版，5. 290-2）。
88. Gibbon, c. 50 fin. (Everyman edition, 5. 290—2).
89. Gibbon，第71页（Everyman 版，第6卷，第553页）。参见AJ Toynbee 的有趣重新诠释，《历史研究》（牛津，1939年），第4卷，第56-63页。
89. Gibbon, c. 71 (Everyman edition, 6. 553). See an interesting reinterpretation by A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 4. 56–63.
90. Gibbon，第 2 章（Everyman 版，1.28 页）。
90. Gibbon, c. 2 (Everyman edition, 1. 28 f.).
91. Gibbon，第23页（Everyman版，2.371页）。
91. Gibbon, c. 23 (Everyman edition, 2. 371).
92.参见Gibbon，第37页（Everyman版，4.16页）。
92. See Gibbon, c. 37 (Everyman edition, 4. 16 f.).
19.革命时期 § 1：引言
19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION, § 1: INTRODUCTION
1. “romance”一词指的是用罗马起源的本土语言之一写成的作品——因此是地中海人民普通话中流行的作品（与用拉丁语（文化语言）写的严肃书籍相反），尤其是关于骑士冒险的故事。加泰罗尼亚语、法语、意大利语、葡萄牙语、罗马尼亚语和西班牙语仍然被称为“罗曼语”。罗马人留下的一个更奇怪的遗物是现代口语希腊语的单词，称为“Romaic”，即（东）罗马帝国的语言。
1. The word romance means a work written in one of the vernacular languages of Roman origin—and so a popular work in the ordinary speech of the Mediterranean peoples (as opposed to a serious book in Latin, the language of culture), and particularly a story of chivalrous adventure. Catalan, French, Italian, Portuguese, Rumanian, and Spanish are still known as ‘Romance’ languages. An even stranger relic of the Romans is the word for modern colloquial Greek, which is called ‘Romaic’, the speech of the (eastern) Roman empire.
2.参见第61、514页。
2. See pp. 61, 514.
3.华兹华斯在《莱科里斯颂》 （1817 年）中也这样注释他回归古典符号的意义：
3. So also Wordsworth’s note on his return to classical symbols in the Ode to Lycoris (1817):
“毫无疑问，在 17 世纪末期，人们对神话的使用变得陈腐而死气沉沉，这种情况一直持续到 18 世纪，普通读者对现代诗歌中对神话的提及感到厌恶；尽管出于对这种厌恶的尊重，同时也在一定程度上参与其中，我在早期作品中避免引入任何异教寓言，但可以肯定的是，即使是以卑微的形式出现，它也能与真实的情感相结合。”
‘No doubt the hacknied and lifeless use into which mythology fell towards the close of the 17th century, and which continued through the 18th, disgusted the general reader with all allusion to it in modern verse; and though, in deference to this disgust, and also in a measure participating in it, I abstained in my earlier writings from all introduction of pagan fable, surely, even in its humble form, it may ally itself with real sentiment.’
4.拜伦，《唐璜》，第 2 版，第 194 页。拜伦所想的那组雕塑很可能是乌菲兹美术馆中的《丘比特与普赛克》。参见 JA Larrabee，《英国诗人与希腊大理石》（纽约，1943 年），第 167 页及其注释 16。
4. Byron, Don Juan, 2. 194. Probably the actual group of which Byron was thinking was a Cupid and Psyche in the Uffizi Gallery. See J. A. Larrabee, English Bards and Grecian Marbles (New York, 1943), 167 and his note 16.
5 .参见 C. Justi, Winckelmann und seine Zeitgenossen (Leipzig, 18982) 1. 202 f.，了解 Winckelmann 的激进观点以及他阅读的证实这些观点的作者。
5. See C. Justi, Winckelmann und seine Zeitgenossen (Leipzig, 18982) 1. 202 f., for Winckelmann’s radical views and the authors he read to confirm them.
6.雨果的《东方人》全篇都表达了对土耳其的强烈仇恨和对自由的热情，这种热情激起了革命时代更为慷慨的精神。他在第 4 节中高呼“去希腊！”
6. The whole of Hugo’s Les Orientales is an expression of the excited hatred of Turkey and the passion for liberty which moved the more generous spirits of the revolutionary age. To Greece! he shouts in 4,
希腊，我的朋友！复仇！自由！
Ce turban sur mon front! ce saber à mon côté！
阿隆斯！ ce cheval, qu'on le selle!
En Grèce, ô mes amis! vengeance! liberté!
Ce turban sur mon front! ce sabre à mon côté!
Allons! ce cheval, qu’on le selle!
G. Deschamps 在 L. Petit de Julleville 的《法语语言与文学史》第 7. 275 页中，将英国、法国和俄罗斯军队宣称的希腊独立描述为诗人和知识分子的热情战胜了谨慎的官僚主义。在法国，夏多布里昂的宣传实际上比雨果的夸夸其谈更有效。
G. Deschamps, in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 7. 275 f., describes the assertion of Greek independence by British, French, and Russian forces as a triumph of the enthusiasm of poets and intellectuals over cautious officialdom. In France Chateaubriand’s propaganda was really more efficient than the rhodomontades of Hugo.
7.参见第 262 页。
7. See p. 262 f.
8.关于奥林匹克运动员和拿撒勒人之间的冲突，参见海涅的《旅行者：卢卡城》，第 6 页，JG Robertson 在《德国诗歌中的希腊诸神》（《文学论文集》，伦敦，1935 年），第 136 页中引用、翻译并讨论了该书，以及 EM Butler 才华横溢且带有倾向性的《希腊对德国的暴政》（剑桥和纽约，1935 年），第 256 页。
8. On the conflict of the Olympians and the Nazarene, see Heine’s Reisebilder: Die Stadt Lucca 6, quoted, translated, and discussed by J. G. Robertson in ‘The Gods of Greece in German Poetry’ (Essays and Addresses on Literature, London, 1935), 136 f., and in E. M. Butler’s brilliant and tendentious The Tyranny of Greece over Germany (Cambridge and New York, 1935), 256 f.
9. EM Butler（引自注8），118–19。
9. E. M. Butler (cited in n. 8), 118–19.
10.雪莱的《自由颂》中还有另一种对基督教的仇恨的惊人表达，诗中第 8 节说，希腊罗马文化的衰落是由“加利利蛇”从“死亡之海”爬出（暗指死海）造成的，第 16 节说，PRIEST（祭司）的名字是地狱和魔鬼的化身。
10. There is another striking expression of this hatred for Christianity in Shelley’s Ode to Liberty, which in stanza 8 says the fall of Greco-Roman culture was caused by ‘the Galilean serpent’ creeping forth ‘from its sea of death’ (an allusion to the Dead Sea), and in stanza 16 says that the name of PRIEST was an emanation of hell and the fiends.
11 .莱辛，Wie die Alten den Tod gebildet。
11. Lessing, Wie die Alten den Tod gebildet.
12.有关macabre一词及其相关含义，请参阅 J. Huizinga，《中世纪的衰落》（伦敦，1937 年），第 129–130 页。
12. For the word macabre and its associations, see J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (London, 1937), 129–30.
13.英格兰真幸福！我可以满足
13. Happy is England! I could be content
看不到别的青翠，只看到它自己的青翠；
感受不到别的微风，只感受着吹过
高耸的树林，交织着浪漫的情怀：
然而，我有时
对意大利的天空感到一种忧伤，内心的呻吟
，坐在阿尔卑斯山上，仿佛坐在宝座上，
几乎忘记了世界或世俗的含义。
英格兰是幸福的，她天真的女儿们甜美可爱；
她们朴实的可爱足以让我心动，
她们最白皙的手臂默默地依偎着我：
然而，我常常热切地渴望看到
更深邃的美人，听到她们的歌声，
和她们一起漂浮在夏日的水面上。
To see no other verdure than its own;
To feel no other breezes than are blown
Through its tall woods with high romances blent:
Yet do I sometimes feel a languishment
For skies Italian, and an inward groan
To sit upon an Alp as on a throne,
And half forget what world or worldling meant.
Happy is England, sweet her artless daughters;
Enough their simple loveliness for me,
Enough their whitest arms in silence clinging:
Yet do I often warmly burn to see
Beauties of deeper glance, and hear their singing,
And float with them about the summer waters.
济慈，《十四行诗》17 （1817 年发表的诗）。
Keats, Sonnet 17 (Poems published in 1817).
“世界和世人”指的是英国现代的商业和工业生活，如同华兹华斯的《世界对我们来说太肮脏了》（参见第 436 页）中所述。
‘World and worldling’ mean the modern commercial and industrial life of Britain, as in Wordsworth’s The World is too muck with Us (on which see p. 436 f.).
14 . W. Rehm 在《希腊与歌德时代》 （Das Erbe der Alten，第二系列，26，莱比锡，1936）中强调了德国人的观点，1 f. Winckelmann 提到了帕埃斯图姆的神庙（Rehm，34）。Rehm 的书非常博学，但在我看来，德国民族主义者认为希腊人和德国人之间存在一种特殊的精神亲和力（他在第 18 页称之为Wahl-Verwandtschaft），而不是希腊人和每个国家革命时代的所有思想家和美学家之间存在这种亲和力。考虑到希腊人和德国人之间的对立，他写道，德国人认为希腊人和德国人之间存在一种特殊的精神亲和力（他在第 18 页称之为 Wahl-Verwandtschaft），而不是希腊人和每个国家革命时代的所有思想家和美学家之间存在这种亲和力。考虑到希腊人和德国人之间的对立，他写道，德国 ...一些最重要的德国作家已经感觉到希腊和德国（第 366 页），甚至很难理解这样的断言：“Der Glaube an Griechisches ist also im letzten nur ein Gleichnisfur den Glauben and das” Hoch-und Rein-Menschliche und darum auch für den Glauben and das Deutsche' (17-18)。
14. This is emphasized for the Germans by W. Rehm in Griechentum und Goethezeit (Das Erbe der Alten, second series, 26, Leipzig, 1936), 1 f. Winckelmann got as far as the temple at Paestum (Rehm, 34). Rehm’s book is very learned, but seems to me to be vitiated by the German nationalistic assumption that there was a special spiritual affinity (he calls it a Wahl-Verwandtschaft on p. 18) between the Greeks and the Germans —rather than between the Greeks and all the thinkers and aesthetes of the revolutionary age in every land. Considering the opposition between Greece and Germany which some of the most important German writers have felt (p. 366), it is difficult even to make sense out of an assertion like this: ‘Der Glaube an Griechisches ist also im letzten nur ein Gleichnis fur den Glauben an das Hoch-und Rein-Menschliche und darum auch für den Glauben an das Deutsche’ (17–18).
15.歌德，《1786年日记》，H.特里维廉引用并译，《歌德与希腊人》，剑桥，1942年，第121页。
15. Goethe, Diary 1786, quoted and translated by H. Trevelyan, Goethe and the Greeks, Cambridge, 1942, 121.
16 .歌德，《威尼斯警句》，76：
16. Goethe, Venezianische Epigramme, 76:
是 mit mir das Schicksal gewollt 吗？ Es wäre verwegen,
Das zu fragen: denn meist will es mit vilen nicht viel.
Einen Dichter zu bilden，die Absicht wär' ihm gelungen，
Hätte die Sprache sich nicht unüberwindlich gezeigt。
Was mit mir das Schicksal gewollt? Es wäre verwegen,
Das zu fragen: denn meist will es mit vielen nicht viel.
Einen Dichter zu bilden, die Absicht wär’ ihm gelungen,
Hätte die Sprache sich nicht unüberwindlich gezeigt.
因此，在同一本书（29）中，在说他尝试过绘画等之后，他写道：
So, in the same book (29), after saying that he has tried painting and drawing and so forth, he writes:
我只有一项技能才能接近成功：
用德语写作。因此，我（不幸的诗人）
在最卑鄙的东西上浪费时间，浪费我的生命和艺术。
Only one single skill could I bring near to success:
writing in German. And so, I am wasting (unfortunate poet)
on the vilest of stuff, wasting my life and my art.
Nur ein einzig Talent bracht' ich der Meisterschaft nah：
Deutsch zu schreiben。 und so verderb” ich unglucklicher Dichter
In dem schlechtesten Stoff leider nun Leben und Kunst.
Nur ein einzig Talent bracht’ ich der Meisterschaft nah:
Deutsch zu schreiben. Und so verderb” ich unglucklicher Dichter
In dem schlechtesten Stoff leider nun Leben und Kunst.
17. EM Butler（引自注8），203。
17. E. M. Butler (cited in n. 8), 203.
18.参见 Vernon Lee著《18 世纪意大利研究》（伦敦，19272），第 2 册“音乐生活”，尤其是第 139 页和第 153 页。
18. See Vernon Lee, Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy (London, 19272), c. 2, ‘The Musical Life’, especially 139 f. and 153 f.
19 .参见 L. Hauteuœcr, Rome et la renaissance de I'antiquité à la fin du XVIII e siècle (Bibliothéque des écoles françaises d'Athénes et de Rome, 105, Paris, 1912), 1. 1，关于旅游日益流行意大利及其刺激作用。
19. See L. Hauteuœcr, Rome et la renaissance de I’antiquité à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Bibliothéque des écoles françaises d’Athénes et de Rome, 105, Paris, 1912), 1. 1, on the increasing popularity of tours in Italy and their stimulating effect.
19.革命时期，§ 2：德国
19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION, § 2: GERMANY
1 . “所有的人民都在文艺复兴时期，他们是伟大的，他们是伟大的，是伟大的，是德国的。”德国文艺复兴时期的帽子；文艺复兴时期的 18 世纪中叶，有赫尔德、歌德、席勒、莱辛、温克尔曼等人的名字。 Da stehen die Griechen ebenso im Vordergrund wie in der ersten diener, die natione Wesensverwandtschaft der Deutschen und Griechen ist enteckt worden. Daher kommt es，dass die Deutschen ebenso stark Griechen，wie die Englander，Franzosen und Italiener bis auf den heutigen Tag Lateiner sein können。最早的利尼·荷马、维吉尔、修基底德、提图斯·利维乌斯、柏拉图、塞内卡，以及Unterschied的传奇人物。我们的本能和格里奇主义、浪漫主义、文艺复兴时代和西方文化的伟大文化，以及伟大的文化，我们的德国人如此不了解和不了解世界观stehen。”——Paul Hensel，《Montaigne und die Antike》（Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg 1925–6，莱比锡，1928），69。
1. ‘Alle Völker haben eine Renaissance gehabt, diejenige, die wir fûr gewöhnlich so bezeichnen, mit einer einzigen Ausnahme, nämlich Deutschland. Deutschland hat zwei Renaissancen gehabt; die zweite Renaissance liegt um die Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts und knupft sich an Namen wie Herder, Goethe, Schiller, Lessing, Winckelmann. Da stehen die Griechen ebenso im Vordergrund wie in der ersten die Lateiner, die nationale Wesensverwandtschaft der Deutschen und Griechen ist entdeckt worden. Daher kommt es, dass die Deutschen ebenso stark Griechen, wie die Englander, Franzosen und Italiener bis auf den heutigen Tag Lateiner sein können. Fur uns steht in erster Linie Homer, nicht Virgil, Thukydides, nicht Titus Livius, Plato, nicht Seneca, das ist ein grundlegender Unterschied. Wir denken zunachst ganz instinktiv an das Griechische, dann an das Romische, die Leute zur Zeit der ersten Renaissance und die grossen Kulturnationen des Westens machen es gerade umgekehrt, und darin ist vielleicht ein gutes Teil des Grundes zu sehen, weshalb die Deutschen so unbekannt und missverstanden in der Welt stehen.’—Paul Hensel, ‘Montaigne und die Antike’ (Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg 1925–6, Leipzig, 1928), 69.
2.《唐璜》和《费加罗的婚礼》是莫扎特和洛伦佐·达·蓬特合作的成果。（顺便说一句，达·蓬特在纽约哥伦比亚学院以意大利语教授的身份结束了他独特的职业生涯。）
2. Don Giovanni and Le nozze di Figaro are the results of the collaboration of Mozart and Lorenzo da Ponte. (Da Ponte, by the way, ended his singular career as professor of Italian at Columbia College, New York.)
3. “风暴与压力”是《狂飙突进》（Sturm und Drang）的常用译法，这是克林格 (1777) 的一部戏剧的标题，其主人公“被冲动和权力所淹没”，在拜伦出生之前他就是拜伦。
3. ‘Storm and Stress” is the usual translation of Sturm und Drang, the title of a drama by Klinger (1777), whose hero, ‘glutted by impulse and power’, was a Byron before Byron was born.
4.温克尔曼在壁炉边裹着外套读希腊文直到午夜，在椅子上睡到四点，醒来后又学习希腊文直到六点，然后开始教书。夏天他常常睡在长凳上，脚上绑着木块，这样当他移动时，木块就会发出声音把他吵醒。参见 EM Butler，《希腊对德国的暴政》（剑桥和纽约，1935 年），第 14 页。
4. Winckelmann read Greek until midnight, wrapped in his coat by the fireside, slept in his chair until four, woke up and studied Greek again until six, and then started his school-teaching. In summer he used to sleep on a bench, with blocks of wood tied to his feet, so that when he moved they would make a noise and wake him. See E. M. Butler, The Tyranny of Greece over Germany (Cambridge and New York, 1935), 14.
5 . Gedanken uber die Nachahmung der griechischen Werke in der Malerei und Bildhauerkunst。 HC Hatfield 的《Winckelmann and his German Critics 1735-81》（纽约，1943 年）对温克尔曼的思想进行了很好的总结，并对其在德国引起的反应（并非都是有利的）进行了有趣的描述。
5. Gedanken uber die Nachahmung der griechischen Werke in der Malerei und Bildhauerkunst. A good summary of Winckelmann’s thought, with an interesting account of the reactions (not all favourable) which it provoked in Germany, will be found in H. C. Hatfield’s Winckelmann and his German Critics 1735–81 (New York, 1943).
6 .沙夫茨伯里是温克尔曼最喜欢的两位作家之一，他的许多想法再次出现在温克尔曼的作品中：C. Justi, Winckelmann und seine Zeitgenossen (Leipzig, 1898 2 ), 1. 208, 211, 215–16。
6. Shaftesbury was one of Winckelmann’s two favourite authors, and many of his ideas reappear in Winckelmann’s work: C. Justi, Winckelmann und seine Zeitgenossen (Leipzig, 18982), 1. 208, 211, 215–16.
7.十八世纪末和十九世纪初英国的精美希腊建筑和街道广为人知。俄罗斯有许多希腊风格的建筑，它们的历史可以追溯到同一时期，建造时也同样冲动。在柏林，这种风格出现在勃兰登堡门，这是朗汉斯于 1789-94 年根据雅典卫城山门的模型建造的，也出现在申克尔的国家剧院（1819-21 年）和申克尔为老博物馆设计的门廊（1824-8 年）。关于杰斐逊和独立战争时期美国的古典建筑，请参见第 400 页。希腊潮流在小型装饰艺术中也很盛行，著名陶艺家韦奇伍德的作品以及 A. 特里普尔（1787 年）和 MG 克劳尔（1790 年）以希腊罗马风格制作的歌德半身像就是明证。
7. The fine Greek buildings and streets of late-eighteenth-century and early-nineteenth-century Britain are well known. Russia has many Greek-style buildings dating from the same period and created by the same impulse. In Berlin the style appeared in the Brandenburg Gate which Langhans built on the model of the Propylaea at Athens in 1789–94, in Schinkel’s State Theatre (1819-21), and in Schinkel’s portico for the Old Museum (1824-8). On Jefferson and classical architecture in revolutionary America see p. 400 f. The Greek current ran strong in the minor decorative arts too, as is shown by the work of Wedgwood the famous potter, and by such portrait-busts as those of Goethe made, in the Greco-Roman style, by A. Trippel (1787) and M. G. Klauer (1790).
8.参见JE Sandys，《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908），第2卷，第431-432页。
8. See J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 2. 431–2.
9 .关于这项工作，另请参阅第 17 页。 383； Sandys（第 8 段引用），2. 432-3，以及 G. Finsler，Homer in der Neuzeit von Dante bis Goethe（莱比锡，1912 年），258 和 368-72。
9. On this work see also p. 383; Sandys (cited in n. 8), 2. 432—3, and G. Finsler, Homer in der Neuzeit von Dante bis Goethe (Leipzig, 1912), 258 and 368–72.
10.歌德和荷尔德林热切地阅读了钱德勒对爱奥尼亚的描述（W. Rehm，《希腊与歌德时代》（《古希腊》，第二辑，第 26 卷，莱比锡，1936 年），第 3 页）。伍德的《随笔》和布莱克威尔的《荷马生平与著作探究》（1735 年）是让歌德了解荷马的书籍（E. Maass，《歌德与古董》（柏林，1912 年），第 87 页）。伍德的《随笔》于 1769 年私下印刷，1775 年在他死后出版，之后又多次改版和翻译。关于布莱克威尔，请参阅 Finsler（引自第 9 页），第 332–5 页。
10. Chandler’s description of Ionia was eagerly read by Goethe and Hölderlin (W. Rehm, Griechentum und Goethezeit (Das Erbe der Alten, 2nd series, 26, Leipzig, 1936), 3). Wood’s Essay and Blackwell’s Enquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer (1735) were the books which opened Goethe’s eyes to Homer (E. Maass, Goethe und die Antike (Berlin, 1912), 87). Wood was privately printed in 1769, then published posthumously in 1775, going into several editions and translations. On Blackwell, see Finsler (cited in n. 9), 332–5.
11 . Eine edle Einfalt und eine stille Grosse (Gedanken 21)。
11. Eine edle Einfalt und eine stille Grosse (Gedanken 21).
12 . Alterthums 艺术史。论温克尔曼的论文发表于Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschqften，参见 HC Hatfield（第 5 段引用），9 f。
12. Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums. On the essays which Winckel- mann published in the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschqften, see H. C. Hatfield (cited in n. 5), 9 f.
13 .这句话是 EM Butler 的，在她的书中引用过。 4，p。 26. E. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Histariographie (ed. D. Gerhard 和 P. Sattler, 慕尼黑, 19363), 390 n.，指出温克尔曼发明了“Kunstgeschichte ”（“艺术史”）一词和这个概念。
13. The phrase is E. M. Butler’s, in her book cited in n. 4, p. 26. E. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Histariographie (ed. D. Gerhard and P. Sattler, Munich, 19363), 390 n., points out that Winckelmann invented both the word Kunstgeschichte, ‘history of art’, and the idea.
14.未编辑的古迹：参见JE Sandys， 《古典学术史》（剑桥，1908），第3页。23。
14. Monumenti antichi inediti: see J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 3. 23.
15.这个传说见于维吉尔（Vergil ）的《Aen》 2.40 页。
15. The legend is in Vergil, Aen. 2. 40 f.
16 .关于公元前25 年的日期，参见 C. Blinkenberg, 'Zur Laokoongruppe', in Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, romische Abteilung , 42 (1927), 177–92。该雕像由阿萨诺多鲁斯 (Athanodorus) 和哈根山德罗斯 (Hagesandros) 两兄弟雕刻而成，他们被任命为阿萨纳·林迪亚 (Athana Lindia) 的祭司，作为罗德岛的奖励。布林肯伯格认为维吉尔并不知道这组画，而是公元 69 年提图斯把它带到罗马的。M. Pohlenz 在Die Antike 9（1933 年），54 页中也发表了一篇好文章，暗示这个日期肯定是关于拉奥孔是否在尖叫的问题，波伦茨指出，后期斯多葛学派（其最著名的代言人帕奈提乌斯来自罗得岛）认为，痛苦时尖叫是完全不允许的，但呻吟是允许的，因为这是意志力克服痛苦的表达。鉴于拉奥孔脸上的极度痛苦，我觉得这种说法不太令人信服。他不是在尖叫，而是在呻吟，但这几乎不是斯多葛式的抵抗呻吟。这个群体于 1506 年 1 月被重新发现，并立即被确认为是普林尼 (Pliny) 在《历史》中描述的群体。 Nat . 36. 37. 关于该雕像的声誉历史，M. Bieber 写了一篇有趣的论文，《拉奥孔：重新发现以来该雕像群体的影响》（纽约，1942 年）。
16. For the date 25 B.C. see C. Blinkenberg, ‘Zur Laokoongruppe’, in Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, romische Abteilung, 42 (1927), 177–92. The group was carved by two brothers, Athanodorus and Hagesandros, who were made priests of Athana Lindia as a reward from the state of Rhodes. Blinkenberg thinks the group was not known to Vergil, but was brought to Rome by Titus in A.D. 69. There is also a good article by M. Pohlenz in Die Antike, 9 (1933), 54 f., suggesting that the date is certainly within the decade 32–22 B.C. On the question whether Laocoon is shrieking, Pohlenz points out that the later Stoics (whose most prominent spokesman Panaetius came from Rhodes) held that a shriek was quite impermissible in pain, but that a groan was allowable, as an expression of the effort of will made to overcome pain. In view of the extreme anguish in Laocoon’s face, I do not feel this is quite convincing. He is not shrieking; he is groaning, but it is scarcely a groan of Stoical resistance. The group was rediscovered in January 1506, and at once identified as that described in Pliny, Hist. Nat. 36. 37. On the history of its reputation there is an interesting treatise by M. Bieber, Laocoon: the Influence of the Group since its Rediscovery (New York, 1942).
17.尤利乌斯·凯撒对特洛伊和罗马的关系极为感兴趣；瓦罗（卒于 27 年）写了一部著作《特洛伊家族》，其中介绍了罗马家族，这些家族的血统可以追溯到特洛伊；维吉尔于公元前29 年开始创作《埃涅阿斯纪》
17. Julius Caesar was exceedingly interested in the connexion between Troy and Rome; Varro (d. 27) wrote a work De familiis Troianis, on the Roman families which traced their descent back to Troy; Vergil began the Aeneid in 29 B.C.
18.关于“弗里吉亚人的达雷斯”，请参见第 51 页。
18. On ‘Dares the Phrygian’ see p. 51 f.
19 . “De toutes les stats qui sont Restées jusqu'à present, il n'y en a point qui égale celle de Laocoon”：S. Rocheblave 在 L. Petit de Julleville 的Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française 中引用，v. 5、c. 12.皇家学院最欣赏的艺术作品是普桑的画作，其中包含多个人物的作品；对于孤立的人物，希腊罗马雕塑，尤其是拉奥孔。
19. ‘De toutes les statues qui sont restées jusqu’à présent, il n’y en a point qui égale celle de Laocoon’: quoted by S. Rocheblave in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, v. 5, c. 12. The works of art which the Academie Royale admired most were, for compositions containing several figures, Poussin’s paintings; and, for isolated figures, Greco-Roman sculpture, particularly Laocoon.
20.参见第 15 章，特别是第 290 页。
20. See c. 15, particularly p. 290 f.
21。德文标题为Briefe, die neueste Litteratur betreffend (1759-65) 和Hamburgische Dramaturgie。JG Robertson 在《莱辛的戏剧理论》（E. Purdie 主编，剑桥，1939 年）中对后者以及莱辛其他关于戏剧主题的批评著作进行了非常全面的分析。Dramaturgie 这个名字取自意大利批评家 Allacci 于 1666 年出版的戏剧目录，名为Drammaturgia：莱辛的本意是将其理解为“汉堡的戏剧活动”。（见 Robertson，120 页）关于莱辛对荷马富有想象力但不稳定的批评，请参阅 Finsler（引自注 9），420–6。
21. The German titles are Briefe, die neueste Litteratur betreffend (1759-65) and Hamburgische Dramaturgie. There is a very full analysis of the latter, and of Lessing’s other critical writings on theatrical subjects, by J. G. Robertson: Lessing’s Dramatic Theory (ed. E. Purdie, Cambridge, 1939). The name Dramaturgie was taken from a catalogue of plays by the Italian critic Allacci published in 1666 and called Drammaturgia: Lessing intended it to mean something like ‘dramatic activity in Hamburg’. (See Robertson, 120 f.) On Lessing’s imaginative but erratic criticisms of Homer see Finsler (cited in n. 9), 420–6.
22。参见第287页。
22. See p. 287.
23 . 这是莱辛早期的《戏剧史与戏剧之歌》一书：莱辛写这篇文章是为了回应对他关于普劳图斯的文章和他翻译的《卡普蒂乌伊》的批评。参见 Robertson（引自第 21 号注释），第 94 页。
23. This was in the early Beyträge zur Historie und Aufnahme des Theaters: Lessing wrote it as a reply to criticism of his essay on Plautus and his translation of the Captiui. See Robertson (cited in n. 21), 94 f.
24 . 《戏剧图书馆》中的“Von den Lateinischen Trauerspielen, welche unter dem Namen des Seneca bekannt sind” ：对布鲁莫伊贬低拉丁戏剧与希腊戏剧的争论。参见 Robertson (n. 21)，no f。
24. ‘Von den lateinischen Trauerspielen, welche unter dem Namen des Seneca bekannt sind’, in the Theatralische Bibliothek: a polemic against Brumoy’s depreciation of Latin drama as compared with Greek. See Robertson (n. 21), no f.
25 .这次袭击发生在Briefe, die neueste Litteratur betreffend , 17 (2. 1759): Robertson (n. 21), 205 f.
25. The attack was in Briefe, die neueste Litteratur betreffend, 17 (Feb. 1759): Robertson (n. 21), 205 f.
26 . 人们常说莱辛在《汉堡戏剧学》中的批评是基于他对亚里士多德《诗学》的解读。罗伯逊（引自第 21 页）指出事实并非如此。莱辛直到 1768 年 3 月才开始努力研究《诗学》，使用达西尔的翻译和评论。另见罗伯逊的总结，第 489 页。
26. It is often said that Lessing’s criticism in the Hamburgische Dramaturgie is based on his interpretation of Aristotle’s Poetics. Robertson (cited in n. 21), 342 f., points out that this is not so. Lessing began to work hard at the Poetics, using Dacier’s translation and commentary, as late as March 1768. See also Robertson’s summary, on p. 489 f.
27.参见H. Trevelyan，《歌德与希腊人》（剑桥，1942年），第50页。关于赫尔德对荷马的颂歌，参见Finsler（引自注9），第429–36页。
27. See H. Trevelyan, Goethe and the Greeks (Cambridge, 1942), 50. On Herder’s eulogies of Homer see Finsler (cited in n. 9), 429–36.
28 . WJ Keller 有一篇很有用的论文，《歌德对希腊和拉丁作家的评价》（威斯康星州麦迪逊，1916 年），其中描述了歌德对每位古典作家的兴趣发展阶段，并包含一个按时间顺序排列的表格，显示了他从 1765 年到 1832 年每年的阅读内容。另请参阅 E. Maass 的《歌德与古代》（柏林，1912 年），这是一部标准著作，由 K. Bapp 的《从歌德思想世界》（古世界，第二系列，第 6 卷，莱比锡，1921 年）补充。
28. There is a useful thesis by W. J. Keller, Goethe’s Estimate of the Greek and Latin Writers (Madison, Wisconsin, 1916), which describes the stages of Goethe’s developing interest in each of the classical authors, and contains a chronological table showing what he was reading each year from 1765 to 1832. See also E. Maass, Goethe und die Antike (Berlin, 1912), a standard work, supplemented by K. Bapp, Aus Goethesgriechischer Gedankenwelt (Das Erbe der Alten, 2nd series, 6, Leipzig, 1921).
29 .席勒《弗洛德》：
29. Schiller, An die Freude:
弗洛伊德、schöner Götterfunken、
Tochter aus Elysium……。
Freude, schöner Götterfunken,
Tochter aus Elysium … .
30 .席勒，《Die Götter Griechenlands》，第 9 节：
30. Schiller, Die Götter Griechenlands, stanza 9:
Damals trat kein gräsrsliches Gerippe
vor das Belt des Sterbenden。 Ein Kuss
nahm das letzte Leben von der Lippe，
seine Fackel senkt'ein Genius。
Damals trat kein gräsrsliches Gerippe
vor das Belt des Sterbenden. Ein Kuss
nahm das letzte Leben von der Lippe,
seine Fackel senkt’ein Genius.
（参见第 364 页）
(Cf. p. 364 f.)
31。有关这首诗，请参见第 437 页。
31. On this poem see p. 437 f.
32 .有关这些攻击的详细信息，请参阅 F. Strich, Die Mythologie in der deutschen Literatur von Klopstock bis Wagner (Halle, 1910), I. 273 f。
32. For details of these attacks see F. Strich, Die Mythologie in der deutschen Literatur von Klopstock bis Wagner (Halle, 1910), I. 273 f.
33.荷尔德林疯了之后改了名字，想变成另外一个人。EM Butler 有一章对他表示同情（引自第 4 号注释）。
33. After Holderlin went mad he changed his name so as to become a different person. There is a sympathetic chapter on him by E. M. Butler (cited in n. 4).
34.关于荷尔德林的赞美诗，另请参见第251页。
34. On Hölderlin’s hymns see also p. 251.
35 . G. Wenzel 的《Holderlin und Keats als geistesverwandte Dichter》（马格德堡，1896）对此有一些肤浅的评论。
35. There are some superficial remarks on this in G. Wenzel’s Holderlin und Keats als geistesverwandte Dichter (Magdeburg, 1896).
36.柏拉图，《会饮篇》，201页。
36. Plato, Symposium, 201 df.
37.济慈，《当我恐惧时》（1817）。荷尔德林，《An die Parzen》：
37. Keats, When I have Fears (1817). Hölderlin, An die Parzen:
Nur einen Sommer gonnt，ihr Gewaltigen！
在我的身体里，我的身体里有很多东西，我的身体，我的身体，我的 身体
。
Nur einen Sommer gonnt, ihr Gewaltigen!
Und einen Herbst zu reifem Gesange mir,
Dass williger mein Herz, vom sûssen
Spiele gesättiget, dann mir sterbe.
38.关于这一点，请参见Keller（引自注28），第9-10页，以及第73页（埃斯库罗斯）、第96页（阿里斯托芬）、第III页（亚里士多德的《诗学》）、第125页（希腊文选集）、第140页（《朗吉努斯》）和第141页（卢西安）。
38. On this see Keller (cited in n. 28), 9–10, and pages 73 (Aeschylus), 96 (Aristophanes), III (Aristotle’s Poetics), 125 (the Greek Anthology), 140 (‘Longinus’), and 141 (Lucian).
39 .参见 H. Trevelyan（引自第 27 条），c. I，和 E. Maass（引自第 28 条），c。 3. 歌德本人在《Dichtung und Wahrheit》（维也纳版），161-2 和《Winckelmann und sein Jahrhundert》中谈到了这一点。
39. See H. Trevelyan (cited in n. 27), c. I, and E. Maass (cited in n. 28), c. 3. Goethe himself speaks of this in Dichtung und Wahrheit (Vienna edition), 161–2, and in Winckelmann und sein Jahrhundert.
40.参见Keller（引自注28），17；参见他的第1卷。
40. See Keller (cited in n. 28), 17; see his c. 1 generally.
41 .歌德，《罗马挽歌》，5。
41. Goethe, Römische Elegien, 5.
42 .歌德，《罗马挽歌》，1. 13–14：
42. Goethe, Römische Elegien, 1. 13–14:
是的，罗马，你确实是一个世界。然而，没有爱，世界就不是世界；罗马也不可能是罗马。
Yes, Rome, you are a world indeed. And yet, without love, the world would not be the world; neither could Rome still be Rome.
Eine Welt zwar bist du，o Rom，doch ohne die Liebe Wäre die Welt nicht die Welt，ware denn Rom auch nicht Rom。
Eine Welt zwar bist du, o Rom, doch ohne die Liebe Wäre die Welt nicht die Welt, ware denn Rom auch nicht Rom.
在《罗马哀歌》第 3 章中，他像普罗佩提乌斯和奥维德一样使用神话，他告诉情妇，她不必为向他迅速投降而感到羞耻，因为英雄时代的诸神会迅速而毫不犹豫地找到他们的情人。其中一次突然结合生下了狼双胞胎，让罗马成为世界女王。
He is using mythology quite like Propertius and Ovid when, in Römische Elegien, 3, he tells his mistress that she must not be ashamed of her quick surrender to him, because the gods and goddesses of the heroic age took their lovers swiftly and without hesitation. One of those sudden unions produced the wolf-twins, who made Rome queen of the world.
43.参见 E. Maass (引自注释 10)，第 7 章，以及 Rehm (引自注释 10)，第 128 页。
43. See E. Maass (cited in n. 10), c. 7, and Rehm (cited in n. 10), 128 f.
44 . E. Maass (注 10) 在第 341 页将她与 Cordelia 和 Imogen 进行了比较。
44. E. Maass (n. 10) compares her on p. 341 to Cordelia and Imogen.
45 。F . Bronner 在《新语言学和教育年鉴》第 148 页（1893 年）中仔细分析了《罗马哀歌》的来源。Bronner 指出，除其他事项外，歌德在罗马并没有读过卡图卢斯和普罗佩提乌斯的作品，而是后来开始阅读，当时克内贝尔（曾将普罗佩提乌斯翻译成散文）寄给了他一卷哀歌。他不怎么喜欢提布卢斯；他从马夏尔和《普里阿佩亚》中得到了一些素材；他可能最了解奥维德——《罗马哀歌》的座右铭来自《爱的艺术》（1. 33）。
45. There is a careful analysis of the sources of the Romische Elegien by F. Bronner, ‘Goethes römische Elegien und ihre Quellen’, in Neue Jahrbucher fur Philologie und Paedagogik, 148 (1893). Bronner points out, among other things, that Goethe did not read Catullus and Propertius in Rome, but started them later, when Knebel (who had translated Propertius into prose) sent him a volume of the elegists. He cared little for Tibullus; he got some material from Martial and the Priapea; and he probably knew Ovid best of all—the motto for the Römische Elegien comes from The Art of Love (1. 33).
46 . 这是《罗马哀歌》，第 6 页，以希腊文选的形式呈现了精美的结尾。
46. This is Römische Elegien, 6, with an exquisite ending in the manner of the Greek Anthology.
47.以朗费罗的《伊万杰琳》的开头为例：
47. Take, for instance, the opening of Longfellow’s Evangeline:
1 这是原始森林。松树和铁杉低吟，
1 This is the forest primeval. The murmuring pines and the hemlocks
4 站立着，像灰白的竖琴手，胡须垂在胸前。
4 Stand like harpers hoar, with beards that rest on their bosoms.
但事实上，“harpers”和“hoar with”不能组成一对等重音节，而且很难强迫“beards that”达到同样的平衡。它们实际上是重音节后面跟着非重音节：抑扬格。因此，这种六音步总是倾向于变成长短格和抑扬格的交替，均匀音步与不均匀音步的交替，因此他们变得跛足。至于一些古典主义者，他们更像是学者而不是诗人，他们试图创造基于数量的六音步和五音步——丁尼生在《诗篇》中讽刺的韵律
But in fact ‘harpers’ and ‘hoar with’ cannot be made into pairs of equally stressed syllables, and it is difficult to force ‘beards that’ into the same balance. They are really stressed syllables followed by unstressed syllables: trochees. Therefore such hexameters always tend to become alternations of dactyls and trochees, even feet against uneven feet, and so they acquire a limp. As for the efforts made by some classicists who were more scholars than poets to create hexameters and pentameters based on quantity—the metre satirized by Tennyson in
歌德的品味太高了，根本不会理会他们。
Goethe had too good taste to pay any attention to them.
48译者 JH Voss 已经创作了一些这种类型的六音步诗，但没有歌德在《赫尔曼与多萝西娅》中那样多的情节。参见 V. Hehn 的《关于歌德的《赫尔曼与多萝西娅》》（Stuttgart, 1913 3），第 139 页，其中介绍了 Voss 的《路易丝》。
48. J. H. Voss, the translator, had already produced some poetry of this type in hexameters, but without so much plot as Goethe put into Hermann und Dorothea. See V. Hehn, Über Goethes Hermann und Dorothea (Stuttgart, 19133), 139 f., on Voss’s Luise.
49 .歌德、赫尔曼和多萝西娅，1. 78 和passim：
49. Goethe, Hermann und Dorothea, 1. 78 and passim:
der edle verständige Pfarrherr。
der edle verständige Pfarrherr.
50 . FA Wolf，Prolegomena ad Homerum，sive de operum homericorum prisca et genuina forma variisquemutibus et probabili Ratione emendandi。有一个很好的版本，附有 Bekker 的注释（柏林，1872 年）； R. Volkmann 对它的影响进行了一项古老但仍然有用的调查，Geschichte und Kritik der Wolfschen Prolegomena zu Homer（莱比锡，1874 年）；以及桑迪斯 (Sandys) 中的方便总结（第 8 段中引用），3. 51 f。芬斯勒关于荷马批评的书（见第 9 章）第 463 页中对沃尔夫的对待绝对是充满敌意的。芬斯勒说，他几乎所有的想法都来自他人，首先是重新发现奥比尼亚克的《论伊利亚特》（1664 年），然后剽窃伍德、海涅、麦克弗森的《奥西安》和其他人的作品；并在第 210 页指责他故意伪造债务到 D'Aubignac。
50. F. A. Wolf, Prolegomena ad Homerum, sive de operum homericorum prisca et genuina forma variisque mutationibus et probabili ratione emendandi. There is a good edition with notes by Bekker (Berlin, 1872); an old but still useful survey of its influence by R. Volkmann, Geschichte und Kritik der Wolfschen Prolegomena zu Homer (Leipzig, 1874); and a handy summary in Sandys (cited in n. 8), 3. 51 f. The treatment of Wolf in Finsler’s book on Homeric criticism (see n. 9), 463 f., is definitely hostile. Finsler says he got nearly all his ideas from others, starting by rediscovering D’Aubignac’s Dissertation sur l’Iliade (1664) and then pillaging Wood, Heyne, Macpherson’s Ossian, and others; and on p. 210 accuses him of deliberately falsifying his debt to D’Aubignac.
51。参见第 270 页。另一个例子是伏尔泰在《诗歌史诗论》中对荷马的攻击，这是他自己的史诗《亨利亚德》（1726 年）第二版的导言。参见 Finsler（引自第 9 页），第 237–8 页。
51. See p. 270 f. Another instance of this is Voltaire’s attack on Homer in his Essai sur la poésie epique, introductory to the second edition of his own epic La Henriade (1726). See Finsler (cited in n. 9), 237–8.
52 . 关于伍德，见第 370 页，以及芬斯勒（引自第 9 号注释），第 368–72 页。几乎同样重要的是，荷马的形象改变了十八世纪的思想方向，他是一位未受过教育但游历广泛、经验丰富的天才，他通过即兴创作来创作诗歌，在白热化状态下逐段创作，慢慢地将整体塑造成最终形式。这可以在托马斯·布莱克威尔的《探究荷马的生活和作品》（1735 年）中找到：见芬斯勒，第 332–5 页。
52. On Wood see p. 370, and Finsler (cited in n. 9), 368–72. Almost equally important in changing the direction of eighteenth-century thought was the picture of Homer as an untutored but widely travelled and experienced genius, building up his poems by improvisation, striking off piece after piece at white heat and slowly moulding the whole into its final form. This was found in Thomas Blackwell’s Enquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer (1735): see Finsler, 332–5.
53.关于马比隆，请参阅 Sandys（引自第 8 号注释），第 2. 293 页；关于本特利，请参阅本书第 283 页。真正促使沃尔夫开始撰写《序言》的是法国学者维卢松于 1788 年出版的马西安 A 荷马手抄本，附有注释。
53. On Mabillon see Sandys (cited in n. 8), 2. 293 f.; on Bentley see p. 283 f. of this work. What actually started Wolf on his Prolegomena was the publication by the French scholar Villoison, in 1788, of the Marcianus A manuscript of Homer, with the attached scholia.
54 .伊尔。 6. 168–70, 7. 175 f。参见沃尔夫，序言，c。 19: 'accurataterpretatio facile vincet eos [locos] non magis de scriptura accipiendos esse quam celebrem ilium Ciceronis [ ND . 2. 37] de Typographia nostra。另请参阅本书第 3-4 页有关符文的内容。
54. Il. 6. 168–70, 7. 175 f. See Wolf, Prolegomena, c. 19: ‘accurata interpretatio facile vincet eos [locos] non magis de scriptura accipiendos esse quam celebrem ilium Ciceronis [ N.D. 2. 37] de typographia nostra.’ See also pp. 3–4 of this book on the runes.
55 .沃尔夫，序言，c。 12.
55. Wolf, Prolegomena, c. 12.
56 .沃尔夫，序言，c。 26：“Videtur itaque ex illis sequi necessario, tam Magnorum et perpetua serie deductorum operum formam a nullo pota nec designari animo nec elaborari potuisse sine artificioso adminiculo memoriae.”在这一重要的章节中，他继续宣称凡人不可能完成这一壮举。这是中世纪思想的奇怪遗留。在做出如此直接的断言之前，通过调查和实验来确认会更安全：因为现在我们知道这一壮举不仅是可能的，而且在文明的某些阶段是习以为常的。
56. Wolf, Prolegomena, c. 26: ‘Videtur itaque ex illis sequi necessario, tam magnorum et perpetua serie deductorum operum formam a nullo poeta nec designari animo nec elaborari potuisse sine artificioso adminiculo memoriae.’ He goes on, in this important chapter, to declare that the feat is impossible to mortal man. This is an odd relic of medieval thinking. Before making such an outright assertion it would have been safer to make sure, by inquiry and experiment: for now it is known that the feat is not only possible, but in certain stages of civilization customary.
57.沃尔夫在他的第 26 册第 84 号中引用了本特利《关于晚期自由思想论述的评论》（1713 年）第 7 册中的这段话。
57. Wolf quotes this, in his c. 26, n. 84, from Bentley’s Remarks upon a Late Discourse of Free-thinking (1713), c. 7.
58。赫尔德之所以如此推崇它们，很大程度上是因为它们看起来像“民间诗歌”。但在《荷马是时代的枪手》（1795 年）一文中，他批评沃尔夫没有抓住根本要点，即史诗是伟大的诗歌，因此不是由编辑而是由一位伟大的诗人设计的。
58. It was largely because they looked like ‘folk-poetry’ that Herder admired them so greatly. But in his essay Homer ein Gunstling der Zeit (1795) he attacked Wolf for missing the fundamental point that the epics are great poetry, and were therefore designed not by an editor but by a great poet.
59 .沃尔夫，序言，抄送。 33-4。
59. Wolf, Prolegomena, cc. 33–4.
60 . 尼布尔就这样将李维的早期作品溶解了（见第 472 页），在十九世纪后期，同样的溶解剂被用在了许多几乎不需要溶解的诗人和哲学家身上。例如，里贝克抓住了尤维纳尔的讽刺作品随着诗人年龄的增长而变得更加温和和散漫这一明显事实，写了《真实的和不真实的尤维纳尔》来证明早期的讽刺作品是尤维纳尔写的，而后期的讽刺作品是模仿者写的。
60. Livy’s early books were thus dissolved by Niebuhr (see p. 472 f.), and in the later nineteenth century the same solvent was applied to many poets and philosophers who little needed it. Ribbeck, for example, having grasped the obvious fact that Juvenal’s satires grew gentler and more discursive as the poet grew older, wrote Der echte und der unechte Juvenal to prove that the early satires were written by Juvenal and the later satires by an imitator.
61.有关从现代学术角度对这些诗歌的讨论，请参阅 CM Bowra 的《伊利亚特中的传统和设计》（牛津，1930 年）；Rhys Carpenter 的《荷马史诗中的民间故事、小说和英雄传奇》（Sather Classical Lectures，20，加州伯克利市，1946 年）；G. Murray 的《希腊史诗的兴起》（牛津，1924 年） 2以及 WJ Woodhouse 的《荷马奥德赛的创作》（牛津，1930 年）。
61. For discussions of the poems from the point of view of modern scholarship see C. M. Bowra, Tradition and Design in the Iliad (Oxford, 1930); Rhys Carpenter, Folk Tale, Fiction, and Saga in the Homeric Epics (Sather Classical Lectures, 20, Berkeley, Cal., 1946); G. Murray, The Rise of the Greek Epic (Oxford, 19242), and W. J. Woodhouse, The Composition of Homer’s Odyssey (Oxford, 1930).
62 . 因此，在介绍赫尔曼与多萝西娅的挽歌中，他呼吁大家为解放者沃尔夫干杯：
62. So in the elegiac poem introducing Hermann und Dorothea he calls for a toast to Wolf the liberator:
起初，曼内斯的一切都
结束了，荷马罗斯·库恩不再是朋友，也不再是铁路上的绊脚石。
Denn wer wagte mit Göttern den Kampf？和我们一起吗？
Doch Homeride zu sein，auch nur als letzter，ist schön。
Erst die Gesundheit des Mannes, der, endlich vom Namen Homeros
Kuhn uns befreiend, uns auch ruft in die vollere Bahn.
Denn wer wagte mit Göttern den Kampf? und wer mit dem Einen?
Doch Homeride zu sein, auch nur als letzter, ist schön.
63.歌德在一首小诗《荷马的再来》以及各种散文中表达了他的皈依。有关他对荷马问题的不同看法，请参阅 Bapp（引自第 28 号注释），第 4 册。
63. Goethe expressed his reconversion in a little poem, Homer wieder Homer, as well as in various prose utterances. For an account of his varying opinions on the Homeric question, see Bapp (cited in n. 28), c. 4.
64。参见第251页。著名的《流浪者夜曲》改编自阿尔克曼的一首片段抒情诗。
64. See p. 251. The famous Wanderers Nachtliedis an adaptation of a fragmentary lyric by Alcman.
65.参见第 72 页。
65. See p. 72 f.
66 . E. Maass (引自注 28) 提出了这一建议，并提供了充分的证据，255 f. 歌德引入“古典”女巫安息日还有另一个原因：他希望创作一个在“古典”层面上与“哥特式”安息日相对应的场景，该场景在第一部分中讲述了格蕾琴的诱惑和绝望，从而将女人的肉体形象和审美形象联系起来。
66. This suggestion was made, with good supporting evidence, by E. Maass (cited in n. 28), 255 f. Goethe had another reason for introducing a ‘classical’ witches’ sabbath: he wished to compose a scene corresponding, on the ‘classical’ plane, to the ‘Gothic’ sabbath which in Part I followed the seduction and despair of Gretchen, and thus to link the two appearances of the woman physical and the woman aesthetically apprehended.
67。参见第459页。
67. See p. 459.
68.参见第 662 页注 14。这种奇特的民族主义假设的另一个很好的例子出现在蒙森的《罗马历史》（柏林，1865 4 ), 1. 15. 233: 'Nur die Griechen und die Deutschen besitzen den freiwillig hervorsprudelnden Liederquell; aus der Goldenen Schale der Musen sind auf Italiens grünen Boden eben nur wenige Tropfen gefallen。
68. See n. 14 on p. 662. Another fine example of this peculiar nationalist assumption appears in Mommsen’s Romische Geschichte (Berlin, 18654), 1. 15. 233: ‘Nur die Griechen und die Deutschen besitzen den freiwillig hervorsprudelnden Liederquell; aus der goldenen Schale der Musen sind auf Italiens grünen Boden eben nur wenige Tropfen gefallen.’
19.革命时期，§ 3：法国和美国
19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION, § 3: FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES
1 .共和党人对年轻人的热情，是西塞隆在大学里的演讲的核心，是对自由的热情。 On nous élevait dans les écoles de Rome et d'Athénes, et dans la fierté de la République, pour vivre dans 1'abjection de la Monarchie, et sous le regne des Claude et des Vitellius.'——Camille Desmoulins, Histoire des Brissotins ( 1787 年议会档案馆1860 年，ist 系列，1793 年 10 月 3 日），622，n。 1：引自 J. Worthington 著《华兹华斯对罗马散文的解读》（耶鲁大学英语研究，102，纽黑文，1946 年），第 5 页，注 5。
1. ‘Ces républicains étaient la plupart des jeunes gens qui, nourris de la lecture de Cicéron dans les colléges, s’y etaient passionnes pour la liberté. On nous élevait dans les écoles de Rome et d’Athénes, et dans la fierté de la République, pour vivre dans 1’abjection de la monarchie, et sous le regne des Claude et des Vitellius.’—Camille Desmoulins, Histoire des Brissotins (Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, ist series, 3 Oct. 1793), 622, n. 1: quoted by J. Worthington, Wordsworth’s Reading of Roman Prose (Yale Studies in English, 102, New Haven, 1946), p. 5, n. 5.
2.请参阅第 399 页。
2. See p. 399.
3 . W. Rehm, Griechentum und Goethezeit (Das Erbe der Alten, 2nd series, 26, Leipzig, 1936), 61。关于大卫早期凭借《贺拉斯》取得的胜利，以及他对蒂施贝因等画家的影响力的迅速传播，请参阅L. Hautecoeur，罗马和十八世纪末的古代文艺复兴e siécle (Bibliotheque des Ecoles francaises d'Athenes et de Rome, 105, Paris, 1912), 2. 2. 2 和 2. 2. 3. Hautecoeur 指出，对大卫本人影响最大的人物之一是普桑。
3. W. Rehm, Griechentum und Goethezeit (Das Erbe der Alten, 2nd series, 26, Leipzig, 1936), 61. On David’s early triumphal success with ‘Les Horaces’, and on the rapid spread of his influence to painters like Tischbein, see L. Hautecoeur, Rome et la renaissance de l’antiquité à la fin du XVIIIe siécle (Bibliotheque des ecoles francaises d’Athenes et de Rome, 105, Paris, 1912), 2. 2. 2 and 2. 2. 3. Hautecoeur points out that one of the most powerful formative influences on David himself was Poussin.
4.请参阅第 141 页。
4. See p. 141.
5. DJ Grout 的《歌剧简史》（纽约，1947 年）第一卷第 15章中有一章很好地介绍了格鲁克。Grout 先生引用了 Metastasio 的评论，强调了格鲁克作品的革命性，Metastasio 说他是一位“超越激情，但……疯狂”的作曲家。然而，我认为 Grout 先生低估了格鲁克作为老师和榜样的力量。他的学生可能不多，但他们都很重要。其中一位是法国大革命期间最受欢迎的作曲家凯鲁比尼；另一位是柏辽兹；也许还有一位是贝里尼；最伟大的是莫扎特。
5. There is a good chapter on Gluck in D. J. Grout’s A Short History of Opera (New York, 1947), v. 1, c. 15. Mr. Grout stresses the revolutionary nature of Gluck’s work by quoting Metastasio’s remark that he was a composer of ‘surpassing fire, but … mad’. I believe, however, that Mr. Grout underestimates Gluck’s power as a teacher and model. His pupils may have been few, but they were important. One was Cherubini, favourite composer of the French Revolution; another was Berlioz; perhaps Bellini was a third; and the greatest was Mozart.
6.格鲁克， 《阿尔赛斯特》序言，由D.托维（sv“格鲁克”）引用并翻译，《大英百科全书》。
6. Gluck, preface to Alceste, quoted and translated by D. Tovey, s.v. ‘Gluck’, Encyclopaedia Britannica.
7 . 1749 年，他曾尝试学习希腊语（Correspondance génerale， 1.287，1749 年 1 月 27 日），但后来放弃了。1757 年，他拒绝了日内瓦图书馆员的职位，并写道：“我不知道希腊语的意思，我不太懂拉丁语” （Corr. gén . 3.14，1757 年 2 月 27 日）；但这是典型的夸张。他读了很多拉丁语版的柏拉图作品；他读了塞内加的作品，甚至把他那部难懂的讽刺作品 Apocolocyntosis 翻译成了法语（Works，Hachette edn.，12.344-54）。这些引用来自 GR Havens 对卢梭《科学与艺术论述》的出色评注版（PMLA，纽约和伦敦，1946 年）。
7. He tried to learn Greek in 1749 (Correspondance génerale, 1. 287, 27 Jan. 1749), but gave it up. In 1757, refusing the post of librarian at Geneva, he wrote, ‘Je ne sais point de grec, trés-peu de latin’ (Corr. gén. 3. 14, 27 Feb. 1757); but this was a characteristic exaggeration. He read a lot of Plato in a Latin version; he read Seneca, and even translated his difficult satire, the Apocolocyntosis, into French (Works, Hachette edn., 12. 344–54). I owe these references to G. R. Havens’s excellent critical edition of Rousseau’s Discours sur les sciences et les arts (PMLA, New York and London, 1946).
8 . 卢梭所读书籍的清单可在 M. Reichenburg 的《卢梭讲座论文集》（费城，1932 年）中找到。
8. Lists of the books Rousseau read will be found in M. Reichenburg’s Essai sur les lectures de Rousseau (Philadelphia, 1932).
9 . J.-E。莫雷尔的《Jean-Jacques Rousseau lit Plutarque》（Revue d'histoire Moderne, 1 (1926), 81–102）分析了这本普通的书，卢梭在发表第一部《论述》后立即开始写作。书中包含许多趣闻轶事，滋养了卢梭心灵的地下泉源。
9. J.-E. Morel, ‘Jean-Jacques Rousseau lit Plutarque’ (Revue d’histoire moderne, 1 (1926), 81–102), has analysed this commonplace-book, which Rousseau started immediately after publishing the first Discourse. It contains many anecdotes which fed the subterranean springs of Rousseau’s mind.
10.参见第 188 页。蒙田最喜欢的另一位作家是塞内加，他也是让·雅克最喜欢的作家。
10. See p. 188. Montaigne’s other favourite author was Seneca, also a favourite of Jean-Jacques.
11 . W. Jaeger 的《Paideia》第一卷（牛津，1939 年），第 78–84 页对莱库古斯的传说和真实的斯巴达进行了清晰的讨论。关于希腊哲学家对斯巴达的理想化，请参阅 F. Oilier 的《斯巴达的幻影》，第二部分（里昂大学年鉴，第三系列（文学），第 13 卷，巴黎，1943 年）。
11. There is a lucid discussion of the Lycurgus legend and the real Sparta in W. Jaeger’s Paideia, I (Oxford, 1939), 78–84. On the idealization of Sparta by the Greek philosophers, see F. Oilier, Le Mirage spartiate, part 2 (Annales de 1’Universite de Lyon, 3rd series (Lettres), fasc. 13, Paris, 1943).
12.关于这一思想，请参阅CW Hendel，《让雅克·卢梭道德家》（牛津，1934），2.320页。
12. For this idea see C. W. Hendel, Jean-Jacques Rousseau Moralist (Oxford, 1934), 2. 320 f.
13 . 同样，孟德斯鸠认为，理想的政府形式是民主，在描述民主时，他从希腊罗马的历史和哲学中汲取了模型。有关孟德斯鸠广博的古典学识的一般性介绍，请参阅 LM Levin的《孟德斯鸠的“法律精神”的政治学说：其古典背景》（纽约，1936 年）；有关这一具体观点，请参阅第 67 页以下。
13. Similarly, Montesquieu held that the ideal form of government was a democracy, and in describing democracy he drew his models from Greco-Roman history and philosophy. See L. M. Levin, The Political Doctrine of Montesquieu’s ‘Esprit des lois’: its Classical Background (New York, 1936), for a general account of Montesquieu’s wide classical learning; and p. 67 f. for this particular point.
14.摘自罗素勋爵在《西方哲学史》（纽约，1945年）第694页中的讨论。
14. Quoted from Lord Russell’s discussion in A History of Western Philosophy (New York, 1945), 694 f.
15 . AC Keller 在《普鲁塔克和卢梭的早期论述》一书中对卢梭在这些道德理想方面对普鲁塔克的依赖进行了有益的分析， 《普鲁塔克和卢梭的早期论述》 (PMLA，54 (1939)，212–22)：另见 GR Havens (引自注7)，引言，第 63 页。
15. There is a useful analysis of his dependence on Plutarch, in respect of these moral ideals, in his famous Discourse, by A. C. Keller, ‘Plutarch and Rousseau’s first Discours’ (PMLA, 54 (1939), 212–22): see also G. R. Havens (cited in n. 7), introduction, 63 f.
16.尽管如此，普鲁塔克总体上还是赞成艺术和科学的。卢梭改变了他的普罗姆修斯神话版本，使文明成为一种麻烦和腐败（见 GR Havens，引自第 7 号，209）。A. Oltramare，《卢梭的普鲁塔克》，载于 M. Bernard Bouvier 所著的《历史与语言学的混合体》（日内瓦，1920 年），第 185-96 页，提出了一个以前经常被问到的问题——卢梭从哪里得到了他的第一部《论述》所基于的悖论（即艺术和科学的进步伤害了人类）？——并令人信服地回答说，他从普鲁塔克那里得到了这个悖论。证据是，卢梭在去文森斯见狄德罗的路上，在橡树下用铅笔写下的他灵感的第一股泉涌，是写给法布里丘斯的，法布里丘斯是古罗马的一位战士（公元前 282 年任执政官），根据普鲁塔克的说法，他拒绝了雇佣兵队长皮洛士的贿赂，成功保卫了自己的国家，并死于贫困之中。这个撇号包含了整个悖论，即罗马在简朴时是美好的，并且像所有国家一样，随着文明程度的提高而变得腐败。
16. Nevertheless, Plutarch was on the whole in favour of the arts and sciences. Rousseau altered his version of the Promstheus myth in order to make civilization out to be a nuisance and a corruption (see G. R. Havens, cited in n. 7, 209). A. Oltramare, ‘Plutarque dans Rousseau’, in Melanges d’histoire et de philologie offerts a M. Bernard Bouvier (Geneva, 1920), 185—96, asks the question so often asked before—where did Rousseau get the paradox on which his first Discourse is based (that the progress of art and science has injured humanity)?—and replies, convincingly enough, that he got it from Plutarch. The proof is that the first words of the Discourse Rousseau wrote, the first jet of his inspiration set down ‘in pencil, under an oak’ on his way out to see Diderot at Vincennes, was the apostrophe to Fabricius, the primitive Roman warrior (consul 282 B.C.) who, according to Plutarch, rejected the bribes of the condottiere Pyrrhus, defended his country successfully, and died in virtuous poverty. This apostrophe contains the entire paradox, that Rome was good while it was simple, and, like all states, grew corrupt as it grew more highly civilized.
17.关于paideia的概念，请参阅W. Jaeger著《Paideia》（纽约和牛津，1939-44年）和本书第547-9、552页。
17. On the conception of paideia, see W. Jaeger, Paideia (New York and Oxford, 1939–44), and pp. 547–9, 552 of this book.
18 . HT Parker, 《古代崇拜与法国革命者》（芝加哥，1937 年），28 页和（引用罗兰夫人的信）96 页。
18. H. T. Parker, The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries (Chicago, 1937), 28 f. and (quoting Mme Roland’s letter) 96 f.
19 . R. Hirzel, Plutarch (Das Erbe der Alten, 4, Leipzig, 1912), c. 19 涵盖了该主题的一些方面，但它值得更详细和更深思熟虑的讨论。
19. R. Hirzel, Plutarch (Das Erbe der Alten, 4, Leipzig, 1912), c. 19, covers some aspects of the subject, but it deserves much more detailed and thoughtful discussion.
20. Parker（引自第18号注释），142f.
20. Parker (cited in n. 18), 142 f.
21. Parker（注18），178页，表明这种时尚很快就变得乏味：对它的反应出现在1795年。
21. Parker (n. 18), 178 f., shows that this fashion soon palled: the reaction to it appeared in 1795.
22 . 引自 F. Beck，评论了 Hosius 的 Lucan 版本的第二版，载于Gott. gel. Anz . 1907，780，n. 1。此行是 Lucan, Bell. ciu . 4. 579：
22. Quoted by F. Beck, reviewing the second edition of Hosius’ edition of Lucan in Gott. gel. Anz. 1907, 780, n. 1. The line is Lucan, Bell. ciu. 4. 579:
无知的数据，ne quisquam seruiat，enses。
ignoratque datos, ne quisquam seruiat, enses.
原文中的主语是libertas。因此，豪斯曼将主语理解为ignorantque，使主语成为一般意义上的“人民”，即卢坎时代被奴役的民众。
The subject, as the text stands, is libertas. Housman therefore read ignorantque, to make the subject ‘people’ in general, i.e. the enslaved populace of Lucan’s time.
23。Cic。赞成性别。Rose。Am。56–7。
23. Cic. Pro Sex. Rose. Am. 56–7.
24 . 这些联系归功于 T. Zielinski 的《西塞罗在百年漫游》（莱比锡，19123 年），第 264 页，其中还有更多例子。李维和塔西佗也对法国革命者产生了影响，尽管其重要性远不及西塞罗。除了西塞罗的演讲之外，革命演说家最大的素材和修辞模式来源是李维历史上的演讲集，由卢梭翻译（Zielinski，362）。塔西佗的风格太难懂，所以很少被使用，但他的情感受到推崇。该杂志的第三期名为《老科德利埃》（Le Vieux Cordelier，日期为quintidi frimaire，troisieme decade，an II），由 Desmoulins 编辑并主要撰写，收录了塔西佗反君主制的言论。 （详情请参阅 L. Delamarre，《Tacite et la litterature francaise》，巴黎，1907 年，110-15。）
24. I owe these connexions to T. Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123), 264 f., where other instances will be found. Livy and Tacitus also exercised their influence on the French revolutionaries, although in a far less important degree than Cicero. Next to Cicero’s speeches, the greatest source of material and rhetorical patterns for the revolutionary orators was a collection of the speeches in Livy’s history, translated by Rousseau (Zielinski, 362). Tacitus was less often used because his style was so difficult, but his sentiments were admired. The third issue of the journal called Le Vieux Cordelier (dated quintidi frimaire, troisieme decade, an II), edited and largely written by Desmoulins, is a tissue of anti-monarchic extracts from Tacitus. (See L. Delamarre, Tacite et la litterature francaise, Paris, 1907, 110–15, for details.)
25. Parker（引自注18），80f.
25. Parker (cited in n. 18), 80 f.
26. Parker（注18），132页和158页。
26. Parker (n. 18), 132 f. and 158 f.
27。参见第391页。
27. See p. 391.
28.这一头衔也适用于罗慕路斯、卡米卢斯和马略；此后（以parens patriae 的形式）适用于尤利乌斯·恺撒和屋大维。（见 Mayor on Juvenal，8. 244。）蒙森 (Mommsen) 的《罗马国家法》2. 2（莱比锡，18772 年），755 n. 1 试图从根本上区分西塞罗的尊称和尤利乌斯·恺撒的尊称，他说西塞罗的尊称是natürlich etwas ganz Anderes。这种区别只存在于蒙森的脑海中，是由于他对西塞罗的仇恨和对恺撒的崇拜：见第 476-7 页。那些将这一短语应用于华盛顿的人肯定认为这个头衔是西塞罗所拥有的。
28. The title was also applied to Romulus, Camillus, and Marius; thereafter (in the form parens patriae) to Julius Caesar and Octavian. (See Mayor on Juvenal, 8. 244.) Mommsen, Römisches Staatsrecht, 2. 2 (Leipzig, 18772), 755 n. 1, attempted to make a fundamental distinction between Cicero’s honorific title and Julius Caesar’s honorific title, saying that Cicero’s was natürlich etwas ganz Anderes. The distinction existed only in Mommsen’s mind, and was due to his hatred for Cicero and his adoration of Caesar: see pp. 476–7. Those who applied the phrase to Washington were certainly thinking of the title as borne by Cicero.
29. Epluribus unum显然来自维吉尔的田园诗，名为Moretum，第 104 行。当可怜的农民混合的沙拉在碗里捣碎时，香草失去了它们独特的色调，
29. Epluribus unum apparently comes from the pastoral idyll attributed to Vergil and called the Moretum, line 104. As the salad which the poor farmer has mixed is mashed in the bowl, the herbs lose their distinctive hues, and
颜色是多样的。
color est e pluribus unus.
早在 1692 年，这三个词就已用作标题页的标记。圣奥古斯丁的《Conf .》4.8 中也有“合众为一”这句话，但开国元勋们并不太读过他的作品，而六音步诗的节奏表明这个短语的真正来源是“ Moretum”。
The three words had been used as a tag on title-pages as early as 1692. St. Augustine, Conf. 4. 8, also has ex pluribus unum facere, but he was not much read by the Founding Fathers, and the hexameter rhythm suggests that the real source of the phrase is the Moretum.
30.维吉尔，布克. 4. 5：
30. Vergil, Buc. 4. 5:
magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo。
magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo.
（雪莱，《希腊》，1060 页，参见第 422 页。）
(Shelley, Hellas, 1060 f., on which see p. 422.)
31.维吉尔，格奥尔格。1.40（致屋大维！）：
31. Vergil, Georg. 1. 40 (addressed to Octavian!):
da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis。
da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis.
另外，Aen.9.625：
Also, Aen. 9. 625:
lupiter 无所不能，audacibus 和 adnue coeptis。
luppiter omnipotens, audacibus adnue coeptis.
（参见 G. Hunt 所著《美国国徽史》，美国国务院出版，华盛顿，1909 年，第 13 页、第 33 页。）
(See G. Hunt, The History of the Seal of the United States, published by the Department of State, Washington, 1909, 13 f., 33 f.)
32.本段中的事实来源于 GR Stewart 的精彩著作《土地上的名字》（纽约，1945 年），第 21 卷，第 181-188 页。
32. I owe the facts in this paragraph to G. R. Stewart’s fascinating work, Names on the Land (New York, 1945), c. 21, pp. 181–8.
33 . 卡尔·莱曼 (Karl Lehmann) 著有一本关于他这方面作品的优秀著作，托马斯·杰斐逊——美国人文主义者 (Thomas Jefferson — American Humanist) (纽约，1947 年)，我从中受益匪浅。杰斐逊有一本常用簿，他将他认为值得保留的引语抄录下来。该簿已由 G. Chinard 重印并分析，名为《托马斯·杰斐逊的文学圣经》(The Literary Bible of Thomas Jefferson ) (巴尔的摩，1928 年)。其中的希腊语引语来自荷马、希罗多德、欧里庇得斯、阿那克里翁和昆图斯·斯米尔奈乌斯。拉丁语中以西塞罗为主——主要是图斯库兰的讨论。其中有十二句引语来自贺拉斯，包括那些同时代表贺拉斯和杰斐逊的引语：
33. There is an excellent book on this aspect of his work by Karl Lehmann, Thomas Jefferson — American Humanist (New York, 1947), to which I am indebted for many of these facts. Jefferson kept a common-place-book in which he copied out quotations he thought worth preserving. It has been reprinted and analysed by G. Chinard, The Literary Bible of Thomas Jefferson (Baltimore, 1928). The Greek quotations in it come from Homer, Herodotus, Euripides, Anacreon, and Quintus Smyrnaeus. In Latin Cicero predominates—largely the Tusculan Discussions. There are twelve quotations from Horace, including that which characterized both Horace and Jefferson:
或者 rus，quando ego te aspiciam？ （第 2 节。6. 60 节。）
O rus, quando ego te aspiciam? (Serm. 2. 6. 60.)
奥维德的作品中有一些，而维吉尔的作品中则比我们预期的要少。A. Koch 的《托马斯·杰斐逊的哲学》（纽约，1943 年）第 1 册也解释了杰斐逊的教育如何建立在古典文学的基础上，并给出了富有启发性的细节。
There are a few from Ovid, and fewer than we should expect from Vergil. A. Koch, The Philosophy of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1943), c. 1, also explains how Jefferson’s education was built on classical literature, and gives illuminating details.
34 .保罗·迪莫夫 (Paul Dimoff) 撰写了一本精美的谢尼尔传记，《La Vie et l'oeuvre d'André Chénier jusqu'à la révolution française 1762—1790》（2 vv.，巴黎，1936 年）。对 Chénier 对经典的了解和改编的调查可以在第 2 节 bk 中找到。 3、抄送。 6 和 7。 Émile Faguet 的短得多的André Chénier（巴黎，1902 年）也不错。关于 Chénier 声誉的后期崛起，请参阅 R. Canat, La Renaissance de la Gréce Antique (1820-1850)（巴黎，1911），第 6 页。
34. There is a fine biography of Chénier by Paul Dimoff, La Vie et l’oeuvre d’André Chénier jusqu’à la révolution française 1762—1790 (2 vv., Paris, 1936). A survey of Chénier’s knowledge of and adaptations from the classics will be found in v. 2, bk. 3, cc. 6 and 7. The much shorter André Chénier by Émile Faguet (Paris, 1902) is also good. On the late rise of Chénier’s reputation see R. Canat, La Renaissance de la Gréce antique (1820-1850) (Paris, 1911), 6 f.
35 . Des lois，et non du sang！
35. Des lois, et non du sang!
36详情请参阅 AJ Bingham 所著Marie-Joseph Chénier 所著《早期生活与政治思想 1789–94》（纽约，1939 年），第 56 页和第 167 页。
36. Details in A. J. Bingham, Marie-Joseph Chénier, Early Life and Political Ideas 1789–94 (New York, 1939), 56 f. and 167.
37.关于这两个大型项目，请参见 P. Dimoff（引自注 34），1. 387 f.
37. On both these large projects see P. Dimoff (cited in n. 34), 1. 387 f.
38 . 和忒奥克里托斯一样，谢尼埃也喜爱希腊文集中忧郁的警句，并在几首诗中呼应了其中的挽歌小调，尤其是他著名的《年轻的塔伦丁》。（关于这一点，请参阅 J. 赫顿的《法国和荷兰拉丁作家的希腊文集》 (Ithaca, NY, 1946)，73 页。）
38. As well as Theocritus, Chenier loved the melancholy epigrams of the Greek Anthology, and echoed their elegiac minor chords in several poems—notably his famous La Jeune Tarentine. (On this point see J. Hutton, The Greek Anthology in France and in the Latin Writers of the Netherlands to the Year 1800 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1946), 73 f.).
39.谢尼埃放松了束缚法国韵律的严格规则。他的田园诗包含了法国人过去认为的大胆跨行连续：例如——
39. Chénier did something to relax the strict rules which had manacled French metre. His idylls contain what the French used to think of as bold enjambements: for instance—
Ce n'est pas (le sais-tu? déjà dans le bocage
Quelque voile de nymphe est-il tombé pour toi?)
Ce n'est pas cela seul qui diffère chez moi。 （利德。）
Ce n’est pas (le sais-tu? déjà dans le bocage
Quelque voile de nymphe est-il tombé pour toi?)
Ce n’est pas cela seul qui diffère chez moi. (Lydé.)
40。
40.
Autour du demi-dieu les 王子不动声色的声音
暂停，
Et 1'écoutaient encor quand il ne chantait plus。（爱马仕，2，u.）
Autour du demi-dieu les princes immobiles
Aux accents de sa voix demeuraient suspendus,
Et 1’écoutaient encor quand il ne chantait plus. (Hermès, 2, u.)
41.菲尔丁在创作他的“喜剧史诗”《汤姆·琼斯》时也做了同样的事情，原因也一样：参见第 343 页。
41. Fielding, in writing his ‘comic epic’, Tom Jones, did exactly the same, for the same reason: see p. 343.
42.我们在追溯小说从史诗和传奇中发展的过程时已经触及了这一点：参见第344页。
42. We have already touched on this point in tracing the growth of the novel out of epic and romance: see p. 344.
43 .夏多布里昂，《基督教的精灵》，第 12集。
43. Chateaubriand, Le Génie du christianisme, 12 init.
44 . C. Lynes, Jr. 在《夏多布里昂作为法国文学评论家》（约翰霍普金斯大学罗曼语文学和语言研究，46，巴尔的摩，1946 年）一书中很好地阐述了这一点。然而，Lynes 先生指出，尽管夏多布里昂赞扬基督教文学，但他实际上更喜欢维吉尔和荷马，而不是拉辛和费内隆——因此他的作品可以称为《古典主义的精灵》。René Canat（引自第 34 号注释）在第 1 章中将夏多布里昂视为希腊文学爱好者，并谈到了《希腊主义的精灵》 。夏多布里昂对荷马和维吉尔的了解确实非常深刻和敏感。BU Briod 在《夏多布里昂的荷马主义》 （巴黎，1928 年）中对其作品中的这些反映进行了分类和分析； CRHart，Chateaubriand and Homer（约翰霍普金斯大学罗曼语文学和语言研究，n，巴尔的摩和巴黎，1928 年）；以及LHNaylor，Chateaubriand and Virgil（同一系列，18，巴尔的摩，1930 年）。
44. This point is well made by C. Lynes, Jr., in his Chateaubriand as a Critic of French Literature (The Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatures and Languages, 46, Baltimore, 1946). However, Mr. Lynes points out that, in spite of his praise of Christian literature, Chateaubriand really preferred Vergil and Homer to Racine and Fenélon—so that his work might be called Le Génie du classicisme. René Canat (cited in n. 34) deals in c. 1 with Chateaubriand as a Philhellenist, and speaks of Le Genie de I’hellénisme. Chateaubriand’s knowledge of Homer and Vergil was really very deep and sensitive. The reflections of it in his work have been classified and analysed by B. U. Briod, L’Homérisme de Chateaubriand (Paris, 1928); C. R. Hart, Chateaubriand and Homer (The Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatures and Languages, n, Baltimore and Paris, 1928); and L. H. Naylor, Chateaubriand and Virgil (same series, 18, Baltimore, 1930).
45 .雨果，《东方人》：见第 17 页。 661.
45. Hugo, Les Orientales: see p. 661.
46.这些例子，包括 Chânedollé 的
46. These examples, including Chânedollé’s
Les mortels qu'ont noircis lesoleils de Guinée，
Les mortels qu’ont noircis les soleils de Guinée,
摘自 F. Brunot, c. 关于该主题的令人钦佩的章节。 L. Petit de Julleville 的《Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française》第 8 卷第 13 节。另请参见第 17 页。 274.
are taken from an admirable chapter on the subject by F. Brunot, c. 13 of v. 8 of L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française. See also p. 274.
47. Delille，引自 A. Guiard 著《Virgile et Victor Hugo》（巴黎，1910 年）。
47. Delille, quoted by A. Guiard, Virgile et Victor Hugo (Paris, 1910).
48 . 《沉思》，1.7：对指控的回应：
48. Les Contemplations, 1.7: Réponse à un acte d’ accusation:
Les neuf Muses，seins nus，chantaient la Carmagnole。
Les neuf Muses, seins nus, chantaient la Carmagnole.
49 . A. Guiard，《维吉尔和维克多·雨果》（巴黎，1910 年）。雨果笔下的怪物——嗜血的冰岛汉和独眼的卡西莫多，显然是卡库斯和独眼巨人的孩子（Guiard，51 页）。《沉思录》第 5. 17 页是一首名为《Mugitusque bourn》的短诗，开头是
49. A. Guiard, Virgile et Victor Hugo (Paris, 1910). Hugo’s monsters— the blood-drinking Han of Iceland and the irresistible one-eyed solitary Quasimodo—are clearly children of Cacus and the Cyclops (Guiard, 51 f.). Les Contemplations, 5. 17, is a short poem called Mugitusque bourn, which begins
维尔吉勒夫人的时刻的牛肉 Mugissement des boeufs au temps duux Virgile,
Mugissement des boeufs au temps du doux Virgile,
并回忆起乔治亚州，2.470。
and recalls Georgia, 2. 470.
50 .内部之声，7：维吉尔。
50. Voix intérieures, 7: A Virgile.
51 . Les Contemplations，1. 13. 第一次爆发结束：
51. Les Contemplations, 1. 13. The first outbreak ends:
Grimauds hideux qui n'ont，tant leur tête est vidée，
Jamais eu de maitresse et jamais eu d'idée！
Grimauds hideux qui n’ont, tant leur tête est vidée,
Jamais eu de maitresse et jamais eu d’idée!
52。参见第413页。
52. See p. 413.
19.革命时期，§ 4：英国
19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION, § 4: ENGLAND
1.雪莱，《希腊》序言： “我们都是希腊人。我们的法律、文学、宗教、艺术都源于希腊。若非希腊——罗马，我们的导师、征服者或祖先的首都，就不会用她的武器传播光明，我们可能仍是野蛮人和偶像崇拜者。”
1. Shelley, preface to Hellas; ‘We are all Greeks. Our laws, our literature, our religion, our arts have their roots in Greece. But for Greece–Rome, the instructor, the conqueror, or the metropolis of our ancestors, would have spread no illumination with her arms, and we might still have been savages and idolaters.’
2 . 华兹华斯的《论古代历史上的一次庆祝活动》和《论同一事件》，摘自《赞美国家独立和自由的诗集》。
2. Wordsworth, On a Celebrated Event in Ancient History, and Upon the Same Event, in Poems dedicated to National Independence and Liberty.
3 . 华兹华斯，《远足》，9.210。
3. Wordsworth, The Excursion, 9. 210.
4.济慈在 1830 年写给雪莱的一封信中写道。
4. Keats in a letter to Shelley, 1830.
5. D. Bush 在《华兹华斯与古典文学》（多伦多大学季刊，2（1932-3），359-79）中讨论了这位诗人对古典文学的兴趣，并指出他是一位热心的读者，他的图书馆里有近 3,000 本书，其中许多是古典文学，尽管他买不起书来炫耀。在他对《莱科里斯颂》的注释中，他说奥维德和荷马是他年轻时的最爱。他在写给兰多尔的信中（1822 年 4 月 20 日）说：“我与维吉尔、贺拉斯、卢克莱修和卡图卢斯相识甚深”；他曾想过翻译《埃涅阿斯纪》 ——他的出版作品中有第一卷的片段。 1795 年，他与兰厄姆计划对尤维纳尔的第八部讽刺作品进行现代翻译和改编（约翰逊对第三部和第十部讽刺作品进行了现代化改编）：参见 UV 塔克曼，《华兹华斯模仿尤维纳尔的计划》，《现代语言笔记》 ，45（1930），4.209-15。但正如他自己所说，贺拉斯是他的最爱。乍一看这似乎很奇怪，但经过深思熟虑，我们可以看出两人之间的同情——两人都热爱自然、隐居和安宁，都是坚定的道德家和爱国者。详情请参阅 MR Thayer，《贺拉斯对十九世纪主要英国诗人的影响》（康奈尔英语研究，2，纽黑文，1916），53–64。
5. D. Bush, in ‘Wordsworth and the Classics’ (University of Toronto Quarterly, 2 (1932-3), 359–79), discusses the poet’s interest in classical literature, and points out that he was a keen reader, having nearly 3,000 books in his library, many of them classics, although he could not afford to buy books for show. In his note on the Ode to Lycoris he says Ovid and Homer were his favourites when he was young. He wrote to Landor (20 April 1822) ‘My acquaintance with Virgil, Horace, Lucretius, and Catullus is intimate’; and he had some idea of translating the Aeneid — there is a fragment of book I among his published works. In 1795 he was planning with Wrangham to write a modern translation and adaptation of Juvenal’s eighth satire on true and false nobility (as Johnson modernized the third and tenth satires): see U. V. Tuckerman, ‘Wordsworth’s Plan for his Imitation of Juvenal’ in Modern Language Notes, 45 (1930), 4.209-15. But Horace, as he himself said, was his favourite. It seems strange at first, but on reflection we can see the sympathy between the two—both lovers of nature, retirement, and tranquillity, both strong moralists and patriots. For details see M. R. Thayer, The Influence of Horace on the Chief English Poets of the Nineteenth Century (Cornell Studies in English, 2, New Haven, 1916), 53–64.
6.该短语出自 GL Bickersteth 在其演讲《Leopardi and Wordsworth》（英国学术院学报，1927 年），第 13 页中。
6. The phrase is G. L. Bickersteth’s, in his lecture Leopardi and Wordsworth (Proceedings of the British Academy, 1927), 13.
7.参见 W. Jaeger，Paideia，第 1 卷（牛津，1939 年），前言，第 xxvii 页及各处。
7. See W. Jaeger, Paideia, v. 1 (Oxford, 1939), preface, p. xxvii f. and passim.
8.参阅 W. Jaeger，Paideia，第 3 卷（牛津，1944 年），第 9 章。
8. See W. Jaeger, Paideia, v. 3 (Oxford, 1944), c. 9.
9.华兹华斯，伦敦，1802 年。
9. Wordsworth, London, 1802.
10.华兹华斯，1802 年 9 月，多佛附近。
10. Wordsworth, September, 1802. Near Dover.
11 . 华兹华斯，这几行诗是在丁登寺几英里外创作的。
11. Wordsworth, Lines composed a few miles above Tintern Abbey.
12.华兹华斯，摘自手抄本，印于德塞林库尔版《序曲》第 512 页。
12. Wordsworth, lines from a MS. note-book, printed in De Selincourt’s edition of The Prelude, p. 512.
13.华兹华斯，《远足》，第 4 卷，第 324 页；塞内卡所引述的文献为《自然·奎斯特》第 1 卷，第 praef。5. 参见 J. 沃辛顿，《华兹华斯对罗马散文的解读》（耶鲁大学英语研究，102，纽黑文，1946 年），第 44 页。
13. Wordsworth, The Excursion, 4. 324 f.; the Seneca reference is Nat. Quaest. 1, praef. 5. See J. Worthington, Wordsworth’s Reading of Roman Prose (Yale Studies in English, 102, New Haven, 1946), 44.
14 . 华兹华斯，《责任颂》，47–8。
14. Wordsworth, Ode to Duty, 47–8.
15 . 有关这首颂歌的更多评论，请参见第 251-2 页。其中的思想是柏拉图式的；但华兹华斯可能直接或间接地通过柯勒律治从新柏拉图主义者那里获得了这些思想。“我们的诞生不过是一场睡眠和遗忘”几乎是对普罗克洛斯一句话的翻译。早在 1796 年，柯勒律治就购买了费奇诺的拉丁文译本和扬布利科斯、普罗克洛、波菲利等人选集。有人认为，他在 1802 年春天与华兹华斯在想象力危机中讨论了这些内容，他们都感到自己深受其害；结果，柯勒律治开始创作《沮丧：颂歌》。华兹华斯写了他自己的不朽颂歌的前四节（“问题”）；这两首诗都是品达形式，因为这两位诗人一直在讨论本·琼森（有关其颂歌，请参阅第 238 页）。讨论几天后，3 月 23 日，华兹华斯读了琼森的抒情诗；3 月 27 日，他开始创作《不朽的暗示》。我们还可以从柯尔律治的小儿子哈特利身上看到华兹华斯在“六岁小矮人”身上看到的自己，华兹华斯在哈特利身上看到了自己死去的一面；甚至可以追溯到威廉和多萝西华兹华斯在一个春夜看到月亮从厚厚的云层中升起的美妙短语“拖曳的荣耀之云”。有关这些重建，请参阅 JD Rea 的《柯尔律治从普罗克洛斯那里暗示不朽》（《现代语言学》 ，26（1928-9），201-13）和 H. Hartman 的《华兹华斯颂歌中的“暗示”》（《英语研究评论》，6（1930），22，129-48）。雷亚先生还认为，在内容和灵感都与颂歌密切相关的十四行诗《我们承受了太多的世界》中，华兹华斯将普罗克洛斯理解为“受过陈旧信仰熏陶的异教徒”，并将普罗克洛斯提到的海神格劳科斯等同于“从海中升起的普罗透斯”。尽管道格拉斯·布什先生的《英语诗歌中的神话和浪漫主义传统》（哈佛英语研究，第 18 卷，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年），第 59 页具有权威性，但这种说法几乎无法接受，（I）华兹华斯的意思是，他不想像十九世纪那些务实的唯物主义者那样，而想成为一名异教徒，到处都能看到自然精灵。这与席勒在《众神的希腊》 （第 376 页）中的思想相同，也是《不朽的暗示》中思想的另一个版本，华兹华斯在书中遗憾自己不再是个孩子，无法看到所有外部自然奇迹般地活着。但普罗克洛斯并不是一个孩子气的异教徒。他既没有看到也不相信海神和特里同。他只是跟随柏拉图，用长满水草和贝壳的人鱼的外表来象征尘世的人类灵魂（Rep . 611c f.）。（2）华兹华斯知道太多神话，以至于不会混淆普罗透斯（他在《奥德赛》中从海中升起），4，并且从那段话和英语诗歌中的典故中为他所熟知）与格劳库斯：这首十四行诗不是在奇怪的意识层面上写成的，在那里半记忆的图像相互融合，就像《通往上都之路》中描述的那样。
15. For further remarks on this ode see pp. 251–2. The ideas in it are Platonic; but Wordsworth may have received them, either directly or indirectly through Coleridge, from the Neoplatonists. ‘Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting” is almost a translation of a sentence in Proclus. Coleridge bought Ficino’s Latin translation and edition of selections from Iamblichus, Proclus, Porphyry, and others, as early as 1796. It has been suggested that he discussed its contents with Wordsworth during the crisis of imagination from which they both felt themselves suffering in the spring of 1802; that, as a result, Coleridge started Dejection: an Ode ana Wordsworth wrote the first four stanzas (the ‘question’) of his own immortality ode; and that both poems were in a Pindaric form because the two poets had been discussing Ben Jonson (on whose odes see p. 238). A few days after the discussion, on 23 March, Wordsworth read Jonson’s lyrics; and his composition of Intimations of Immortality began on 27 March. It has also been possible for us to see Coleridge’s little son Hartley in the ‘six years’ darling of a pigmy size’ in whom Wordsworth here sees his own dead self; and even to trace the fine phrase ‘trailing clouds of glory’ back to a spring night when William and Dorothy Wordsworth watched the moon coming out through a multitude of fleecy clouds. For these reconstructions see J. D. Rea, ‘Coleridge’s Intimations of Immortality from Proclus’ (Modern Philology, 26 (1928–9), 201–13), and H. Hartman, ‘The “Intimations” of Wordsworth’s Ode’ (Review of English Studies, 6 (1930), 22. 129–48). Mr. Rea also suggests that in the sonnet, The World is too much with Us, which is closely allied to the ode in content and inspiration, Wordsworth intended Proclus by the ‘Pagan suckled in a creed outworn’, and identified the sea-god Glaucus, mentioned by Proclus, with ‘Proteus, rising from the sea’. In spite of the authority of Mr. Douglas Bush— Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English, 18, Cambridge, Mass., 1937), 59—this suggestion can scarcely be accepted, (I) Wordsworth is saying that, rather than be like the matter-of-fact materialistic men of the nineteenth century, he would be a pagan who would see nature-spirits everywhere. This is the same thought as Schiller’s in Die Gotter Griechenlands (p. 376 f.), and it is another version of the thought in Intimations of Immortality, where Wordsworth regrets that he is no longer a child, to see all external nature as miraculously alive. But Proclus was not a childlike pagan. He neither saw nor believed in sea-gods and Tritons. He merely followed Plato in using the appearance of the weed-grown and shell-encrusted merman as an image for the earthbound human soul (Rep. 611c f.). (2) Wordsworth knew too much mythology to confuse Proteus (who rises from the sea in Odyssey, 4, and was well known to him from that passage and allusions in English poetry) with Glaucus: this sonnet was not written on the strange level of consciousness where half-remembered images fuse into one another, as described in The Road to Xanadu.
FE Pierce 先生在《华兹华斯和托马斯·泰勒》（《语言学季刊》第 7 期（1928 年），第 60-4 页）中指出，沃恩的《Silex scintillans》是这首颂歌前四节思想的另一个来源，并认为华兹华斯的新柏拉图主义思想并非来自柯勒律治，而是来自泰勒翻译的柏拉图作品中的例证性相似之处——然而，他并没有表明华兹华斯曾经拥有这些相似之处。但沃恩的《复活与不朽》和《退却》是柏拉图思想流入这首宏伟诗歌的主要渠道。
Mr. F. E. Pierce, ‘Wordsworth and Thomas Taylor’ (Philological Quarterly, 7 (1928), 60–4), points to Vaughan’s Silex scintillans as another source for the thought of the first four stanzas of the ode, and suggests that Wordsworth got his Neoplatonic ideas, not from Coleridge, but from the illustrative parallels in Taylor’s translated Works of Plato —which, however, he does not show that Wordsworth ever possessed. But Vaughan’s Resurrection and Immortality and The Retreat are among the main channels through which Plato’s thought flowed into this magnificent poem.
16 ，华兹华斯， 《抒情歌谣集》序言。
16. Wordsworth, preface to Lyrical Ballads.
17.参见第 387 页。
17. See p. 387 f.
18 . 关于这一主题的一本有趣而有见地的书，SA Larrabee 的《英国诗人和希腊大理石》（纽约，1943 年），有一节关于“拜伦和埃尔金大理石”（151-8）的精彩内容。拜伦不仅在《恰尔德·哈罗德游记》（2. 11 页）中攻击了埃尔金，还在《英国诗人和苏格兰评论家》、《米涅瓦的诅咒》和他其中一封激烈的信件中攻击了埃尔金（Larrabee，157，注 11）。
18. An interesting and percipient book on this whole topic, S. A. Larrabee’s English Bards and Grecian Marbles (New York, 1943), has a good section on ‘Byron and the Elgin Marbles’ (151-8). Byron attacked Elgin not only in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (2. 11 f.) but in English Bards and Scotch Reviewers, The Curse of Minerva, and one of his violent letters (Larrabee, 157, n. 11).
19 . 这种重现过去的能力的一个特别引人注目的例子是《恰尔德·哈罗德游记》（4.44-5），其中拜伦讲述了他如何（以拜伦式的姿势，躺在船头）重演塞维乌斯·苏尔皮基乌斯在希腊城市废墟中进行的航行，而“罗马最不凡的心灵的罗马朋友”利用这次航行来安慰伤心欲绝的西塞罗（Cic. Fam . 4.5）。
19. A particularly striking example of this power to re-create the past is Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, 4. 44—5, where Byron tells how he repeated (in a Byronic pose, lying along the prow of his boat) the voyage which Servius Sulpicius made among the ruins of the Greek cities, and which ‘the Roman friend of Rome’s least mortal mind’ made into the occasion of a noble consolation to the heart-broken Cicero (Cic. Fam. 4. 5).
20. “教皇是一座希腊神庙，一边是哥特式大教堂，另一边是土耳其清真寺，周围有各种各样奇妙的宝塔和秘密集会。如果你愿意，你可以称莎士比亚和弥尔顿为金字塔，但我更喜欢忒修斯神庙或帕台农神庙，而不是一座烧砖山。”——拜伦 1821 年 5 月 3 日从拉文纳写给摩尔的信（拜伦勋爵作品，RE Prothero 编辑，伦敦，1901 年，书信和日记，5.273，第 886 封信）。
20. ‘Pope is a Greek Temple, with a Gothic Cathedral on one hand, and a Turkish Mosque and all sorts of fantastic pagodas and conventicles about him. You may call Shakespeare and Milton pyramids if you please, but I prefer the Temple of Theseus or the Parthenon to a mountain of burnt brickwork’—Byron’s letter to Moore from Ravenna, 3 May 1821 (Works of Lord Byron, ed. R. E. Prothero, London, 1901, Letters and Journals, 5. 273, letter 886).
21 . 霍尔·卡姆 1 . 9.
21. Hor. Carm. 1 . 9.
22拜伦，《恰尔德·哈罗德游记》，第 4 卷，第 75–6 页。尽管拜伦对贺拉斯深恶痛绝，但他对贺拉斯的了解却始终铭记在心。关于他对贺拉斯的诸多回忆，请参阅 MR Thayer（引自第 5 页），第 69–84 页。
22. Byron, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, 4. 75–6. In spite of his abhorrence, what he learnt of Horace remained with him. For his many reminiscences of Horace, see M. R. Thayer (cited in n. 5), 69–84.
23。参见第407页。
23. See p. 407.
24 . 斯温伯恩，《书信》，E. Gosse 和 TJ Wise 编（纽约和伦敦，1919 年），第 2 卷，第 196 页。
24. Swinburne, Letters, ed. E. Gosse and T. J. Wise (New York and London, 1919), 2. 196.
25.有关该主题的进一步讨论，请参见第 490f 页。
25. For a further discussion of this subject see p. 490f.
26. So D. Bush，《神话与英国诗歌的浪漫主义传统》（哈佛英语研究，18，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年），第 75 页。
26. So D. Bush, Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English, 18, Cambridge, Mass., 1937), 75.
27 . 1816 年，雪莱将埃斯库罗斯的悲剧翻译并朗读给拜伦听，拜伦创作了自己的杰作《普罗米修斯》 。这是革命时代最受欢迎的神话之一，不仅在文学上，而且在音乐上也是如此——贝多芬的序曲（1810 年）就是明证。《恰尔德·哈罗德游记》第 4 卷，第 49-53 页，对美第奇维纳斯进行了充满激情的崇拜描述。参见 Larrabee（引自第 18 号引文），第 158 页。
27. Byron wrote his own fine Prometheus in 1816, after Shelley had translated Aeschylus’ tragedy, reading aloud to him. It was one of the favourite myths of the revolutionary era, not only in literature, but in music too—witness Beethoven’s overture (1810). The Medici Venus is described with passionate worship in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, 4. 49–53. See Larrabee (cited in n. 18), 158 f.
28.济慈，《致荷马十四行诗》。
28. Keats, Sonnet to Homer.
29 .该文集由亚历山大·查默斯 (Alexander Chalmers) 编辑，于 1810 年出版：参见 OP Starick, Die Belesenheit von John Keats (柏林，1910)，5。
29. The collection, edited by Alexander Chalmers, was published in 1810: see O. P. Starick, Die Belesenheit von John Keats (Berlin, 1910), 5.
30.济慈，《第一次看到埃尔金大理石雕》和《致海顿》（附上文）。参见 SA Larrabee，《英国诗人与希腊大理石雕》（引自第 18 号注释），第 210 页。
30. Keats, On seeing the Elgin Marbles for the first time and To Hay don (with the above”). See S. A. Larrabee, English Bards and Grecian Marbles (cited in n. 18), 210 f.
31 . W. Sharp，《约瑟夫·塞文的生平和书信》，Larrabee 引用（注 18），第 212 页，注 16。
31. W. Sharp, in The Life and Letters of Joseph Severn, quoted by Larrabee (n. 18), 212, n. 16.
32. CM Bowra 在《浪漫的想象》（马萨诸塞州剑桥，1949 年）第 129–135 页中进行了详细的讨论，认为该瓮很大程度上是卢浮宫中收藏的索西比乌斯涡卷形大口杯和狄俄尼索斯花瓶的混合体。
32. There is a detailed discussion, suggesting that the Urn is largely a blend of the Sosibios volute krater and a Dionysiac vase both in the Louvre, by C. M. Bowra, The Romantic Imagination (Cambridge, Mass., 1949) 129–135.
33。雪莱选择的段落是Buc . 10. 1–30 和Georg . 4. 360 f.
33. The passages Shelley chose were Buc. 10. 1–30 and Georg. 4. 360 f.
34。Ov. Met . 9. 715. 雪莱的少年作品中也有一句关于女士手表的顽皮拉丁警句，以及格雷的《挽歌》中一段相当拙劣的贺拉斯版墓志铭。
34. Ov. Met. 9. 715. There is also a naughty Latin epigram on a lady’s watch among Shelley’s juvenilia, as well as a rather poor Horatian version of the epitaph in Gray’s Elegy.
35 .请参阅 AS Droop，Die Belesenheit Percy Bysshe Shelley 的 nach den direkten Zeugnissen und den bisherigen Forschungen（魏玛，1906 年），我在本节中受益匪浅。
35. See A. S. Droop, Die Belesenheit Percy Bysshe Shelley’s nach den direkten Zeugnissen und den bisherigen Forschungen (Weimar, 1906), to which I am indebted in this section.
36 .雪莱和梅德温小时候写的《流浪的犹太人》第四篇的题词是埃斯库罗斯的《复仇女神》第 48 页。
36. In The Wandering Jew, which Shelley and Medwin wrote when they were boys, the epigraph to the fourth canto was Aeschylus, Eumenides, 48 f.
37.雪莱，1821年10月22日致吉斯伯恩的信。
37. Shelley, letter to Gisborne, 22 Oct. 1821.
38.参见NI White，《雪莱肖像》（纽约，1945年），第465页。
38. See N. I. White, Portrait of Shelley (New York, 1945), 465.
39 . 例如，请参阅 H. Agar 的《弥尔顿与柏拉图》（普林斯顿，1925 年）。关于雪莱，有 L. Winstanley 的《雪莱的柏拉图主义》（《英国学会会员论文集》，4（1913 年），72-100 页）。
39. See, for instance, H. Agar, Milton and Plato (Princeton, 1925). On Shelley, there is L. Winstanley’s ‘Platonism in Shelley’ (Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association, 4 (1913), 72–100).
40.请参阅 JG Frazer 的《金枝》，了解这一传说作为自然生育力每年消亡的象征的解释。（此文收录于单卷精简版第 29–33 抄本，纽约，1940 年。）
40. See J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, for the interpretation of this legend as a symbol of the annual death of the fertility of nature. (This appears in cc. 29–33 of the one-volume abridged edition, New York, 1940.)
41.乔治·诺林在《科罗拉多大学研究》1（1902-3 年） ，第 305-21 页中列出了《阿多尼斯》与其主要模型忒奥克里托斯悼念达芙妮斯、比昂悼念阿多尼斯以及匿名悼念比昂的惊人相似之处。
41. There is a list of the unexpectedly numerous parallels between Adonais and its chief models, Theocritus’ lament for Daphnis, Bion’s lament for Adonis, and the anonymous lament for Bion, by George Norlin, in University of Colorado Studies, 1 (1902-3), 305–21.
42。雪莱，《阿多奈》，第9节。
42. Shelley, Adonais, stanza 9.
43。雪莱，《阿多尼斯》：龙，第27节=《比昂》，60-1；毒药，第36节= 《比昂哀歌》，109-12。
43. Shelley, Adonais: the dragon, stanza 27 = Bion, 60–1; the poison, stanza 36 = Lament for Bion, 109–12.
44。这是 1818 年的事（NI White，引自第 38 号，271）。《暴君大脚》于 1819 年 8 月开始创作。
44. This was in 1818 (N. I. White, cited in n. 38, 271). Swellfoot the Tyrant was begun in August 1819.
45 .参见 R. Ackermann, Lucans Pharsalia in den Dichtungen Shelley’s (Zweibrücken, 1896)。
45. See R. Ackermann, Lucans Pharsalia in den Dichtungen Shelley’s (Zweibrücken, 1896).
46.雪莱，1815年9月致霍格的信。
46. Shelley, letter to Hogg, Sept. 1815.
47.雪莱，《阿多奈斯》，第38节。
47. So Shelley, Adonais, stanza 38.
48.卢肯，贝尔。ciu。9 . 700 f。
48. Lucan, Bell. ciu. 9. 700 f.
49 . 弥尔顿，《失乐园》，第10.521页。
49. Milton, Paradise Lost, 10. 521 f.
50.雪莱，《伊斯兰的起义》，8.21；《解放了的普罗米修斯》，3.1.40、3.4.19等。
50. Shelley, The Revolt of Islam, 8. 21; Prometheus Unbound, 3. I. 40, 3.4. 19, &c.
51 . 狄摩高根有着复杂的血统。他的名字显然是可怕的戈耳工和伟大的工匠德米乌尔戈斯的混合体，柏拉图说德米乌尔戈斯创造了宇宙。他在《卢坎》6.498 中被提及，在《卢坎》6.744 f. 中被女巫召唤；然后在《斯塔提乌斯》 4.513 f. 中；他在薄伽丘的《神谱》中以戴摩高根的身份出现，并通过阿里奥斯托进入斯宾塞的英国诗歌中。JFC 古特林小姐在《新语言学》第 9 卷（1924 年），第 283–285 页中指出， 《解放了的普罗米修斯》第 3.1.19 节中提到了“大地的恐怖” ，认为雪莱可能将简单的元素demos（“人民”）和Gorgon结合起来，以表明他本人最讨厌的宗教元素，即宗教恐吓人民的力量。
51. Demogorgon has a complex ancestry. His name is evidently a blend of the monstrous terrifying Gorgons and the great Craftsman, Demiourgos, who Plato says made the universe. He is mentioned in Lucan, 6. 498, and invoked by the witch in Lucan, 6. 744 f.; then in Statius, Theb. 4. 513 f.; he appears as Daemogorgon in Boccaccio’s Genealogia deorum, and reaches English poetry in Spenser through Ariosto. Pointing to ‘the terror of the earth’ in Prometheus Unbound, 3. 1. 19, Miss J. F. C. Gutteling in Neophilologus 9 (1924), 283–5, suggests that Shelley may have combined the simple elements demos (‘people’) and Gorgon to indicate the element of religion which he himself hated most, its power to terrorize the people.
52。雪莱，《阿多奈》，第45节。
52. Shelley, Adonais, stanza 45.
53.参见NI White（引自注38），22。
53. See N. I. White (cited in n. 38), 22.
54.这是维吉尔的《牧歌》，第4页：另见第72页及第399页。
54. This is Vergil, Bucolics, 4: see also pp. 72 f. and 399.
55.这些话出自丁尼生的优美颂歌《致维吉尔》。
55. These words are from Tennyson’s fine ode To Virgil.
56. SA拉拉比（SA Larrabee）的《英国诗人与希腊大理石》（纽约，1943年），第8页描述了雪莱对希腊罗马雕塑的广泛而活跃的兴趣。
56. There is a description of Shelley’s varied and active interest in Greco-Roman sculpture in S. A. Larrabee’s English Bards and Grecian Marbles (New York, 1943), c. 8.
57.雪莱，《Epipsychidion》，149页。
57. Shelley, Epipsychidion, 149 f.
19.革命时期，§ 5：意大利
19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION, § 5: ITALY
1 .莱奥帕尔迪，Canti 3，Ad Angelo Mai，69—70：
1. Leopardi, Canti 3, Ad Angelo Mai, 69—70:
Ahi dal dolor comincia e nasce
L'italo canto。
Ahi dal dolor comincia e nasce
L’italo canto.
2. Placo，第49Ie 卷。
2. Placo, Rep. 49Ie.
3 . “所有” udire certi gran tratti di quei sommi uomini，spessissimo io balzava in piedi agitatissimo e fuori di me，e lagrime di dolore 和 di rabbia mi scaturivano del vedermi nato in Piemonte ed in tempi e Governori ove niuna alta cosa non si poteva né没有什么可怕的和无用的Appena Forse ella si poteva Sentire e pensare。（Vita di Alfieri，scritt da esso，编辑 Linaker，佛罗伦萨，1903 年，95。）
3. ‘All’ udire certi gran tratti di quei sommi uomini, spessissimo io balzava in piedi agitatissimo e fuori di me, e lagrime di dolore e di rabbia mi scaturivano del vedermi nato in Piemonte ed in tempi e governi ove niuna alta cosa non si poteva né fare né dire ed inutilmente appena forse ella si poteva sentire e pensare.’ (Vita di Alfieri, scritta da esso, ed. Linaker, Florence, 1903, 95.)
4 . 起初他对革命充满热情。他去了巴士底狱的废墟，收集了一些石头作为纪念品：参见 G. Megaro，《维托里奥·阿尔菲耶里，意大利民族主义的先驱》（纽约，1930 年），第 125 页和注释。华兹华斯也做了同样的事情（《序曲》，9. 67 页）。
4. At first he was enthusiastic over the Revolution. He went to the ruins of the Bastille and gathered some of its stones as a memento: see G. Megaro, Vittorio Alfieri, Forerunner of Italian Nationalism (New York, 1930), no and notes. Wordsworth did the same thing (The Prelude, 9. 67 f.).
5.并非所有作品都严格地可以定义为悲剧。他称《阿贝勒》为悲剧。《阿尔刻斯特第二部》是根据欧里庇得斯的《阿尔刻提斯》直译而来；《墨洛珀》和《提莫莱奥内》的结局并不悲惨（尽管他们在最后一刻获救，这让他们与一些欧里庇得斯的戏剧有相似之处）。
5. Not all are strictly definable as tragedies. Abele he called a tramelogedia\ Alceste seconda is based on a straight translation of Euripides’ Alcestis; Merope and Timoleone do not end tragically (though their last-minute deliverances ally them to some Euripidean plays).
6.这个故事载于奥维德的《Met. 10. 298 页》。
6. The story is in Ovid, Met. 10 . 298 f.
7.阿尔菲耶里的表演使得阿诺德的梅洛普(第 451 页) 相比之下显得更加苍白。
7. Alfieri’s play makes Arnold’s Merope (p. 451 f.) look even paler by contrast.
8。例如，他为创作《波利尼采》而阅读了埃斯库罗斯的《七子攻底比斯》（译文），并在塞涅卡的启发下创作了《阿伽门农》和《奥瑞斯特》 ； 《弗吉尼亚》来自李维，《提莫莱奥内》来自普鲁塔克，《奥塔维娅》来自塔西佗和塞涅卡的戏剧；《安提戈涅》的灵感来自斯塔提乌斯的《底比斯之战》。阿尔菲耶里特别崇拜罗马历史学家塔西佗、萨卢斯特和李维。在这一点上，就像他对普鲁塔克的热爱一样，他与法国大革命的发起者非常接近。关于他对古典学的总体影响，请参见 G. Megaro（引自 n, 4），第 4 章。
8. For instance, he read Aeschylus’ Seven against Thebes (in translation) for his Polinice, and wrote Agamemnone and Oreste under the inspiration of Seneca; Virginia came from Livy, Timoleone from Plutarch, Ottavia from Tacitus and from the play attributed to Seneca; Antigone was inspired by Statius’ Thebaid. Alfieri was particularly devoted to the Roman historians, Tacitus, Sallust, and Livy. In this, as in his passion for Plutarch, he was very close to the men who made the French Revolution. On his debt to the classics in general see G. Megaro (cited in n, 4), c. 4.
9 . 阿尔菲耶里在他的论文《德莉亚·提然尼德》1中阐述了这一点。1. 他还写了一部喜剧《特罗皮》，其中充满了对平民的辱骂。
9. Alfieri lays this down in his treatise Delia tirannide, 1. 1. He also wrote a comedy, I troppi, which is full of abuse of the common people.
10 . 有关 Chénier 的职业生涯，请参见第 401 页。P. Dimoff的《André Chenier 的人生与作品》（巴黎，1936 年）第 1. 220 页重现了他与 Alfieri 的友谊。
10. On Chénier’s career see p. 401 f. A reconstruction of his friendship with Alfieri is given in P. Dimoff, La Vie et I’oeuvre d’’André Chenier (Paris, 1936), 1. 220 f.
11 . Alfieri 的Del principe, e delle letter在 Megaro 中进行了分析（在 n. 4 中引用），c. 2.
11. Alfieri’s Del principe, e delle letters is analysed in Megaro (cited in n. 4), c. 2.
12 . M. Schwehm在《维托里奥·阿尔菲里斯的悲剧中的暴君》一书中分析了阿尔菲里斯笔下的暴君形象（波恩，1917 年）。
12. There is an analysis of the character of the tyrant as depicted by Alfieri, Der Tyrann in Vittorio Alfieris Tragodien, by M. Schwehm (Bonn, 1917).
13 .这就是孟德斯鸠所说的“commencer par faire un mauvais citoyen pour faire un bon esclave” （De I'esprit des lois，4. 3）；根据爱尔维修的说法，这是专制国家崩溃的开始。
13. This is what Montesquieu calls ‘commencer par faire un mauvais citoyen pour faire un bon esclave’ (De I’esprit des lois, 4. 3); according to Helvetius, it is the beginning of the collapse of a despotic state.
14 . 华兹华斯，《序曲》，第11卷，第108–9页。
14. Wordsworth, The Prelude, 11. 108–9.
15 . 他翻译了 Catullus, 66 (The Hair of Berenice)并附有注释。荷马和普鲁塔克是他最喜欢的作家：参见 A. Cippico 的《Ugo Foscolo 的诗歌》（英国学术院论文集，1924-5 年）。关于他翻译荷马（《伊利亚特》，1和 3）的实验非常成功但不幸未完成，参见 G. Finsler 的《新时代的荷马》（莱比锡，1912 年），116-17。
15. He produced a translation of Catullus, 66 (The Hair of Berenice), with a commentary. Homer and Plutarch were among his favourite authors: see A. Cippico, ‘The Poetry of Ugo Foscolo’ (Proceedings of the British Academy, 1924–5). On his eminently successful but unfortunately incomplete experiments in translating Homer (Iliad, 1 and 3) see G. Finsler, Homer in der Neuzeit (Leipzig, 1912), 116–17.
16 . 福斯科洛文集的第一句话，一首令人钦佩的十四行诗的开头——
16. The first words in Foscolo’s collected works, the opening of an admirable sonnet—
非子志福；大党之夜
Non son chi fui; peri di noi gran parte
是贺拉斯的
are Horace’s
Non sum qualis earn (Carm . 4. 1. 3) + magna pars mei ( Carm . 3. 30. 6)
Non sum qualis erarn (Carm. 4. 1. 3) + magna pars mei (Carm. 3. 30. 6)
带有成熟的贺拉斯式讽刺，并因青春的忧郁而加深。还有两首迷人的颂歌，他称之为《爱奥尼亚颂歌》，但实际上它们在风格上更接近贺拉斯：《路易吉娅·帕拉维奇尼颂歌》和《山金车的颂歌》。像一位真正的革命者一样，尽管他钦佩贺拉斯的艺术技巧，但他鄙视贺拉斯本人，认为他是共和国的叛徒和“暴君”的奉承者（L. Pietrobono，《世界文学的奥拉齐奥》，罗马，1936 年，xiv，127）。
with the mellow Horatian irony deepened by youthful gloom. There are also two charming odes, which he calls Aeolian, but which are really more Horatian in manner: A Luigia Pallavicini and All’ arnica risanata. Like a real revolutionary, although he admired Horace’s artistic skill, he despised Horace personally as an apostate from the republic and a flatterer of the ‘tyrant’ (L. Pietrobono in Orazio nella letteratura mondiale, Rome, 1936, xiv, 127).
17 .关于这个想法，请参见第 17 页。 364 f.，莱辛的《Wie die Alten den Tod gebildet》。
17. On this idea see p. 364 f., on Lessing’s Wie die Alten den Tod gebildet.
18 .参见第 17 页。 315 英尺。帕里尼的《Il giorno》。
18. See p. 315 f. on Parini’s Il giorno.
19 .福斯科洛，《Dei sepolcri》，293–5：
19. Foscolo, Dei sepolcri, 293–5:
Ove fia santo 和 lagrimato il sangue
Per la patriaversato, e finchfé il sole
Risplendera su le sciagure umane。
Ove fia santo e lagrimato il sangue
Per la patria versato, e finchfé il sole
Risplendera su le sciagure umane.
20 . 福斯科洛花了很多年时间创作了一首名为《感恩》的说教诗，未完成的部分以《因尼》为名出版：它旨在赞美希腊诸神，称他们是文明的真正启发者、美的创造者，以及哲学和诗歌的赞助者，这两种方式都是欣赏世界的方式。在这种积极的异教信仰中，我认为他是卡尔杜奇和莱孔特·德·利斯尔的直系祖先（关于他们，请参阅第 455、456 页）。
20. Foscolo spent many years on a didactic poem to be called Le Grazie, of which the unfinished fragments are published as Inni: it was intended to glorify the Greek divinities as the true inspirers of civilization, as the creators of beauty, and as the patrons of philosophy and poetry, the two methods of appreciating the world. In this positive paganism he appears to me to be a direct ancestor of Carducci and Leconte de Lisle (on whom see pp. 455, 456).
21 . 详细信息及对其单独作品的分析已在 F. Moroncini 的Studio sul Leopardi filologo（那不勒斯，1891 年）中给出。
21. Details, with analyses of his separate works, are given in F. Moron- cini’s Studio sul Leopardi filologo (Naples, 1891).
22 .他们是迪奥·克里索斯托姆（Dio Chrysostom）、埃利乌斯·阿里斯蒂德斯（Aelius Aristides）、赫莫根尼（Hermogenes）和弗龙托（Fronto）。
22. These were Dio Chrysostom, Aelius Aristides, Hermogenes, and Fronto.
23.在罗马，他找不到一个懂希腊语和拉丁语的人——罗马人只关心古物研究；在米兰，情况更糟，他找不到一本晚于十七世纪出版的希腊语或拉丁语经典著作；在博洛尼亚，语文学研究是“在一个国家里，只要有虔诚的信仰，就不存在任何问题”；在佛罗伦萨，最高蔑视古典文学；在那不勒斯，尽管假装崇拜古代，但人们却完全漠不关心。参见 Moroncini（引自第 21 号），第 25 页，其中引用了 Leopardi 自己的信件。
23. In Rome he found no one who knew Greek and Latin—the Romans cared for nothing but antiquarianism; in Milan it was worse, he could not find a single edition of a Greek or Latin classic published later than the seventeenth century; in Bologna, philological studies were ‘in uno stato che fa pieta, anzi non esistono affatto”; in Florence, supreme disdain of classical literature; in Naples, despite its pretence of admiring antiquity, utter indifference. See Moroncini (cited in n. 21), 25 f., quoting Leopardi’s own letters.
24 . 在他生命的尽头（1833-），当他放弃了爱国主义和进步的理想时，他写了一部《青蛙和老鼠之战的补编》（Paralipomeni della batracomiomachia），这部作品受到卡斯蒂的《会说话的动物》的启发，讽刺了意大利人试图摆脱奥地利人统治的行为，同时也对日耳曼文化进行了嘲讽。
24. Towards the end of his life (1833-) when he had abandoned the ideals of patriotism and progress, he wrote a Supplement to the Battle of Frogs and Mice (Paralipomeni della batracomiomachia), which, under the inspiration of Casti’s Talking Animals, satirized the attempts of the Italians to free themselves from the Austrians, and at the same time poured scorn on Germanic culture.
25 . 参见 Moroncini (引自第 21 号注释)，第 169 页。同年，Leopardi 翻译了《埃涅阿斯纪》第二卷、《莫雷图姆》以及赫西奥德关于诸神与提坦之战的描述。
25. See Moroncini (cited in n. 21), 169 f. In the same year Leopardi translated book 2 of the Aeneid, the Moretum, and Hesiod’s description of the battle of the gods and the Titans.
26 . 莱奥帕尔迪的《春的阿莉亚》（第7 首）与席勒的《众神的希腊》（参见第 376 页）一样，都在质问曾经赋予整个自然生命力的精神是否真的已经永远消失了。
26. Leopardi’s Alia primavera (Canti 7), like Schiller’s Die Gotter Griechenlands (on which see p. 376 f.), asks if it is really true that the spirits which once made all nature alive have for ever disappeared.
27 . All' Italia和Sopra il monumento di Dante（Canti 1-2）写于 1818 年，并于 1819 年初一起出版，名为Canzone sullo stato presente dell' Italia。Mai 诗（Canti 3）创作于 1820 年。关于才华横溢的耶稣会学者 Mai (1782-1854) 的职业生涯，请参阅 JE Sandys，A History of Classical Scholarship （Cambridge，1908），3。241. 他发现西塞罗的De re republica有几个不寻常之处。（I）这本书已经完全丢失，仅通过摘录为人所知。（2）Mai 不是在普通的手抄本中发现它的，而是在重写本中——即在中世纪为了容纳圣奥古斯丁对诗篇的注释文本而清洗过的手抄本中。他在后来的文本下发现了早期写作的微弱痕迹，并能够阅读和抄写它们。（3）这本书的政治学说，虽然对于研究希腊罗马政治理论的学生来说并不新鲜，但它证实了革命一代的愿望，即建议国家内部的权力划分，并断言抽象的正义高于君主的意志。
27. All’ Italia and Sopra il monumento di Dante (Canti 1–2) were written in 1818 and published together in early 1819 as Canzone sullo stato presente dell’ Italia. The Mai poem (Canti 3) was composed in 1820. On the career of the brilliant Jesuit scholar Mai (1782-1854), see J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge, 1908), 3. 241. There were several unusual things about his discovery of Cicero’s De re publica. (I) The book had been entirely lost, and was known only through excerpts. (2) Mai did not find it in an ordinary manuscript, but in a palimpsest—i.e. in a manuscript which had been cleaned off in the Dark Ages in order to receive the text of St. Augustine’s commentary on the Psalms. He detected the faint traces of earlier writing beneath the later text, and was able to read them and copy them. (3) The political doctrine of the book, although not new to students of Greco-Roman political theory, confirmed the aspirations of the revolutionary generation in its recommendation of the division of powers within the state, and in its assertion that abstract justice was superior to the will of the monarch.
28 . Leopardi、Canti 3、Ad Angela Mai 61 结束。
28. Leopardi, Canti 3, Ad Angela Mai, 61 to the end.
29 . Leopardi，Canti I，全意大利，61 f。
29. Leopardi, Canti I, All’ Italia, 61 f.
30.德昆西，莱瓦纳。
30. De Quincey, Levana.
31 .莱奥帕尔迪，第 27首，《爱与死亡》，27–31：
31. Leopardi, Canti 27, Amore e morte, 27–31:
Quando
nosce nel cor profondo
Un amoroso affetto,
Languido e stanco insiem con esso in petto
Un desiderio di morir si cente… 。
Quando novellamente
Nasce nel cor profondo
Un amoroso affetto,
Languido e stanco insiem con esso in petto
Un desiderio di morir si sente… .
32 . Leopardi，第 9首，最后一首萨福歌曲。
32. Leopardi, Canti 9, Ultimo canto di Saffo.
33.他认为，战胜无聊（noia, tedio）是人类生活的中心状态，这显然与波德莱尔对无聊的看法相同；例如，参见《恶之花》中的四首名为《脾脏》的诗，77–80。
33. His belief that crushing boredom (noia, tedio) was the central condition of human life is clearly the same as Baudelaire’s view of ennui; see, for instance, the four poems called Spleen in Les Fleurs du mal, 77–80.
34 . 莱奥帕尔迪，《道德小歌剧》（1824-32）。英语中没有足够的缩略词来很好地翻译《道德小歌剧》。
34. Leopardi, Operette morali (1824-32). English is not well enough supplied with diminutives to permit a good translation of operette.
35.他自己说，他的诗不应被视为对任何一位作家的模仿（Scritti letterari，ed. Mastica（佛罗伦萨，1899），2.283-5)。这段引文出自 J. Van Home 的《莱奥帕尔迪研究》（爱荷华大学人文研究，1916 年 1 月 4 日），这是对莱奥帕尔迪的《齐巴尔多内》的有益介绍，但由于试图通过“浪漫主义”（“古典主义”）的对立来解释莱奥帕尔迪，以及认为希腊和罗马文化是“人类生活的灭绝阶段”这一观点，该引文略有瑕疵（第 22 页）。
35. He himself said that his poems were not to be regarded as imitations of any one author (Scritti letterari, ed. Mastica (Florence, 1899),2.283-5). I owe this quotation to J. Van Home’s Studies on Leopardi (Iowa University Humanistic Studies, 1. 4, 1916)—a useful introduction to Leopardi’s Zibaldone, slightly marred by the attempt to explain Leopardi through the antithesis ‘romantic’)(‘classical’, and by the idea that Greek and Roman culture is an ‘extinct phase of human life’ (p. 22).
36 . 莱奥帕尔迪对希腊和拉丁散文和诗歌的风格极为推崇。他写道：“古代人对文体艺术的研究比我们投入的要多得多；他们了解一千个秘密，这些秘密的存在我们甚至没有想到，或者当西塞罗或昆体良解释时，我们很难理解这些秘密。” （《哲学杂论和文学美感的思想》，5. 407–8，J. Van Home 引用和翻译（注 35））。
36. Leopardi had the greatest admiration for the style of Greek and Latin prose and poetry. ‘The men of antiquity’, he wrote, ‘devoted to the art of style an infinitely greater amount of study than we give to it; they understood a thousand secrets whose existence we do not even suspect or which we comprehend with difficulty when explained by Cicero or Quintilian’ (Pensieri di varia filosofia e di bella letteratura, 5. 407–8, quoted and translated by J. Van Home (n. 35)).
37 . Leopardi，Ganti 30，Sopra un basso rilievo antico seppolcrale dove una giovane morta e rappresentata in atto di parire accomiatandosi dai suoi，27-8：
37. Leopardi, Ganti 30, Sopra un basso rilievo antico sepolcrale dove una giovane morta e rappresentata in atto di partire accomiatandosi dai suoi, 27–8:
Mai non veder la Luce
Era，信条，il miglior。
Mai non veder la luce
Era, credo, il miglior.
参见索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯·科洛诺斯》，1224页及以下，和《泰奥格尼斯》，425-428 页。将这首阴郁的诗与另一首关于希腊雕塑的抒情诗、济慈的《希腊瓮颂》（充满生机）以及莱辛对希腊墓碑所表达的平静而自然的死亡态度的阐述（第 364 页及以下）进行比较是有趣的。在这里，莱奥帕尔迪的思想远非希腊化，而是基督教化，他可能受到了他虔诚的母亲的影响。参见他的下一首诗（第31 首），这首诗就像一篇中世纪的布道文，反映了墓碑上出现的美丽女人现在只剩下“泥土和骨头”。
Cf. Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 1224 f., and Theognis, 425–8. It is interesting to compare this gloomy poem with another lyric on Greek sculpture, Keats’s Ode on a Grecian Urn (which is full of life), and with Lessing’s exposition of the calm and natural attitude to death expressed by Greek gravestones (p. 364 f.). Here Leopardi’s thought is far less Greek than Christian, and he was probably influenced by his devout mother. See his next poem (Canti 31), which, like a medieval sermon, reflects that the beautiful woman whose portrait appears on her tomb is now only ‘mud and bones’ beneath it.
38 . Ovid, Heroides , 15。第 65-8 行是 Vergil, Georg.3的改编。 66–8。
38. Ovid, Heroides, 15. Lines 65–8 are an adaptation of Vergil, Georg.3. 66–8.
39 . Leopardi，Canti 15，Il sogno；普罗珀提乌斯，4。7；彼特拉克，特里翁福·德尔塔·莫特，2。
39. Leopardi, Canti 15, Il sogno; Propertius, 4. 7; Petrarch, Trionfo delta Morte, 2.
40 . 奇怪的是，卢克莱修在一首诗的开头，通过对维纳斯的祈求，来证明诸神对我们的世界一无所知。
40. It is strange to see Lucretius beginning a poem designed to prove, among other things, that the gods know nothing of our world, by an invocation to Venus.
41 。参见第34章《蚂蚁窝》第 202页，将受惊的蚁丘与维苏威火山的喷发进行了精彩的对比：这一想法再次出现在当代美国悲观主义者海明威的作品《永别了，武器》的最后一章中。当男主人公的情妇在产褥期奄奄一息时，他想起自己曾经把一棵蚂蚁的木头扔进篝火里，蚂蚁的痛苦和死亡对他来说是多么微不足道。
41. See the fine comparison of a disturbed ant-hill to the eruption of Vesuvius, in Canti 34, La ginestra, 202 f.: an idea which reappears in the work of the contemporary American pessimist, Hemingway, in the last chapter of A Farewell to Arms. While the hero’s mistress is dying in childbed, he remembers how once he had thrown a log full of ants on to a camp-fire, and how little their agony and death meant to him.
19.革命时期 § 6：结论
19. THE TIME OF REVOLUTION, § 6: CONCLUSION
1.奥斯瓦尔德·斯宾格勒在《末日的终结》序言的结尾说，他“很自豪地称其为德国哲学”，并且（在英文翻译中省略了一句话）希望它能配得上德国军队的成就：
1. Oswald Spengler ends his preface to Der Untergang des Abendlandes by saying that he is ‘proud to call it a German philosophy’, and (in a sentence omitted in the English translation) hopes it will be worthy of the achievements of the German armies:
“Ich habe nur den Wunsch beizufugen，dass dies Buch neben den militärischen Leistungen Deutschlands nicht ganz unwürdig dastehen möge。”
‘Ich habe nur den Wunsch beizufugen, dass dies Buch neben den militärischen Leistungen Deutschlands nicht ganz unwürdig dastehen möge.’
2 .奥维德、特里斯蒂亚和艾克斯庞托。
2. Ovid, Tristia and Ex Ponto.
3.英国这一时期的小诗人——利·亨特 (Leigh Hunt)、皮科克 (Peacock) 等——在 D. 布什 (D. Bush) 的《英国诗歌中的神话和浪漫主义传统》 (哈佛英语研究，第 18 卷，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年) 第 5 册中得到了很好的阐述。
3. The minor poets of this period in England—Leigh Hunt, Peacock, and others—are well expounded in D. Bush’s Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English, 18, Cambridge, Mass., 1937), c. 5.
4.塞巴斯蒂安·梅西耶（Sebastien Mercier）既憎恨古典主义，也憎恨现代主义，他谴责贺拉斯（Horace）和布瓦洛（Boileau）扼杀了原创性：
4. Sebastien Mercier, who hated both the classics and the moderns, denounced both Horace and Boileau for killing originality:
Nes tous originaux, nous Mourrons tous 复制品。
呃，那是精灵球体吗？
这是最重要的，如果你是这样的，
你会在拉丁语中创作出布瓦洛的作品。
我捍卫一切； abondance、vigueur、
Style mâle、hardi、fierté、tout lui fait peur。
Nes tous originaux, nous mourrons tous copies.
Eh bien, qui rétrécit la sphére des génies?
C’est ce code vanté, si froid et si mesquin,
Que Boileau composa d’aprés l’auteur latin.
II défend tout essor; abondance, vigueur,
Style mâle, hardi, fierté, tout lui fait peur.
（引自 J. Marouzeau，Orazio nella letteratura mondiale，罗马，1936 年，XIV，77。）
(Quoted by J. Marouzeau, in Orazio nella letteratura mondiale, Rome, 1936, XIV, 77.)
5. Blake，《先知著作》（Sloss and Wallis 编辑，牛津，1926 年），1. 640，D. Bush 引用（注 3），131–2。关于“野蛮与宗教”，请参阅第 352 页。
5. Blake, Prophetic Writings (ed. Sloss and Wallis, Oxford, 1926), 1. 640, quoted by D. Bush (n. 3), 131–2. On ‘Barbarism and Religion’ see p. 352 f.
20.帕那索斯山与敌基督
20. PARNASSUS AND ANTICHRIST
1.华兹华斯，《世界对我们太沉重了》。有关这首诗，请参阅第 377、676 页。
1. Wordsworth, The World is too much with Us. On this poem see also PP- 377, 676.
2.阿诺德，安慰。
2. Arnold, Consolation.
3 . 华兹华斯，《世界对我们太多了》。
3. Wordsworth, The World is too much with Us.
4 .圣伯夫在他的诗《AM Villemain》（《Pensées d'août，OEuvres》，巴黎，1879 年，第 2 卷，第 287 页）中创造了“象牙塔”一词。
4. Sainte-Beuve coined the phrase ‘ivory tower’ in his poem A. M. Villemain’ (Pensées d’août, OEuvres, Paris, 1879, vol. 2, p. 287).
5.弥尔顿，《失乐园》，1.6–7：
5. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1. 6–7:
6.伟大的帕纳索斯山本身对你来说意味着什么，
斯基道山？
6. What was the great Parnassus’ self to Thee,
Mount Skiddaw?
——华兹华斯在 1801 年创作的一首十四行诗（《佩利翁山与奥萨山并列：杂集十四行诗5》）中问道，但直到 1815 年才出版。
—asked Wordsworth in a sonnet (Pelion and Ossa flourish side by side: Miscellaneous Sonnets 5) which he composed in 1801, but did not publish until 1815.
7 .例如，Leconte de Lisle 和 Landor 是精神上的兄弟。有大量关于法国帕纳修斯派及其对这些理想的解释的有用文献。参见 H. Peyre, Bibliographie critique de l'Hellénisme en France de 1843 à 1870 ( Yale Romanic Studies 6, New Haven, 1932)； P. Martino，《Parnasse et Symbolisme》（巴黎，1925 年）；和 M. Souriau，《Histoire du Parnasse》（巴黎，1930 年）。
7. For instance, Leconte de Lisle and Landor were spiritually brothers. There is a good deal of useful literature on the French Parnassians and their own interpretation of these ideals. See H. Peyre, Bibliographie critique de l’Hellénisme en France de 1843 à 1870 (Yale Romanic Studies 6, New Haven, 1932); P. Martino, Parnasse et Symbolisme (Paris, 1925); and M. Souriau, Histoire du Parnasse (Paris, 1930).
8 .雨果，巴黎圣母院； L'Homme qui rit；海上劳动者。
8. Hugo, Notre-Dame; L’Homme qui rit; Les Travailleurs de la mer.
9.济慈，《夜莺颂》。
9. Keats, Ode to a Nightingale.
10 . D. Nisard，《颓废的拉丁诗人》 (1834)；另请参阅他的宣言《Contre la littérature facile》。
10. D. Nisard, Poètes latins de la decadence (1834); see also his manifesto Contre la littérature facile.
11 .卡杜奇，古典主义和浪漫主义（Rime nuove，69）。
11. Carducci, Classicismo e romanticismo (Rime nuove, 69).
12 . Les Trophées，在手稿流传多年后于 1893 年出版。埃雷迪亚是 Leconte de Lisle 最喜爱的学生，并编辑了 Chenier 的Bucoliques。
12. Les Trophées, published in 1893 after circulating in manuscript for years. Heredia was the favourite pupil of Leconte de Lisle, and edited Chenier’s Bucoliques.
13 .安托万和克利奥帕特·埃雷迪亚：
13. Heredia, Antoine et Cléopâtre:
在 elle courbé 上，1' 热心的 Imperator
Vit dans ses Larges yeux étoilés de point d'or
Toute une mer 巨大的油 fuyaient des galérs。
Et sur elle courbé, 1’ardent Imperator
Vit dans ses larges yeux étoilés de points d’or
Toute une mer immense oil fuyaient des galérs.
十四行诗《戛纳之后》中有一种回响，我经常对此表示赞赏——更令人钦佩的是，它把讽刺的冷笑变成了真正庄严的皱眉。尤维纳尔嘲笑伟大的将军对军事荣耀的渴望，并大喊（10. 157-8）：
There is an echo which I have often admired in the sonnet Après Cannes —all the more admirable because it has converted a satiric sneer into a frown of real grandeur. Juvenal derides the desire of great generals for military glory, and cries (10. 157–8):
O qualis facies et quali digna tabella
cum Gaetula ducem portaret belua luscum！
O qualis facies et quali digna tabella
cum Gaetula ducem portaret belua luscum!
埃雷迪亚描述了坎尼战役后罗马的恐慌，并描绘了暴民每天傍晚前往渡槽的情景：
Heredia describes the panic in Rome after Cannae, and pictures the mob going out every evening to the aqueducts:
所有的焦虑都来自于手术，所有的一切
都来自于 1'œil sanglant du sune，
Le Chef borgne monté sur 1'éléphant Gétule。
Tous anxieux de voir surgir, au dos vermeil
Des monts Sabins oú luit 1’œil sanglant du soleil,
Le Chef borgne monté sur 1’éléphant Gétule.
佩特罗尼乌斯会将其称为“curiosa felicitas” ——太阳的一只红色独眼的形象，闪耀在象背山丘上，就像汉尼拔的一样。
Petronius would have called that curiosa felicitas —the image of the one red Cyclops-eye of the sun glaring over the elephant-backed hills, like Hannibal’s.
14 . 卡杜奇，《Odi barbare》（1877 年）。他说，这些诗部分受到歌德《罗马哀歌》的启发（有关该诗，请参阅第 380 页以下）。
14. Carducci, Odi barbare (1877). These poems, he said, were partly inspired by Goethe’s Roman Elegies (on which see p. 380 f.).
15.该系统改编自 Chiabrera（有关其内容，请参阅第 235 页及以下页面）发明的系统，GL Bickersteth 在其出色的 Carducci 选集卷（伦敦，1913 年）的前言中对其进行了解释。
15. The system is an adaptation of that invented by Chiabrera (on whom see p. 235 f.), and is explained by G. L. Bickersteth in his introduction to his excellent volume of selections from Carducci (London, 1913).
16 .霍。卡姆. 3.1.1：“Odi profanum uolgus et arceo。”
16. Hor. Carm. 3. 1. 1: ‘Odi profanum uolgus et arceo.’
17 . 另见卡尔杜奇的《间奏曲》，第 9 节：他说，他希望在有生之年，能唱贺拉斯的老师帕罗斯岛的阿尔基洛科斯的歌曲；在死后，能被埋葬在帕罗斯岛的大理石陵墓中，像按照这一传统所写的诗歌一样纯洁和永恒。
17. Cf. also Carducci’s Intermezzo, 9: he says that he hopes, in life, to sing the songs of Horace’s master Archilochus of Paros, and, in death, to be buried in a tomb of Parian marble, as pure and lasting as the poems written in that tradition.
18.戈蒂埃，《艺术》：
18. Gautier, L’Art:
限制点失败了！
Mais que pour Marcher droit
Tu chausses,
Muse, un cothurne étroit.
Point de contraintes fausses!
Mais que pour marcher droit
Tu chausses,
Muse, un cothurne étroit.
19.戈蒂埃，《艺术》：
19. Gautier, L’Art:
统统过去了。 — L'art Robuste
Seul a l'éternitié，
Lebuste
Survit à la cité。
Tout passe. — L’art robuste
Seul a l’éternitié,
Le buste
Survit à la cité.
20 . Leconte de Lisle：“Le Beau n'est pas le serviteur du Vrai”。放弃社会主义后，他写道：“在民主与社会历书上的五百万分的平衡中，存在着伟大的艺术。” 《L'œuvre d'Homére comptera un peu plus dans la somme des attempts moraux de l'Humanité que celle de Blanqui》。 （引自 P. Martino，《Parnasse et Symbolisme》，巴黎，1925 年，第 52 页。）
20. Leconte de Lisle: ‘Le Beau n’est pas le serviteur du Vrai.’ After abandoning socialism, he wrote, ‘Les grandes ceuvres d’art pèsent dans la balance d’un autre poids que cinq cents millions d’almanachs démocratiques et sociaux. L’œuvre d’Homére comptera un peu plus dans la somme des efforts moraux de l’humanité que celle de Blanqui.’ (Quoted by P. Martino, Parnasse et Symbolisme, Paris, 1925, 52.)
21雨果，《威廉·莎士比亚》，第 6.1 页。关于整个问题，请参阅 L. Rosenblatt 的《维多利亚时代英国文学中的艺术观念》（巴黎文学评论图书馆，第 70 卷，1931 年），尤其是第 12-13 页和第 58-61 页。Rosenblatt 小姐效仿 RF Egan 的《德国和英国“为艺术而艺术”理论的起源》（史密斯学院现代语言研究，第 2.4页，马萨诸塞州北安普顿，1921 年和第 5.3 页，马萨诸塞州北安普顿，1924 年），认为中间人是克拉布·罗宾逊（他认识许多德国哲学家）和本杰明·康斯坦特（他将这个想法传给了他）。
21. Hugo, William Shakespeare, 6. 1. On the whole question see L. Rosenblatt, L’Idee de l’ art pour l’ art dans la litterature anglaise pendant la periode victorienne (Bibliotheque de la Revue de litterature comparee, 70, Paris, 1931), especially pp. 12–13 and 58–61. Miss Rosenblatt, following R. F. Egan, ‘The Genesis of the Theory of “Art for Art’s Sake” in Germany and in England’ (Smith College Studies in Modern Languages, 2. 4, Northampton, Mass., 1921, and 5. 3, Northampton, Mass., 1924), suggests that the intermediaries were Crabb Robinson (who knew many German philosophers) and Benjamin Constant (to whom he passed the idea).
22 . Zweckmässigkeit ohne Zweck（参见 Rosenblatt，第 21、63 段引用）。
22. Zweckmässigkeit ohne Zweck (see Rosenblatt, cited in n. 21, 63).
23.戈蒂埃在为莫班小姐和阿尔伯特所写的序言中批评了那种坚持认为所有文学作品都应该适合年轻人的批评类型，斯温伯恩在《关于诗歌和评论的笔记》中也几乎逐字逐句地表达了这种批评。（见 Rosenblatt，引自第 21 页，第 146 页和第 159 页。关于佩特对斯温伯恩的依赖，见 Rosenblatt，第 195 页）
23. Gautier’s attacks on the type of criticism which insisted that all literature should be fit for the Young Person were made in his prefaces to Mademoiselle de Maupin and Albertus, and were echoed, almost word for word, by Swinburne in Notes on Poems and Reviews. (See Rosenblatt, cited in n. 21, 146 f. and 159. For Pater’s dependence on Swinburne, see Rosenblatt, 195 f.)
24.有关希腊文学的道德目的的详尽讨论，请参阅 W. Jaeger 的《Paideia》（牛津，1939–44 年）。
24. For an exhaustive discussion of the moral purpose of Greek literature, see W. Jaeger, Paideia (Oxford, 1939–44).
25.罗森布拉特（Rosenblatt）（引自第21号脚注）在第16–51页很好地阐述了这一点，并引用了维多利亚早期期刊（通常具有很高的影响力）的内容。
25. This point is well made by Rosenblatt (cited in n. 21), 16–51, with quotations from the periodicals (often highly influential) of the early Victorian age.
26佩特，《文艺复兴：乔尔乔内学派》（伦敦，18883），140。
26. Pater, The Renaissance: The School of Giorgione (London, 18883), 140.
27 . J.-K. Huysmans，《逆袭》：香水交响曲，第 10 章；书籍，第 12 章；朗格卢瓦的腐败，第 6 章。
27. J.-K. Huysmans, A rebours: the symphonies of perfume, c. 10; the books, c. 12; the corruption of Langlois, c. 6.
28 . 对道林·格雷影响最大的“毒书”是于斯曼的《逆行》（王尔德，《道林·格雷的画像》，第 10 章，第 n 章）。道林·格雷曾将这本书装订成九种不同的颜色，以“适应他各种情绪和不断变化的幻想，有时他似乎完全失去了对自然的控制”，这本书就是于斯曼的《逆行》 （王尔德，《道林·格雷的画像》，第 10 章，第 n 章）。详情可参阅 AJ 法默的《英格兰的堕落与“颓废”运动》（1873-1900 年）（巴黎文学评论图书馆，75，1931 年），第 2 卷，第 2 章。
28. The ‘poisonous book’ which influenced Dorian Gray more than any other, and which he had bound in nine different colours, to ‘suit his various moods and the changing fancies of a nature over which he seemed, at times, to have almost entirely lost control’, was Huysmans’s A rebours (Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray, c. 10 fin., c. n). Details will be found in A. J. Farmer’s Le Mouvement esihetique et ‘decadent’ en Angleterre (1873-1900) (Bibliotheque de la Revue de litterature comparee, 75, Paris, 1931), bk. 2, c. 2.
29.在多佛海滩，阿诺德把自己与在海边沉思的索福克勒斯相提并论，后者正在聆听爱琴海的波涛。有一次，在一首写于十九世纪四十年代的十四行诗中，他说，在“这些艰难的日子里”，荷马、斯多葛派的埃皮克泰德，尤其是索福克勒斯，都给了他安慰——不是因为他远离现实，而是因为，在类似的灾难时期，他“坚定地看待生活，看清生活的全部”。关于斯温伯恩的希腊知识，请参阅 WR Rutland 的《十九世纪希腊人斯温伯恩》（牛津，1931 年）。
29. In Dover Beach Arnold compares himself, musing by the sea, with Sophocles listening to the AEgean. Once, in a sonnet written during the hard eighteen-forties, he says that his consolations ‘in these bad days’ are Homer, the Stoic Epictetus, and most of all Sophocles — not for his remoteness from the present, but because, in times of similar disaster, he ‘saw life steadily and saw it whole”. On Swinburne’s knowledge of Greek see W. R. Rutland’s Swinburne, a Nineteenth Century Hellene (Oxford, 1931).
30 . 引自 E. de Selincourt，《沃尔特·萨维奇·兰多诗歌中的古典主义和浪漫主义》，《瓦尔堡图书馆 1930-1 年文献集》（F. Saxl 主编，莱比锡，1932 年），第 230-50 页。1815 年和 1820 年，兰多用拉丁文出版了“英雄田园诗”集，直到很久以后他才将其翻译成英文诗。他的拉丁文 scribendi defensio（1795 年）是一件小事：它现在是书目中的珍品，但可以在现代语言协会轮转印刷机 279。它以兰多尔的许多拉丁诗歌作为序言，以一组致卡图卢斯的十一音节诗歌开头。
30. Quoted by E. de Selincourt, ‘Classicism and Romanticism in the Poetry of Walter Savage Landor’, Vortrage der Bibliothek Warburg 1930–1 (ed. F. Saxl, Leipzig, 1932), 230–50. In 1815 and 1820 Landor published collections of ‘heroic idylls’ in Latin, which he only much later translated into English verse. His Latine scribendi defensio (1795) is a slight thing: it is now a bibliographical rarity, but can be read in the Modern Language Association rotograph 279. It is prefaced by a number of Landor’s Latin poems, beginning with a set of hendecasyllables addressed to Catullus.
31 . 罗伯特·斯宾德勒 (Robert Spindler ) 在《罗伯特·布朗宁与古董》 (English Bibliothek, 6, Leipzig, 1930) 一书中详尽讨论了布朗宁对希腊和拉丁文学的兴趣的变化和发展。布朗宁大约 6 岁开始学习拉丁语，一两年后学习希腊语；他在学校里学得很好；但在伦敦大学他的学习成绩很差，所以他的兴趣转向了中世纪的东西。晚年，他的妻子重新点燃了他对希腊语的兴趣，此后这种兴趣一直没有消退。他自己在一首名为《发展》的迷人诗中勾勒出了他对希腊语知识的增长，这首诗以对他父亲愉快而聪明的教学的赞美为基础。在他的三部大型希腊作品中，《巴拉乌斯蒂翁的冒险》最引人入胜（见第 452 页以下）；勃朗宁的诗作《巴劳斯蒂安的最后冒险》和《阿伽门农》的译本中，他却被自己风格中固有的缺陷所困扰：迂腐的典故、令人眼花缭乱的专有名词以及怪诞不经的节奏，这些都使他的诗难以研究，也不可能演绎出来。奇怪的是，当他深入研究希腊诗歌和历史时，却犯下了和他年轻时探索意大利中世纪《索尔德罗》时同样的错误。那些希望研究勃朗宁从他所读的不同希腊和罗马作家那里获得多少启发的人，可以在斯宾德勒的著作中找到事实，也可以在 TL 胡德的《勃朗宁的古代古典资料》中找到表格形式的资料（哈佛古典语言学研究，33（1922），79-180）。
31. There is an exhaustive discussion of Browning’s changing and developing interest in Greek and Latin literature by Robert Spindler, Robert Browning und die Antike (Englische Bibliothek, 6, Leipzig, 1930). Apparently Browning began Latin about 6 and Greek a year or two later; he got well on with them at school; but he was badly taught at London University, so that his interests turned away to medieval things. In later life his wife rekindled his delight in Greek, which never died thereafter. He himself has sketched the growth of his knowledge of Greek in a charming poem called Development, built round a fine tribute to his father’s gay and clever teaching. Of his three large Hellenic works, Balaustion’s Adventure has much charm (see p. 452 f.); but in The Last Adventure of Balaustion, and still more in his translation of Agamemnon, he was overcome by the innate vices of his own style: pedantic allusions, bewildering crowds of proper names, and grotesquely strained rhythms which make the poems difficult to study and impossible to act. It is strange to see him, when plunging deep into Greek poetry and history, committing just the same faults that spoiled his youthful exploration of the Italian Middle Ages, S ordello. Those who wish to study the precise extent of Browning’s debt to the different Greek and Roman authors whom he read will find the facts in Spindler, and also, in tabular form, in T. L. Hood, ‘Browning’s Ancient Classical Sources’ (Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 33 (1922), 79–180).
32 . 关于勒孔特·德·利斯尔的希腊语知识，参见 H. Peyre 的《路易斯·梅纳德》（耶鲁罗马研究，5，纽黑文，1932 年），第 478 页。勒孔特·德·利斯尔的翻译对路易斯的影响，就如同查普曼的翻译对济慈的影响一样。
32. On Leconte de Lisle’s knowledge of Greek, see H. Peyre, Louis Menard (Yale Romanic Studies, 5, New Haven, 1932), 478 f. The effect of Leconte de Lisle’s translations on Louys was like that of Chapman’s upon Keats.
33.丁尼生的《食莲花者》，表达的情绪几乎和他的《赫斯珀里得斯与海仙子》相同。
33. Tennyson, The Lotos-eaters, expressing almost the same mood as his Hesperides and Sea-fairies.
34.布朗宁在《巴拉斯提翁的最后冒险》中对阿里斯托芬的描述。
34. Browning’s description of Aristophanes, in The Last Adventure of Balaustion.
35 . 请参阅 J. Vianey 的《Les Poèmes barbares de Leconte de Lisle》（巴黎，1933 年），其中有对这些有趣作品的简短分析，以及 A. Fairlie 的《Leconte de Lisle's Poems on the Barbarian Races》（剑桥，1947 年），其中有对他为获取其富有想象力的素材而参考的资料的细致分析。正如 Fairlie 女士指出的那样， Barbares是从希腊罗马的角度使用的，意为“非希腊人和非罗马人”。
35. See J. Vianey, Les Poèmes barbares de Leconte de Lisle (Paris, !933), for a short analysis of these interesting pieces, and A. Fairlie, Leconte de Lisle’s Poems on the Barbarian Races (Cambridge, 1947), for a sensitively written analysis of the sources to which he went for his imaginative material. Barbares (as Miss Fairlie points out) is used from the Greco-Roman point of view, to mean ‘non-Greek and non-Roman”.
36 . So H. Peyre, Bibliographie critique de l'Hellenisme en France（第 7 段引用），38。
36. So H. Peyre, Bibliographie critique de l’Hellenisme en France (cited in n. 7), 38.
37 . 兰多、荷马、雷欧提斯、阿加莎，2 . 218 f.
37. Landor, Homer, Laertes, Agatha, 2. 218 f.
38 . 《尤利西斯》是在丁尼生挚友哈勒姆去世后创作的，表达了“失落感……但仍然必须战斗到底”。参见 D. Bush 在《神话与英国诗歌的浪漫主义传统》（哈佛英语研究，第 18 卷，马萨诸塞州剑桥，1937 年）中的精彩分析，第 210 页。布什先生非常恰当地指出，当丁尼生以两种方式处理一个严肃的问题时，在古董环境中，而在现代环境中，古董处理总是更加出众。
38. Ulysses was written after the death of Tennyson’s much-loved friend Hallam, to express ‘the sense of loss … but that still life must be fought out to the end’. See the admirable analysis by D. Bush, in Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard Studies in English, 18, Cambridge, Mass., 1937), 210 f. Mr. Bush points out very appositely that when Tennyson treats a serious problem both in an antique setting and in a modern setting, the antique treatment is always far superior.
39 . 托尔斯泰，《安娜卡列宁娜》，加内特译，第 7 部分，第 30 角。
39. Tolstoy, Anna Karenina, tr. Garnett, pt. 7, c. 30.
40 . D. Bush 的书对这些戏剧进行了巧妙的分析，引自第 38 号注释：《墨洛珀》，260–262；《卡吕冬的阿塔兰塔》，331–44；《厄瑞克透斯》，344–349。WR Rutland 的《十九世纪希腊人斯温伯恩》（牛津，1931 年）高度评价了斯温伯恩的两部戏剧，并以深刻的洞察力和知识对其进行了分析：尽管很少有人同意他将厄瑞克透斯与《阿戈尼司忒斯》相提并论。
40. There is a clever analysis of these plays in D. Bush’s book cited in n. 38: Merope, 260–2; Atalanta in Calydon, 331–44; Erechtheus, 344–9. W. R. Rutland, Swinburne, a Nineteenth Century Hellene (Oxford, 1931), praises both Swinburne’s dramas very highly and analyses them with much insight and knowledge: though few will agree with him in placing Erechtheus beside Samson Agonistes.
41. R. Spindler 的《Browning und die Antike》 （引自第 31 页）第 1. 17–85 页、第 2. 278–94 页对Balaustion 的《历险》及其所含的《阿尔刻提斯》译文进行了全面分析。Spindler 的参考书目也很有用。
41. There is a full analysis of Balaustion’s Adventure, and of the translation of Alcestis which it contains, in R. Spindler’s Browning und die Antike (cited in n. 31), 1. 17–85, 2. 278–94. Spindler’s bibliography is also useful.
42 、 《集市上的菲芬》序言。
42. Prologue to Fifine at the Fair.
43.关于书籍之战，请参阅第 14 章。
43. On the Battle of the Books see c. 14.
44 。E. Vinaver 和 TBL Webster 合编的《卫城上的普里埃雷》 （曼彻斯特，1934 年）是一本实用的版本，其中表明——尽管勒南说他的祈祷文取自他访问雅典期间写的“一份旧手稿”——但事实上，它是分几个阶段编写的，并经过了仔细的修订。编辑们还指出，它与夏多布里昂的《巴黎至耶路撒冷之旅》中表达的思想有着惊人的相似之处。
44. There is a useful edition of the Priere sur l’Acropole by E. Vinaver and T. B. L. Webster (Manchester, 1934), which shows that—although Renan said he took the text of his prayer from ‘an old manuscript’ he had written during his visit to Athens—it was in fact composed in several stages and carefully revised. The editors also point out striking resemblances to ideas expressed in Chateaubriand’s Itinéraire de Paris à Jèrusalem.
45 .弗朗斯将他的《多雷诗》献给了莱孔特·德·莱尔。
45. France dedicated his Poèmes dorés to Leconte de Lisle.
46 .据说《犹太检察官》是勒南向法国推荐的。“他和勒南在一起谈话，勒南宣称福音书中描述的事情一定给那些参与其中的人留下了深刻的印象。法国否认了这一点，勒南微笑着说了类似这样的话：‘那么，在你看来，本丢·彼拉多，在年老的时候......’”（M. Belloc Lowndes，《爱与友谊的住所》（伦敦，1943 年），178）。
46. Le Procurateur de Judee is stated to have been suggested to France by Renan. ‘He and Renan were talking together, and Renan declared that the things described in the Gospels must have made a deep impression on those who took part in them. This France denied, and Renan, smiling, said something tantamount to ‘Then, in your view, Pontius Pilate, in old age …”’ (M. Belloc Lowndes, Where Love and Friendship dwelt (London, 1943), 178).
47.卡尔杜奇对教皇最恶毒的人身攻击是《朱塞佩·蒙蒂和加埃塔诺·托涅蒂》，书中描述他一想到两名意大利煽动者被处决，就高兴得搓着老手。关于这一主题，另见 SW 哈尔佩林的《意大利反教权主义 1871-1914》（《现代史杂志》，19（1947 年），1. 18 页）。关于卡尔杜奇的论点 1，见《在哥特式教堂中：'Addio，semitico nume！'》
47. Carducci’s bitterest personal attack on the Pope was Per Giuseppe Monti e Gaetano Tognetti, which describes him as rubbing his old hands with delight at the thought of the execution of two Italian agitators. On this subject see also S. W. Halperin, ‘Italian Anticlericalism 1871–1914’ (Journal of Modern History, 19 (1947), 1. 18 f.). For Argument 1 in Carducci see In una chiesa gotica: ‘Addio, semitico nume!’
48.关于阿尔菲里对罗马天主教会的反对，请参见 G. Megaro 的《维托里奥·阿尔菲里》（纽约，1930 年），第 3 册。
48. On Alfieri’s opposition to the Roman Catholic church see G. Megaro, Vittorio Alfieri (New York, 1930), c. 3.
49。胜利的火车头再次出现在《Alle fonti del Clitumno》的结尾：最后的几句是“fischia il vapore”。
49. The victorious locomotive engine appears again at the end of Alle fonti del Clitumno: the last words are fischia il vapore.
50 . Leconte de Lisle，古诗：Hypatie：“Le vil Galileen t'a frappée et maudite”。他在《野蛮诗》中提出了更为强烈的谴责，称为“ Les Siecles maudits”。即使吉本不赞成他们的暴力行为，他也会以令人钦佩的语气，称天主教中世纪为“ siècles d'égorgeurs, de laches et de brutes”，并谴责教会是
50. Leconte de Lisle, Poémes antiques: Hypatie: ‘Le vil Galileen t’a frappée et maudite.” He has an even stronger denunciation, called Les Siecles maudits, in Poemes barbares. In tones which Gibbon would have admired, even if he disapproved their violence, he calls the Catholic Middle Ages ‘siècles d’égorgeurs, de laches et de brutes’, and denounces the church as
la Goule
Romaine，ce 吸血鬼 ivre de sang humain。
la Goule
Romaine, ce vampire ivre de sang humain.
51.亨利·佩尔 (Henri Peyre) 有一本关于梅纳尔的精彩专著(耶鲁罗马研究，5，纽黑文，1932)，我对此深表感激。佩尔先生指出，梅纳尔是革命诗人的直接继承人：他的早期作品包括《普罗米修的救赎》（受雪莱启发）和《欧福里翁》（受歌德启发）。像那一代的大多数人一样，他从未亲眼见过希腊，尽管他有机会访问过那里。当然，他是 19 世纪幼稚的进步理想的强烈反对者（“我们每天都在各方面变得越来越好”）：原因有二：首先，因为我们不可能超越希腊人（书籍之战的论点）；其次（一个新的论点），因为期望进步的潮流会推动我们前进是不道德的，我们应该适应工作和这个世界的困难。文中的引文位于佩尔先生的书的第 203 页。
51. There is a brilliant monograph on Menard by Henri Peyre (Yale Romanic Studies, 5, New Haven, 1932), to which I am much indebted. Mr. Peyre points out that Menard was a direct heir of the revolutionary poets: among his early works were a Prométhée délivré (inspired by Shelley) and an Euphorion (inspired by Goethe). Like most of the men of that generation, he never saw Greece itself, although he had an opportunity to visit it. He was, of course, a fervent opponent of the naive nineteenth-century ideal of progress (‘every day in every way we get better and better’): for two reasons—first, because it is impossible for us to surpass the Greeks (a Battle of the Books argument); and second (a new one) because it is immoral to expect that the tide of progress will carry us forward, and we should reconcile ourselves to work and the difficulties of this world. The quotation in the text is on p. 203 of Mr. Peyre’s book.
52 。这是斯温伯恩的《卡吕冬的阿塔兰塔》第一合唱部分的歌词。他的《最后的神谕》是一首献给阿波罗的赞歌，表现了被基督教的阴郁和丑陋所毁掉的希腊精神：
52. This is from the first chorus of Swinburne’s Atalanta in Calydon. His The Last Oracle is a hymn to Apollo, representing the Greek spirit as ruined by Christianity with its gloom and ugliness:
以火焰为光明，以地狱为天堂，以圣歌为赞歌
，充满了最清澈的眼睛和最甜美的嘴唇，
当加利利人的哀号代替希腊人的颂歌时，
整个世界都因愤怒和错误的赞美诗而呻吟。
Fire for light and hell for heaven and psalms for paeans
Filled the clearest eyes and lips most sweet of song,
When for chant of Greeks the wail of Galilaeans
Made the whole world moan with hymns of wrath and wrong.
而他的诗《哲学家和殉道者乔尔丹诺·布鲁诺的节日》也体现了卡杜奇对教会的仇恨，他称布鲁诺为
And his poem For the Feast of Giordano Bruno, Philosopher and Martyr equals Carducci’s hatred for the churches, calling Bruno a
灵魂在地上的灵就像一根棍子，
要鞭打牧师，就像一把剑，要刺穿他们的上帝。
soul whose spirit on earth was as a rod
To scourge off priests, a sword to pierce their God.
最后，布鲁诺被置于卢克莱修和雪莱之间的无神论者天堂。
It ends by placing Bruno in an atheists’ heaven between Lucretius and Shelley.
53 .参见 K. Franke、Pierre Louys（波恩，1937 年）。
53. See K. Franke, Pierre Louys (Bonn 1937).
54.路易斯自己写道：
54. Louÿs himself wrote:
《La Poésie est une fleur d'Orient qui ne vit pas dans nos serres chaudes》。 La Grece elle-meme 1'a recue d'Ionie, et c'est de là aussi qu'André Chénier ou Keats 1'ont portmi nous, dans leur époque 诗意荒漠；我希望诗人能与亚洲的关系融洽。 Il faut toujours aller la chercher à la source du sun.'。Poésies（巴黎，1930 年），介绍性说明。
‘La poésie est une fleur d’Orient qui ne vit pas dans nos serres chaudes. La Grece elle-meme 1’a recue d’Ionie, et c’est de là aussi qu’André Chénier ou Keats 1’ont transplantee parmi nous, dans le désert poetique de leur époque; mais elle meurt avec chaque poéte qui nous la rapporte d’Asie. Il faut toujours aller la chercher à la source du soleil.’ Poésies (Paris, 1930), introductory note.
将爱奥尼亚等同于亚洲，以及希腊的诗歌天赋源自东方的想法几乎完全是无稽之谈。
This identification of Ionia with Asia, and the idea that Greece got her poetic genius from the Orient, is almost entirely bosh.
55.关于“弗里吉亚人的达雷斯”，请参见第 51 页。
55. On ‘Dares the Phrygian’ see p. 51 f.
56 . 维拉莫维茨的评论转载自1896 年的《哥廷根杂志》，第 623 页，收录于他的《萨福与西蒙尼德斯》（柏林，1913 年）。他指出，甚至比利蒂斯这个名字都不是希腊语，并推测它来自 Beltis，这是叙利亚性爱女神的称谓之一。然而，必须说，路易斯在描述方面很有天赋，在比利蒂斯书的早期诗歌中表现出了真正的田园天赋：它们让人想起了德彪西的三首精美的歌曲。
56. Wilamowitz’s review is reprinted from the Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1896, 623 f., in his Sappho und Simonides (Berlin, 1913). He points out that even the name Bilitis is un-Greek, and conjectures that it comes from Beltis, one of the appellations of the Syrian sex-goddess. It must be said, however, that Louys had great talent for description, and in the early poems of the Bilitis book showed a real pastoral genius: they evoked three exquisite songs by Debussy.
57 .路易斯，阿佛洛狄忒（《诗歌》，第 163 页）。
57. Louÿs, Aphrodite (Poésies, p. 163).
58 .尼采，《音乐精神的悲剧》(Die Geburt der Tragödie aus dem Geist der Music) (1872)。维拉莫维茨的回答是Zukunftsphilologie，这个名字巧妙地暗示了对瓦格纳音乐（当时深受尼采赞赏）的描述：未来音乐。后来，尼采对忒修斯和阿里阿德涅的神话进行了个人改编，在神话中，他变成了狄俄尼索斯，科西玛·瓦格纳变成了阿里阿德涅：参见克兰·布林顿，《尼采》（剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1941 年），第 70 页。
58. Nietzsche, Die Geburt der Tragödie aus dem Geist der Musik (1872). Wilamowitz’s reply was Zukunftsphilologie, a name which neatly alludes to the description of Wagner’s music (then much admired by Nietzsche) as Zukunftsmusik. Later, Nietzsche made a personal adaptation of the Theseus and Ariadne myth, in which he became Dionysus and Cosima Wagner Ariadne: see Crane Brinton, Nietzsche (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), 70.
59 . 尼采，《道德谱系》，1.5。泰奥格尼斯说ayaOoi和KaKoi，eooyoi和 &eiyoi。“绅士”是指拥有土地和家徽的家族（氏族）的人；“恶棍”是指依附于别墅（绅士的庄园）的农奴。“贵族”和“庸俗”的主要含义显示了类似的区别。关于泰奥格尼斯，另见 W. Jaeger，《Paideia》，1. 186 f.
59. Nietzsche, Zur Genealogie der Moral, 1.5. Theognis says ayaOoi and KaKoi, eooyoi and &eiyoi. ‘Gentlemen’ are men who have a family (a gens) with land and a coat of arms; ‘villains’ are serfs attached to a villa, a gentleman’s estate. The primary meanings of ‘noble’ and ‘vulgar’ show a similar distinction. On Theognis see also W. Jaeger, Paideia, 1. 186 f.
60.柏拉图《高尔吉亚篇》中的卡利克勒斯和《理想国》中的色拉叙马霍斯都说，正义的实质是强者的利益。
60. Callicles in Plato’s Gorgias and Thrasymachus in The Republic both say that justice is really the interest of the stronger.
61 .尼采，Jenseits von Gut und Böse，第 3 部分，第 3 段。 62.
61. Nietzsche, Jenseits von Gut und Böse, part 3, para. 62.
62 .尼采，Jenseits von Gut und Böse，第 5 部分，第 7 段。 195. 参见。还有《Zur Genealogie der Moral》，抄送。 7-11；Jenseits von Gut und Böse，第44、46、201；和敌基督，抄送。 24-5。
62. Nietzsche, Jenseits von Gut und Böse, part 5, para. 195. Cf. also Zur Genealogie der Moral, cc. 7–11; Jenseits von Gut und Böse, paras. 44, 46, 201; and Antichrist, cc. 24–5.
63 .尼采，《悲剧的本质》，抄送。 13和15。
63. Nietzsche, Die Geburt der Tragödie, cc. 13 and 15.
64 .尼采，Jenseits von Gut und Böse，7，第 7 段。 218：“福楼拜……勇敢的鲁昂汉堡。”
64. Nietzsche, Jenseits von Gut und Böse, 7, para. 218: ‘Flaubert… der brave Burger von Rouen.”
65 。这是他的故事《一心单纯》的主要含义，故事的结尾，一位老女仆看到了圣灵以她的宠物鹦鹉的形式出现。这与圣朱利安医院骑士团的崇高传说形成了鲜明的对比。
65. This is the main implication of his story Un Coeur simple, at the end of which an old housemaid has a vision of the Holy Ghost in the form of her pet parrot. This is significantly juxtaposed to the noble legend of St. Julian the Hospitaller.
66 .异教、基督教、穆弗利主义。
66. Paganisme, Christianisme, muflisme.
67 .福楼拜、包法利夫人和布瓦尔和佩库谢。
67. Flaubert, Madame Bovary and Bouvard et Pecuchet.
68.Pater，《风格》，载于《欣赏》。
68. Pater, ‘Style’, in Appreciations.
69 .关于《烈士》，请参阅第 403-4 页。
69. On Les Martyrs see pp. 403–4.
70.关于希帕提娅，请参见第 456 页。
70. On Hypatia see p. 456.
71.吕吉亚是与苏维汇人结盟的吕吉亚人首领的女儿；她的大个子仆人熊人乌尔苏斯也是吕吉亚人。这与公元一世纪的波兰人非常接近，因此无关紧要。
71. Lygia is the daughter of the chief of the Lygians, allied to the Suevi; her huge retainer, the bear-man Ursus, is also a Lygian. This is as near first-century Polish as makes no matter.
72 . 不幸的是，显克维奇犯了追求地方色彩的人常犯的错误，他认为粗俗的百万富翁特里马尔基奥（佩特罗尼乌斯在《讽刺诗》中描述了他的宴会）是一位典型的罗马绅士。事实上，特里马尔基奥所做的每一件事要么是愚蠢的，要么是粗俗的，或者两者兼而有之，所以这肯定可以说明罗马上流社会的行为举止。佩特罗尼乌斯本人会礼貌地取笑自己，把他在黎凡特自由人身上观察到的粗俗迷信和炫耀转移到自己的生活中。J.卡科皮诺先生的《古罗马的日常生活》（洛里默译，纽黑文，1940 年）等人也犯了同样的错误。M.约翰斯顿在《显克维奇和佩特罗尼乌斯》中指出了这一点（《古典周刊》，25（1932 年），79 页）；参见 G. Highet 的《道德家 Petronius》(Trans. Am. Phil. Assn . 72, 1941, 178f.)。
72. Unfortunately Sienkiewicz made the common mistake of searchers after local colour, and believed that the vulgar millionaire Trimalchio, whose banquet is described by Petronius in his Satirica, was a typical Roman gentleman. As a matter of fact, everything that Trimalchio does is either silly or vulgar or both, so that it is a sure guide to how the upper-class Romans did not behave. Petronius himself would be politely amused to see the vulgar superstitions and ostentations, which he observed in Levantine freedmen, transferred to his own life. The same mistake has been made, among others, by Mr. J. Carcopino, Daily Life in Ancient Rome (tr. Lorimer, New Haven, 1940). It was pointed out by M. Johnston, ‘Sienkiewicz and Petronius’ (Classical Weekly, 25 (1932), 79); and see G. Highet, ‘Petronius the Moralist’ (Trans. Am. Phil. Assn. 72, 1941, 178f.).
73.关于十九世纪历史的进步，请参见第472页。
73. On the advance in history during the nineteenth century see p. 472.
74 . 关于费内隆的《泰勒马克》 ，见第 336 页 f. JJ Barthélemy 的《年轻的阿纳查西斯在希腊之旅》，出版于十八世纪末，在他去世很久之后，令人惊讶地经常再版：1845 年、1860 年等等。
74. On Fénelon’s Télémaque see p. 336 f. J. J. Barthélemy’s Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Gréce, published towards the end of the eighteenth century, was reissued surprisingly often, long after his death: in 1845, in 1860, and so on.
75.关于尼布尔的理论和麦考利的《歌谣》，另见第 472 页。
75. On Niebuhr’s theory and Macaulay’s Lays see also p. 472 f.
76.有关书籍之战中的第一个论点，请参阅第 262 页。
76. For Argument 1 in the Battle of the Books see p. 262 f.
21.百年学术
21. A CENTURY OF SCHOLARSHIP
1 . 布朗宁，《欧洲学术复兴后不久的一位语法学家的葬礼》。
1. Browning, A Grammarian’s Funeral shortly after the Revival of Learning in Europe.
2.大学图书馆中最奇怪的出版物之一是 19 世纪德国学校每年发布的“课程表”。这是一本大约 30 页的平装小册子，为颁奖日准备。通常它包含所有班级的名单，包括所有学生和老师的姓名，以及所教科目的时间表；然后是其中一位老师用拉丁语或德语撰写的论文，主题是《论彗星》，该论文在尤维纳尔的《第六部讽刺诗》或《吉尔达斯的来源》中提到过。这种出版物为学校带来了荣誉，为老师赢得了一些赞誉，并且——如果他的文章有什么用的话——帮助他获得了大学职位。
2. One of the strangest types of publication to be found in university libraries is the annual ‘programme’ issued by German schools during the nineteenth century. It was a paper-bound pamphlet of some thirty pages, prepared for the prize-giving day. Usually it contained a list of all the classes, with the names of all the boys and masters, and a schedule of the subjects taught; and then a dissertation in Latin or German by one of the masters, On the Comet mentioned in Juvenal’s Sixth Satire or The Sources of Gildas. That kind of publication brought credit to the school, earned some kudos for the master, and—if there was anything in his article —helped him towards a university position.
3 . Sid. Ap. Ep . 6. 4. 1. 有些人认为Carm . 17. 15 f. 中的警告“不要指望从加沙、希俄斯和意大利运来葡萄酒”暗示着贸易路线被破坏了；但这更常见，只是诗人简朴的晚餐中最喜欢的主题（参见 Juvenal，Sat. 11）。参见 CE Stevens，Sidonius Apollinaris and His Age（牛津，1933 年），c. 4。
3. Sid. Ap. Ep. 6. 4. 1. Some have thought that the warning in Carm. 17. 15 f., ‘do not expect wines from Gaza, Chios, and Italy’, implies that the trade-routes were broken; but it is more commonplace, being only the favourite theme of the poet’s frugal meal (cf. Juvenal, Sat. 11). See C. E. Stevens, Sidonius Apollinaris and His Age (Oxford, 1933), c. 4.
4.尼布尔在罗马担任大使时与莱奥帕尔迪 (第 430 页) 成为朋友。途中，他在维罗纳大教堂发现了盖乌斯的《基督教要义》，并帮助建立了现代罗马法研究。W. Warde Fowler 在《罗马论文与解释》 (Oxford, 1920) 第 229-50 页中写了一篇关于尼布尔的精彩文章，还有一篇关于蒙森 (Mommsen) 的更精彩的文章 (250-68)。
4. Niebuhr befriended Leopardi (p. 430) when he was ambassador at Rome. En route, he discovered the Institutes of Gaius in Verona Cathedral, and helped to found the modern study of Roman law. There is an agreeable essay on him by W. Warde Fowler in Roman Essays and Interpretations (Oxford, 1920), 229–50—and an even more charming one on Mommsen (250-68).
5.关于尼布尔的“浪漫”背景，请参见 G.P. 古奇的《十九世纪的历史和历史学家》（纽约，1913 年），第 15 页，他指出，小时候，他被沃斯翻译的《奥德赛》迷住了（见第 375 页）。他还对沃尔夫的《序言》 （第 383 页）很感兴趣：他梦想罗马人也有一首宏伟的民谣，或者更确切地说是一部英雄诗集：“一个英雄的传说，一个虚无缥缈的幻想，是罗马的英雄” （《罗马史》，第 1卷，第 259 页）。
5. On Niebuhr’s ‘romantic’ background see G. P. Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1913), 15 f., who points out that, as a boy, he was enraptured by Voss’s translation of the Odyssey (see p. 375). He was also much interested in Wolf’s Prolegomena (p. 383 f.): he dreamt that the Romans, too, had had a magnificent balladry, or rather a cycle of heroic poems: ‘eine Epopoe, die an Tiefe und Glanz der Phantasie alles weit zurucklasst, was das spatere Rom hervorbrachte” (Romische Geschichte, 1. 259).
6. Fueter，《新史学史》（D. Gerhard 和 P. Sattler 主编，慕尼黑，19363 年），第 467 页，指出 L. de Beaufort 在其《关于罗马历史五百年前不确定性的思考》（1738 年）中已经表明，关于罗马早期存在的真相几乎无法获得。荷兰学者 Perizonius 在其《历史动物学》（1685 年）中，先于尼布尔将早期传统中的历史与神话区分开来。
6. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie (ed. D. Gerhard and P. Sattler, Munich, 19363), 467, points out that L. de Beaufort, in his Considérations sur l’incertitude des cinq premiers siecles de l’histoire romaine (1738), had already shown that the truth about the early centuries of Rome’s existence was virtually unobtainable. The Dutch scholar Perizonius, in his Animadversiones historicae (1685), anticipated Niebuhr in distinguishing history from myth in such early traditions.
7 .这句话出自兰克为其《Geschichten der romanischen und germanischen Volker von 1494 bis 1514(1824)》第一版的序言：
7. The phrase comes from Ranke’s preface to the first edition of his Geschichten der romanischen undgermanischen Volker von 1494 bis 1514(1824):
“Man hat der Historie das Amt, die Vergangenheit zu richten, die Mitwelt zum Nutzen zukünftiger Jahre zu belehren, beigemessen: so hoher Aemter unterwindet sich gegenwärtiger Versuch nicht: er will blos zeigen, wie es eigentlich gewesen.”
‘Man hat der Historie das Amt, die Vergangenheit zu richten, die Mitwelt zum Nutzen zukünftiger Jahre zu belehren, beigemessen: so hoher Aemter unterwindet sich gegenwärtiger Versuch nicht: er will blos zeigen, wie es eigentlich gewesen.”
在考古学中，施利曼的工作是遵循兰克原理的实用方法。通过挖掘实际遗址，施利曼得到了更接近发现真正发生的事情。在文学方面，他的同事是那些声称只记录事实而不选择或评论的“现实主义”小说家。
In archaeology, the work of Schliemann was a practical method of following out Ranke’s principle. By digging up the actual sites, Schliemann got nearer to finding out what really happened. In literature, the ‘realistic’ novelists, who professed only to record facts, without choosing or commenting, were his colleagues.
8 . 这篇批评是兰克《历史》 （引自第 7 号）的附录。它被称为《新历史批判》，其中包含他对圭恰尔迪尼的著名分析。GP Gooch（引自第 5 号）第 24 页和第 79 页是蒙森评论的权威，也是兰克对尼布尔半身像的推崇的权威。
8. The criticism is the appendix to Ranke’s Geschichten (cited in n. 7). It is called Zur Kritik neueren Geschichtsschreiber, and contains his famous dissection of Guicciardini. G. P. Gooch (cited in n. 5), 24 and 79, is the authority for Mommsen’s remark, and for Ranke’s honouring the bust of Niebuhr.
9.所以GP Gooch（引自注5），460。
9. So G. P. Gooch (cited in n. 5), 460.
10 . E. Fueter，Geschichte der neueren Historiographie（引自第 6 号），553。蒙森的女婿维拉莫维茨看到了这个问题，但以一种对他来说不寻常的方式避开了它。在他的Geschichte der Philologie （Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft，ed. Gercke and Norden（莱比锡，19273），I. 70-1）中，他说，当蒙森在恺撒的专制下达到了他特意在艺术上设定的目标时，他中断了；然后开始了编写完美罗马史所必需的准备工作——编年史、钱币学等。所有这些都是为他的恺撒史做准备。 'Dass er von ihr nur den 5. Band geschrieben hat, werden die Laien beklagen;呃 urteilte richtiger。维拉莫维茨没有告诉我们蒙森的判断如何更正确，即使这是一个历史或艺术决定。
10. E. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie (cited in n. 6), 553. Mommsen’s son-in-law Wilamowitz saw the problem, but dodged it in a way unusual for him. In his Geschichte der Philologie (Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft, ed. Gercke and Norden (Leipzig, 19273), I. 70–1) he says that when Mommsen had, with Caesar’s autocracy, reached the goal which he had deliberately set himself on artistic grounds, he broke off; and then started the preliminary work which was necessary to make a perfect history of Rome—chronology, numismatics, &c. All that was preparation for his history of the Caesars. ‘Dass er von ihr nur den 5. Band geschrieben hat, werden die Laien beklagen; er urteilte richtiger.’ How Mommsen’s judgement was more correct Wilamowitz does not tell us, nor even if it was a historical or an artistic decision.
11. AJ Toynbee，《历史研究》（牛津，1939），1. 3.
11. A. J. Toynbee, A Study of History (Oxford, 1939), 1. 3.
12. R. G. 柯林伍德在《历史的观念》（牛津，1946 年）第 3 部分第 9 节第 131 页中也给出了类似的解释。但他过分强调了蒙森早期和晚期作品之间的对立，而他认为蒙森受到实证主义历史观的影响（只将其视为一组微观问题），这种解释在《罗马法》等著作中是不充分的。
12. A somewhat similar explanation was given by R. G. Collingwood, in The Idea of History (Oxford, 1946), part 3, sect. 9, 131 f. However, he overstated the antithesis between Mommsen’s earlier and later work, and his explanation that Mommsen was affected by the positivistic attitude to history (treating it only as a group of microscopic problems) is inadequate in view of such books as the Romisches Staatsrecht.
13。NM Butler，《跨越忙碌的岁月》（纽约，1939-40 年），第 1 页。125. 巴特勒会长在谈话中向我证实了这一点。
13. N. M. Butler, Across the Busy Years (New York, 1939–40), 1. 125. President Butler confirmed this to me in conversation.
14 . T. Zielinski 的《西塞罗在世纪之轮回》（莱比锡，19123 年）是所有研究这一主题的学者所受益匪浅的著作，该书部分是为了纠正蒙森的歪曲而写的。尽管它将“西塞罗讽刺”追溯到共和国晚期的起源，但它并没有完全面对蒙森提出的问题。最近，W. Rüegg 在《西塞罗与人文主义》（苏黎世，1946 年）中非常认真地讨论了这个问题。在一篇名为“德国与人文主义”的深思熟虑的前言中，Rüegg 指出，蒙森对西塞罗的攻击及其成功都是德国文化崩溃的主要症状，它放弃了西塞罗在很大程度上创造的自由、人道主义和欧洲传统。
14. T. Zielinski’s Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 19123), to which all students of this subject owe so much, was written partly in order to correct Mommsen’s falsification. Although it traced the ‘Cicero-caricature’ back to its beginnings in the late republic, it did not entirely face the problem raised by Mommsen. This has lately been taken up with great seriousness by W. Rüegg in Cicero und der Humanismus (Zurich, 1946). In a thoughtful preface, called ‘Deutschland und der Humanismus’, Rüegg suggests that both the nature of Mommsen’s attack on Cicero and its success were major symptoms of the collapse of German culture, its abandonment of the liberal, humane, European tradition which Cicero largely created.
15.福斯特尔作为一名历史学家的过失早在《古城》中就已显现，他虽然坚持认为每一项断言都必须有文献支持，但他并没有批评文献本身，以至于没有认识到即使是当代的叙述也可能因错误、谎言或插入而失效。C. Seignobos 在 Petit de Julleville 的《法语语言与文学史》第 8 卷，第 279–96 页中对他的作品进行了很好的描述。
15. Fustel’s fault as a historian, which is apparent as early as La Cite antique, was that although he insisted that every assertion must be supported by a document, he did not criticize the documents themselves so far as to recognize that even a contemporary narrative may be vitiated by mistakes, or lies, or interpolations. There is a good description of his work by C. Seignobos in Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 8. 279–96.
16 . 尽管莫诺（Portraits et souvenirs，巴黎，1897 年，第 148 页）说，富斯特尔在 1870 年之前就表达了这些想法，但很难相信他没有（也许是无意识地）被反抗德国扩张的精神所感动。他的理论当然被法国民族主义者欣然接受，并遭到他们的反对者的攻击。查尔斯·莫拉斯（Charles Maurras）的《永恒的德国人》 （ Devant l'Allemagne eternelle ，巴黎，1937 年）中有一章很有趣，描述了 1905 年新成立的法国行动联盟组织庆祝富斯特尔七十五岁生日时引起的轩然大波。
16. Although Monod (Portraits et souvenirs, Paris, 1897, 148 f.) says Fustel gave utterance to these ideas before 1870, it is difficult to believe that he was not moved (perhaps unconsciously) by the spirit of resistance to German aggrandizement. His theory was of course seized upon with delight by French nationalists and attacked by their opponents. There is an amusing chapter in Charles Maurras’s Devant l’Allemagne eternelle (Paris, 1937), describing the uproar which went up when the newly established Ligue d’Action Francaise organized a celebration of Fustel’s seventy-fifth birthday in 1905.
17.兰克还坚持认为，独自撰写一个国家的历史是不可能的：在晚年，他试图撰写一部“世界历史”，但这对他来说太过困难。
17. Ranke also insisted that it was impossible to write the history of one nation by itself: in extreme old age he attempted to compose a ‘universal history’, but it was too much for him.
18. FW Newman 是著名的天主教皈依者、后来成为红衣主教的兄弟，在他漫长的一生中（1805—1897 年），经历了十九世纪几乎所有值得称赞和可笑的十字军东征和怪事：反对活体解剖、素食主义、自己设计的实用服装等。关于他以及他与 Arnold 的争论，更多细节可参见 L. Trilling 的《Matthew Arnold》 （纽约，1939 年）。第 168–78 页；IG Sieveking 的《FW Newman》 （伦敦，1909 年）中对他的性格进行了更全面的描述。
18. F. W. Newman, brother of the famous Catholic convert who became a cardinal, traversed during his long life (1805—97) almost all the crusades and eccentricities, laudable and ridiculous, of the nineteenth century: antivivisection, vegetarianism, utilitarian clothing designed by himself, &c. On him, and on the controversy with Arnold, more details will be found in L. Trilling’s competent Matthew Arnold (New York, 1939). 168–78; and there is a fuller sketch of his character in I. G. Sieveking’s F. W. Newman (London, 1909).
19.这些引文来自纽曼为其译本所写的序言，第iv-v和x页。
19. These quotations come from Newman’s preface to his translation, pp. iv—v and x.
20 . 纽曼译本《伊利亚特》 , 20. 499–500. “Ditty” 是他自己对“ballad” 的解释。
20. Newman’s translation of Iliad, 20. 499–500. ‘Ditty’ is his own explanation of ‘ballad’.
21 . 当我读到阿诺德的“自从我被指责低估了麦考利勋爵的《古罗马之歌》以来，让我坦率地说，在我看来，一个人能否察觉这些歌曲中虚假的金属声响，是衡量他是否适合对诗歌发表意见的一个良好标准”时，我畏缩了：因为我从小就喜欢这些歌曲，我可以努力察觉到虚假的金属声响，但它通常会被真正的钢铁的铿锵声淹没。
21. When I read Arnold’s ‘Since I have been reproached with undervaluing Lord Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome, let me frankly say that, to my mind, a man’s power to detect the ring of false metal in those Lays is a good measure of his fitness to give an opinion about poetical matters at all’, I wince: for, having enjoyed the Lays since boyhood, I can with an effort detect the ring of false metal, but it is usually drowned for me by the clang of true steel.
22 . 豪斯曼在被任命为伦敦大学纽曼继任者的就职演讲中指出了最严重的错误之一，即阿诺德在《最后的话》中对 Il. 24. 506 的误译；但他也同意，作为批评，这些演讲的效果胜过所有学者的所有著作。阿诺德因翻译中的低级趣味而“受折磨”，因为它毁了他一直喜爱的诗歌段落：参见第二场演讲中他对麦金翻译Od . 19. 392 f. 的评论。因此，尽管他彬彬有礼，但他对纽曼很残忍。他的演讲座右铭“ Numquamne reponam ?”来自讽刺作家尤维纳尔 (1. 1) 的野蛮叫喊，他被迫整天听劣诗。
22. Housman, in his inaugural lecture on being appointed as a successor to Newman at London University, pointed out one of the worst errors, Arnold’s mistranslation of Il. 24. 506 in Last Words; but agreed that the effect of the lectures as criticism outweighed all the writings of all the scholars. And Arnold was ‘tortured’ by bad taste in translation, because it ruined passages of poetry he had always loved: see his remarks on Maginn’s rendering of Od. 19. 392 f. in the second lecture. Therefore, in spite of his studied urbanity, he was cruel to Newman. The motto of his lectures, Numquamne reponam?, comes from the savage cry of the satirist Juvenal (1. 1) forced to listen all day to bad poetry.
23 . 1 Cor. xvi. 22：a$$$va$$$θ∊μa — “献给”异教神，=“被诅咒的”。Maran -atha在叙利亚语中意为“主啊，快来吧！”
23. 1 Cor. xvi. 22: a$$$va$$$θ∊μa — ‘dedicated’ to a pagan god, = ‘accursed’. Maran-atha is Syriac for ‘O Lord, come!’
24。 修订版 xiii。16–17。马太福音 v. 3。
24. Rev. xiii. 16–17. Matt. v. 3.
25.《约伯记》第十九章第20节，许多评论家都试图解释或修改这一段落。
25. Job xix. 20, a passage which many commentators have tried to explain or emend.
26.参见REC Houghton，《古典文学对马修·阿诺德诗歌的影响》（牛津，1923年），第8页，其中提到：
26. See R. E. C. Houghton, The Influence of the Classics on the Poetry of Matthew Arnold (Oxford, 1923), 8 f., who mentions:
巴尔德·迪德，1。 174–7 = 维吉尔，埃恩。6。309 f。
巴尔德·迪德，2。157 f。= 霍恩。Od。11。35–40 和 Verg。埃恩。6。305 f。巴尔德·迪德，2。265 f。=霍恩。Od。11。488 f。
巴尔德·迪德，
3。160 f。= 霍恩。Il；。23。127 f。
索赫拉布和鲁斯图姆，111–16 = 霍恩。Il。2。459–68。
索赫拉布和鲁斯图姆，480–9 = 霍恩。77。17。366 f。
Balder Dead, 1. 174–7 = Vergil, Aen. 6. 309 f.
Balder Dead, 2. 157 f. = Horn. Od. 11 . 35–40 and Verg. Aen. 6. 305 f.
Balder Dead, 2. 265 f. = Horn. Od. 11 . 488 f.
Balder Dead, 3. 160 f. = Horn. Il;. 23. 127 f.
Sohrab and Rustum, 111–16 = Horn. Il. 2. 459–68.
Sohrab and Rustum, 480–9 = Horn. 77. 17. 366 f.
除此之外，还可以添加：
To these might be added:
巴尔德·迪德, 2. 101 f. = Verg. Aen . 6. 388–416。
巴尔德·迪德, 3. 65 f. = Horn. Il. 24. 723 f。
Balder Dead, 2. 101 f. = Verg. Aen. 6. 388–416.
Balder Dead, 3. 65 f. = Horn. Il. 24. 723 f.
以及许多其他改编，从单个单词和短语到重复的惯例或场景的总体框架。
and many other adaptations ranging from a single word and phrase to a repeated convention or the broad framework of a scene.
27. Sohrab和 Rustum，556 f.
27. Sohrab and Rustum, 556 f.
28 . 例如，在《索赫拉布和鲁斯塔姆》中，从卡布尔越过高加索的商贩（160 f.）、月光下的柏树（314 f.）、中国画家（672 f.）和波斯波利斯的柱子（860 f.）；在《巴尔德的死亡》中，春天的解冻（3. 313 f.）、孤独的樵夫（3. 200 f.）和被风暴吹拂的水手（3. 363 f.）。有一两个反映维多利亚时代英国的形象似乎格格不入：《索赫拉布》 302 f.中的富有女士（“我晚上读书，冬天去南方”）和英国小巷中的旅行者（巴尔德，1. 230 f.）。
28. e.g. in Sohrab and Rustum, the pedlars from Cabool crossing the Caucasus (160 f.), the moonlit cypress (314 f.), the Chinese painter (672 f.), and the pillars of Persepolis (860 f.); in Balder Dead, the spring thaw (3. 313 f.), the lonely woodcutters (3. 200 f.), and the storm-tossed sailors (3. 363 f.). One or two images which reflect Victorian England seem oddly out of place: the rich lady (‘I read much of the night, and go south in the winter’) in Sohrab 302 f., and the traveller in the English lane (Balder, 1. 230 f.).
29 . 迷失的狗（Balder，3.8 f.）、被俘的鹳（Balder，3.565 f.）、剪断的风信子（Sohrab，634 f.）、垂死的紫罗兰（Sohrab，844 f.）以及注释 28 中提到的许多事物。
29. The lost dog (Balder, 3. 8 f.), the captive stork (Balder, 3. 565 f.), the cut hyacinth (Sohrab, 634 f.), the dying violets (Sohrab, 844 f.), and a number of those mentioned in note 28.
30. “微弱的荷马回声”出自《史诗》，丁尼生为《亚瑟王之死》所写的序言。关于丁尼生对荷马作品的改编，请参阅 WP Mustard 的《丁尼生的古典回声》（纽约，1904 年），第 1 册。丁尼生作品中的荷马回声比我们大多数人想象的要多、要微妙。
30. ‘Faint Homeric echoes’ is from The Epic, Tennyson’s introduction to Morte d’Arthur. On Tennyson’s adaptations of Homer, see W. P. Mustard, Classical Echoes in Tennyson (New York, 1904), c. 1. There are more and subtler Homeric echoes in Tennyson than most of us imagine.
31.关于丁尼生和维吉尔，另见第 446 页。文中引文来自《亚瑟王之死》的结尾。
31. On Tennyson and Vergil see also p. 446. The quotation in the text is from the conclusion of Morte d’Arthur.
32 . 巴特勒，《奥德赛的作者》，第15 册，第 256 页。
32. Butler, The Authoress of the Odyssey, c. 15, p. 256.
33.有关所有这些判断，请参阅劳伦斯的序言。
33. For all these judgements see Lawrence’s preface.
34.劳伦斯译本《奥德赛》23. 350–1。
34. Lawrence’s translation of Od. 23. 350–1.
35. TS Eliot，《欧里庇得斯与默里教授》（1918），重印于《1917–1932 年精选论文集》（纽约，1932 年），第 46–50 页。
35. T. S. Eliot, Euripides and Professor Murray (1918), reprinted in Selected Essays 1917–1932 (New York, 1932), 46–50.
36.皮埃尔·路易斯虽然品味不错，但他严厉批评了当时的学院派翻译家。他在《古希腊文讲义》的前言中写道，最著名的希腊文法语译本是：
36. Pierre Louÿs, who had good taste nevertheless, bitterly attacked the academic translators of his day. In the preface to his Lectures antiques he wrote of the best-known French translations from the Greek:
“II Suffit d'examiner les plus célèbres pour Marveler avec quelle focus zélée certains universitaires s'appliquent à corriger 1'original. Avec eux，加上 d'épithétes Hardies，加上 de métaphores à double image；这是关于 1's répandent sur 1'auteur qu'ils daignent embellir une élégance qui leur est personle et surtout un 'goût' quiupprime ou ajoute, au hasard desphrase, ce qu'il conient de biffer ou d'introduire çà et là.这是一次合作，不要让格雷克成为一个荣誉，而要让学者成为一个人。 Tel est leur désintéressement。我很佩服。 Je ne 1'imiterai 点。'
‘II suffit d’examiner les plus célèbres pour admirer avec quelle attention zélée certains universitaires s’appliquent à corriger 1’original. Avec eux, plus d’épithétes hardies, plus de métaphores à double image; ils répandent sur 1’auteur qu’ils daignent embellir une élégance qui leur est personnelle et surtout un ‘goût’ qui supprime ou ajoute, au hasard des phrases, ce qu’il convient de biffer ou d’introduire çà et là. C’est une collaboration dont le Grec a tout 1’honneur et le savant toute la peine. Tel est leur désintéressement. Je 1’admire. Je ne 1’imiterai point.’
在他自己的翻译中，他实际上保留了希腊语的词序，即使它在法语中是不和谐的。他最欣赏的是翻译莱孔特·德·利斯尔 (Leconte de Lisle) 的著作——因为，尽管这些著作有些苛刻，甚至在一些人眼中有些迂腐，但它们却极具挑战性和独创性。
In his own translations he actually kept the Greek word-order, even if it was inharmonious in French. What he most admired was the translations of Leconte de Lisle—because, although they were harsh and to some eyes pedantic, they were challenging and original.
37.摘自 Osier 的文章《公立学校中的科学》（《学校世界》，伦敦，1916 年），作者 Harvey Cushing，《威廉·奥西尔爵士的生平》（纽约和牛津，1932 年），1.29 页。
37. Quoted from Osier’s article, ‘Science in the Public Schools’ (The School World, London, 1916), by Harvey Cushing, The Life of Sir William Osier (New York and Oxford, 1932), 1. 29 f.
38.请参阅 H. Cushing 著《威廉·奥斯尔爵士的生平》第 2 卷，第 124–125 页，其中有奥斯尔在利纳克雷讲座上的精彩摘录。
38. See H. Cushing, The Life of Sir William Osier, 2. 124–5, for an illuminating extract from Osier’s Linacre Lecture.
39. Nicholas Murray Butler，《跨越繁忙岁月》（引自第13号注释），
39. Nicholas Murray Butler, Across the Busy Years (cited in n. 13),
1.65 f. 巴特勒校长后来发现他的古典语言文学研究生工作同样没有启发性：
1.65 f. President Butler later found his graduate work in classical philology equally uninspiring:
“除了研究生哲学学习外，我还继续研究希腊语和拉丁语，从柏拉图的研究中获得了一些光荣的经验，但从肖特教授给我的工作中获益不多。他的工作对我的特定知识兴趣有多么不重要，这可以从一篇非常技术性的语言学论文中看出，这篇论文是我应吉尔德斯利夫教授的要求于 1885 年 10 月投稿给《美国语言学杂志》，标题为《后肯定的Et in Propertius》。（同上，第 94 页。）
‘In addition to my graduate study of philosophy I continued my work in Greek and Latin, getting some glorious experiences from the study of Plato but finding little benefit from the work given me by Professor Short. How unimportant his work was for my particular intellectual interest may be seen from a very technical philological paper which I contributed at Professor Gildersleeve’s request to the American Journal of Philology in October, 1885, with the title ‘The Post-positive Et in Propertius’. (Ibid. 94.)
然而，他记录道，希腊语和拉丁语系的另一名成员组织了一个boulé 课程，即自愿阅读荷马史诗的课程，吸引了大批愿意并且欣喜若狂的学生，他们阅读了大量这两部史诗，并学会了享受它们。
And yet he records that another member of the Greek and Latin department who organized a boulé, a voluntary class to read Homer, collected a number of willing and delighted students who got through a great deal of both epics, and learned to enjoy them.
40 . WL Phelps，自传及书信（纽约和伦敦，1939 年），136 页。
40. W. L. Phelps, Autobiography with Letters (New York and London, 1939), 136 f.
41. E.F.本森，《我们当时的样子》（伦敦，1930年），133–4。
41. E. F. Benson, As We Were (London, 1930), 133–4.
42. Gibbon，《我的生平与著作回忆录》（Everyman ed.），第46页。
42. Gibbon, Memoirs of my Life and Writings (Everyman ed.), 46.
43.拜伦关于《恰尔德·哈罗尔德游记》的注释，第4卷，第75–77页。
43. Byron’s note on Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, 4. 75–7.
44.摘自 CM Bowra 对古典学会主席的演讲《古典教育》（牛津，1945 年）。
44. Quoted from C. M. Bowra’s presidential address to the Classical Association, A Classical Education (Oxford, 1945).
45.在这里，豪斯曼的羞怯和防御性傲慢使他犯下了一个错误，而这个错误已经损害了我们这个时代的古典学研究。他拒绝承认希腊和罗马文学包含了人类所拥有的大部分最优秀的艺术和思想，也拒绝承认它与我们直接相关（例如，印度文学或玛雅艺术就不是这样），这使得那些无知、错误或目光短浅的人很容易说，对过去、艺术和文学的所有研究都是完全无用的。例如，据说亨利·福特曾宣称“历史是胡说八道”——尽管很难将这一点与他个人对收藏古董的热情相协调。笛卡尔的说法更优雅，但同样有力：
45. Here Housman’s shyness and defensive arrogance led him into one of the errors which have helped to injure the study of the classics in our time. By refusing to say that the literature of Greece and Rome contained much of the best art and thought in the possession of the human race, and that it was directly relevant to us (as, for example, Hindu literature or Mayan art is not), he made it easy for those who were ignorant, mistaken, or short-sighted, to say that all the study of the past, of art, and of literature was entirely useless. Henry Ford, for instance, is reported to have declared ‘History is bunk’—although it is not easy to reconcile that with his personal passion for collecting antiques. Descartes put it more gracefully but not less forcibly:
'II n'est plus du devoir d'un honnête homme de savoir le grec et le latin, que le suisse or le bas-breton, ni 1'histoire de germano-romanique, que celle du plus petit estat qui se欧洲的发现……。 Savoir le latin, est-ce did en savoir plus que la fille de Cicéron au sortir de nourrice?' （引自 Gillot，La Querelle des anciens et des Modernes en France，巴黎，1914 年，289 n. 1。）
‘II n’est plus du devoir d’un honnête homme de savoir le grec et le latin, que le suisse ou le bas-breton, ni 1’histoire de 1’empire germano-romanique, que celle du plus petit estat qui se trouve en Europe… . Savoir le latin, est-ce done en savoir plus que la fille de Cicéron au sortir de nourrice?’ (Quoted by Gillot, La Querelle des anciens et des modernes en France, Paris, 1914, 289 n. 1.)
所有豪斯曼的读者一定都觉得，他对自己一生所研究的话题的态度有些欠缺。也许就是人性。一位瑞士学者说，“人文主义”更像是一种补充德尔安提克；人道主义 ist auch nicht die Beschaäftigung mit der Antike an und für sich …：sonst wären die Altertumswissenschafter die grössten Humanisten，was durchaus nicht der Fall ist。 （W. Rüegg，《西塞罗与人道主义》，苏黎世，1946 年，6。）
All Housman’s readers must have felt that there was something lacking in his attitude to the subject on which he spent his life. Perhaps it was humanity. ‘Humanismus’, says a Swiss scholar, ‘ist mehr als Wiederbelebung der Antike; Humanismus ist auch nicht die Beschaäftigung mit der Antike an und für sich …: sonst wären die Altertumswissenschafter die grössten Humanisten, was durchaus nicht der Fall ist.’ (W. Rüegg, Cicero und der Humanismus, Zürich, 1946, 6.)
46 . ASF Gow, AE Housman: a Sketch (New York, 1936), 43. Gow 先生第 90 页上的图表显示 Housman 更喜欢就第四本书进行讲课。
46. A. S. F. Gow, A. E. Housman: a Sketch (New York, 1936), 43. The chart on Mr. Gow’s p. 90 shows that Housman preferred to lecture on the fourth book.
47.摘自 TW Pym 夫人的一封信，引自 Grant Richards 所著的《Housman 1897–1936》（OUP，1942 年），第 289 页。
47. From a letter written by Mrs. T. W. Pym, and quoted in Grant Richards, Housman 1897–1936 (O.U.P., 1942), 289.
48 . 引自 C. Seignobos，L. Petit de Julleville 的《法语语言与文学史》，第 8 卷，第 259 页。勒南本人认为，撰写历史“既是一门艺术，也是一门科学……毫不夸张地说，一个排列不当的句子总是对应着一个不精确的想法。”（引自E. Neff 的《道德与批评论文集》第 2 卷，第 131 页，收录于《历史的诗意》（纽约，1947 年），第 162 页。关于这一章的整个主题，Neff 先生的第 8 卷“作为科学的历史”非常有意思。）
48. Quoted by C. Seignobos, in L. Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 8. 259. Renan himself held that writing history was ‘as much an art as a science… . There is no exaggeration in saying that a badly arranged sentence always corresponds to an inexact thought.’ (Quoted from Essais de morale et de critique2, 131, by E. Neff, in The Poetry of History (New York, 1947), 162. On the subject of this entire chapter, Mr. Neff’s c. 8, ‘History as Science’, is of much interest.)
49.写完这篇文章后，我很幸运地发现一位杰出的学者表达了同样的想法，他本人是一位敏感的批评家和令人钦佩的作家。多伦多的吉尔伯特·诺伍德博士在他的《品达》（Sather Classical Lectures 1945，加州伯克利，1945）第 7 页中说道：
49. After writing this I was fortunate enough to find the same thought expressed by a distinguished scholar who is himself a sensitive critic and an admirable writer. Dr. Gilbert Norwood of Toronto, in his Pindar (Sather Classical Lectures 1945, Berkeley, Cal., 1945), says on p. 7:
“我们应该希望……我们的版本具有得体优雅，如果我们打开一本《忒奥克里托斯》，却发现一个可怕的装置批评家隐藏在页面底部，就像优雅长廊尽头的某个露天下水道一样，我们应该对此表示愤慨。 ”
‘We should hope … for a seemly elegance in our editions and resent it as an outrage if we open a copy of Theocritus only to find a horrible apparatus criticus lurking at the bottom of the page like some open sewer at the end of a gracious promenade.”
50.豪斯曼（Housman）在他所著的《尤维纳尔诗集》前言（第 xxviii 页）中对此进行了令人难忘的嘲笑：
50. Housman has a memorable sneer at this, in the preface (p. xxviii) to his edition of Juvenal:
“事实是，如果读者事先不知道，现在他们也已经发现了，我对Ueberlieferungsgeschichte一无所知。而对于姊妹学科Quellenforschung，我同样是个陌生人：我无法向你保证，正如其他作家不久后向你保证的那样，Juvenal 的讽刺作品都是从 Turnus 的讽刺作品中抄袭而来的。* 缺乏让其拥有者如此兴奋的能力是一种悲惨的命运；但我通过思考有多少人比我幸运而让自己感到高兴。确实，似乎上天赋予了这两种小说的能力，作为一种安慰奖，给予那些没有其他能力的人。”
‘The truth is, and the reader has discovered it by this time if he did not know it before hand, that I have no inkling of Ueberlieferungsgeschichte. And to the sister science of Quellenforschung I am equally a stranger: I cannot assure you, as some other writer will assure you before long, that the satires of Juvenal are all copied from the satires of Turnus.* It is a sad fate to be devoid of faculties which cause so much elation to their owners; but I cheer myself by reflecting how large a number of human beings are more fortunate than I. It seems indeed as if a capacity for these two lines of fiction had been bestowed by heaven, as a sort of consolation-prize, upon those who have no capacity for anything else.’
* 图努斯是一位讽刺作家，据说他的创作时间比尤维纳尔早不久，但他的作品几乎全部消失了。
* Turnus was a satirist who is known to have written not long before Juvenal, but whose work has almost entirely disappeared.
22.象征主义诗人和詹姆斯·乔伊斯
22. THE SYMBOLIST POETS AND JAMES JOYCE
1. “象征主义”这一术语（与“帕纳斯”一词一样）被一个相对较小的法国作家流派所利用，其中马拉美被称为“结论和王冠”（CM Bowra，《象征主义的遗产》（伦敦，1943 年），1）；但很难断言，在艾略特的《荒原》和《圣灰星期三》等诗歌中，象征所起的作用并不像在波德莱尔的诗歌中那么重要。在这个更广泛的定义下，可以被称为象征主义的现代诗人要多得多。比本章讨论的四首诗要多，但不能全部考虑。其中一些诗很少或根本没有使用古典象征主义：例如，叶芝对凯尔特人的形象感受更深，他对海伦和拜占庭的引用是装饰性的，但很肤浅。
1. The term ‘symbolists’ was (like the term ‘Parnassian’) appropriated by one comparatively small school of French writers—of whom Mallarmé has been called ‘the conclusion and crown’ (C. M. Bowra, The Heritage of Symbolism (London, 1943), 1); but it is very difficult to assert that, in poems such as Eliot’s The Waste. Land and Ash Wednesday, symbols do not play a part quite as important as in Baudelaire’s poetry. The modern poets who can—on this wider definition—be called symbolists are much more numerous than the four dealt with in this chapter, but cannot all be considered. Some of them make little or no use of classical symbolism: Yeats, for instance, feels Celtic imagery much more deeply, and his references to Helen and Byzantium are decorative but superficial.
2.瓦莱里说这就是他从未写过小说的原因：他无法让自己写下“伯爵夫人五点钟出去了”。
2. Valéry said that was why he never wrote a novel: he could not bring himself to write down ‘The countess went out at five o’clock”.
3.歌德在《浮士德》第二卷的结尾处重复了这个想法：
3. Goethe repeated this idea at the end of Faust II:
Alles Vergängliche
1st nur ein Gleichniss …
Alles Vergängliche
1st nur ein Gleichniss …
尽管他关于符号和真理的关系的思想与柏拉图的思想相差甚远。
although his idea of the relation between symbol and truth was far from Plato’s.
4 . Mallarmé，Las de I'amer 仓库：
4. Mallarmé, Las de I’amer repos:
Je veux délaisser 1'Art vorace d'un pays
Cruel, et…
Imiter le Chinois au cœur limpide et fin。
Je veux délaisser 1’Art vorace d’un pays
Cruel, et …
Imiter le Chinois au cœur limpide et fin.
5. H. Levin，《詹姆斯·乔伊斯》（康涅狄格州诺福克，1941 年），76 页。
5. H. Levin, James Joyce (Norfolk, Conn., 1941), 76.
6. Ulysses 是希腊英雄名字 Odysseus 的拉丁化或意大利语形式。与丁尼生一样，乔伊斯之所以使用这个名字，是因为它在英语中更为自然化：因为他更喜欢 Dedalus，而不是 Daedalus 或最初的 Daidalos。
6. Ulysses is a latinized, or italianized, form of the Greek hero’s name Odysseus. Like Tennyson, Joyce used it because it was more thoroughly naturalized in English: as he preferred Dedalus to Daedalus or the original Daidalos.
7.特别要感谢斯图尔特·吉尔伯特，正是他编著了詹姆斯·乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》（纽约，1931 年），我在文中对乔伊斯的介绍也十分感激。吉尔伯特先生在序言中解释说，乔伊斯“从不做演讲或采访，从不使用某些现代作家用来向公众‘解释自己’的任何手段”。然后，他继续感谢乔伊斯，“这部作品之所以有如此的功绩，很大程度上要归功于乔伊斯的帮助和鼓励”——显然包括让乔伊斯“向公众解释自己”。他的作品包含大量信息，这些信息几乎不可能从任何来源获得，除非乔伊斯提供详细的指导：晦涩难懂的书名、隐藏得极为复杂的相似之处等。 （乔伊斯很可能信奉贝拉尔的《奥德赛》理论，吉尔伯特的许多论述也以此理论为基础。）所有这些都很有价值，但吉尔伯特书的缺陷在于，许多地方没有得到解释，几乎所有内容都没有批评。据说乔伊斯曾说，他要求读者花一生的时间阅读乔伊斯的书。显然，他把自己想象成现代的阿奎那，而吉尔伯特是他的《都柏林大全》的第一位评论者。SF Damon 在《都柏林的奥德赛》 （Hound and Horn，3（1929），1.7-44）和 Edmund Wilson在《阿克塞尔的城堡》（纽约和伦敦，1931），211 页等中对他的技巧进行了很好的批评，并讨论了他的背景。
7. In particular, Stuart Gilbert, to whose James Joyce’s ‘Ulysses’ (New York, 1931) I am indebted for the identifications in the text. In the preface Mr. Gilbert explains that Joyce ‘never gives lectures or interviews, never employs any of the devices by which certain modern writers are enabled to “explain themselves” to the public’. He then goes on to acknowledge his indebtedness to Joyce, ‘to whose assistance and encouragement this work owes whatever of merit it may possess’—evidently including the merit of allowing Joyce to ‘explain himself to the public. His work contains a great deal of information which could scarcely have been derived from any source except detailed coaching by Joyce: names of obscure books, intricately concealed parallels, &c. (It was probably Joyce who surrendered himself to Bérard’s theory of the Odyssey, on which much of Mr. Gilbert’s exposition is based.) All this is valuable; but the defect of Mr. Gilbert’s book is that it leaves much unexplained and almost everything uncriticized. Joyce is reported to have said that what he demanded of his reader was to give up a lifetime to reading Joyce’s books. Apparently he imagined himself as a modern Aquinas, and Gilbert as the first commentator on his Summa Dublinensis. There are good criticisms of his technique, and discussions of his background, by S. F. Damon, ‘The Odyssey in Dublin’ (Hound and Horn, 3 (1929), 1.7-44), and Edmund Wilson, Axel’s Castle (New York and London, 1931), 211 f.
8 . 作为 O. St. J. Gogarty 的漫画形象（O. St. J. Gogarty 显然在年轻时激怒并刺激过乔伊斯），穆里根对乔伊斯来说很重要，但对乔伊斯的读者来说却并不重要。
8. As a caricature of O. St. J. Gogarty, who evidently irritated and stimulated him in his youth, Mulligan was important for Joyce, but not for Joyce’s readers.
9 .马拉美，埃德加·坡的墓穴：
9. Mallarmé, Le Tombeau d’Edgar Poe:
Tel qu'en Lui-même enfin 1'éternité le change。
Tel qu’en Lui-même enfin 1’éternité le change.
10 . 一些田园元素与忒奥克里托斯一样古老。背景是西西里岛，牧神吹奏着叙任克斯，维纳斯厄里西娜也曾出现。但这不是失恋牧羊人和牧羊女的田园诗：它是一种更原始、更真实的东西，一个萨提尔梦见“荆棘中仙女的乳房”。马蒂诺在《帕纳斯与象征主义》中说，这幅画的部分灵感来自一首帕纳索斯诗歌（班维尔的《树林里的黛安娜》），部分灵感来自洛可可画家布歇的《潘与叙任克斯》。这是古典影响如何从一位艺术家传递到另一位艺术家的另一个有趣例子，在每一代人的作品中呈现出新的形态并产生新的转变。
10. Some of the pastoral elements are as old as Theocritus. The setting is Sicily, the faun plays the syrinx, Venus Erycina may appear. But this is not the pastoral of lovelorn shepherds and shepherdesses: it is something more primitive and more real, a satyr dreaming of ‘the breasts of the nymph in the brake’. Martino, Parnasse et Symbolisme, says it was inspired partly by a Parnassian poem (Banville’s Diane au bois) and partly by the rococo painter Boucher’s Pan et Syrinx. This is another interesting example of the way in which classical influence passes on from one artist to another, taking new shapes and producing new transformations in the work of every different generation.
11.德彪西还为皮埃尔·路易斯的《比利蒂斯之歌》中的三首田园曲谱写了优美的背景，详见第 458 页。
11. Debussy also wrote settings of great beauty for three pastorals from Pierre Louÿs’s Chansons de Bilitis, on which see p. 458.
12.在
12. In
les sanglots suprêmes et meurtris
D'une enfance sentant parmi les rêVeries
Se séparer enfin ses froides pierreries
les sanglots suprêmes et meurtris
D’une enfance sentant parmi les rêVeries
Se séparer enfin ses froides pierreries
pierreries这个词似乎带有两种形象：“珠宝”和“石雕”。
the word pierreries seems to carry both images: ‘jewels’ and ‘stonework’.
13、事实上，年轻的命运女神是马拉美的公主，比希罗底德的夜晚晚了一个晚上。
13. In fact, the young Fate is Mallarmé’s princess, one night later than the night of Hérodiade.
14.欲了解分析和评论，请参阅CM Bowra的《象征主义的遗产》（伦敦，1943年），第2册，特别是第20-7页，以及AR Chisholm的《对M.Valéry的“Jeune Parque”的解读》（墨尔本，1938年）。
14. For analysis and commentary, see C. M. Bowra, The Heritage of Symbolism (London, 1943), c. 2, especially pp. 20–7, and A. R. Chisholm, An Approach to M. Valéry’s ‘Jeune Parque’ (Melbourne, 1938).
15 . 例如，遥远星星的极点，以及树木的极点。
15. For instance, diamants extremes of distant stars, and tonnantes toisons of trees.
16。这些片段是瓦莱里早期诗歌《纳西斯之歌》的进一步发展，其中某些主题显然是从《年轻的公园》发展而来，甚至超越了《年轻的公园》 。他在《纳西斯之歌》 （1938 年）中再次处理了同一主题，但更加强调了诱人的仙女。
16. The fragments are an elaboration of Valéry’s early poem Narcisse parle, and contain certain themes which are apparently developed from, and beyond, La Jeune Parque. He treated the same theme again, with more emphasis on the tempting nymphs, in the Cantate du Narcisse (1938).
17.有关《La Pythie》的更详细讨论，请参阅 CM Bowra 的《象征主义的遗产》（引自第 1 号注释），第 39–44 页。
17. For a fuller discussion of La Pythie, see C. M. Bowra, The Heritage of Symbolism (cited in n. 1), 39–44.
18 . Stephen 也意味着“王冠”，暗指“烈士”。 《英雄画像》的早期版本（写于 1901-2 年，1944 年出版，由 T. Spencer 作序）实际上被称为Stephen Hero。在那里，笔名拼写为 Daedalus。毫无疑问，乔伊斯在《尤利西斯》中将其改为 Dedalus，以使其看起来更像爱尔兰名字，如 Devlin 和 Delaney。它是希腊语中的“狡猾”（“沉默、流放和狡猾”），并作为形容词daedal进入英语。
18. Stephen also means ‘crown’ and implies ‘martyr’. The early version of the Portrait (written in 1901–2, published in 1944 with an introduction by T. Spencer) was actually called Stephen Hero. There the pseudonym was spelt Daedalus. No doubt Joyce altered it in Ulysses to Dedalus in order to make it look more like Irish names such as Devlin and Delaney. It is the Greek for ‘cunning’ (‘silence, exile, and cunning’) and has entered English as the adjective daedal.
19.代达罗斯之子伊卡洛斯飞得太高，太靠近太阳：他的翅膀融化了，他跌落了。纪德在《忒赛》中将这个神话解释为形而上学家的象征，他飞得太接近终极真理，以至于真理使他失明并毁灭了他；歌德在《浮士德》中将其改编为拜伦的职业生涯（见第 387 页）。如果乔伊斯本人是《尤利西斯》中技艺精湛的代达罗斯，那么他就是《芬尼根的守灵夜》中的伊卡洛斯。
19. Daedalus’ son Icarus flew too high, too near the sun: his wings melted, and he fell. Gide interprets this myth in Thésée as a symbol of the metaphysician who soars so near the ultimate truths that they blind and destroy him; and Goethe in Faust adapted it to the career of Byron (see p. 387 f.). If Joyce himself was the skilful Daedalus in Ulysses, he became Icarus in Finnegans Wake.
20. Ov. Met . 8. 183–235；参见AA 2. 21–96。乔伊斯引用了第 188 行：
20. Ov. Met. 8. 183–235; cf. A. A. 2. 21–96. Joyce quotes line 188:
迪克西特，等艺术中的动物
dixit, et ignotas animum dimittit in artes
—“他说话时，将注意力转向了未知的艺术”。这个引用在乔伊斯的文本中被错误地印在了 18 处。
—’he spoke, and turned his mind to unknown arts’. The reference is misprinted 18 in Joyce’s text.
21.这一点在第23章第523页进一步讨论。
21. This point is further discussed in chapter 23, p. 523.
22。奥德赛，11。还有一个更早的巴比伦传说，其中一位英雄跨越死亡之水并与死者交谈；但直到 19 世纪发现了吉尔伽美什史诗，这个传说才在文献中消失。
22. Odyssey, 11. There is an even earlier Babylonian legend, in which a hero passes over the waters of death and speaks with the dead; but this was lost to literature until the discovery of the epic of Gilgamesh in the nineteenth century.
23.《埃涅阿斯纪》第六章的主题是埃涅阿斯穿越冥界的故事。金枝也许是一个凯尔特神话。诺登同意维吉尔是第一个将金枝引入文学的人（Eduard Norden 著 Aeneis Buch VI erklärt von Eduard Norden，柏林，19162，173），并认为他从秘仪中汲取了这一灵感，在秘仪中，入会者会使用金枝。但金枝并不是普通的树枝。它类似于槲寄生，在冬天其他植物都枯死的时候，槲寄生却繁茂茂盛（象征着死亡中的生命），对德鲁伊教徒来说，槲寄生是神圣的。意大利北部维吉尔诗歌中的凯尔特元素常常被预言。詹姆斯·弗雷泽爵士将这本赋予我们祖先被埋葬的宗教新生命的巨著命名为金枝，证明了这个传说的丰富内涵。
23. Aeneas’ journey through the underworld is the subject of Aeneid 6. Perhaps the golden bough is a Celtic myth. Norden agrees that Vergil was the first to introduce it into literature (Aeneis Buch VI erklärt von Eduard Norden, Berlin, 19162, 173), and suggests that he took it from the Mysteries, where boughs were used by initiates. But the golden bough is not an ordinary branch. It is likened to the mistletoe which flourishes in winter when other plants are dead (thus symbolizing life in death) and which was sacred to the Druids. Celtic elements in the poetry of the north Italian Vergil have often been divined. By calling the great book in which he gave new life to the buried religion of our ancestors The Golden Bough, Sir James Frazer testified to the fertility of the legend.
24 . 庞德没有引用荷马史诗，而是引用了文艺复兴时期安德烈亚斯·迪武斯（Andreas Divus）逐字逐句翻译的拉丁文荷马史诗（威尼斯，1537 年：参见 G. Finsler 的《新时代的荷马史诗》（莱比锡，1912 年），第 47 页），因此故事被双重错误所掩盖。但他的口才仍然使它易于阅读。
24. Instead of going to Homer, Pound apparently took his text from the word-for-word Renaissance translation of Homer into Latin by Andreas Divus (Venice, 1537: see G. Finsler, Homer in der Neuzeit (Leipzig, 1912), 47 on it), so that the story is obscured by a double layer of mistakes. Yet his eloquence still makes it readable.
25.WB Yeats，《给艾兹拉·庞德的包裹》（都柏林，1929），第2页。
25. W. B. Yeats, A Packet for Ezra Pound (Dublin, 1929), 2.
26 . S. Gilbert,詹姆斯·乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》（引自注7），2. 6. 143 f.
26. S. Gilbert, James Joyce’s ‘Ulysses’ (cited in n. 7), 2. 6. 143 f.
27 . S. Gilbert (注7), 2. 15. 293 f.
27. S. Gilbert (n. 7), 2. 15. 293 f.
28 . 乔伊斯，《一个青年艺术家的画像》，第3部分。
28. Joyce, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, section 3.
29. H. Levin 先生在他的《詹姆斯·乔伊斯》第 71 页（引自第 5 号注释）中说：“乔伊斯回避英雄主义。《奥德赛》与《尤利西斯》的关系是永不相交的平行关系。”这并非事实。乔伊斯不仅回避英雄主义，他还将其颠倒过来。这两本书并不是并驾齐驱的，而是朝着相反的方向发展。
29. Mr. H. Levin, on p. 71 of his James Joyce (cited in n. 5). says ‘Joyce shuns heroics. The relation of the Odyssey to Ulysses is that of parallels that never meet.’ This is less than the truth. Joyce does not merely avoid heroics, he inverts them. The two books do not run along side by side, they move in opposite senses.
30.参见第 14 章，第 272 页。
30. See c. 14, p. 272.
31 . 乔伊斯，《尤利西斯》 ，第 2 节最后几句话。幽灵可能改编自福楼拜《单纯的心》中出现的作为圣灵的标本鹦鹉：见第 689 页。
31. Joyce, Ulysses, the last words of section 2. The apparition is possibly adapted from the stuffed parrot which appears as the Holy Ghost in Flaubert’s Un Coeur simple: see p. 689.
32 . 参见第 151 页；另请参见莎士比亚的《威尼斯商人》，第 5. 1. 1 页，剧中的恋人回忆起过去那些著名的恋人，他们在这样的夜晚以同样神奇的热情相爱，从而使他们的爱情更加美丽。
32. See p. 151 f.; and cf. Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice, 5. 1. 1 f., in which the lovers make their love more beautiful by recalling famous lovers of the past, who loved with the same magical intensity on such a night.
33 . 艾略特，斯威尼挺直腰板。在第三节中，艾略特将斯威尼比作独眼巨人波吕斐摩斯，将脆弱歇斯底里的女孩比作年轻的公主瑙西卡，使斯威尼更加令人厌恶：两者都是荷马史诗中的人物。
33. Eliot, Sweeney erect. In stanza 3 Eliot makes Sweeney still more repulsive by comparing him to the Cyclops Polyphemus, and the frail hysterical girl to the young princess Nausicaa: both Homeric characters.
34.参见JP马昆德的小说《已故的乔治阿普利》（波士顿，1937年）。
34. See J. P. Marquand’s novel, The Late George Apley (Boston, 1937).
35 . 罗马讽刺作家尤维纳尔讽刺地警告一位朋友，如果他的妻子得逞，她会毒死他；如果这招不奏效，“你的克吕泰墨涅斯特拉会拿起斧头。”这是对神话的同样运用，但尤维纳尔 (6. 655 f.) 强调的是他那个时代的残酷，而不是卑鄙。
35. The Roman satirist Juvenal sardonically warns a friend that, if his wife takes it into her head, she will poison him; and if that fails, ‘your Clytemnestra will take the axe’. It is the same use of the myth, but Juvenal (6. 655 f.) is emphasizing the ruthlessness rather than the meanness of his times.
36。Ov. Met . 6. 424–674。其中世纪版本《菲洛梅娜》在第 61 页提及。
36. Ov. Met. 6. 424–674. Its medieval version, Philomena, is mentioned on p. 61.
37.斯温伯恩（Swinburne），《伊蒂勒斯》（Itylus），其中夜莺菲洛梅拉（Philomela）向普罗克涅（Procne）歌唱。
37. Swinburne, Itylus, in which the nightingale Philomela sings to Procne.
38 . 艾略特， 《荒原》第218行注释。
38. Eliot, note on line 218 in The Waste Land.
39 . Ov. Met . 3. 316–38. 提瑞西阿斯的形象可能部分地受到吉约姆·阿波利奈尔的超现实主义戏剧《提瑞西阿斯的乳母》（大部分写于 1903 年，1917 年上演为戏剧，1947 年改编为歌剧，由普朗克作曲）的影响，剧中一位获得解放的女性发生了相反的变化，从特蕾莎变成了提瑞西阿斯。艾略特认为诗人必须为他的第二视力付出代价，承受他所看到的人的痛苦，这一观点早在马修·阿诺德的优秀古典诗歌《迷途的狂欢者》中就已出现：
39. Ov. Met. 3. 316–38. The figure of Tiresias may have been partly suggested to Eliot by Guillaume Apollinaire’s surrealist play, Les Mamelles de Tirésias (largely written in 1903, produced as a play in 1917 and as an opera with Poulenc’s music in 1947), where an emancipated woman makes the opposite change, into Tiresias from Therese. Eliot’s idea that the poet must pay for his second sight, by suffering the pangs of those whom he sees, appears earlier in Matthew Arnold’s fine classical poem, The Strayed Reveller:
——神为歌曲设定了这样 的代价；
成为我们所唱的歌。
—such a price
The Gods exact for song;
To become what we sing.
提瑞西阿斯也出现在诗中：他的年龄、体弱和第二视力与看到他的诗人相同。这是一首奇怪的诗。阿诺德说，想象力，诗人的视野，是一种罕见的天赋；
Tiresias figures in it too: his age, weakness, and second sight are shared by the poet who sees him. It is a strange poem. Imagination, the poet’s vision, says Arnold, is a rare gift;
可是，啊，这是多么辛苦啊！啊，
王子，这是多么痛苦啊！
But oh, what labour!
O Prince, what pain!
在他后来的《菲洛梅拉》中，他使用了几乎相同的词语和几乎相同的节奏，来描述另一个希腊诗歌象征——夜莺：
In his later Philomela he uses almost the same words in almost the same rhythm, of that other Greek symbol of poetry, the nightingale:
多么伟大的胜利！多么伟大的痛苦！
What triumph! hark—what pain!
40.艾略特，《荒原》，228。
40. Eliot, The Waste Land, 228.
41 . 艾略特，《荒原》，243页。
41. Eliot, The Waste Land, 243 f.
42.艾略特，《圣灰星期三》，1.6。
42. Eliot, Ash Wednesday, 1. 6.
43 .彼得罗尼乌斯，《讽刺》，48。8：
43. Petronius, Satirica, 48. 8:
'Nam Sibyllam quidem cumis ego ipse oculis meis uidi in ampulla pendere, et cum illi pueri dicerent: Σiβuλλa, t$$$$i θ∊ ' λ∊ ' ls;响应 illa: a'πoθav∊iv θ∊ ' λω.'
‘Nam Sibyllam quidem Cumis ego ipse oculis meis uidi in ampulla pendere, et cum illi pueri dicerent: Σiβuλλa, t$$$$i θ∊’λ∊’ls; respondebat illa: a’πoθav∊iv θ∊’λω.’
参阅 Ov. Met . 14. 130–53。
Cf. Ov. Met. 14. 130–53.
44.马拉美，萨卢特。
44. Mallarmé, Salut.
45.艾略特，《烹饪鸡蛋》和《科利奥兰1》（凯旋进行曲）。
45. Eliot, A Cooking Egg and Coriolan 1 (Triumphal March).
46 . 艾略特，《荒原》，426页。
46. Eliot, The Waste Land, 426 f.
47 . 参见 Pater 的《Marius the Epicurean》第7 章；以及本书第 320 页。
47. See Pater, Marius the Epicurean, c. 7; and p. 320 of this book.
48。在这一点上，艾略特的诗触及了谢尼埃最著名的作品《年轻的塔朗丁》，后者是哀悼挽歌与较简短的墓志铭的融合。
48. In this, Eliot’s poem touches Chénier’s most famous work, La Jeune Tarentine, which is a blend of the mourning elegy and the briefer epitaph.
49 .庞德，Nunc Dimittis，《女神异闻录183》。
49. Pound, Nunc dimittis, in Personae 183.
50.纸莎草纸出现在庞德的《光辉》中，这是一本短诗集，包含许多对古典模式的改编。
50. Papyrus occurs in Pound’s Lustra, a collection of short poems containing many adaptations of classical models.
51.这个名字出现在 E. Lobel 版的《萨福》（牛津，1925 年）第 11. 10 和第4. 4 条中。
51. The name occurs in E. Lobel’s edition of Sappho (Oxford, 1925) at a 11. 10 and i 4. 4.
52 . 乔伊斯，《一个青年艺术家的肖像》 ，第 5 节，第 1 节。他强调自己受过亚里士多德和阿奎那的训练，以及他从奥维德的《变形记》开始学习拉丁语的事实——就像华兹华斯和蒙田等人。在《斯蒂芬英雄》一书中，他概述了一种坚定的古典主义诗歌理论。
52. Joyce, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, section 5, init. He emphasizes his training in Aristotle and Aquinas, and the fact that he began Latin with Ovid’s Metamorphoses —like Wordsworth and Montaigne and many another. In Stephen Hero he outlines a firmly classicist theory of poetry.
53。庞德一再宣称，诗人和读者必须了解广泛的文学，其中某些希腊和罗马诗人是高峰：参见他的《如何阅读》和《礼貌散文》。他最有趣的古典作品是《向塞克斯图斯·普罗佩修斯致敬》（1917 年）。这是对普罗佩修斯一些挽歌的非常自由的翻译。它独特、大胆、迷人；它充满了普罗佩修斯本人的南方温暖和拉丁活力。只是它有时令人厌恶，常常令人费解，因为庞德在英语和拉丁语中都会犯小学生的错误。在英语中，他能够写
53. Pound has proclaimed again and again that it is essential for poets and readers to know a wide range of literature, in which certain Greek and Roman poets are high peaks: see his How to Read and Polite Essays. His most interesting classical work is Homage to Sextus Propertius (1917). This is a very free translation of some of Propertius’ elegies. It is individual, and bold, and charming; it vibrates with the southern warmth and Latin energy of Propertius himself. Only it is sometimes repulsive and often unintelligible, because Pound makes schoolboy mistakes in both English and Latin. In English he is capable of writing
我可以埋葬在土丘下面吗
may I inter beneath the hummock ( = be buried)
和
and
您是否鄙视过朱诺的……神庙？
Have you contempted Juno’s … temples?
（见《向塞克斯图斯·普罗佩提乌斯致敬》，第 3 和第 8 页。）他对普罗佩提乌斯自己语言的理解错误让拉丁语鉴赏家们欣喜不已。最著名的错误太糟糕了，可能是为了搞笑。普罗佩提乌斯说他宁愿写爱情诗也不愿写史诗，然后提到了许多英雄主题，包括
(See Homage to Sextus Propertius, 3 and 8.) His mistakes in understanding Propertius’ own language are the delight of connoisseurs in dog-Latin. The best known is so bad that it might have been meant to be funny. Propertius says that he would rather write love-poetry than epics, and then mentions a number of heroic subjects, including
Cimbrorum … minas et benefacta Mari
Cimbrorum … minas et benefacta Mari
—“西恩布里亚人的挑战（他们入侵意大利并威胁罗马）和马略的服务”。庞德将此翻译为
—’the challenge of the Cirnbrians (who invaded Italy and threatened Rome) and the services of Marius’. Pound translates this
威尔士的矿山和马鲁斯从中赚取的利润
Nor of Welsh mines and the profit Marus had out of them
（《向塞克斯图斯·普罗佩修斯致敬》，5.2；普罗佩修斯，2.1.24）。文字上的错误虽然很精彩，但并不算什么；但精神是错误的。庞德应该知道，没有诗人会梦想写一部关于煤矿红利的英雄作品。
(Homage to Sextus Propertius, 5. 2; Propertius, 2. 1 . 24). The verbal mistakes, delicious as they are, do not matter too much; but the spirit is false. Pound should have known that no poet would dream of writing a heroic work about coalmining dividends.
尽管如此，《向塞克斯图斯·普罗佩提乌斯致敬》往往雄辩有力。它的词汇比枯燥乏味的陈词滥调要生动得多，即使是最热情洋溢的古典诗歌也常常被翻译成这样的语言：因此——
Nevertheless, Homage to Sextus Propertius is often eloquent and effective. Its vocabulary is far more vivid than the boring elderly language into which even the most passionate classical poems are too often translated: thus—
“你很早就开始检查情妇了。
你认为我养成了你的习惯吗？”
床上没有性爱的痕迹，
也没有第二任主人的迹象。
‘You are a very early inspector of mistresses.
Do you think I have adopted your habits?’
There were upon the bed no signs of a voluptuous encounter,
No signs of a second incumbent.
（向 Sextus Propertius 致敬，10；Prop. 2. 29. 31–2, 35–6。） 媒介不是 Propertius 的严格停顿对句，而是五英尺和六英尺抑扬格行的自由无韵变奏，带有一些戏剧性的半行。 由于节奏感的精细，艾略特称庞德为“更好的艺术家”，并赞扬他在诗歌创作艺术上的发现，他对 Propertius 的变奏，虽然古怪且经常不正确，但仍然鲜活而令人难忘。 尽管庞德无知而鲁莽，但他是古典文学的真诚而敏感的崇拜者。
(Homage to Sextus Propertius, 10; Prop. 2. 29. 31–2, 35–6.) The medium is not the strict stopped couplet of Propertius, but a free unrhymed variation on the five-foot and six-foot iambic line, with some dramatic half-lines. Because of the fine sense of rhythm that made Eliot call Pound ‘the better artist’ and praise his discoveries in the art of writing verse, his variations on Propertius, although eccentric and often incorrect, are still alive and memorable. Ignorant and brash though he is, Pound is a sincere and sensitive admirer of classical literature.
54 . 艾略特，《荒原》，265，288–91。
54. Eliot, The Waste Land, 265, 288–91.
23.神话的重新诠释
23. THE REINTERPRETATION OF THE MYTHS
1 .参见 F. Jacoby，“Euemeros”，载于 Pauly-Wissowa 的Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft，6. 952 f。
1. See F. Jacoby, ‘Euemeros’, in Pauly-Wissowa’s Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, 6. 952 f.
2. JD Cooke 在《真神论：中世纪对古典异教的解释》（Speculum，2（1927），396-410）中指出，早期基督教宣传者如何热切地抓住这一理论，并用它来（a）与《智慧书》中对偶像崇拜的解释相一致（即偶像最初是受人爱戴和崇敬的人类的纪念性雕像）；（6）证实赫拉克勒斯和其他神化凡人的故事；（c）解释众神的人性弱点的故事。他们得出结论，所有希腊罗马神灵最初都是人类。拉克坦提乌斯（在《神学机构》中）是这一理论的主要阐述者。它通过塞维利亚的伊西多尔传给了中世纪晚期的作家，如博韦的文森特（见第 101 页）、圭多·德·科隆尼斯（第 55 页）以及乔叟的学生利德盖特和高尔。
2. J. D. Cooke, in ‘Euhemerism: a Mediaeval Interpretation of Classical Paganism’ (Speculum, 2 (1927), 396–410), shows how eagerly the early Christian propagandists seized on the theory, and used it (a) to harmonize with the explanation of idolatry given in the Book of Wisdom (that idols were originally commemorative statues of loved and revered human beings); (6) to confirm the stories of Hercules and other deified mortals; (c) to account for the stories of the human frailties of the gods. They concluded that all the Greco-Roman deities were originally men. Lactantius (in the Divinae institutiones) was the chief elaborator of this theory. It was transmitted through Isidore of Seville to such late medieval writers as Vincent of Beauvais (see p. 101), Guido de Columnis (p. 55), and Chaucer’s pupils Lydgate and Gower.
3.参见第 150 页及该文章的第 23 条注释。
3. See p. 150, and note 23 on the passage.
4.创世记第六章2-4节。
4. Genesis vi. 2–4.
5. 《复乐园》， 2.172 页。同样，在《失乐园》（1.738 页）中，建造混乱世界的魔鬼被认定为赫菲斯托斯 / 穆尔塞伯 / 伏尔坎。
5. Paradise Regained, 2. 172 f. Similarly, in Paradise Lost, 1. 738 f., the devil who built Pandemonium is identified with Hephaestus/Mulciber/ Vulcan.
6 . 克鲁泽的《古代人民的象征与神话》在德国遭到了猛烈的攻击，主要有两点。一是，克鲁泽在古代宗教习俗中看到的复杂解释和深刻含义都是他自己发明的，几乎没有证据表明希腊人自己感受到了这些含义。另一点，沃斯的《反象征》（ 1824-6）和他在耶拿文学报上发表的文章都表明了这一点，即克鲁泽的《古代人民的象征与神话》是要推翻新教信仰，转而推崇神秘主义、祭司权术和神权政治。在一篇文笔优美的文章（《古代宗教》，转载于《宗教史研究》 ，巴黎，1857 年）中，勒南驳斥了第二种观点，并详细阐述了第一种观点，将克鲁泽与新柏拉图主义神秘主义者普罗克洛和波菲利进行了比较。E. 卡西尔在他的《符号形式哲学》 （柏林，1923-9 年）第 2. 21 页中指出了克鲁泽对谢林哲学的影响。参见 E. 霍瓦尔德编辑的文献《克鲁泽的符号斗争》（图宾根，1926 年）。
6. Creuzer’s Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Völker was keenly attacked in Germany on two main counts. One—represented in Lobeck’s brilliant Aglaophamus (1829)—was that the elaborate interpretations and deep significances which Creuzer saw in ancient religious practices were invented by himself, and that there was little evidence to show that the Greeks themselves felt them at all. The other—represented in Voss’s Anti-Symbolik (1824-6) and his articles in the Jena Litteratur-Zeitung — was that it was calculated to overthrow the Protestant faith, in favour of mysticism, priestcraft, and theocracy. In a handsomely written article (‘Les Religions de 1’antiquite’, reprinted in Études d’histoire religieuse, Paris, 1857) Renan dismissed the second of these, and elaborated the first, comparing Creuzer with the Neoplatonist mystics Proclus and Porphyry. Creuzer’s influence on Schelling’s philosophy is pointed out by E. Cassirer, in his Philosophie der symbolischen Formen (Berlin, 1923–9), 2. 21. See the documents edited by E. Howald, Der Kampf um Creuzers Symbolik (Tübingen, 1926).
7.本书第 456 页和第 446 页讨论了梅纳德和莱孔特·德·利斯尔。请参阅 H. Peyre的《1843 至 1870 年法国希腊主义批评书目》（耶鲁罗马研究，第 6 卷，纽黑文，1932 年），第 60 页，当然还有他关于梅纳德的精彩专著（同一系列中的第 5 号），我在此和第 20 章中都受益匪浅。
7. Ménard and Leconte de Lisle are discussed on pp. 456 f., 446 f. of this book. See H. Peyre, Bibliographie critique de I’Hellénisme en France de 1843 à 1870 (Yale Romanic Studies, 6, New Haven, 1932), 60 f., and of course his admirable monograph on Ménard (number 5 in the same series), to which I am much indebted, both here and in chapter 20.
8 .关于奥维德道德，请参见第 17 页。 62.
8. On Ovide moralisé see p. 62.
9.例如，参见弗洛伊德《精神分析概论》（J. Riviere 译，纽约花园城，1943 年）第十讲（“梦中的象征主义”）。神话、仪式和心理象征主义之间的联系在期刊《“意象”由弗洛伊德的学生萨克斯和兰克发起，并出现在西奥多·赖克的一些关于仪式的深刻著作中。
9. See, for instance, the tenth lecture (‘Symbolism in dreams’) in Freud’s A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis (tr. J. Riviere, Garden City, New York, 1943). The connexions between myth, ritual, and psychical symbolism have been further investigated in the periodical Imago, started by Freud’s pupils Sachs and Rank, and in a number of penetrating books on ritual by Theodor Reik.
10 . 有关这则神话的诗歌版本，请参见第 72 页。当代版本（受维吉尔《田园诗》第四首启发）是 WH Auden 向约翰·华纳致敬的颂歌：《演说家》，第 3. 4 页。
10. For a poetic version of this myth see p. 72. A contemporary version (inspired by the fourth of Vergil’s Bucolics) is W. H. Auden’s ode to John Warner: The Orators, 3. 4.
11 .在他的作品集第 10 卷《Reponse à une enquête de 'La Renaissance' sur le classicisme》 （1923 年）中，对他的观点有一个有趣的表述：
11. There is an interesting statement of his point of view in his Reponse à une enquête de ‘La Renaissance’ sur le classicisme (1923), in volume 10 of his collected works:
我想知道我的问题包括法国、祖国和古典主义的最后避难所。 Et pourtant，en France meme，y eut-il jamais加上古典主义的伟大代表拉斐尔，歌德或莫扎特？
‘Je ne pense pas que les questions que vous me posez au sujet puissent etre comprises ailleurs qu’en France, la patrie et le dernier refuge du classicisme. Et pourtant, en France meme, y eut-il jamais plus grands représentants du classicisme que Raphaël, Goethe ou Mozart?
“现实的古典主义不是外部约束的结果；” Celle-ci demeure artificielle et ne produit que des œuvres acadé'miques。我认为这些品质是我们的道德品质的典范，我自愿考虑古典主义与和谐的和谐，而不是首先的谦虚。浪漫主义永远伴随着奥盖伊、迷恋。 La Perfection classique implique, non point certes une您的压制 de 1'individu (peu s'en faut que je ne dise: au contraire) mais la soumission de 1'individu, sa subordination, et celle du mot dans laphrase, de laphrase dans la page，de la page dans 1'oeuvre。这就是等级制度的证据。
‘Le vrai classicisme n’est pas le resultat d’une contrainte extérieure; celle-ci demeure artificielle et ne produit que des œuvres acadé’miques. Il me semble que les qualites que nous nous plaisons a appeler classiques sont surtout des qualites morales, et volontiers je considere le classicisme comme un harmonieux faisceau de vertus, dont la premiére est la modestie. Le romantisme est toujours accompagné d’orgueil, d’infatuation. La perfection classique implique, non point certes une suppression de 1’individu (peu s’en faut que je ne dise: au contraire) mais la soumission de 1’individu, sa subordination, et celle du mot dans la phrase, de la phrase dans la page, de la page dans 1’oeuvre. C’est la mise en évidence d’une hiérarchie.
我认为古典主义与浪漫主义之间存在着一种内在的精神。这是 1'œuvre 的全部内容；经典艺术作品《第一秩序的凯旋》和《内部浪漫主义的测量》。 L'œuvre est d'autant plus Belle que la 选择了soumise était d'abord plus révoltée。 Si la matiere est soumise par avance, 1'œuvre est froide et sans interet.名副其实的古典主义与限制与抑制相结合； il n'est point tant conservateur que créateur; il se détourne de l'archaisme et se 拒绝 croire que tout a déjà été dit。
‘II importe de considérer que la lutte entre classicisme et romantisme existe aussi bien à l‘intérieur de chaque esprit. Et c’est de cette lutte même que doit naitre 1’œuvre; l’œuvre d’art classique raconte le triomphe de 1’ordre et de la mesure sur le romantisme intérieur. L’œuvre est d’autant plus belle que la chose soumise était d’abord plus révoltée. Si la matiere est soumise par avance, 1’œuvre est froide et sans interet. Le veritable classicisme ne comporte rien de restrictif ni de suppressif; il n’est point tant conservateur que créateur; il se détourne de l’archaisme et se refuse a croire que tout a déjà été dit.
'J'ajoute que ne devient pas classique qui veut； et que les grands classiques sont ceux qui le sont malgré' eux, ceux qui le sont sans le savoir。
‘J’ajoute que ne devient pas classique qui veut; et que les grands classiques sont ceux qui le sont malgré’ eux, ceux qui le sont sans le savoir.’
12.有关王尔德的希腊语和拉丁语知识的最新讨论，请参阅 AJA Symons 的《王尔德在牛津》，载于《地平线》 ，1941 年。
12. For a recent discussion of Wilde’s knowledge of Greek and Latin see A. J. A. Symons, ‘Wilde at Oxford”, in Horizon, 1941.
13 . 在此，我非常感谢 Winifred Smith 的一篇文章，《希腊女英雄的现代服饰》（Sewanee Review，1941 年 7 月至 9 月，第 385 页）。流亡法国的 Hasenclever 于 1940 年自杀，以逃避盖世太保的追捕（《来自法国的信》 ， Horizon，1941 年 3 月）。
13. I am here indebted to an article by Winifred Smith, ‘Greek Heroines in Modern Dress’ (Sewanee Review, July-Sept. 1941, 385 f.). Hasenclever, exiled in France, killed himself in 1940 to escape the Gestapo (‘Letter from France” in Horizon, March 1941).
14 .参见 F. Brie, 'Eugene O'Neill als Nachfolger der Griechen', in Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift , 21 (1933), 46–59； BH Clark，《埃斯库罗斯和奥尼尔》，载于《英语杂志》，21 (1932)，699–710；和 D. Bush，《英国诗歌中的神话与浪漫传统》（哈佛，1937 年），c。 15、关于整个主题。
14. See F. Brie, ‘Eugene O’Neill als Nachfolger der Griechen’, in Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift, 21 (1933), 46–59; B. H. Clark, ‘Aeschylus and O’Neill’, in The English Journal, 21 (1932), 699–710; and D. Bush, Mythology and the Romantic Tradition in English Poetry (Harvard, 1937), c. 15, on the entire subject.
15.任何看过朱迪思·安德森 1947-8 年在纽约演出的美狄亚的人都不会忘记她是如何将两种激情融合在一起的——当哭泣的护士告诉她情敌可怕的死亡时，她像幸福的情人一样开怀大笑。杰弗斯将《奥瑞斯提亚》激烈地简化为一部半戏剧半诗歌的作品《悲剧之外的塔》（纽约，1925 年），其中包含一些优美的诗歌，一些精彩的想象——例如，阿伽门农被谋杀后，通过卡珊德拉的身体说话的声音；但欲望和谋杀的身体暴力是如此极端，以至于令人难以置信或令人厌恶，而不是真正的悲剧。
15. No one who saw Judith Anderson’s performance of Medea in 1947–8 in New York will ever forget how she blended the two passions— how, as the weeping nurse told her of her rival’s fearful death, she laughed as luxuriously as a happy lover. Jeffers’s violent abbreviation of the Oresteia into a single piece, half-drama, half-poem, The Tower beyond Tragedy (New York, 1925), contains some fine poetry, some wonderful imaginings—for instance, Agamemnon’s voice speaking after his murder through the body of Cassandra; but the physical violences of lust and murder are so extreme as to be incredible or repulsive rather than truly tragic.
16.《伊卡罗》，露丝·德雷珀（Ruth Draper）译，吉尔伯特·默里（Gilbert Murray）作序（纽约，1933 年）。
16. Icaro, translated by Ruth Draper, with a preface by Gilbert Murray (New York, 1933).
17.请特别参阅第一幕中的第一合唱团（以索福克勒斯的《安提戈涅》中的第一合唱团为原型）和伊卡洛斯的狂想曲演讲。
17. See in particular the first chorus (modelled on the first chorus in Sophocles’ Antigone) and Icarus’ rhapsodical speeches in Act 1.
18 . A. 加缪，《西西弗神话：荒诞论》（巴黎，1942 年）。他还写过一部关于罗马皇帝卡利古拉的戏剧，他钦佩卡利古拉将生活视为“荒诞”。AJ 艾尔在《地平线》（1946 年 3 月）中对他的哲学态度进行了尖锐的批评。
18. A. Camus, Le Mythe de Sisyphe: essai sur l’ábsurde (Paris, 1942). He has also written a play on Caligula, the Roman emperor, whom he admires for treating life as ‘absurd’. There is a searching criticism of his philosophical attitude by A. J. Ayer in Horizon (March 1946).
19.拜伦，《普罗米修斯》（1816年7-9月诗集）。
19. Byron, Prometheus (Poems of July-September 1816).
20 .关于 Spitteler 的最好的单本书是 R. Faesi, Spittelers Weg und Werk (Frauenfeld, 1933)，其中有大量参考书目。另见 W. Adrian，《Carl Spittelers Olympischem Fruhling 中的神话》（伯尔尼，1922 年）； F. Buri，《普罗米修斯与基督》（伯尔尼，1945 年）； J. Fränkel、Spitteler、Huldigungen und Begegnungen（圣加仑，1945 年）； O. Hofer，Die Lebensauffassung in Spittelers Dichten（伯尔尼，1929 年）； CG Jung在Psychologische Typen中关于普罗米修斯和埃庇米修斯的文章（苏黎世，1921 年）； R. Messleny、Karl Spitteler und das neudeutsche Epos（哈雷，1918 年）； F. Schmidt，Die Erneuerung des Epos（Beiträge zur Àsthetik，17，莱比锡，1928）； AHJ Knight 在《现代语言评论》，27 (1932) 中发表了一篇精彩的文章，JG Robertson 在他的《文学论文与演讲》（伦敦，1935）中发表了一篇详尽的介绍性文章。我还没有看过 JG Muirhead 的《普罗米修斯与埃庇米修斯》译本（伦敦，1931 年）。 E. Ewalt 的Spitteler 或 George？（柏林，1930）除了收集了斯皮特勒的言语效果外，不值得一读。
20. The best single book on Spitteler is R. Faesi, Spittelers Weg und Werk (Frauenfeld, 1933), which has a large bibliography. See also W. Adrian, Die Mythologie in Carl Spittelers Olympischem Fruhling (Berne, 1922); F. Buri, Prometheus und Christus (Berne, 1945); J. Fränkel, Spitteler, Huldigungen und Begegnungen (St. Gallen, 1945); O. Hofer, Die Lebensauffassung in Spittelers Dichten (Berne, 1929); C. G. Jung’s essay on Prometheus und Epimetheus in Psychologische Typen (Zurich, 1921); R. Messleny, Karl Spitteler und das neudeutsche Epos (Halle, 1918); F. Schmidt, Die Erneuerung des Epos (Beiträge zur Àsthetik, 17, Leipzig, 1928); an excellent essay by A. H. J. Knight in The Modern Language Review, 27 (1932), and a sound introductory article by J. G. Robertson in his Essays and Addresses on Literature (London, 1935). I have not seen J. G. Muirhead’s translation of Prometheus und Epimetheus (London, 1931). E. Ewalt’s Spitteler oder George? (Berlin, 1930) is not worth reading, except for its collection of Spitteler’s verbal effects.
21.普罗米修斯是歌德（第 637 页）、雪莱（第 419 页）、拜伦等人的最爱。
21. Prometheus was a favourite of Goethe (p. 637), Shelley (p. 419), Byron, and others.
22 .尽管斯皮特勒的书和尼采的书非常相似，但它们是完全独立写成的。两位作者都不认识或理解对方。参见斯皮特勒自己的声明“Meine Beziehungen zu Nietzsche” （Süddeutsche Monatshefte，1908），尼采在《Ecce Homo》中的冷笑，c。 I 和 J. Nagaz，《Spittelers Prometheus und Epimetheus und Nietzsches Zarathustra》（库尔，1912 年）。
22. In spite of their strong resemblances, Spitteler’s book and Nietzsche’s book were written quite independently. Neither author knew or understood the other. See Spitteler’s own statement ‘Meine Beziehungen zu Nietzsche’ (Süddeutsche Monatshefte, 1908), Nietzsche’s sneer in Ecce Homo, c. I, and J. Nagaz, Spittelers Prometheus und Epimetheus und Nietzsches Zarathustra (Chur, 1912).
23 . 参见 AHJ Knight 的论文《现代语言评论》第 27 卷（1932 年），第 443–4 页，其中讨论了斯皮特勒的希腊语知识。我也很感谢这篇论文对斯皮特勒的悲观主义的评论。
23. See A. H. J. Knight’s essay, The Modern Language Review, 27 (1932), 443–4, on Spitteler’s knowledge of Greek. I am also indebted to this essay for the remarks on Spitteler’s pessimism.
24 .施皮特勒，奥林匹克Frühling，1.3：
24. Spitteler, Olympischer Frühling, 1.3:
和 sieh，我的 Horizonte droben auf der Weid
Wuchs aus dem blauen Himmel eine schlanke Maid，
In Tracht und Ansehn einer schlichten Hirtin gleich，
Doch schimmernd wie ein Engel aus dem Himmelreich。
Die hohlen Händ als Muschel hielt sie vor dem Mund,
Draus stiess sie Jauchzerketten in den Alpengrund。
Jetzt hat ihr Blick die Lagernden erspaht。 “尤切黑！”
Und mit verwegnen Sprungen kam sie flgs herbei。
Und sieh, am Horizonte droben auf der Weid
Wuchs aus dem blauen Himmel eine schlanke Maid,
In Tracht und Ansehn einer schlichten Hirtin gleich,
Doch schimmernd wie ein Engel aus dem Himmelreich.
Die hohlen Händ als Muschel hielt sie vor dem Mund,
Draus stiess sie Jauchzerketten in den Alpengrund.
Jetzt hat ihr Blick die Lagernden erspaht. ‘Juchhei!’
Und mit verwegnen Sprungen kam sie flugs herbei.
我们不可能不想到《埃涅阿斯纪》（ 1.314 页）中维纳斯第一次出现在她儿子面前的情景，那时她是一个赤裸膝盖的狩猎女孩，快活地喊着“heus, iuuenes！”
It is impossible not to think of the first appearance of Venus to her son in Aeneid, 1. 314 f., as a bare-kneed hunting girl with a jolly ‘heus, iuuenes!’
25 . 关于Spitteler和Bocklin，请参阅Faesi（引自注20），第238页。S . Streicher有两卷本的著作《Spitteler und Bocklin 》（苏黎世，1927年）。
25. On Spitteler and Bocklin see Faesi (cited in n. 20), 238 f. There is a two-volume work on the subject, Spitteler und Bocklin, by S. Streicher (Zurich, 1927).
26 . 安德烈·奥贝的《鲁克丽丝之剑》（1931 年）是一项有趣的实验，它通过引入一名朗诵者和一名戴着面具的朗诵者（Récitant and Récitante），在整个表演过程中，他们分别坐在舞台的两侧，以此弥合观众与演员之间的差距。他们有时报道舞台外的行动，有时评论舞台上展示的事件，有时代表观众发言，有时他们引用莎士比亚的诗歌，该剧就是根据这首诗改编的：他们说“可怜的小鸟”，“可怜的受惊的鹿”，pauvre biche effrayee — 在戏剧的最后几句中，这首诗被改为pauvre biche égorgée。
26. André Obey’s Le Viol de Lucrece (1931) is an interesting experiment in bridging the gap between audience and actors by introducing a Récitant and Récitante (masked) who sit at each side of the stage throughout the action. Sometimes they report offstage action, sometimes they comment on the events shown on the stage, sometimes they speak for crowds, and now and then they quote the poem of Shakespeare on which the play is based: ‘poor bird”, they say, and ‘poor frighted deer’, pauvre biche effrayee —which is changed in the last words of the drama to pauvre biche égorgée.
27.参见第 51 页。
27. See p. 51 f.
28 .纪德在《希腊神话的考量》（《著作》，第 9 节）中提出了这一思想。
28. Gide has this thought in Considérations sur la mythologie grecque (Works, v. 9), init.
29 .真正的书是丹尼尔·罗普斯的《Notre inquietude》 ，以及《法国新评论》的马塞尔·阿兰德的一篇名为《Un Nouveau Mal du siécle》的文章。
29. The real books are Notre inquietude by Daniel-Rops, and an essay called Un Nouveau Mal du siécle by Marcel Arland of the Nouvelle revue française.
30。我的同事贾斯汀·奥布莱恩指出，纪德对罪恶具有传染性这一观点很感兴趣——就像莫里哀一样。正如达尔杜弗的虚伪和阿巴贡的贪婪影响了与他们接触的人一样，俄狄浦斯无意识的乱伦（或者说是完全无意识的？）从他身上蔓延开来，感染了他的整个家庭。
30. My colleague Justin O’Brien points out that Gide is interested in the idea that sin is infectious—as Moliere was. Just as the hypocrisy of Tartuffe and the greed of Harpagon affected those who came into contact with them, so the unconscious incest of Oedipus (or was it quite unconscious?) spreads out from him to infect his whole family.
31 .纪德，Le Roi Candaule，2 鳍。
31. Gide, Le Roi Candaule, 2 fin.
32 . 纪德，《Thésée》，第 11 页。以姐妹换兄弟是纪德的执念之一：参见Corydon 1。
32. Gide, Thésée, 11 . The exchange of a sister for a brother is one of Gide’s obsessions: see Corydon 1 .
33.纪德，Thésée，11。
33. Gide, Thésée, 11 .
34奥维德，《她》，第10卷，第41–2页：
34. Ovid, Her, 10. 41–2:
Candidaque imposui longae uelamina uirgae,
scilicet oblitos admonitura mei。
candidaque imposui longae uelamina uirgae,
scilicet oblitos admonitura mei.
35.纪德，《德赛》，4。
35. Gide, Thésée, 4.
36 .吉罗杜，埃莱克特，2. 6。
36. Giraudoux, Électre, 2. 6.
37 .吉罗杜，《La Guerre de Troie n'aura pas lieu》，2. 8。
37. Giraudoux, La Guerre de Troie n’aura pas lieu, 2. 8.
38。这是对俄狄浦斯乱伦婚床的残酷双关语：“On peut dire qu'il s'est mis la dans de mauvais draps。” 吉罗杜克斯（Giraudoux）是一个抒情想象力丰富的人，他犯下了令人惊讶的大量此类粗俗之词。在《埃勒克特》（Électre） 1.2 中，一个小复仇女神对园丁说：“Le destin te montre son derriére. Regarde s'il grossit!” 在他的《埃尔佩诺》 （Elpénor ）（1929）中有一首关于海伦被诱惑的诗，结尾
38. This is an atrocious pun on Oedipus’ incestuous marriage-bed: ‘On peut dire qu’il s’est mis la dans de mauvais draps.” For a man of his lyrical imagination Giraudoux committed a surprising number of such vulgarities. In Électre, 1. 2, one of the little Eumenides says to the gardener: ‘Le destin te montre son derriére. Regarde s’il grossit!” And in his Elpénor (1929) there is a poem about the seduction of Helen, ending
C'est un péché，我承认，
Mais Paris vaut bien une messe！
C’est un péché, je le confesse,
Mais Paris vaut bien une messe!
39 .科克托，《地狱机器》，2（第 116-17 页）。
39. Cocteau, La Machine infernale, 2 (pp. 116–17).
24.结论
24. CONCLUSION
1.详情请参阅 PC Wilson 的《瓦格纳的戏剧和希腊悲剧》（纽约，1919 年）。瓦格纳在学校接受了良好的古典文学训练，并在 35 岁时以极大的热情再次学习希腊语：他自己说，甚至他在拜罗伊特的剧院也是希腊的灵感来源。
1. For details, see P. C. Wilson, Wagner’s Dramas and Greek Tragedy (New York, 1919). Wagner was very well trained in the classics at school, and took up Greek again with great enthusiasm at 35: even his theatre at Bayreuth was, he said himself, a Greek inspiration.
2 . 梭罗，《亲笔信》，1856 年 11 月 19 日。
2. Thoreau, Familiar Letters, 19 Nov. 1856.
3.引自 EJ Simmons 所著《列夫·托尔斯泰》（波士顿，1946 年），第 288–9、311 页。
3. Quoted and translated by E. J. Simmons, Leo Tolstoy (Boston, 1946), 288–9, 311.
4.关于皮特的父亲，见第 329 页；关于卡苏朋的父亲，见第 639 页；关于勃朗宁的父亲，见他的诗《发展》，见第 686 页；关于蒙田的父亲，见第 186 页。埃德蒙·戈斯的《父与子》中还有另一段这样的赞颂，它表明孩子的想象力可以多么奇怪地被激发，以及激发这种想象力是多么必要。戈斯后来成为一位著名的文学评论家，他生长在一个沉闷的宗教家庭。他发现很难学拉丁语，因为他对拉丁语感到厌恶：“一串串的词，以及可怕的变位和变格安排，以一种令人震惊的难看的方式呈现”（参见第 490 页以下）。但他的父亲听到他重复这些词句，便拿下了古老的德尔芬·维吉尔诗，这首诗“曾给他带来无价的慰藉”，在他年轻时，他曾进行过实地考察，“在加拿大急流的岸边，在西印度沼泽的边缘……羊皮封面上有一道很大的划痕，是阿拉巴马州森林里的荆棘造成的”。他想起了年轻时在荒野度过的快乐时光，想起了失去的爱妻；他开始凭记忆背诵维吉尔的第一首田园诗。小男孩一个字也听不懂，但被声音的美妙所震撼。他听着“仿佛是夜莺的歌声”，直到他父亲到达
4. On Pitt’s father, see p. 329; on Casaubon’s, p. 639; on Browning’s, his poem Development, and p. 686; on Montaigne’s, p. 186. There is another such tribute in Edmund Gosse’s Father and Son, which shows how strangely the child’s imagination can be kindled and how necessary it is to kindle it. Gosse, who became an eminent literary critic, was brought up in a dreary religious household. He found it hard to learn Latin, which was made as repulsive for him as possible: ‘strings of words, and of grim arrangements of conjugation and declension, presented in a manner appallingly unattractive’ (cf. p. 490 f.). But his father, hearing him repeating these strings of words, took down the old Delphin Vergil which ‘had been an inestimable solace to him’ during his field-trips as a young naturalist, ‘by the shores of Canadian rapids, on the edge of West Indian swamps … there was a great scratch on the sheepskin cover that a thorn had made in a forest of Alabama’. He thought of the happy months of his youth spent in the wilds, and of the beloved wife he had lost; and he began to repeat the first of Vergil’s bucolic poems by memory. The little boy could not understand a word, but was struck by the beauty of the sounds. He listened ‘as if to a nightingale’ until his father reached
tu, Tityre, lentus in umbra
formosam resonare doces Amaryllida siluas.
tu, Tityre, lentus in umbra
formosam resonare doces Amaryllida siluas.
然后他要求翻译；但翻译后，这些诗句对他毫无意义：一个在普利茅斯弟兄会长大的 11 岁男孩怎么能听懂异教牧羊人唱的关于他爱人的歌？然而，这些歌词的音乐却萦绕在他的心头。‘我说服父亲一遍又一遍地重复这些诗句，他对我的坚持感到有点惊讶。最后我的大脑抓住了它们。’从那时起，他开始以一种荣耀的方式对自己重复这些诗句：“当我悬在海边的潮汐池上时，我所有的内心都习惯于用声音来回响
Then he asked for a translation; but the lines meant nothing to him when they were translated: how could a boy of 11 brought up among Plymouth Brethren understand the pagan shepherd singing about his sweetheart? And yet he was haunted by the music of the words. ‘I persuaded my Father, who was a little astonished at my insistence, to repeat the lines over and over again. At last my brain caught them.’ And thenceforward he went about repeating them to himself in a kind of glory: ‘as I hung over the tidal pools at the edge of the sea, all my inner being used to ring out with the sound of
formosam resonare doces Amaryllida siluas。'
formosam resonare doces Amaryllida siluas.’
这与 200 多年前让弥尔顿着迷的《树荫下的孤挺花》是同一朵花：参见《利西达斯》，68 页。
This is the same ‘Amaryllis in the shade’ who charmed Milton’s imagination more than 200 years earlier: see Lycidas, 68.
5.柏拉图，《理想国》，372 d 4。
5. Plato, The Republic, 372 d 4.
指数
INDEX
重要参考文献用粗体数字表示，例如：123。括号中的页码（123）表示该页提到了某个主题，但没有明确命名。标题的格式与书正文相同——即，从正文中引用时使用英文翻译，从注释中单独引用时使用原文。
Important references are shown by bold figures, thus: 123. A page-number in parentheses (123) shows that a subject is mentioned on that page, but not explicitly named. Titles are given in the same forms as in the body of the book—that is, in English translation when cited from the main text, and in the original languages when cited from the notes alone.
如果与第 xiii-xxxvi 页的目录一起使用，索引将更有帮助。
The index will be more helpful if used together with the table of contents on pages xiii-xxxvi.
“AO”，124。
‘A. O.’, 124.
阿贝尔，566。
Abel, 566.
阿贝拉尔，彼得，48，50，60。
Abélard, Peter, 48, 50, 60.
傷口，398。
aboyeurs, 398.
亚伯拉罕，29，196。
Abraham, 29, 196.
亚伯拉罕和圣克拉拉，308, 649–50
Abraham a Sancta Clara, 308, 649–50
Judas der Erzschelm引用，649。
Judas der Erzschelm quoted, 649.
四月，佩德罗·西蒙，121，122。
Abril, Pedro Simon, 121, 122.
专制主义，罗马，476。
absolutism, Roman, 476.
抽象形容词和名词，108，109，110，160，319，321
abstract adjectives and nouns, 108, 109, 110, 160, 319, 321
并看到拟人化。
and see personifications.
生活的荒谬，527–8、703。
absurdity of life, 527–8, 703.
学院，法语，378，280，443，638
Academy, French, 378, 280, 443, 638
柏拉图的，278，639；罗马的，639
Plato’s, 278, 639; Roman, 639
皇家（皇家学院），373, 665。
Royal (Académie Royale), 373, 665.
亚该亚同盟，399。
Achaean League, 399.
亚该亚人，23
Achaeans, 23
衣冠楚楚，483。
dapper-greaved, 483.
Acheron，357，607。
Acheron, 357, 607.
阿喀琉斯，336，580
Achilles, 336, 580
装甲, 156, 600, 606, 619
armour, 156, 600, 606, 619
字符，74，281
character, 74, 281
死亡与永生，52–3、521、575
death and immortality, 52–3, 521, 575
后代，164
descendants, 164
漏洞, 150, 155, (157), 521
exploits, 150, 155, (157), 521
爱，52–3，575
love, 52–3, 575
愤怒，52，156，281，577。
wrath, 52, 156, 281, 577.
阿基里斯·塔蒂乌斯、克利托丰和留西佩，164。
Achilles Tatius, Clitophon and Leucippe, 164.
Acrasia，149，604。
Acrasia, 149, 604.
雅典卫城，454。
Acropolis, 454.
阿克泰翁，207，621。
Actaeon, 207, 621.
法国行动，Ligue d'，692。
Action Française, Ligue d’, 692.
演员，130
actors and actresses, 130
巴洛克风格，297
baroque, 297
希腊文，443
Greek, 443
中世纪，127，140
medieval, 127, 140
文艺复兴，127，128，134，138，141
Renaissance, 127, 128, 134, 138, 141
Roman，140-1。
Roman, 140–1.
使徒行传，625。
Acts of the Apostles, 625.
圣徒行传，567。
Acts of the Saints, 567.
亚当，149，153，245，636。
Adam, 149, 153, 245, 636.
亚当，罗伯特，290。
Adam, Robert, 290.
亚当·德拉哈勒，166。
Adam de la Halle, 166.
阿达玛斯，378。
Adamas, 378.
Adamastor，148。
Adamastor, 148.
艾迪生·约瑟夫·卡托，293
Addison, Joseph, Cato, 293
论文，192，295
essays, 192, 295
学习，295
learning, 295
教皇上，320
Pope on, 320
风格，327
style, 327
译文：维吉尔，295。
tr. Vergil, 295.
阿德灵顿，托马斯，125–6。
Adlington, Thomas, 125–6.
阿德墨托斯，452–3。
Admetus, 452–3.
阿多奈斯，420。
Adonais, 420.
阿多尼斯，420、455、523、620、678。
Adonis, 420, 455, 523, 620, 678.
阿德里安娜，625。
Adriana, 625.
爱琴海，428，459，530，685。
Aegean Sea, 428, 459, 530, 685.
埃癸斯托斯，539。
Aegisthus, 539.
Ælfric，46–7，568。
Ælfric, 46–7, 568.
埃利乌斯·阿里斯蒂德斯，680。
Aelius Aristides, 680.
埃涅阿斯，546
Aeneas, 546
布鲁特的祖先，151
ancestor of Brute, 151
和Dido，68，99，116，217，580，582，592，621
and Dido, 68, 99, 116, 217, 580, 582, 592, 621
和拉维尼娅，56，580
and Lavinia, 56, 580
和西比尔，73，516
and the Sibyl, 73, 516
他的盔甲，153,600
his armour, 153, 600
叛徒，51, 53, 99, 575, 592
as traitor, 51, 53, 99, 575, 592
字符，74，607
character, 74, 607
金星之子，169，563，605，704
child of Venus, 169, 563, 605, 704
神化，520
deified, 520
描述特洛伊陷落，156，217
describes fall of Troy, 156, 217
与图努斯决斗，150，154，607
duel with Turnus, 150, 154, 607
特洛伊战争中的功绩，52
exploits in Trojan war, 52
罗马股票的创始人，52, 54, 144, 591
founder of Roman stock, 52, 54, 144, 591
在意大利，99
in Italy, 99
黑社会, 49, 78, 153, 511, 516, 698
in underworld, 49, 78, 153, 511, 516, 698
流亡流浪，52、76、78、99、151、337、511、563、575。
wanderings in exile, 52, 76, 78, 99, 151, 337, 511, 563, 575.
伊奥利亚歌词，680。
Aeolian lyrics, 680.
爱奥尼亚方言，481。
Aeolic dialect, 481.
埃斯库罗斯，受人钦佩和效仿，295、360、419、423、460、526、542、648、667、679、702
Aeschylus, admired and emulated, 295, 360, 419, 423, 460, 526, 542, 648, 667, 679, 702
莎士比亚，201
and Shakespeare, 201
被鄙视和忽视，120，132，280，357，378
despised and neglected, 120, 132, 280, 357, 378
语言和风格，132，299，300，419
language and style, 132, 299, 300, 419
引用，252
quoted, 252
译文，120，419，597，679。
translated, 120, 419, 597, 679.
—作品：《阿伽门农》，300，538
—works: Agamemnon, 300, 538
《复仇女神》，538，678
The Eumenides, 538, 678
奥瑞斯提亚, 132, 265, 526, 542, 702
Oresteia, 132, 265, 526, 542, 702
波斯人，419
The Persians, 419
被缚的普罗米修斯，295，419，423，538，597
Prometheus Bound, 295, 419, 423, 538, 597
七次攻打底比斯，679。
Seven against Thebes, 679.
埃斯库拉庇乌斯，148，520。
Aesculapius, 148, 520.
伊索，280，653
Aesop, 280, 653
寓言，188，283，284。
fables, 188, 283, 284.
唯美主义者，439，445，662。
aesthetes, 439, 445, 662.
审美经验，387-388。
aesthetic experience, 387–8.
审美感，11，21，370，444，496。
aesthetic sense, 11, 21, 370, 444, 496.
美学，词语处理，109，110。
aesthetics, words dealing with, 109, 110.
奥伊迪亚纳（Aetas Ouidiana），579。
aetas Ouidiana, 579.
Aethiopica，参见 Heliodorus。
Aethiopica, see Heliodorus.
非洲，329
Africa, 329
中央, 11
central, 11
东部，144，438
east, 144, 438
北部, 3, 4, 5, 12, 36, 421, 458, SS6, 557
northern, 3, 4, 5, 12, 36, 421, 458, SS6, 557
罗马，3，4，556，557。
Roman, 3, 4, 556, 557.
和埃涅阿斯，52
and Aeneas, 52
和梦想，605
and the Dream, 605
伊菲革涅亚，373
and Iphigenia, 373
作为拟人化的部落，521
as personified tribe, 521
他的谋杀，284、425、513–14、526、703。
his murder, 284, 425, 513–14, 526, 703.
阿加扎里、阿戈斯蒂诺、尤梅利奥，175。
Agazzari, Agostino, Eumelio, 175.
农业，351，395，457，521，523。
agriculture, 351, 395, 457, 521, 523.
埃阿斯和赫克托尔，197，320
Ajax, and Hector, 197, 320
和尤利西斯，167，619
and Ulysses, 167, 619
像驴狮子一样，272-3
as a donkey-lion, 272–3
作为拟人化的部落，521
as personified tribe, 521
自负，619
conceit, 619
死亡，53。
death, 53.
阿拉丁，524。
Aladdin, 524.
阿兰·德·里尔，安提克劳迪安努斯，65
Alain de Lille, Anticlaudianus, 65
论自然，65。
De planctu Naturae, 65.
Alamanni，Luigi，赞美诗，231，629
Alamanni, Luigi, hymns, 231, 629
托斯卡纳歌剧院309
Opere Toscane, 309
讽刺作品，309–11
satires, 309–11
tr. 《安提戈涅》，120，133。
tr. Antigone, 120, 133.
阿拉努斯·德因苏利斯（Alanus de Insulis），65岁。
Alanus de Insulis, 65.
阿拉里克，557。
Alaric, 557.
阿尔巴，53岁。
Alba, 53.
阿尔伯特亲王配偶，487。
Albert, Prince Consort, 487.
布雷西亚的阿尔伯塔诺，《安慰与劝告之书》，101。
Albertano of Brescia, The Book of Consolation and Counsel, 101.
佛罗伦萨的阿尔贝托，571。
Alberto of Florence, 571.
阿尔比派异端，48，93–4，579。
Albigensian heresy, 48, 93–4, 579.
阿尔凯乌斯，220，225-6。
Alcaeus, 220, 225–6.
阿尔卡语诗节，参见韵律。
Alcaic stanza, see metre.
阿尔塞斯特，276，280。
Alceste, 276, 280.
阿尔刻提斯，452–3。
Alcestis, 452–3.
炼金术，455。
alchemy, 455.
阿尔西比亚德斯，197，198，623。
Alcibiades, 197, 198, 623.
Alcman，669。
Alcman, 669.
Alcuin，38，39，565。
Alcuin, 38, 39, 565.
昴星团，98。
Alcyone, 98.
Aldhelm，26，37，46，564-5。
Aldhelm, 26, 37, 46, 564–5.
奥尔德里奇，院长，283。
Aldrich, Dean, 283.
阿尔杜斯（Aldus），参见马努提乌斯（Manutius）。
Aldus, see Manutius.
阿莱克托（Allecto），148–9。
Alecto (Allecto), 148–9.
亚历山大大帝的野心，68
Alexander the Great, ambition, 68
神化，520
deification, 520
帝国和继承者，138，323
empire and successors, 138, 323
关于的神话和诗歌，56，57，190，578，580。
myths and poems about, 56, 57, 190, 578, 580.
亚历山大·德·贝尔奈，56 岁。
Alexandre de Bernay, 56.
亚历山大，162，455，456，457，458–9，570，630。
Alexandria, 162, 455, 456, 457, 458–9, 570, 630.
亚历山大批评家，630
Alexandrian critics, 630
传教士，568
missionaries, 568
诗人，381，630。
poets, 381, 630.
亚历山大米、56、137、317、529、603、604。
Alexandrine metre, 56, 137, 317, 529, 603, 604.
亚历克西斯，559。
Alexis, 559.
维托里奥伯爵阿尔菲里，424–7, 428, 430, 431, 455, 687
Alfieri, Count Vittorio, 424–7, 428, 430, 431, 455, 687
自传，424，679
autobiography, 424, 679
希腊语和拉丁语知识，360、424-5、679。
knowledge of Greek and Latin, 360, 424–5, 679.
——作品：迪莉娅·提兰尼德，679
—work: Delia tirannide, 679
679
I troppi, 679
米索加洛425
Misogallo, 425
《君主论》与文学，426，679
On the Prince and Literature, 426, 679
悲剧，424–7、679–80。
tragedies, 424–7, 679–80.
阿尔弗雷德国王，39–41、45–6、47、275、571、572–3。
Alfred, King, 39–41, 45–6, 47, 275, 571, 572–3.
阿尔弗雷德·朱厄尔，31岁。
Alfred jewel, 31.
阿拉奇，《戏剧学》，665。
Allacci, Drammaturgia, 665.
寓言，32、62–9、86、167、529–30、573。
allegories, 32, 62–9, 86, 167, 529–30, 573.
寓言化，64，581。
allegorizing, 64, 581.
头韵，34，46，656。
alliteration, 34, 46, 656.
典故，古典：20–1、156–8、408–9、482
allusions, classical: 20–1, 156–8, 408–9, 482
巴洛克诗歌，21，236
in baroque poetry, 21, 236
巴洛克散文，327–9，371
in baroque prose, 327–9, 371
布朗宁，686
in Browning, 686
但丁，78
in Dante, 78
摘自艾略特，516，519
in Eliot, 516, 519
纪德，525
in Gide, 525
歌德，380
in Goethe, 380
《玫瑰传奇》第64–5 页、第 67–8 页
in The Romance of the Rose, 64–5, 67–8
摘自莎士比亚，198–9、200。
in Shakespeare, 198–9, 200.
暗示法，563。
allusive method, 563.
字母表，希腊语，6，481
alphabet, Greek, 6, 481
罗马文，6 符文，参见符文
Roman, 6 Runic, see runes
斯拉夫语或西里尔语，6，545，557。
Slavic or Cyrillic, 6, 545, 557.
阿尔卑斯山，530，555。
Alps, 530, 555.
阿尔萨斯人文主义者，121，310。
Alsatian humanists, 121, 310.
Altenstaig，J.，123。
Altenstaig, J., 123.
威尔士的阿玛迪斯 (Amadis de Gaula)，169、170、186。
Amadis of Wales (Amadis de Gaula), 169, 170, 186.
阴凉处的孤挺花，705。
Amaryllis in the shade, 705.
阿玛塔斯（= 阿玛塔，Verg. Aen . 7. 343 f.），642。
Amatas (= Amata, Verg. Aen. 7. 343 f.), 642.
安博伊斯，米歇尔，125。
Amboyse, Michel d’, 125.
安布罗吉尼、安吉洛，参见波利蒂安。
Ambrogini, Angelo, see Politian.
美洲大陆：17,402,448
America, the continent: 17, 402, 448
艺术，57
art, 57
文化、七、9、57、275、292、471、481、554
culture, vii, 9, 57, 275, 292, 471, 481, 554
发现，83，344
discovery of, 83, 344
教育，257
education, 257
语言，112
languages, 112
文学, 七, 57, 145, 262, 275
literature, vii, 57, 145, 262, 275
道德，57
morality, 57
人口，255
population, 255
宗教，9-10。
religion, 9–10.
美洲（拉丁或南美）9，144，280，391
America, Latin or South, 9, 144, 280, 391
美国，美国：166、403、504、513、645
America, United States of: 166, 403, 504, 513, 645
陆军，399
army, 399
艺术，269，370
art, 269, 370
文明，37，512，554
civilization, 37, 512, 554
教育，3，491，495，499，541-2
education, 3, 491, 495, 499, 541–2
国玺，399
Great Seal, 399
希腊罗马名字，399–400
Greco-Roman names in, 399–400
历史，335
history, 335
文学，七、275、367、399、435、516–17、526–7、531、541、542、561
literature, vii, 275, 367, 399, 435, 516–17, 526–7, 531, 541, 542, 561
共和國，369
republic, 369
革命，255、329、369、391、399-401。
revolution, 255, 329, 369, 391, 399–401.
美国语言学杂志， 471，694。
American Journal of Philology, The, 471, 694.
阿米安，188。
Ammian, 188.
阿蒙尼乌斯（Ammonius），570。
Ammonius, 570.
安菲阿拉俄斯，592。
Amphiaraus, 592.
近邻理事会，399。
Amphictyonic Council, 399.
圆形剧场，129.
amphitheatres, 129.
阿明塔斯 (Amyntas)，140 岁，参见塔索 (Tasso)，阿明塔 (Aminta)。
Amyntas, 140, and see Tasso, Aminta.
阿米奥特，雅克，tr。欧里庇得斯，120
Amyot, Jacques, tr. Euripides, 120
tr. Heliodorus, 124, 164
tr. Heliodorus, 124, 164
tr. Longus, 124, 164
tr. Longus, 124, 164
译普鲁塔克，117，119，126，188，191，210，393。
tr. Plutarch, 117, 119, 126, 188, 191, 210, 393.
时代错误：Giraudoux，534
anachronisms: Giraudoux, 534
路易斯，458
Louÿs, 458
拉辛，402–3
Racine, 402–3
莎士比亚，197。
Shakespeare, 197.
阿那克里翁，221，228，673
Anacreon, 221, 228, 673
现代模仿者：Ronsard，233，235，247，632
modern imitators: Ronsard, 233, 235, 247, 632
Leopardi，430–1。
Leopardi, 430–1.
《阿那克里翁在天堂》，228–9。
Anacreon in Heaven, 228–9.
阿那克里翁学派（阿那克里翁的希腊模仿者），221、228–9、247。
Anacreontics (Greek imitators of Anaacreon), 221, 228–9, 247.
分析，332–3、385。
analysis, 332–3, 385.
首语重复，332。
anaphora, 332.
无政府主义和无政府状态，393，394，409。
anarchism and anarchy, 393, 394, 409.
诅咒和诅咒玛拉那瑟，484，692。
anathema and Anathema-Maranatha, 484, 692.
解剖学，180–1，372。
anatomy, 180–1, 372.
Anchises，79，511。
Anchises, 79, 511.
仙女座，153。
Andromeda, 153.
轶事，89，304，306。
anecdotes, 89, 304, 306.
当归，145，153。
Angelica, 145, 153.
天使，26，34，38，46，78，149–50，151，153，203，364，529，539，586，605
angels, 26, 34, 38, 46, 78, 149–50, 151, 153, 203, 364, 529, 539, 586, 605
堕落，159，160。
fallen, 159, 160.
角度，23，38。
Angles, 23, 38.
盎格鲁撒克逊编年史，38，39，569。
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 38, 39, 569.
盎格鲁-撒克逊人，22–47，564
Anglo-Saxons, 22–47, 564
语言，vii，18，105，330，331，564，568
language, vii, 18, 105, 330, 331, 564, 568
文献，22-47、469、556、562-8、572-3。
literature, 22–47, 469, 556, 562–8, 572–3.
动物和英雄，562
animals and heroes, 562
和情人，629
and lovers, 629
在宗教中，521，567。
in religion, 521, 567.
安娜卡列宁娜，450。
Anna Karenina, 450.
年鉴，399。
annuit coeptis, 399.
让·安提戈涅·阿努伊, 532, 533, 536, 537
Anouilh, Jean, Antigone, 532, 533, 536, 537
欧律狄克，532，535
Eurydice, 532, 535
美狄亚，527，532。
Medea, 527, 532.
产前，420。
antenatal, 420.
Antenor，50，51，53，151。
Antenor, 50, 51, 53, 151.
选集，100，184，592
anthologies, 100, 184, 592
并参阅《读者文摘》。
and see Reader’s Digests.
希腊文选集：229，561
Anthology, the Greek: 229, 561
模仿和改编，221，235，247，380，516，629，635，667，673
imitated and adapted, 221, 235, 247, 380, 516, 629, 635, 667, 673
译文，380。
translated, 380.
人类学，468-9。
anthropology, 468–9.
敌基督，439，453–65。
Antichrist, 439, 453–65.
反西塞罗主义者，323–6，327。
antiCiceronians, 323–6, 327.
安提戈涅，532，536，537。
Antigone, 532, 536, 537.
反英雄故事，512，534。
anti-heroic stories, 512, 534.
反犹太情绪，反犹太教，259，377，454–5，459，460。
anti-Jewish feeling, anti-Judaism, 259, 377, 454–5, 459, 460.
安提诺乌斯，534。
Antinous, 534.
古物研究，680，694。
antiquarianism, 680, 694.
古物学家，希腊语，184。
antiquarians, Greek, 184.
古代经典，L '，471。
Antiquité classique, L’, 471.
对句，222，234，235，236，237，250，636。
antistrophe, 222, 234, 235, 236, 237, 250, 636.
对立，33、112、165、184、316-17、333、347、561、656、657。
antithesis, 33, 112, 165, 184, 316–17, 333, 347, 561, 656, 657.
安东尼皇帝，享年 465 岁。
Antonine emperors, age of, 465.
安东尼，参见马克·安东尼。
Antony, see Mark Antony.
蚂蚁和人类，434，682。
ants and men, 434, 682.
特格亚的阿尼特，611。
Anyte of Tegea, 611.
阿佛洛狄忒，458–9、595；另参见维纳斯。
Aphrodite, 458–9, 595; and see Venus.
启示录，145，364。
Apocalypse, the, 145, 364.
启示录，73。
apocalypses, 73.
纪尧姆·阿波利奈尔，《蒂雷西亚斯马梅尔斯》，699。
Apollinaire, Guillaume, Les Mamelles de Tirésias, 699.
阿波罗、福玻斯和达芙妮，141、521、581
Apollo, Phoebus, and Daphne, 141, 521, 581
拿破仑，522
and Napoleon, 522
和 Python，141，530
and the Python, 141, 530
音乐和诗歌之神，130、163、168、200、204、236、245、459–60、608、651
god of music and poetry, 130, 163, 168, 200, 204, 236, 245, 459–60, 608, 651
预言之神，509
god of prophecy, 509
太阳神，152、195、199、459–60、522
god of the sun, 152, 195, 199, 459–60, 522
罗兰49
in Roland, 49
反对基督教，688
opposed to Christianity, 688
反对狄俄尼索斯，388，459-60
opposed to Dionysus, 388, 459–60
雕像，607
statue of, 607
寺庙，99。
temple of, 99.
提亚纳的阿波罗尼乌斯，416，574。
Apollonius of Tyana, 416, 574.
泰尔的阿波罗尼乌斯，214，580。
Apollonius of Tyre, 214, 580.
阿波罗尼乌斯·罗德乌斯，416，482。
Apollonius Rhodius, 416, 482.
格言，190，192。
apophthegms, 190, 192.
使徒，30，352。
apostles, 30, 352.
撇号，112，671。
apostrophe, 112, 671.
阿庇安，188。
Appian, 188.
阿普列乌斯译本，125–6。
Apuleius translated, 125–6.
阿奎那，参见圣托马斯阿奎那。
Aquinas, see St. Thomas Aquinas.
阿基诺，玛丽亚，89 岁。
Aquino, Maria d’, 89.
阿拉伯人, 6, 269, 351, 458, 558, 559, 579
Arabs, 6, 269, 351, 458, 558, 559, 579
阿拉伯香水，209
perfumes of Arabia, 209
阿拉伯语，14，478。
Arabic language, 14, 478.
阿拉克涅，78，524。
Arachne, 78, 524.
阿拉姆语，104。
Aramaic, 104.
阿兰群岛，166。
Aran Islands, 166.
凯旋门，397。
Arc de Triomphe, 397.
阿卡迪亚
Arcadia or Arcady
真实的，163，611-12，它的诗人，611
real, 163, 611–12, its poets, 611
理想，163，166，167，169，170，175，176，177，273，409，420，611-12，614
ideal, 163, 166, 167, 169, 170, 175, 176, 177, 273, 409, 420, 611–12, 614
社会，176。
the society, 176.
考古学及其发现，4，16，370-1，468，563，690-1。
archaeology and its discoveries, 4, 16, 370–1, 468, 563, 690–1.
古语，330。
archaisms, 330.
“集体无意识的原型”，524。
‘archetypes of the collective unconscious’, 524.
阿尔基洛科斯，684。
Archilochus, 684.
建筑，227，280–1，367，499，645
architecture, 227, 280–1, 367, 499, 645
巴洛克风格，129–30、290–1、296、332、335、368–9、654
baroque, 129–30, 290–1, 296, 332, 335, 368–9, 654
黑暗时代，25
Dark Ages, 25
法语，368，397
French, 368, 397
高迪，537
Gaudi’s, 537
哥特式，参见大教堂、教堂、哥特式
Gothic, see cathedrals, churches, Gothic
希腊和罗马，2，152，262，280，291，370，391，397，401，413，422，664
Greek and Roman, 2, 152, 262, 280, 291, 370, 391, 397, 401, 413, 422, 664
“希腊复兴”，370，391，401，664
‘Greek revival’, 370, 391, 401, 664
印象派艺术，504
in impressionist art, 504
现代，2
modern, 2
《文艺复兴》，21，129–30，180。
Renaissance, 21, 129–30, 180.
阿登森林，195，619。
Arden, forest of, 195, 619.
阿登，森林，618。
Ardenne, forest of, 618.
竞技场，罗马，401。
arena, Roman, 401.
阿瑞斯，150；并参见火星。
Ares, 150; and see Mars.
阿雷蒂诺，戏剧，136。
Aretino, plays of, 136.
阿尔甘特斯，150。
Argantes, 150.
阿尔戈英雄，50，101，422，435，521，576。
Argonauts, 50, 101, 422, 435, 521, 576.
阿尔戈斯，538。
Argos, 538.
阿古斯，513，534。
Argus, 513, 534.
阿里亚德涅，513、536（=阿德里安，593）、689。
Ariadne, 513, 536 (= Adriane, 593), 689.
咏叹调，歌剧，141，290。
arias, operatic, 141, 290.
艾丽尔，201，507，621。
Ariel, 201, 507, 621.
阿里奥斯托，洛多维科，理想与精神，59，196，431，447
Ariosto, Lodovico, ideals and spirit, 59, 196, 431, 447
受欢迎程度，146，366，603，678。
popularity, 146, 366, 603, 678.
—作品：《棺材喜剧》（卡萨利亚），136
—works: The Casket Comedy (Cassaria), 136
罗兰的疯狂（疯狂的奥兰多），71，145，147–8，151–5，160，170，182，343，603–4，606–7
The Madness of Roland (Orlando Furioso), 71, 145, 147–8, 151–5, 160, 170, 182, 343, 603–4, 606–7
假面舞会（Gli Suppositi），136
The Masqueraders (Gli Suppositi), 136
讽刺作品，309。
satires, 309.
阿里斯泰乌斯，139。
Aristaeus, 139.
贵族和贵族，参见贵族。
aristocracy and aristocrats, see noblemen.
阿里斯托芬，131–2、184、188、304、421、（447）、599、667
Aristophanes, 131–2, 184, 188, 304, 421, (447), 599, 667
合唱，421
choruses, 421
模仿，421，504
imitated, 421, 504
翻译，120，121，489，597
translations, 120, 121, 489, 597
著作：Plutus，121，597。
works: Plutus, 121, 597.
亚里士多德，56，83，549
Aristotle, 56, 83, 549
学院，639
college, 639
亚里士多德诗篇57
Lay of Aristotle, 57
哲学，11，14，44，57，75，77，78，79-8o，84，149，188，197，263，264，578，586，601，603，604，617，644，699
philosophy, 11, 14, 44, 57, 75, 77, 78, 79–8o, 84, 149, 188, 197, 263, 264, 578, 586, 601, 603, 604, 617, 644, 699
规则”，146、292、298、301-2、361、375、425
rules’, 146, 292, 298, 301–2, 361, 375, 425
科学，44，78，184，569-70
science, 44, 78, 184, 569–70
亚历山大的老师，56 岁，柏拉图的老师，85 岁，泰奥弗拉斯托斯的老师，315 岁
teacher of Alexander, 56, of Plato, 85, of Theophrastus, 315
译本，14，79，107，119，123，569–70，574。
translations of, 14, 79, 107, 119, 123, 569–70, 574.
—作品：类别tr.，574
—works: Categories tr., 574
论翻译，574
De interpretatione tr., 574
伦理学，119，（149），188，569–70，586，616
Ethics, 119, (149), 188, 569–70, 586, 616
逻辑概论，119，569–70，574
Logic generally, 119, 569–70, 574
形而上学tr., 574
Metaphysics tr., 574
物理学，44，569–70，574
Physics, 44, 569–70, 574
《诗学》 71, 79, 123, 132, 136, 142–3, 146, 342, 361, 375, 404, 601, 666, 667
Poetics, 71, 79, 123, 132, 136, 142–3, 146, 342, 361, 375, 404, 601, 666, 667
政治，119，188，569–70。
Politics, 119, 188, 569–70.
算术，37，570。
arithmetic, 37, 570.
马塞尔·阿兰德，《世纪新恶》，704。
Arland, Marcel, Un Nouveau Mal du siècle, 704.
阿尔米达，146、149、152、604、608。
Armida, 146, 149, 152, 604, 608.
军队，美国，399
armies, American, 399
法语，396
French, 396
德语，682
German, 682
Roman，346，350–1，396。
Roman, 346, 350–1, 396.
装甲, 21, 147, 149, 153, 156, 321, 512, 606, 619
armour, 21, 147, 149, 153, 156, 321, 512, 606, 619
神奇的，148、149-50、153、600。
miraculous, 148, 149–50, 153, 600.
阿诺德，安托万，281。
Arnauld, Antoine, 281.
布雷西亚的阿诺德，455。
Arnold of Brescia, 455.
阿诺德、马太和基督教，93
Arnold, Matthew, and Christianity, 93
学习，446
learning, 446
帕纳索斯人，（438），441，446，450-2
as a Parnassian, (438), 441, 446, 450–2
“甜蜜和光明”，286。
‘sweetness and light’, 286.
—作品：《酒神节》，441
—works: Bacchanalia, 441
巴尔德·迪德，485–6，692–3
Balder Dead, 485–6, 692–3
安慰，438
Consolation, 438
多佛海滩, 685
Dover Beach, 685
埃特纳火山上的恩培多克勒, 378, 450–1, 637
Empedocles on Etna, 378, 450–1, 637
荷马译本最后的话，479–84，692
Last Words on translating Homer, 479–84, 692
梅洛普，451–2，485，679，687
Merope, 451–2, 485, 679, 687
论荷马的翻译，452、479–84、485、487、489、563、692
On translating Homer, 452, 479–84, 485, 487, 489, 563, 692
菲洛梅拉，61，699
Philomela, 61, 699
索赫拉布和鲁斯塔姆，485–6，692–3
Sohrab and Rustum, 485–6, 692–3
迷途的狂欢者 , 699
Strayed Reveller, The, 699
锡尔西斯, 174, 176
Thyrsis, 174, 176
致朋友685
To a friend, 685
tr.荷马，479–80，485，487。
tr. Homer, 479–80, 485, 487.
阿诺德，托马斯，《罗马史》，474。
Arnold, Thomas, History of Rome, 474.
阿里安，188。
Arrian, 188.
艺术, 1, 14, 15, 18, 21, 85, 127, 161, 164, 176, 227, 262, 263, 265, 266, 268, 269, 275, 283, 327, 359, 368, 369–74, 386, 395, 417–18, 443–6, 459, 468, 496, 501, 507, 509, 543, 549, 675, 694
art, 1, 14, 15, 18, 21, 85, 127, 161, 164, 176, 227, 262, 263, 265, 266, 268, 269, 275, 283, 327, 359, 368, 369–74, 386, 395, 417–18, 443–6, 459, 468, 496, 501, 507, 509, 543, 549, 675, 694
古代，371
ancient, 371
巴洛克风格，161、176、261、289、321、373–4、647
baroque, 161, 176, 261, 289, 321, 373–4, 647
基督教，263，390
Christian, 263, 390
欧洲人，参见欧洲
European, see Europe
远东，502–3
Far Eastern, 502–3
法语，请参阅法国
French, see France
哥特式，参见哥特式
Gothic, see Gothic
希腊和罗马（不包括文学），2、3、4、16、21、81、114、129–30、147、164、196、254、262、268、291、292、321、346、362、369–74、390、391、392、405、434、442、459、469、472、496、543、675
Greek and Roman (excluding literature), 2, 3, 4, 16, 21, 81, 114, 129–30, 147, 164, 196, 254, 262, 268, 291, 292, 321, 346, 362, 369–74, 390, 391, 392, 405, 434, 442, 459, 469, 472, 496, 543, 675
历史，371，665
history of, 371, 665
玛雅人，694
Mayan, 694
中世纪，参见中世纪
medieval, see Middle Ages
现代, 2, 166, 176, 256, 263, 275, 362, 675
modern, 2, 166, 176, 256, 263, 275, 362, 675
文艺复兴，参见文艺复兴。
Renaissance, see Renaissance.
“为艺术而艺术”，444–6，449，685。
‘art for art’s sake,’ 444–6, 449, 685.
艺术诗学：布瓦洛，见布瓦洛
Art Poétique: Boileau, see Boileau
杰弗鲁瓦·德·文索夫，582
Geoffroi de Vinsauf, 582
让·德·加朗德，582。
Jean de Garlande, 582.
亚瑟王, 24, 64, 146, 147, 186, 196, 487, 522
Arthur, King, 24, 64, 146, 147, 186, 196, 487, 522
传说，27，47，50，54，147，169，448，573，580，615。
legends of, 27, 47, 50, 54, 147, 169, 448, 573, 580, 615.
藝術，573。
artimal, 573.
阿弗斯（Arvers），他的十四行诗，58。
Arvers, his sonnet, 58.
阿萨姆兄弟，290 人。
Asam, the brothers, 290.
阿斯卡尼乌斯，591。
Ascanius, 591.
禁欲主义，基督教，57，169，353，461–2，547，579
asceticism, Christian, 57, 169, 353, 461–2, 547, 579
印度教，455。
Hindu, 455.
阿斯坎，罗杰，123。
Ascham, Roger, 123.
亚洲，387，430，454，459，545，688。
Asia, 387, 430, 454, 459, 545, 688.
小亚细亚，323，370，420，455。
Asia Minor, 323, 370, 420, 455.
“亚洲”风格（亚洲主义），323，654。
‘Asiatic’ style (Asianism), 323, 654.
Asser，46，573。
Asser, 46, 573.
协会，免费，225，504，563。
association, free, 225, 504, 563.
谐音，载于Roland，49。
assonance, in Roland, 49.
亚述人，29，547。
Assyrians, 29, 547.
阿斯塔特，455。
Astarte, 455.
阿斯托尔福，145。
Astolfo, 145.
阿斯特莱亚，150，170。
Astraea, 150, 170.
占星术，44，573。
astrology, 44, 573.
天文学，37，44，282，430，448，496。
astronomy, 37, 44, 282, 430, 448, 496.
不对称，324，325-6。
asymmetry, 324, 325–6.
无神论，333，421，688。
atheism, 333, 421, 688.
雅典娜，184。
Athenaeus, 184.
雅典娜（雅典娜、雅典娜）、150、(338)、372、454、605、665。
Athene (Athena, Athana), 150, (338), 372, 454, 605, 665.
雅典和雅典人, 10, 51, 53, 221, 225, 365, 384, 397, 446, 452, 454, 509, 595, 618, 687
Athens and the Athenians, 10, 51, 53, 221, 225, 365, 384, 397, 446, 452, 454, 509, 595, 618, 687
艺术，370，664
art, 370, 664
民主，197、361-2、394、398、423、670
democracy, 197, 361–2, 394, 398, 423, 670
文献，221，323，328。
literature, 221, 323, 328.
佐治亚州雅典，400。
Athens, Georgia, 400.
—俄亥俄州，400。
—Ohio, 400.
阿索斯山，17。
Athos, Mount, 17.
阿特拉斯，巨人，512。
Atlas, giant, 512.
—山，605，607。
—mountain, 605, 607.
阿特利，27岁。
Atli, 27.
原子，264，449。
atoms, 264, 449.
“阁楼”风格（阿提卡主义），323，654。
‘Attic’ style (Atticism), 323, 654.
阿提卡，492。
Attica, 492.
阿提库斯，595。
Atticus, 595.
阿提拉，27岁。
Attila, 27.
阿提斯，523。
Attis, 523.
奥比尼亚克，D'，《学术猜想》，668。
Aubignac, D’, Conjectures academiques, 668.
奥比涅，阿格里帕，635
Aubigné’, Agrippa d’, 635
悲剧，311-12，320。
Les Tragiques, 311–12, 320.
奥卡辛和尼科莱特，61岁。
Aucassin and Nicolete, 61.
奥登，WH，256
Auden, W. H., 256
演说家，702。
The Orators, 702.
剧院观众，127、128、129、130、133、134、135、137、141、142、295–6、392、648、704。
audiences in the theatre, 127, 128, 129, 130, 133, 134, 135, 137, 141, 142, 295–6, 392, 648, 704.
Audrey，175，（199）。
Audrey, 175, (199).
奥古斯都作家，268、281；参见巴洛克风格。
Augustan writers, 268, 281; and see baroque.
奥古斯丁，请参阅坎特伯雷的圣奥古斯丁和希波的圣奥古斯丁。
Augustine, see St. Augustine of Canterbury and St. Augustine of Hippo.
奥古斯都，罗慕路斯，5。
Augustulus, Romulus, 5.
奥古斯都（屋大维）和安东尼，245
Augustus (Octavian), and Antony, 245
及家人，59，401，557
and family, 59, 401, 557
和贺拉斯，245，680
and Horace, 245, 680
奥维德，59
and Ovid, 59
维吉尔，172，406，487，584，673
and Vergil, 172, 406, 487, 584, 673
作为统治者和神，73，245，476，477，521，647，672
as ruler and deity, 73, 245, 476, 477, 521, 647, 672
埃涅阿斯的后裔，54，591
descendant of Aeneas, 54, 591
信, 557
letter of, 557
近代相比，88, 176, 268, 269, 642, 647
modern times compared with, 88, 176, 268, 269, 642, 647
标题，5，88。
title, 5, 88.
奥鲁斯·格利乌斯，188。
Aulus Gellius, 188.
奥勒留·马库斯，5，400，465，555
Aurelius, Marcus, 5, 400, 465, 555
该镇，400。
the town, 400.
奥罗拉，152，236。
Aurora, 152, 236.
奥索尼乌斯，188，340。
Ausonius, 188, 340.
奥地利和奥地利人，187、245、259、308、368、428、681。
Austria and the Austrians, 187, 245, 259, 308, 368, 428, 681.
权威，261，276，361，375。
authority, 261, 276, 361, 375.
自传，191–3、413
autobiography, 191–3, 413
论文，181，191-2
in essays, 181, 191–2
小说，169，536
in fiction, 169, 536
田园诗和故事，172-3。
in pastoral poems and stories, 172–3.
阿维尼翁，84。
Avignon, 84.
à 伍德，安东尼，54 岁。
à Wood, Anthony, 54.
亚速尔群岛，152。
Azores, 152.
阿兹特克年表，364。
Aztec chronology, 364.
'BR'，116。
‘B. R.’, 116.
Babeuf，396。
Babeuf, 396.
巴布斯特，迈克尔，121。
Babst, Michael, 121.
婴儿，奇迹，8，72–3，422，524，702。
baby, miraculous, 8, 72–3, 422, 524, 702.
巴比伦和巴比伦尼亚，49，60，469，510，698。
Babylon and Babylonia, 49, 60, 469, 510, 698.
酒神节（Bacchantes），254、388、457、508。
Bacchanals (Bacchantes), 254, 388, 457, 508.
巴克斯，20，520，521
Bacchus, 20, 520, 521
并见到狄俄尼索斯。
and see Dionysus.
巴切利，吉罗拉莫，115。
Bacelli, Girolamo, 115.
巴赫，约翰·塞巴斯蒂安，241，290，296。
Bach, Johann Sebastian, 241, 290, 296.
—作品：《赋格的艺术》，161
—works: Art of the Fugue, 161
弥撒，335
Masses, 335
农民康塔塔，175
Peasant Cantata, 175
福玻斯与潘，175。
Phoebus and Pan, 175.
背景，高贵，151–6，513。
background, noble, 151–6, 513.
培根，弗朗西斯，198，276，282，325，641，644。
Bacon, Francis, 198, 276, 282, 325, 641, 644.
培根，罗杰，558，559。
Bacon, Roger, 558, 559.
白芝浩，沃尔特，346。
Bagehot, Walter, 346.
拜亚，454。
Baiae, 454.
让-安托万·德·巴伊夫，120、134、171、596、613、630、635。
Baϊf, Jean-Antoine de, 120, 134, 171, 596, 613, 630, 635.
Baϊf，拉扎尔·德，117, 120, 596–7。
Baϊf, Lazare de, 117, 120, 596–7.
Balaustion，452–3。
Balaustion, 452–3.
罗兰的巴里甘特情节，49。
Baligant episode of Roland, 49.
巴尔干，6，9，259，349。
Balkans, 6, 9, 259, 349.
民谣，219，692。
ballad, 219, 692.
民谣, 219, 364, 375, 464, 473, 544, 562
ballads, 219, 364, 375, 464, 473, 544, 562
英语，196，464，480
English, 196, 464, 480
欧洲（各种），22，24，220，364 375，384，480
European (various), 22, 24, 220, 364 375, 384, 480
德语，376
German, 376
荷马史诗，480，481，487，534
Homeric, 480, 481, 487, 534
罗马，473，690
Roman, 473, 690
苏格兰人，24岁。
Scots, 24.
芭蕾舞，176，224，250，254。
ballet, 176, 224, 250, 254.
波罗的海，23，41，249。
Baltic, 23, 41, 249.
让·路易·古兹德·巴尔扎克，327、330–1、655–6、657。
Balzac, Jean-Louis Guez de, 327, 330–1, 655–6, 657.
班柯，132。
Banquo, 132.
西奥多·德班维尔，450, 697。
Banville, Théodore de, 450, 697.
野蛮人是希腊罗马文明的毁灭者，3、6、27-8、37、38、41、45、47、81、170、255、348-9、350、351、353-4、462、471-2、548、558
barbarians as destroyers of Greco-Roman civilization, 3, 6, 27–8, 37, 38, 41, 45, 47, 81, 170, 255, 348–9, 350, 351, 353–4, 462, 471–2, 548, 558
作为希腊罗马文明的继承者，27-8、37、81、262、348-9、353-4、500、548、602、630、675
as heirs of Greco-Roman civilization, 27–8, 37, 81, 262, 348–9, 353–4, 500, 548, 602, 630, 675
作为非基督徒，26–8, 29, 38, 39, 45, 81, 349, 353–4
as non-Christians, 26–8, 29, 38, 39, 45, 81, 349, 353–4
被罗马征服，548
conquered by Rome, 548
皈依基督教，26–7、81、349、353–4。
converted to Christianity, 26–7, 81, 349, 353–4.
—其他：美国，280，400，645
—miscellaneous: American, 280, 400, 645
盎格鲁-撒克逊语, 23, 27, 36, 37, 47
Anglo-Saxon, 23, 27, 36, 37, 47
Danish and Norse, 29, 35, 39, 47, 573
埃及人，455
Egyptian, 455
费内隆，657
in Fénelon, 657
福楼拜，461
in Flaubert, 461
日耳曼语，389
Germanic, 389
现代，354
modern, 354
查理曼大帝反对，28，38
opposed by Charlemagne, 28, 38
东哥特语，41，45
Ostrogothic, 41, 45
土耳其语，6，81。
Turkish, 6, 81.
—另请参阅异教徒、野蛮人。
— See also pagans, savages.
“野蛮与宗教”，352–4、363、404，(435)，(455)。
‘barbarism and religion’, 352–4, 363, 404, (435), (455).
乔瓦尼·弗朗切斯科·巴比耶里，614。
Barbieri, Giovanni Francesco, 614.
巴伯，577。
Barbour, 577.
巴克莱，亚历山大，117–18，310。
Barclay, Alexander, 117–18, 310.
吟游诗人，241，384，565，567。
bards, 241, 384, 565, 567.
“吠叫者”，398。
‘barkers’, 398.
巴拉姆，16，84。
Barlaam, 16, 84.
巴洛克，词语含义，289，646–7，654。
baroque, meaning of the word, 289, 646–7, 654.
巴洛克时代：建筑，参见建筑
baroque age: architecture, see architecture
艺术，看艺术
art, see art
古典主义，20–1、236、291–2、302、368–9、375、448、541
classicism, 20–1, 236, 291–2, 302, 368–9, 375, 448, 541
自负，611，646
conceits, 611, 646
批评与品味，249、261–88、290、298、299、302、321、341、356、357–8、361、373–4、383、405、414、443、512、604、611、642、646–7、652
criticism and taste, 249, 261–88, 290, 298, 299, 302, 321, 341, 356, 357–8, 361, 373–4, 383, 405, 414, 443, 512, 604, 611, 642, 646–7, 652
定义，255，289-92，359，646-7
definition, 255, 289–92, 359, 646–7
戏剧，看戏剧
drama, see drama
教育和奖学金, 264, 291, 298, 469, 473, 552
education and scholarship, 264, 291, 298, 469, 473, 552
小说，281，290，335–44
fiction, 281, 290, 335–44
历史，290，291，344-54。
history, 290, 291, 344–54.
—理想：审美与情感控制，178、289-92、302、321、347、359-61、373-4、405、414、646-7
—ideals: aesthetic and emotional control, 178, 289–92, 302, 321, 347, 359–61, 373–4, 405, 414, 646–7
贵族和君主社会秩序，165、274、302、338-9、356、423-4、642
aristocratic and monarchic social order, 165, 274, 302, 338–9, 356, 423–4, 642
宏伟，175，347，368，638，647。
grandeur, 175, 347, 368, 638, 647.
—室内装饰，290，647
—interior decoration, 290, 647
文学概论，290，647
literature in general, 290, 647
音乐，看音乐
music, see music
演讲，122，290，291，308，322-35，654-7
oratory, 122, 290, 291, 308, 322–35, 654–7
绘画，看绘画
painting, see painting
诗歌，236、239–44、248–50、251、252、270、276、279、281、290–2、293–302、313–21、322、333、356–7、358、405、514、541、611、633、638、652
poetry, 236, 239–44, 248–50, 251, 252, 270, 276, 279, 281, 290–2, 293–302, 313–21, 322, 333, 356–7, 358, 405, 514, 541, 611, 633, 638, 652
散文体，113、308、322–35、347–8、561–2、654–7、659–60
prose style, 113, 308, 322–35, 347–8, 561–2, 654–7, 659–60
与现代的关系，328，443
relation to modern times, 328, 443
与文艺复兴的关系，178，255–60，298–9，318
relation to Renaissance, 178, 255–60, 298–9, 318
与革命时代的关系，344，355-60
relation to revolutionary era, 344, 355–60
讽刺，参见讽刺
satire, see satire
悲剧，见悲剧
tragedy, see tragedy
翻译，271–2、276、277、287、295、329、342、480。
translation, 271–2, 276, 277, 287, 295, 329, 342, 480.
巴泰勒米，让·雅克，《年轻的阿纳卡西斯在希腊的游记》，339，464，689。
Barthélemy, Jean-Jacques, Travels of Young Anacharsis in Greece, 339, 464, 689.
巴托克，贝拉，166。
Bartók, Béla, 166.
巴塞尔，310，459。
Basle, 310, 459.
巴斯克人及其语言，13，49，556。
Basques and their language, 13, 49, 556.
巴士底狱，321，679。
Bastille, 321, 679.
巴斯，12，556。
Bath, 12, 556.
青蛙和老鼠之战（Batrachomyomachia），343，430，681。
Battle of Frogs and Mice (Batrachomyomachia), 343, 430, 681.
书籍之战，93、260、261–88、336、362、374、404、453、464、547
Battle of the Books, 93, 260, 261–88, 336, 362, 374, 404, 453, 464, 547
论点 1、262–4、283、362、404、464、645
Argument 1, 262–4, 283, 362, 404, 464, 645
论点2、264–9、279、281、282、645、（688）
Argument 2, 264–9, 279, 281, 282, 645, (688)
论点 3、269、279、280、282
Argument 3, 269, 279, 280, 282
论点 4、269–74、278、279、280、281、287、318、374
Argument 4, 269–74, 278, 279, 280, 281, 287, 318, 374
第一阶段，277–82
Phase 1, 277–82
第二阶段，282-6
Phase 2, 282–6
第 3 阶段，287
Phase 3, 287
结果，287-8。
results, 287–8.
波德莱尔，查尔斯，432，438，453，455，681，695。
Baudelaire, Charles, 432, 438, 453, 455, 681, 695.
—作品：L'Albatros，32
—works: L’Albatros, 32
撒旦的连祷，455
Les Litanies de Satan, 455
人造天堂, 453
Paradis artificiels, 453
小散文诗，432
Petits poèmes en prose, 432
脾脏，681。
Spleen, 681.
鲍杜因，伯努瓦，122。
Bauduyn, Benoît, 122.
巴伐利亚和巴伐利亚人，5，166，308。
Bavaria and the Bavarians, 5, 166, 308.
Bavius，172，173，613。
Bavius, 172, 173, 613.
皮埃尔·贝尔，271，642
Bayle, Pierre, 271, 642
《哲学词典》，281、645。
Dictionnaire philosophique, 281, 645.
拜罗伊特，705。
Bayreuth, 705.
Beadohild，10，561。
Beadohild, 10, 561.
比恩，索尼，23 岁。
Bean, Sawney, 23.
熊人，562，689。
bear-men, 562, 689.
贝阿特丽斯，但丁，43、58、72、75、78–9、87、89、263、511、586。
Beatrice, Dante’s, 43, 58, 72, 75, 78–9, 87, 89, 263, 511, 586.
贝阿特丽斯·岑契，419。
Beatrice Cenci, 419.
Beaufort, L. de，《关于罗马历史上五世纪首演不确定性的考虑》，690。
Beaufort, L. de, Considérations sur I’incertitude des cinq premiers siècles de I’histoire romaine, 690.
博普伊，410。
Beaupuy, 410.
美，作为一种价值，443-6
beauty, as a value, 443–6
理想的，360–1，387–8，417–18，420，436，438–9，441，442，447–8，449，459，514
ideal of, 360–1, 387–8, 417–18, 420, 436, 438–9, 441, 442, 447–8, 449, 459, 514
意义，21，370，444。
sense of, 21, 370, 444.
贝卡里，《牺牲》，140, 174。
Beccari, The Sacrifice, 140, 174.
贝克尔，Charicles，339
Becker, Charicles, 339
Gallus，339，464。
Gallus, 339, 464.
比德，尊者，37–8，46，565，569，571
Bede, the Venerable, 37–8, 46, 565, 569, 571
《英国民族教会史》，28，37–8，40，566。
Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation, 28, 37–8, 40, 566.
蜜蜂：熊和蜜蜂，562
bees: bear and bees, 562
蜜蜂的奇迹，597
miracle of the bees, 597
诗人如蜜蜂，226，227，286，628
poet as a bee, 226, 227, 286, 628
蜘蛛和蜜蜂，285–6、646。
spider and the bee, 285–6, 646.
别西卜，156–7，646。
Beelzebub, 156–7, 646.
比斯顿，威廉，620。
Beeston, William, 620.
贝多芬，路德维希·凡，第三（英雄）交响曲，427
Beethoven, Ludwig van, Third (‘Heroic’) Symphony, 427
第六交响曲（田园交响曲），166
Sixth (‘Pastoral’) Symphony, 166
第九（合唱）交响曲，251、376、485
Ninth (‘Choral’) Symphony, 251, 376, 485
普罗米修斯序曲，677。
Prometheus overture, 677.
巨兽，529。
Behemoth, 529.
比利时，257。
Belgium, 257.
贝尔，奥布里，158，608。
Bell, Aubrey, 158, 608.
弗朗索瓦·德贝尔福雷斯特，124。
Belleforest, François de, 124.
柏勒洛丰，4，23，556。
Bellerophon, 4, 23, 556.
贝里尼，文森佐，670。
Bellini, Vincenzo, 670.
彼得伯勒的本笃，《编年史》，618。
Benedict of Peterborough, Chronicle, 618.
本笃会，7、11、53、（91–2）、181、182、384、576、577。
Benedictine Order, 7, 11, 53, (91–2), 181, 182, 384, 576, 577.
保罗·贝尼，《托夸托·塔索与奥梅罗和维尔吉利奥的比较》，645。
Beni, Paolo, Comparazione di Torquato Tasso con Omero e Virgilio, 645.
伯努瓦·德·圣莫尔，《特洛伊罗马》，50–5, 90, (94), 97, 565, 576。
Benoît de Sainte-Maure, Le Roman de Troie, 50–5, 90, (94), 97, 565, 576.
本森，EF，正如我们一样，492，494。
Benson, E. F., As we were, 492, 494.
本特利，理查德，261、283–5、286、384、467、645、646。
Bentley, Richard, 261, 283–5, 286, 384, 467, 645, 646.
—作品：《论法拉里斯书信》，262，284
—works: Dissertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris, 262, 284
弥尔顿，284–5
Milton, 284–5
关于晚期自由思想论述的评论，384，669。
Remarks upon a Late Discourse of Free-thinking, 384, 669.
本韦努托，590。
Benvenuto, 590.
贝奥武夫（英雄），22–3、25、562、565。
Beowulf (the hero), 22–3, 25, 562, 565.
贝奥武甫（诗），22–7、29、30、31、35、38、49、482、562–5。
Beowulf (the poem), 22–7, 29, 30, 31, 35, 38, 49, 482, 562–5.
贝拉德，维克多，696。
Bérard, Victor, 696.
皮埃尔·贝尔索尔 (Pierre Berçoir)，116，118。
Berçoir, Pierre, 116, 118.
贝尔热拉克，《大鼻子情圣》，305。
Bergerac, Cyrano de, 305.
柏林，城市，296，664
Berlin, city, 296, 664
大学，458，472。
university, 458, 472.
柏辽兹，埃克托，670。
Berlioz, Hector, 670.
沙特尔的伯纳德，267，641。
Bernard of Chartres, 267, 641.
伯纳德·莫瓦尔（或克吕尼），《论蔑视世界》，305、649。
Bernard of Morval (or Cluny), On the Contempt of the World, 305, 649.
伯纳德，理查德，122。
Bernard, Richard, 122.
伯恩哈特，莎拉，272。
Bernhardt, Sarah, 272.
弗朗西斯科·贝尔尼，309–10, 313。
Berni, Francesco, 309–10, 313.
贝尔尼尼，290。
Bernini, 290.
皮埃尔·贝尔苏瓦尔（或贝尔苏瓦尔），116、118。
Bersuire, Pierre (or Berçoir), 116, 118.
动物寓言集，67。
bestiaries, 67.
比比埃纳，红衣主教，拉卡兰德里亚，134。
Bibbiena, Cardinal, La Calandria, 134.
圣经，圣书：品味低下，274
Bible, the Holy: bad taste, 274
耶稣诞生，523
birth of Jesus, 523
与荷马史诗 24, 484–6 相比
compared with Homer, 24, 484–6
描述创作，150
creation described, 150
批评，385
criticism of, 385
Arnold，484，486
in Arnold, 484, 486
波爱修斯，44
in Boethius, 44
位于 Chateaubriand，405
in Chateaubriand, 405
摘自但丁，78，83
in Dante, 78, 83
在《遗体之死》中，578
in Li fet des Remains, 578
米尔顿，159
in Milton, 159
在《道德经》中，581
in Ovide moralisé, 581
彼特拉克，83
in Petrarch, 83
莎士比亚，199
in Shakespeare, 199
钦定本，29，335，484-5
King James Version, 29, 335, 484–5
上帝之子，521
sons of God, 521
风格, 486, 模仿, 529
style, 486, imitated, 529
从希腊文译成拉丁文（武加大圣经），7、26、28、35、46、80、557–8、565、568、650
translated from Greek into Latin (the Vulgate), 7, 26, 28, 35, 46, 80, 557–8, 565, 568, 650
从希伯来语翻译成希腊语（七十士译本），104–5，594–5
translated from Hebrew into Greek (the Septuagint), 104–5, 594–5
译成现代语言，22、28-9、46-7、106、559、571
translated into modern languages, 22, 28–9, 46–7, 106, 559, 571
并按名称查看圣经中的各卷书。
and see separate books of the Bible by name.
圣经历史和神话，151，448，580，643。
Biblical history and myths, 151, 448, 580, 643.
爱书人，82.
bibliophiles, 82.
友谊，， 299，，360。
bienséances, les, 299, 360.
双语，5，7，28，70，71-2，85，89，94，105-6，109，186，188，446，556。
bilingualism, 5, 7, 28, 70, 71–2, 85, 89, 94, 105–6, 109, 186, 188, 446, 556.
比利蒂斯，458，688。
Bilitis, 458, 688.
比奈，630。
Binet, 630.
宾厄姆，J.，117。
Bingham, J., 117.
比昂，603
Bion, 603
哀悼阿多尼斯，678。
Lament for Adonis, 678.
Bion，哀悼，173，420，421，678
Bion, Lament for, 173, 420, 421, 678
译文，375，420。
translated, 375, 420.
比肖夫，约翰内斯，121。
Bischoff, Johannes, 121.
主教杖，173。
bishop’s crook, 173.
俾斯麦，476。
Bismarck, 476.
比特纳，乔纳斯，121。
Bitner, Jonas, 121.
黑死病，89，93。
Black Death, 89, 93.
黑海，521，575。
Black Sea, 521, 575.
布莱克威尔，托马斯，《荷马生平与著作探究》，379，664，668。
Blackwell, Thomas, Enquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer, 379, 664, 668.
布莱尔，《坟墓》，429。
Blair, The Grave, 429.
布莱克，威廉，224
Blake, William, 224
引自，435，438。
quoted, 435, 438.
布伦海姆，296。
Blenheim, 296.
先知的盲目，515。
blindness of the seer, 515.
“血汗和泪水”，335。
‘blood, sweat, and tears’, 335.
布鲁姆，利奥波德，505，506，513。
Bloom, Leopold, 505, 506, 513.
布鲁姆，莫莉，504，505，507。
Bloom, Molly, 504, 505, 507.
蓝胡子，276。
Bluebeard, 276.
薄伽丘、乔瓦尼和乔叟，96、99、590、593
Boccaccio, Giovanni, and Chaucer, 96, 99, 590, 593
和但丁，82，89，92，589–90
and Dante, 82, 89, 92, 589–90
以及彼特拉克，82, 84, 89, 92
and Petrarch, 82, 84, 89, 92
学习, 16, 90, 91–2, 118, 558, 589
learning, 16, 90, 91–2, 118, 558, 589
生平，89–93
life, 89–93
异教，89–91，92–3
paganism, 89–91, 92–3
声誉，282
reputation, 282
精神，59。
spirit, 59.
—作品：《阿德墨托斯》，167，175
—works: Admetus, 167, 175
十日谈89–90, 92, 95
Decameron, 89–90, 92, 95
菲亚梅塔, 60, 89, 90–1, 92, 169
Fiammetta, 60, 89, 90–1, 92, 169
菲洛科洛, 606
Filocolo, 606
费洛斯特拉托, 55, 90, 94, 97, 590, 592
Filostrato, 55, 90, 94, 97, 590, 592
众神的谱系，101，593，603，678
Genealogy of the Gods, 101, 593, 603, 678
病人 Griselda，92 岁，95 岁
Patient Griselda, 92, 95
塞西德, 90, 94, 97, 146, 147, 589, 590
Theseid, 90, 94, 97, 146, 147, 589, 590
tr. Homer, 16, 91
tr. Homer, 16, 91
爱的愿景，94。
Vision of Love, 94.
博切特尔，120，596。
Bochetel, 120, 596.
Böcklin，Arnold，531，704。
Böcklin, Arnold, 531, 704.
博德瓦尔比亚尔基（Bođvar Biarki），562。
Bođvar Biarki, 562.
βoηθεîv，45。
βoηθεîv, 45.
波爱修斯，职业生涯，41，54，603
Boethius, career, 41, 54, 603
《哲学的慰藉》41–6，570–3
Consolation of Philosophy, 41–6, 570–3
模仿和改编安慰， 64–5、68、79、80、86、99–100、570–2、650
imitations and adaptations of the Consolation, 64–5, 68, 79, 80, 86, 99–100, 570–2, 650
安慰书的译本，64–5，99，no，570–3，581
translations of the Consolation, 64–5, 99, no, 570–3, 581
波爱修斯从希腊文翻译的版本，14、557、569–70。
Boethius’s translations from the Greek, 14, 557, 569–70.
Bohn 译本，470。
Bohn translations, 470.
博亚多、马泰奥·马里奥、斯坎迪亚诺伯爵：奥兰多·因纳莫拉托, 145, 607, 621
Boiardo, Matteo Mario, Count Scandiano: Orlando Innamorato, 145, 607, 621
蒂莫内598
Timone, 598
tr. 阿普列乌斯, 125
tr. Apuleius, 125
希罗多德译，116。
tr. Herodotus, 116.
Boileau，Gilles，313。
Boileau, Gilles, 313.
尼古拉斯·布瓦洛 (Despréaux)，角色，243、321、339
Boileau, Nicolas (Despréaux), character, 243, 321, 339
在书籍之战中，261、277、278、279、280-2、287、645
in the Battle of the Books, 261, 277, 278, 279, 280–2, 287, 645
影响，652。
influence, 652.
——作品：《Arrêt 滑稽戏》，644
—works: Arrêt burlesque, 644
诗歌艺术，（279，290），314，318，（435），645，（683）
Art of Poetry, (279, 290), 314, 318, (435), 645, (683)
对朗吉努斯的批判性思考，281
Critical Reflections on Longinus, 281
警句，280，645
epigrams, 280, 645
书信，314
epistles, 314
讲台, 270, 281, 314, 315, 652
The Lectern, 270, 281, 314, 315, 652
《攻占那慕尔颂》 242–3，633
Ode on the Capture of Namur, 242–3, 633
讽刺作品，232、286、290–1、313–14、316–21、339、347、642、652、653–4、659。
satires, 232, 286, 290–1, 313–14, 316–21, 339, 347, 642, 652, 653–4, 659.
布瓦罗伯特，278。
Boisrobert, 278.
玻利维亚：它的科学，435。
Bolivia: its science, 435.
博洛尼亚：城市，48，270，680
Bologna: city, 48, 270, 680
大学，11.
university, 11.
波尔茨，瓦伦丁，121。
Boltz, Valentin, 121.
Bonagiunta，（76），585。
Bonagiunta, (76), 585.
波拿巴、拿破仑，参见拿破仑一世。
Bonaparte, Napoleon, see Napoleon I.
波拿巴，Pauline，361。
Bonaparte, Pauline, 361.
Boner，Hieronymus，116，117，122，595。
Boner, Hieronymus, 116, 117, 122, 595.
笨蛋，女士，342。
Booby, Lady, 342.
《巴利莫特之书》，115。
Book of Ballymote, 115.
《智慧书》，701。
Book of Wisdom, 701.
波尔多，186，187，188。
Bordeaux, 186, 187, 188.
鲍里斯·戈东诺夫（穆索尔斯基），130。
Boris Godunov (Moussorgsky), 130.
博斯，Hieronimus，605。
Bosch, Hieronimus, 605.
博西斯，劳罗·德，伊卡洛斯，527。
Bosis, Lauro de, Icarus, 527.
雅克·贝尼涅·博须埃，作为演说家，290, 308, 327, 329–30, 555, 655
Bossuet, Jacques-Bénigne, as an orator, 290, 308, 327, 329–30, 555, 655
《世界历史论述》第 345 页，第 659 页
Discourse on Universal History, 345, 659
耶稣会学生，543
pupil of Jesuits, 543
多芬的导师，336，345，639。
tutor to Dauphin, 336, 345, 639.
波士顿，513。
Boston, 513.
博斯韦尔，330。
Boswell, 330.
博托纳，119。
Botoner, 119.
波提切利，《维纳斯的诞生》，442。
Botticelli, Birth of Venus, 442.
布歇，269
Boucher, 269
Pan 等，Syrinx，697。
Pan et Syrinx, 697.
树枝，金色，511，698。
bough, the golden, 511, 698.
亨利·布兰维利耶，478。
Boulainvilliers, Henri de, 478.
波旁王朝，233，403。
Bourbon dynasty, 233, 403.
Bourdaloue，Louis，327，332–3。
Bourdaloue, Louis, 327, 332–3.
资产阶级，180、226、340-1、444-5、461。
bourgeoisie, 180, 226, 340–1, 444–5, 461.
Bourlier，J.，122。
Bourlier, J., 122.
Bowra，CM，引述，494，606，694，695，697。
Bowra, C. M., quoted, 494, 606, 694, 695, 697.
查尔斯·博伊尔阁下，283–4。
Boyle, the Hon. Charles, 283–4.
布拉乔利尼、波焦，15、593、599。
Bracciolini, Poggio, 15, 593, 599.
布拉达曼特，153，155。
Bradamante, 153, 155.
塞巴斯蒂安·布兰特，《愚人船》，310，650
Brant, Sebastian, The Ship of Fools, 310, 650
tr. Terence (?)，121。
tr. Terence (?), 121.
布劳恩，范妮，378。
Brawne, Fanny, 378.
“面包和马戏”，306。
‘bread and circuses’, 306.
布伦德，约翰，117。
Brend, John, 117.
学术大厦的砖块，499块。
bricks in the edifice of scholarship, 499.
布里奇斯，罗伯特，541。
Bridges, Robert, 541.
短暂的人生在此是我们的命运，649。
Brief life is here our portion, 649.
布里塞达，52，55，575，576。
Briseida, 52, 55, 575, 576.
布里塞伊斯，52，53，281，577。
Briseis, 52, 53, 281, 577.
布里塞特，罗兰，122。
Brisset, Roland, 122.
布里索，395，397。
Brissot, 395, 397.
英国，气候，32
Britain, climate, 32
文化, 34–6, 37–8, 39–40, 46–7, 48, 113, 25 259, 281, 367, 369, 428, 470, 504, 564, 568, 626, 662, 664
culture, 34–6, 37–8, 39–40, 46–7, 48, 113, 25 259, 281, 367, 369, 428, 470, 504, 564, 568, 626, 662, 664
历史, 23, 29, 34, 35, 151, 153, 194, 2 328, 329, 335, 397, 577, 659, 66 662
history, 23, 29, 34, 35, 151, 153, 194, 2 328, 329, 335, 397, 577, 659, 66 662
文学，397
literature, 397
并参观英格兰、苏格兰、威尔士。
and see England, Scotland, Wales.
布里托玛特，153，155。
Britomart, 153, 155.
布列塔尼和布列塔尼人，49，145，403，568，694。
Brittany and the Bretons, 49, 145, 403, 568, 694.
布罗津斯基，卡西米尔，435。
Brodzinski, Casimir, 435.
青铜时代，338–9、481、534。
Bronze Age, 338–9, 481, 534.
布朗爵士，托马斯，325，327，32，331，348，490。
Browne, Sir Thomas, 325, 327, 32, 331, 348, 490.
布朗宁，伊丽莎白·巴雷特，365，453，686。
Browning, Elizabeth Barrett, 365, 453, 686.
罗伯特·布朗宁，职业生涯，94，365，453
Browning, Robert, career, 94, 365, 453
教育和古典知识，446，452-3，543，686
education and knowledge of the classics, 446, 452–3, 543, 686
风格，447，482，563，686。
style, 447, 482, 563, 686.
—作品：《巴拉斯提翁的冒险》，452，686，687
—works: Balaustion’s Adventure, 452, 686, 687
罗兰公子来到黑暗塔，（196，482），619
Childe Roland to the Dark Tower came, (196, 482), 619
发展， 686
Development, 686
博览会上的 Fifine , 450
Fifine at the Fair, 450
文法学家的葬礼，466
A Grammarian’s Funeral, 466
巴劳斯蒂安的最后冒险，447，686
The Last Adventure of Balaustion, 447, 686
潘与月神，450
Pan and Luna, 450
指环与书，（448）
The Ring and the Book, (448)
索德洛686
Sordello, 686
tr.阿伽门农，686。
tr. Agamemnon, 686.
Bruccioli，A.，119。
Bruccioli, A., 119.
布鲁克纳，531。
Bruckner, 531.
彼得·布鲁盖尔，605
Brueghel, Pieter, 605
儿童游戏, 310
Children’s Games, 310
荷兰谚语310
Dutch Proverbs, 310
圣安东尼的诱惑，461
Temptation of St. Antony, 461
《死亡的胜利》，364。
Triumph of Death, 364.
布鲁莫伊，666。
Brumoy, 666.
布鲁诺，C.，123。
Bruno, C., 123.
布鲁诺，乔达诺，688。
Bruno, Giordano, 688.
野兽，151。
Brute, 151.
布鲁图斯, 74, 326, 396, 397, 424, 55
Brutus, 74, 326, 396, 397, 424, 55
莎士比亚，210，217。
in Shakespeare, 210, 217.
布莱斯基特，604。
Bryskett, 604.
布坎南，乔治，120，133，135，187，543，616。
Buchanan, George, 120, 133, 135, 187, 543, 616.
田园诗，170–1
bucolic poems, 170–1
并参阅田园诗、忒奥克里托斯、维吉尔。
and see pastoral poetry, Theocritus, Vergil.
bucolic poets, 162–3, 375, 420
并参见比昂、塞奥克里特斯、维吉尔。
and see Bion, Theocritus, Vergil.
纪尧姆·布德，119、190、470。
Budé, Guillaume, 119, 190, 470.
Budé系列，470，498。
Budé series, 470, 498.
布宜诺斯艾利斯，9，129。
Buenos Aires, 9, 129.
布冯，543。
Buffon, 543.
布克哈特，雅各布，530。
Burckhardt, Jakob, 530.
勃艮第人，478。
Burgundians, 478.
勃艮第公爵，336–8、647。
Burgundy, duke of, 336–8, 647.
伯克，埃德蒙，327，328，329，397，655。
Burke, Edmund, 327, 328, 329, 397, 655.
浪漫的滑稽表演，615
burlesques of romances, 615
浪漫爱情，58
of romantic love, 58
并参见Margites 的模仿作品。
and see Margites, parody.
伯尼博士，366。
Burney, Dr., 366.
伯顿，罗伯特，《忧郁的解剖学》，190，325，416，641。
Burton, Robert, The Anatomy of Melancholy, 190, 325, 416, 641.
威廉·伯顿，tr。阿基里斯·塔蒂乌斯，164。
Burton, William, tr. Achilles Tatius, 164.
伯里，JB，346–7，349，560。
Bury, J. B., 346–7, 349, 560.
伯里，约翰，123。
Bury, John, 123.
Butcher，SH，译《奥德赛》，485，488。
Butcher, S. H., tr. Odyssey, 485, 488.
Butler，EM，《希腊对德国的暴政》，363，（366，371），662，663，664，665，666。
Butler, E. M., The Tyranny of Greece over Germany, 363, (366, 371), 662, 663, 664, 665, 666.
巴特勒，尼古拉斯·默里，《跨越忙碌的岁月》， 475，491，494，691，694。
Butler, Nicholas Murray, Across the Busy Years, 475, 491, 494, 691, 694.
巴特勒，长者塞缪尔，哈迪布拉斯，315，319。
Butler, Samuel, the elder, Hudibras, 315, 319.
巴特勒，小塞缪尔，《奥德赛》的作者，487–9
Butler, Samuel, the younger, The Authoress of the Odyssey, 487–9
荷马的幽默，487
The Humour of Homer, 487
伊利亚特，488–9
tr. Iliad, 488–9
译《奥德赛》，488–9。
tr. Odyssey, 488–9.
拜伦，乔治·戈登勋爵，饰 Euphorion，387–9，412，697
Byron, George Gordon, Lord, as Euphorion, 387–9, 412, 697
职业生涯，94，361，365，388，389，403，405，412-15，677
career, 94, 361, 365, 388, 389, 403, 405, 412–15, 677
字符, 94, 366, 388, 389, 403, 405, 412–15, 432, 528, 664, 677
character, 94, 366, 388, 389, 403, 405, 412–15, 432, 528, 664, 677
教育和古典知识，413–15，418，419，494
education and knowledge of the classics, 413–15, 418, 419, 494
风格，319，357，366，405，424，425。
style, 319, 357, 366, 405, 424, 425.
—作品：《恰尔德·哈罗德游记》，357、365、413–14、677
—works: Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, 357, 365, 413–14, 677
海盗, 440
The Corsair, 440
密涅瓦的诅咒, 677
The Curse of Minerva, 677
唐福安, 359, 361, 661
Don fuan, 359, 361, 661
英国诗人和苏格兰评论家，412，677
English Bards and Scotch Reviewers, 412, 677
希腊群岛，362，415
The Isles of Greece, 362, 415
信件，677
letters, 677
马泽帕424
Mazeppa, 424
普罗米修斯，415，528，677，703
Prometheus, 415, 528, 677, 703
审判的愿景，649。
A Vision of judgment, 649.
拜占庭文化，6、16–17、19、22、348–9、351、353、545、557、560–1、571
Byzantium, culture, 6, 16–17, 19, 22, 348–9, 351, 353, 545, 557, 560–1, 571
历史, 5, 6, 17, 19, 346, 348–51, 545, 557, 560–1, 618
history, 5, 6, 17, 19, 346, 348–51, 545, 557, 560–1, 618
任务，6，349，353，557，568
missions, 6, 349, 353, 557, 568
诗歌和浪漫小说，164，696
in poetry and romance, 164, 696
并参观君士坦丁堡。
and see Constantinople.
卡契尼，141，601。
Caccini, 141, 601.
Cacus，406，674。
Cacus, 406, 674.
华彩乐段，290，647。
cadenzas, 290, 647.
卡德摩斯，90，580。
Cadmus, 90, 580.
卡德蒙：职业生涯，28，37，38，566
Caedmon: career, 28, 37, 38, 566
影响，29，35
influence, 29, 35
风格，28–9、30、31、35、565。
style, 28–9, 30, 31, 35, 565.
—作品：赞美诗，26，29
—works: Hymn, 26, 29
其他作品，28–9。
other works, 28–9.
凯撒，请参阅朱利叶斯·凯撒。
Caesar, see Julius Caesar.
凯撒，头衔，6，28，346，521。
Caesar, the title, 6, 28, 346, 521.
“凯撒主义”，268。
‘Caesarisms’, 268.
停顿，300，317。
caesura, 300, 317.
该隐，26，566。
Cain, 26, 566.
Calas，Jean，328。
Calas, Jean, 328.
卡尔卡尼尼，西利奥，巨人，615。
Calcagnini, Celio, Gigantes, 615.
卡尔查斯，55岁。
Calchas, 55.
卡尔德隆，129、138、364、368、543、628。
Calderón, 129, 138, 364, 368, 543, 628.
未受教育的喀里多尼亚人，参见苏格兰。
Caledonians, untutored, see Scotland.
日历，基督教，参见基督纪元
calendar, Christian, see Christian era
罗曼，36，99。
Roman, 36, 99.
卡利班，507。
Caliban, 507.
卡利古拉，703。
Caligula, 703.
卡利克勒斯（450–1，460），689。
Callicles, (450–1, 460), 689.
Callières，François de，《古代人与现代人之间最近宣布的战争的诗学史》，270，281，285，645。
Callières, François de, Poetic History of the War lately declared between the Ancients and the Moderns, 270, 281, 285, 645.
书法，184.
calligraphy, 184.
卡利马科斯，430，623，630。
Callimachus, 430, 623, 630.
卡利斯提尼，56。
Callisthenes, 56.
卡尔普尼乌斯，171。
Calpurnius, 171.
卡尔弗利，CS，638。
Calverley, C. S., 638.
加尔文，653。
Calvin, 653.
卡里普索，仙女，505
Calypso, nymph, 505
歌曲，496首。
songs, 496.
剑桥大学，11，17，54，282，283，295，341，495，497，641。
Cambridge University, 11, 17, 54, 282, 283, 295, 341, 495, 497, 641.
卡梅纳，595。
Camenae, 595.
卡米拉，155，607。
Camilla, 155, 607.
卡米勒斯，396，400，672。
Camillus, 396, 400, 672.
Camoens, Luis de: 职业生涯，144
Camoens, Luis de: career, 144
风格，144、158–9。
style, 144, 158–9.
——作品，《卢苏斯之子》（Os Lusiadas），144, 147, 148, 151, 152, 153, 602, 604
—works, The Sons of Lusus (Os Lusiadas), 144, 147, 148, 151, 152, 153, 602, 604
tr。普劳图斯的《安菲特律翁》，134。
tr. Plautus’ Amphitryon, 134.
坎贝尔，罗伊，亚当马斯特，604。
Campbell, Roy, Adamastor, 604.
坎波福尔米奥，条约，428。
Campo Formio, treaty of, 428.
加缪、阿尔伯特、卡利古拉，703
Camus, Albert, Caligula, 703
西西弗斯神话，527–8、703。
The Myth of Sisyphus, 527–8, 703.
斯卡拉大酒店，70岁。
Can Grande della Scala, 70.
加拿大，403，490，705。
Canada, 403, 490, 705.
颂歌，634。
canción, 634.
坎道列斯，536。
Candaules, 536.
坎迪多，皮特罗，596。
Candido, Pietro, 596.
食人族，23，（57），193。
cannibals, 23, (57), 193.
教会法，（2），9，560。
canon law, (2), 9, 560.
卡诺瓦，361。
Canova, 361.
坎特伯雷，39，40
Canterbury, 39, 40
大主教，36，311
archbishop of, 36, 311
朝圣者，12，90，196。
pilgrims, 12, 90, 196.
坎佐尼, (87), 236, 237, 245, 433, 583, 629.
canzone, (87), 236, 237, 245, 433, 583, 629.
好望角，148，155。
Cape of Good Hope, 148, 155.
卡佩，寡妇（=玛丽·安托瓦内特），392。
Capet, the widow ( = Marie-Antoinette), 392.
资本和资本家，255，437，511。
capital and capitalists, 255, 437, 511.
罗马卡皮托尔，352，391，398，399，456
Capitol, Rome, 352, 391, 398, 399, 456
美国，391，399
United States, 391, 399
弗吉尼亚州，401。
Virginia, 401.
Caporali，313。
Caporali, 313.
卡拉卡拉，575。
Caracalla, 575.
Carbach，N.，118。
Carbach, N., 118.
Carducci, Giosuè：职业生涯，446, 455
Carducci, Giosuè: career, 446, 455
教育，446
education, 446
想法，441，455–6，688
ideas, 441, 455–6, 688
风格，246，443，684。
style, 246, 443, 684.
—著作，《蛮族颂》，（246），443，684
—works, Barbarian Odes, (246), 443, 684
克里图姆努斯泉畔，456，687
By the Springs of Clitumnus, 456, 687
古典主义与浪漫主义，441–2
Classicism and Romanticism, 441–2
在一座哥特式教堂，687
In una chiesa gotica, 687
间奏曲，684
Intermezzo, 684
佩尔·朱塞佩·蒙蒂·加埃塔诺·托涅蒂，687
Per Giuseppe Monti e Gaetano Tognetti, 687
致撒旦，455。
To Satan, 455.
卡尔斯巴德，366。
Carlsbad, 366.
卡马尼奥勒，275、390、406、643。
Carmagnole, 275, 390, 406, 643.
卡内阿德斯，561。
Carneades, 561.
安尼巴莱卡罗，116、123、124。
Caro, Annibale, 116, 123, 124.
迦太基，154，196，461，462。
Carthage, 154, 196, 461, 462.
迦太基语，5。
Carthaginian language, 5.
卡萨诺瓦，贾科莫，571。
Casanova, Giacomo, 571.
艾萨克·卡索邦，192、258、309、311、543、639、650。
Casaubon, Isaac, 192, 258, 309, 311, 543, 639, 650.
卡桑德拉，151，703。
Cassandra, 151, 703.
卡西奥多罗斯，54。
Cassiodorus, 54.
卡西乌斯，74，210，211，212。
Cassius, 74, 210, 211, 212.
卡森，斯坦利，471。
Casson, Stanley, 471.
卡斯塔利亚春，152，204。
Castalian spring, 152, 204.
卡斯特尔韦特罗，洛多维科，123, 142–3。
Castelvetro, Lodovico, 123, 142–3.
卡斯蒂，《会说话的动物》，681。
Casti, Talking Animals, 681.
卡斯特，520。
Castor, 520.
加泰罗尼亚语，6，122，571，661。
Catalan language, 6, 122, 571, 661.
目录图片，310。
catalogue-pictures, 310.
战士名录，154。
catalogues of warriors, 154.
卡托-康布雷西斯条约，259。
Cateau-Cambresis, treaty of, 259.
大教堂，巴洛克风格，290–1、332
cathedrals, baroque, 290–1, 332
哥特式，14，31，39，64，67，440，489，504，677
Gothic, 14, 31, 39, 64, 67, 440, 489, 504, 677
莫奈，504
in Monet, 504
奖学金，499。
of scholarship, 499.
天主教堂，请参阅罗马天主教堂。
Catholic church, see Roman Catholic church.
天主教联盟，311。
Catholic League, 311.
喀提林，393，398。
Catiline, 393, 398.
老加图，592。
Cato, the elder, 592.
小加图，78，397，400，421，424，476，586。
Cato, the younger, 78, 397, 400, 421, 424, 476, 586.
卡图卢斯的职业生涯，229
Catullus, career, 229
模仿和影响，68，188，221，229，380，635，650，667，675，686
imitations and influence, 68, 188, 221, 229, 380, 635, 650, 667, 675, 686
手稿，8
manuscripts, 8
翻译，572，680。
translations, 572, 680.
—作品，220，229，635，642
—works, 220, 229, 635, 642
亚历山大诗歌，680
Alexandrian poems, 680
警句，229，555，572
epigrams, 229, 555, 572
上丘脑，237
epithalamia, 237
爱情诗，229，629，635
love-poems, 229, 629, 635
歌词，220，229。
lyrics, 220, 229.
卡图卢斯，参见卡图卢斯，572。
Catulus, see Catullus, 572.
Caupolicán，152，602。
Caupolicán, 152, 602.
卡瓦尔坎特，吉多，77 岁。
Cavalcante, Guido, 77.
风之洞，505。
Cave of the Winds, 505.
卡克斯顿，威廉，55，116，119，596。
Caxton, William, 55, 116, 119, 596.
卡尤加湖，400。
Cayuga, Lake, 400.
Ceffi，Filippo，577。
Ceffi, Filippo, 577.
切利尼，本韦努托，182，193。
Cellini, Benvenuto, 182, 193.
凯尔特人，参见盖尔人。
Celts, see Gaels.
审查制度，259。
censorship, 259.
半人马，78，176，586。
centaurs, 78, 176, 586.
Ceolwulf，37岁。
Ceolwulf, 37.
角蝾螈，有角，148。
cerastes, horned, 148.
塞伯鲁斯，78，148，586。
Cerberus, 78, 148, 586.
巴洛克时代的仪式，296。
ceremony of baroque age, 296.
谷神星，152。
Ceres, 152.
米格尔·德·塞万提斯·堂吉诃德, 58, 145, 168, 343, 476
Cervantes, Miguel de, Don Quixote, 58, 145, 168, 343, 476
加拉提亚，168。
Galatea, 168.
Ceyx，98岁。
Ceyx, 98.
恰空舞曲，241。
chaconnes, 241.
查德班德先生，340。
Chadband, Mr., 340.
挑战与回应，131、218、231、351、388-9、542。
challenge and response, 131, 218, 231, 351, 388–9, 542.
Champmeslé，297。
Champmeslé, 297.
钱德勒，理查德，《爱奥尼亚古物》，370，664。
Chandler, Richard, Antiquities of Ionia, 370, 664.
樟宜，皮埃尔·德，125。
Changi, Pierre de, 125.
英雄事迹，573。
chansons de geste, 573.
Chapelain，347，659。
Chapelain, 347, 659.
乔治·查普曼，荷马译本；以及济慈，115，（210），368，415–16，686
Chapman, George, his translation of Homer: and Keats, 115, (210), 368, 415–16, 686
莎士比亚，55，197
and Shakespeare, 55, 197
其风格，114，115，479。
its style, 114, 115, 479.
人物素描，192，291，304，310，314-15，324。
character-sketch, 192, 291, 304, 310, 314–15, 324.
人物，库存，140-1。
characters, stock, 140–1.
查理曼大帝，9，（28），38，39，49，345，349，573，603。
Charlemagne, 9, (28), 38, 39, 49, 345, 349, 573, 603.
法国国王查理五世，107、116、117、119。
Charles V of France, 107, 116, 117, 119.
法国国王查理九世，601。
Charles IX of France, 601.
瑞典国王查理十二世，542，575。
Charles XII of Sweden, 542, 575.
秃头查尔斯，39，46。
Charles the Bald, 39, 46.
查理马特，145，603。
Charles Martel, 145, 603.
奥尔良的查尔斯，571。
Charles of Orleans, 571.
查理王子（查尔斯·爱德华·斯图尔特），425。
Charlie, Prince (Charles Edward Stuart), 425.
卡戎，78，336，586。
Charon, 78, 336, 586.
Charpentier，Franfois，《论法语的卓越性》，275。
Charpentier, Franfois, On the Excellence of the French Language, 275.
查特豪斯，295。
Charterhouse, 295.
卡律布狄斯，534。
Charybdis, 534.
弗朗索瓦-勒内子爵夏多布里昂，职业生涯，365、403、662
Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de, career, 365, 403, 662
字符，403
character, 403
教育和古典知识，466，674
education and knowledge of the classics, 466, 674
想法，403–5，662
ideas, 403–5, 662
风格，403–4、462。
style, 403–4, 462.
基督教的天才，403，404
The Genius of Christianity, 403, 404
从巴黎到耶路撒冷的旅程，365，687
Journey from Paris to Jerusalem, 365, 687
殉道者，355，403–4，462
The Martyrs, 355, 403–4, 462
墓外回忆录403
Memoirs from beyond the Tomb, 403
纳奇兹，403。
The Natchez, 403.
Chatterton，431，482。
Chatterton, 431, 482.
乔叟、杰弗里和薄伽丘，94–7、101、590、592–3
Chaucer, Geoffrey, and Boccaccio, 94–7, 101, 590, 592–3
和但丁，94, 95, 97, 99, 100, 102, 590
and Dante, 94, 95, 97, 99, 100, 102, 590
济慈，416
and Keats, 416
和彼特拉克，95，97，101
and Petrarch, 95, 97, 101
和斯宾塞，171
and Spenser, 171
职业生涯, 94, 145, 231, 577, 701
career, 94, 145, 231, 577, 701
字符, 94, 95, 102
character, 94, 95, 102
教育与古典知识，60，94，95-103，218，590，591-3
education and knowledge of the classics, 60, 94, 95–103, 218, 590, 591–3
想法，94，95-8，101-3，127，183
ideas, 94, 95–8, 101–3, 127, 183
语言，109–10、111。
language, 109–10, 111.
——作品，Anelida 和 Arcite，590
—works, Anelida and Arcite, 590
《公爵夫人之书》，98。
The Book of the Duchess, 98.
— 《坎特伯雷故事集》，12、62、94–5、183
— The Canterbury Tales, 12, 62, 94–5, 183
序言， 103
Prologue, 103
教士的故事，95
Clerk’s Tale, 95
骑士的故事，90，94，590
Knight’s Tale, 90, 94, 590
法律人的故事，96，98
Man of Law’s Tale, 96, 98
曼西普尔的故事，592
Manciple’s Tale, 592
商人的故事，593
Merchant’s Tale, 593
僧侣的故事，97
Monk’s Tale, 97
赦罪僧的故事, 593
Pardoner’s Tale, 593
牧师的故事, 593
The Parson’s Tale, 593
梅利比乌斯的故事101
The Tale of Melibeus, 101
巴斯妻子的故事，100，593。
The Wife of Bath’s Tale, 100, 593.
—名人堂，94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 593
— House of Fame, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 593
好女人传奇，do，99，101
Legend of Good Women, do, 99, 101
鸟类议会，100，590
Parliament of Fowls, 100, 590
玫瑰传奇，69，94，581
Romaunt of the Rose, 69, 94, 581
tr. Boethius, 99，不，571
tr. Boethius, 99, no, 571
特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，55，90，94，96，97，99，590，591，592，593
Troilus and Criseyde, 55, 90, 94, 96, 97, 99, 590, 591, 592, 593
真理，100。
Truth, 100.
香东，阿诺，117。
Chandon, Arnault, 117.
查韦斯，卡洛斯，166。
Chavez, Carlos, 166.
化学，359，493。
chemistry, 359, 493.
Chênedollé，674。
Chênedollé, 674.
安德烈·谢尼尔 (Chénier)，职业生涯，401、434、679
Chénier, André, career, 401, 434, 679
教育和古典知识，355，401-3，428，673，688
education and knowledge of the classics, 355, 401–3, 428, 673, 688
想法，426–7
ideas, 426–7
影响, 401, 673, 688, 699
influence, 401, 673, 688, 699
风格，402，424。
style, 402, 424.
—作品，布科利奇，176，402，673，683
—works, Bucolics, 176, 402, 673, 683
挽歌，402
elegies, 402
论文学的完美与衰落，426
Essay on the Perfection and Decadence of Literature, 426
赫尔墨斯, 389, 402, (403)
Hermes, 389, 402, (403)
抑扬格，401
Iambics, 401
新塔朗丁，673，699
La Jeune Tarentine, 673, 699
自由, 426
Liberty, 426
莱德，673
Lydé, 673
Mnazile 和 Chloé，403。
Mnazile et Chloé, 403.
玛丽·约瑟夫·谢尼尔，401-2。
Chénier, Marie-Joseph, 401–2.
基路伯，203，238，240。
cherubim, 203, 238, 240.
凯鲁比尼，670。
Cherubini, 670.
切斯特菲尔德勋爵，272，322。
Chesterfield, Lord, 272, 322.
加布里埃洛·恰布雷拉 (Chiabrera)，职业生涯，235–6, 543
Chiabrera, Gabriello, career, 235–6, 543
英雄诗， 236
Heroic Poems, 236
贺拉斯歌词，245，246，684
Horatian lyrics, 245, 246, 684
品达歌词，236，238。
Pindaric lyrics, 236, 238.
儿童，186、336、411-12、490、492-5、676、705。
children, 186, 336, 411–12, 490, 492–5, 676, 705.
智利，145，153。
Chile, 145, 153.
奇美拉，23岁。
Chimera, 23.
中国，艺术，502–3，693
China, art, 502–3, 693
历史，268
history, 268
语言，561
language, 561
诗歌，502–3
poetry, 502–3
思想，502
thought, 502
秘鲁，652。
to Peru, 652.
希俄斯，30，690。
Chios, 30, 690.
基里科，532
Chirico, 532
骑士精神，48，196
chivalry, 48, 196
代码，57，208
code of, 57, 208
故事, 62, 307, 355, 544, 661
tales of, 62, 307, 355, 544, 661
并看到浪漫。
and see romance.
克洛伊，165，177。
Chloe, 165, 177.
合唱团，221，234，296。
choirs, 221, 234, 296.
肖邦，58岁。
Chopin, 58.
肖皮内尔，让，62 岁。
Chopinel, Jean, 62.
乔叟的合唱，591
Chorus in Chaucer, 591
参见亨利五世，130，533。
in Henry V, 130, 533.
古典戏剧中的合唱，134, 141, 222, 225, 301, 378, 419, 421, 533, 570, 629, 648
chorus in classical drama, 134, 141, 222, 225, 301, 378, 419, 421, 533, 570, 629, 648
在现代戏剧中，130，134，137，376，421，452，504，533，537-8，629，648
in modern drama, 130, 134, 137, 376, 421, 452, 504, 533, 537–8, 629, 648
在歌剧中，130，392，参见141
in opera, 130, 392, and see 141
希腊人发明的，130
invented by Greeks, 130
词语含义，219。
meaning of the word, 219.
克雷蒂安·德·特鲁瓦，62，580。
Chrétien de Troyes, 62, 580.
基督，参见耶稣基督。
Christ, see Jesus Christ.
基督（诗），30，567。
Christ (the poem), 30, 567.
基督教堂，牛津，283-4。
Christ Church, Oxford, 283–4.
公元 38，544。
Christian era, 38, 544.
基督教：
CHRISTIANITY:
—文学中的基督教思想：早期教会和黑暗时代，26、28-35、44、46、291、323-4、511、559、560、565、570、584、640、701
—Christian thought in literature: early Church and Dark Ages, 26, 28–35, 44, 46, 291, 323–4, 511, 559, 560, 565, 570, 584, 640, 701
中世纪，vii、66、70、72、74、75、78、89–90、92–3、102、127、579
Middle Ages, vii, 66, 70, 72, 74, 75, 78, 89–90, 92–3, 102, 127, 579
文艺复兴时期，146–7、149–51、154–8、181、238、368、607
Renaissance, 146–7, 149–51, 154–8, 181, 238, 368, 607
巴洛克时期，249–50、278–9、291、294、308、347、351、352–4
baroque age, 249–50, 278–9, 291, 294, 308, 347, 351, 352–4
革命时期，403–5、411、431、682
revolutionary era, 403–5, 411, 431, 682
十九世纪，462–5
nineteenth century, 462–5
二十世纪，518、528–9、549。
twentieth century, 518, 528–9, 549.
—基督教传统分析，468。
—Christian traditions analysed, 468.
—野蛮人与基督教的冲突以及野蛮人的皈依，26-7、29、35、39-40、81、236、349、353-4、389、557、560-1、565、568。
—conflict of barbarians and Christianity, and conversion of barbarians, 26–7, 29, 35, 39–40, 81, 236, 349, 353–4, 389, 557, 560–1, 565, 568.
——基督教与希腊罗马文化的冲突与渗透，2、7-10、11、59、73、238、262-4、278-9、283、291-2、294、326、380、389、404-5、521、542、547、548、553、558-9、560、570、578、640、674、701。
—conflict and interpenetration of Christianity and Greco-Roman culture, 2, 7–10, 11, 59, 73, 238, 262–4, 278–9, 283, 291–2, 294, 326, 380, 389, 404–5, 521, 542, 547, 548, 553, 558–9, 560, 570, 578, 640, 674, 701.
—现代文学中的基督教与异教的冲突，89–90、92–3、169、173、247、262–4、278–9、283、288、328、352–4、362–3、377、403–5、431、437–9、453–65、521、522、546–7、640、662、678、688。
—conflict of Christianity and paganism in modern literature, 89–90, 92–3, 169, 173, 247, 262–4, 278–9, 283, 288, 328, 352–4, 362–3, 377, 403–5, 431, 437–9, 453–65, 521, 522, 546–7, 640, 662, 678, 688.
—基督教与罗马帝国的冲突，43、88、351、353、404、476-8。
—conflict of Christianity and Roman empire, 43, 88, 351, 353, 404, 476–8.
—基督教会内部的冲突：英国（凯尔特）与罗马的冲突，36–9，568
—conflicts within Christian church: British (Celtic) v. Roman, 36–9, 568
希腊东正教诉罗马天主教，6，545，560
Greek Orthodox v. Roman Catholic, 6, 545, 560
自由派罗马天主教徒vs.保守派罗马天主教徒，179–80, 181, 193, 326
liberal Roman Catholics v. conservative Roman Catholics, 179–80, 181, 193, 326
新教与罗马天主教，179，187，193，311-12。
Protestant v. Roman Catholic, 179, 187, 193, 311–12.
克里斯蒂娜女王，176。
Christina, Queen, 176.
克里斯蒂娜·德·皮桑，69 岁。
Christine de Pisan, 69.
圣诞节，237–8，523。
Christmas, 237–8, 523.
编年史诗，24–5，29。
chronicle poems, 24–5, 29.
编年史，中世纪，67，577。
chronicles, medieval, 67, 577.
年表，569，691。
chronology, 569, 691.
克律塞伊斯，53，577。
Chryseis, 53, 577.
C HURCH，英国（凯尔特人），36–7，38–9，568
CHURCH, British (Celtic), 36–7, 38–9, 568
爱尔兰语，568
Irish, 568
圣女，43岁
Lady Holy, 43
东正教，或东方教，或希腊教，6、8、545、560
Orthodox, or eastern, or Greek, 6, 8, 545, 560
新教，179，263-4
Protestant, 179, 263–4
罗马天主教或西方教派，2、6–10、32、36、59、74、94、176、179–80、181、187、193、263–4、278、292、308、311–12、326、344、352、356、362、389、403、455–6、511、542、545、558、559、560、568、614、639、687
Roman Catholic, or western, 2, 6–10, 32, 36, 59, 74, 94, 176, 179–80, 181, 187, 193, 263–4, 278, 292, 308, 311–12, 326, 344, 352, 356, 362, 389, 403, 455–6, 511, 542, 545, 558, 559, 560, 568, 614, 639, 687
并参见C基督教。
and see CHRISTIANITY.
教堂（建筑物），428，484
churches (buildings), 428, 484
巴洛克或耶稣会，290，368，374，397
baroque or Jesuit, 290, 368, 374, 397
哥特式，57
Gothic, 57
十九世纪，93，438–9，440。
nineteenth-century, 93, 438–9, 440.
丘吉尔，温斯顿，335。
Churchill, Winston, 335.
教堂墓地，托马斯，125。
Churchyard, Thomas, 125.
丘里格拉，290。
Churriguerra, 290.
西塞罗，背景与生涯，303，397，399，400，401，476，477，548–9，555，672，677，691，694
Cicero, background and career, 303, 397, 399, 400, 401, 476, 477, 548–9, 555, 672, 677, 691, 694
字符, 83, 476, 542, 654, 691
character, 83, 476, 542, 654, 691
语言和风格，6、18、44、83、89、112-13、184、323-4、326-7、332、334-5、348、654、682
language and style, 6, 18, 44, 83, 89, 112–13, 184, 323–4, 326–7, 332, 334–5, 348, 654, 682
模仿和影响，18、20、37、44、89、100、112–13、179、184、188、323–4、326–7、328、332、334–5、348、390、393、397–9、400、542、559、561–2、570、588、595、650、655、656、670、672、673、691。
imitations and influence, 18, 20, 37, 44, 89, 100, 112–13, 179, 184, 188, 323–4, 326–7, 328, 332, 334–5, 348, 390, 393, 397–9, 400, 542, 559, 561–2, 570, 588, 595, 650, 655, 656, 670, 672, 673, 691.
—作品，277，490，670
—works, 277, 490, 670
信件，83–4、188、323、587
letters, 83–4, 188, 323, 587
哲学著作，9，79，80，84，105，188，323，548，655
philosophical works, 9, 79, 80, 84, 105, 188, 323, 548, 655
修辞作品，84
rhetorical works, 84
演讲，6、20、79、83、84、105、112-13、323、393、397-8、655、672。
speeches, 6, 20, 79, 83, 84, 105, 112–13, 323, 393, 397–8, 655, 672.
—反对喀提林, 398, 418
— Against Catiline, 398, 418
反对维勒斯，328
Against Verres, 328
布鲁图斯，654
Brutus, 654
论终结
De finibus, 587
论启示，657
De inuentione, 657
论神的本性，668
De natura deorum, 668
官方说法，119，587，655
De officiis, 119, 587, 655
演说家, 603
De oratore, 603
西庇阿之梦，44，63，100，120，593
Dream of Scipio, 44, 63, 100, 120, 593
对于Archias，123，587
For Archias, 123, 587
戴奥塔罗斯国王，123
For King Deiotarus, 123
对于 Ligarius 来说，123
For Ligarius, 123
对于马塞勒斯来说，123
For Marcellus, 123
塞克斯图斯·罗斯修斯398
For Sextus Roscius, 398
苏拉
For Sulla, 398
霍滕修斯, 9
Hortensius, 9
论英联邦，63，431，681
On the Commonwealth, 63, 431, 681
论职责，119，587，655
On Duties, 119, 587, 655
论友谊（莱利乌斯），68，79，119，587
On Friendship (Laelius), 68, 79, 119, 587
论道德目标，587
On Moral Aims, 587
论老年（加图），68，119，587
On Old Age (Cato), 68, 119, 587
演说家, 654
Orator, 654
悖论，120
Paradoxes, 120
图斯库兰讨论，44、119–20、603、673。
Tusculan Discussions, 44, 119–20, 603, 673.
Cid，我的歌声，559。
Cid, El Cantar del mio, 559.
辛布里亚人，700。
Cimbrians, 700.
辛辛那提，399。
Cincinnati, 399.
辛辛纳图斯，396，399，400。
Cincinnatus, 396, 399, 400.
灰姑娘，165，276，524-5。
Cinderella, 165, 276, 524–5.
Cineas，615。
Cineas, 615.
电影院，观看电影。
cinema, see moving pictures.
辛西奥（乔瓦尼·巴蒂斯塔·吉拉尔迪），599–600, 604
Cinthio (Giovanni Battista Giraldi), 599–600, 604
喜剧与悲剧讲座，142
Lectures on Comed and Tragedy, 142
Orbecche，133，136–7。
Orbecche, 133, 136–7.
喀耳刻，50，139，149，204，505，510，512，534，604。
Circe, 50, 139, 149, 204, 505, 510, 512, 534, 604.
城市和城市生活，162、165、166、296、351、368、439、447、469、471、543。
cities and city-life, 162, 165, 166, 296, 351, 368, 439, 447, 469, 471, 543.
城邦，希腊，393。
city-states, Greek, 393.
文明，435、439–40、478–9、521–2、530、671、680
civilization, 435, 439–40, 478–9, 521–2, 530, 671, 680
欧洲（西方），vii，1，2，3，4，11，23，27，37，38，40，47，50，53，210，255，259，262，267，268–9，350，391，429，461，542–3，544–5，546，554
European (western), vii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 23, 27, 37, 38, 40, 47, 50, 53, 210, 255, 259, 262, 267, 268–9, 350, 391, 429, 461, 542–3, 544–5, 546, 554
希腊罗马，七、1、2、3、4、5、8、25、35、37、49、114、255、348–9、351、353、387、439–40、461–2、546
Greco-Roman, vii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 25, 35, 37, 49, 114, 255, 348–9, 351, 353, 387, 439–40, 461–2, 546
概念的意义，2，267-8，275-6，436，439-40，547-9，552。
meaning of the concept, 2, 267–8, 275–6, 436, 439–40, 547–9, 552.
克拉伦斯，301。
Clarence, 301.
克拉克，考登，415。
Clarke, Cowden, 415.
古典，词语的意义，227–8，358，364，390
classical, meaning of the word, 227–8, 358, 364, 390
“古典”与“浪漫”相对，227–8、355–9、375、390、392、441–2、551、628、682、702
‘classical’ opposed to ‘romantic’, 227–8, 355–9, 375, 390, 392, 441–2, 551, 628, 682, 702
“古典”时代，356
‘classical’ age, 356
另请参阅希腊罗马。
see also Greco-Roman.
古典协会，518。
Classical Association, 518.
古典季刊，471。
Classical Quarterly, The, 471.
“古典主义”和“古典主义者”，275、292、320、358、369、390、412、441-2、448、504、525、647-8、700、702。
‘classicism’ and ‘classicists’, 275, 292, 320, 358, 369, 390, 412, 441–2, 448, 504, 525, 647–8, 700, 702.
古典学，古典文学，参见希腊罗马文学。
classics, classical literature, see Greco-Roman literature.
阶级战争，460。
class-war, 460.
克劳迪安，188，592-3
Claudian, 188, 592–3
第六修正案，Honorii，592
De VI cons. Honorii, 592
宁静颂歌，592
Laus Serenae, 592
普罗瑟平的强奸, 100, 592.
Rape of Proserpine, 100, 592.
clausulae，西塞罗主义，570。
clausulae, Ciceronian, 570.
泥板，468。
clay tablets, 468.
克莱门特七世，181。
Clement VII, 181.
亚历山大的克莱门特，640。
Clement of Alexandria, 640.
克利奥帕特拉，151、152、157、205–6、212–13、214、329、442、578、621。
Cleopatra, 151, 152, 157, 205–6, 212–13, 214, 329, 442, 578, 621.
克利奥帕特拉（浪漫），658。
Cleopatra (romance), 658.
牧师担任牧羊人，173。
clergymen as shepherds, 173.
陈词滥调，275，300，357，409，564。
clichés, 275, 300, 357, 409, 564.
克利福德，玛莎，505。
Clifford, Martha, 505.
高潮，67，112，184，323，333。
climax, 67, 112, 184, 323, 333.
克洛狄乌斯，398。
Clodius, 398.
克洛皮内尔，让，62 岁。
Clopinel, Jean, 62.
克洛琳达，155，607。
Clorinda, 155, 607.
克拉夫，亚瑟·休，挽歌，174
Clough, Arthur Hugh, elegy on, 174
博蒂，382。
The Bothie, 382.
克洛维斯，27，279。
Clovis, 27, 279.
小丑，127。
clowns, 127.
克鲁尼，305。
Cluny, 305.
克吕泰涅斯特拉，300，523，698。
Clytemnestra, 300, 523, 698.
让·科克托，532, 533, 539–40
Cocteau, Jean, 532, 533, 539–40
安提戈涅，531，533
Antigone, 531, 533
地狱机器，531–2、536、538、539–40
The Infernal Machine, 531–2, 536, 538, 539–40
奥菲斯，531，537，539。
Orpheus, 531, 537, 539.
拿破仑法典，（391）。
Code Napolén, (391).
科英布拉市，172
Coimbra, city, 172
大学，134.
university, 134.
铸币，罗马，474。
coinage, Roman, 474.
科尔伯特，320。
Colbert, 320.
柯勒律治，塞缪尔·泰勒，职业与性格，359，389，406
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, career and character, 359, 389, 406
经典知识，409，412，675-6。
knowledge of the classics, 409, 412, 675–6.
—著作，《古舟子咏》，364，（535）
—works, The Ancient Mariner, 364, (535)
克里斯塔贝尔, 357, 364
Christabel, 357, 364
沮丧：颂歌，676
Dejection: an Ode, 676
忽必烈汗，357，（406，541）
Kubla Khan, 357, (406, 541)
《餐桌谈话》，关于吉本，349–50。
Table Talk, on Gibbon, 349–50.
科利特，约翰，216，626。
Colet, John, 216, 626.
科林，吉恩，119。
Colin, Jean, 119.
学院，127，135，257，369，393，400，470，518，670。
colleges, 127, 135, 257, 369, 393, 400, 470, 518, 670.
科克雷学院, 121, 231
Collège de Coqueret, 121, 231
德吉耶纳，186
de Guienne, 186
纳瓦拉, 401
de Navarre, 401
路易大帝，393。
Louis-le-Grand, 393.
柯林斯，252
Collins, 252
至晚间, 249, 252
To Evening, 249, 252
至简，249，252。
To Simplicity, 249, 252.
口语，406，629。
colloquialisms, 406, 629.
科隆，12。
Cologne, 12.
罗马斗兽场，423。
Colosseum, 423.
哥伦比亚学院, 491, 664, 694
Columbia College, 491, 664, 694
大学，ix，475。
university, ix, 475.
哥伦布，83，235，264，431。
Columbus, 83, 235, 264, 431.
法国喜剧，297, 648。
Comédie Française, 297, 648.
喜剧，雅典（希腊），128，131，192，225，230，304，421
comedy, Athenian (Greek), 128, 131, 192, 225, 230, 304, 421
巴洛克风格，290–1，318
baroque, 290–1, 318
特征和定义，70–1，84
character and definition, 70–1, 84
英语，20，137–8，259
English, 20, 137–8, 259
法语，20，134，137，232，599
French, 20, 134, 137, 232, 599
希腊人发明，vii, 20, 128, 546
invented by Greeks, vii, 20, 128, 546
意大利语，20，133–4，136，140–1，599
Italian, 20, 133–4, 136, 140–1, 599
面罩，130
mask of, 130
现代（总体而言），vii，20，133，136
modern (in general), vii, 20, 133, 136
罗马，84，114，120–2，128，131，136，230
Roman, 84, 114, 120–2, 128, 131, 136, 230
并参阅阿里斯托芬、莫里哀、普劳图斯、泰伦斯。
and see Aristophanes, Molière, Plautus, Terence.
喜剧效果，273–4、299、301。
comic relief, 273–4, 299, 301.
—条带，130。
—strips, 130.
即兴喜剧，141。
commedia dell’ arte, 141.
公共安全委员会，391-2。
Committee of Public Safety, 391–2.
共产主义，255，559。
communism, 255, 559.
科穆宁，349。
Comneni, 349.
比较文学，479。
comparative literature, 479.
心理补偿，155
compensation, psychological, 155
并看到愿望的实现。
and see wish-fulfilment.
孔波斯特拉，12。
Compostella, 12.
自负，611，646。
conceits, 611, 646.
康塞普西翁，152。
Concepción, 152.
孔代，320。
Condé, 320.
冲突，精神，178–81、182、185、529。
conflict, spiritual, 178–81, 182, 185, 529.
康格里夫，《品达里克颂》，633。
Congreve, Discourse on the Pindarique Ode, 633.
征服者，144。
Conquistadores, 144.
康拉德，约瑟夫，563。
Conrad, Joseph, 563.
康斯坦特，本杰明，685。
Constant, Benjamin, 685.
康斯坦察，59岁。
Constanţa, 59.
君士坦丁皇帝，30、347、350、353、404。
Constantine, emperor, 30, 347, 350, 353, 404.
君士坦丁堡（古城），参见拜占庭
Constantinople (ancient city), see Byzantium
（现代城市），328，401，561。
(modern city), 328, 401, 561.
制宪会议，398。
Constituent Assembly, 398.
领事，396。
consul, 396.
“同时代人”，170，268。
‘contemporaries’, 170, 268.
缩写，在希腊语中，17。
contractions, in Greek, 17.
大会，国家，391-2，396，398。
Convention, National, 391–2, 396, 398.
转换，44、75、79、90、92、176、187、278-9、344、352、353、403、404、455、464-5、533、568、584、692。
conversion, 44, 75, 79, 90, 92, 176, 187, 278–9, 344, 352, 353, 403, 404, 455, 464–5, 533, 568, 584, 692.
哥白尼，3，15，15，282。
Copernicus, 3, 15, 1 5, 282.
科普兰，亚伦，《林肯肖像》，241。
Copland, Aaron, A Lincoln Portrait, 241.
抄写员，496。
copyists, 496.
科黛，夏洛特，395，401。
Corday, Charlotte, 395, 401.
科迪莉亚，667。
Cordelia, 667.
科林，175。
Corin, 175.
科琳娜，96岁，98岁。
Corinna, 96, 98.
科林斯，10。
Corinth, 10.
皮埃尔·高乃依，职业和性格，178, 294
Corneille, Pierre, career and character, 178, 294
教育和古典知识，293–4、302、543。
education and knowledge of the classics, 293–4, 302, 543.
—作品，66，128，232，290，29，302，375
—works, 66, 128, 232, 290, 29, 302, 375
熙德，600
Le Cid, 600
美黛，294
Médée, 294
波利克特，279
Polyeucte, 279
罗多古内，375
Rodogune, 375
戏剧诗的三篇论述，295。
Trois discours sur le poeme dramatique, 295.
托马斯·高乃依、蒂莫克拉特，298。
Corneille, Thomas, Timocrate, 298.
科尼利厄斯·加卢斯，68、163、167、168、172、174、583、613。
Cornelius Gallus, 68, 163, 167, 168, 172, 174, 583, 613.
舞台上的尸体，133。
corpses on stage, 133.
科珀斯克里斯蒂学院，牛津，656。
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 656.
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum（= CIG），469。
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum ( = CIG), 469.
拉丁铭文语料库( = CIL ), 469, 474。
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum ( = CIL), 469, 474.
Correggio, Niccolo da, Cefalo（= Cephalus），136, 598
Correggio, Niccolo da, Cefalo (= Cephalus), 136, 598
译文：《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》，133页。
tr. The Brothers Menaechmus, 133.
科西嘉方言，6.
Corsican dialect, 6.
宇宙，希腊语，456。
cosmos, Greek, 456.
康斯坦萨，59岁。
Costanza, 59.
服装，21，290，296，301，374，396。
costume, 21, 290, 296, 301, 374, 396.
同化，256。
coterization, 256.
爱情委员会（雷米尔蒙特委员会），60，579。
Council of Love (Council of Remiremont), 60, 579.
特伦托会议，259。
Council of Trent, 259.
对位，161，241，290，296，335。
counterpoint, 161, 241, 290, 296, 335.
反宗教改革，255，259，368。
Counter-Reformation, 255, 259, 368.
对句，见韵律。
couplets, see metre.
宫廷、帝国、皇家和公爵
courts, imperial, royal, and ducal
朝臣
courtiers
宫廷生活，16，49，127，133–4，135，139，145，162，165，168，172，176，181，182，187，296，298，301，308，310，312，320，347，379，386，409，480，543。
court-life, 16, 49, 127, 133–4, 135, 139, 145, 162, 165, 168, 172, 176, 181, 182, 187, 296, 298, 301, 308, 310, 312, 320, 347, 379, 386, 409, 480, 543.
牛仔，162，166，175，566。
cowboys, 162, 166, 175, 566.
考利、亚伯拉罕、达维迪斯，633
Cowley, Abraham, Davideis, 633
颂歌，239–40，250，633，634。
Odes, 239–40, 250, 633, 634.
考珀，威廉，416
Cowper, William, 416
任务，382
The Task, 382
荷马译，479。
tr. Homer, 479.
克拉布，316。
Crabbe, 316.
克拉科夫大学，11。
Cracow University, 11.
工艺品，发现，522
crafts, discovered, 522
被遗忘的，266，640。
forgotten, 266, 640.
克兰，哈特，254。
Crane, Hart, 254.
Crashaw，239，633
Crashaw, 239, 633
祈祷，一首颂歌，633。
Prayer, an Ode, 633.
创造世界，26、28、59、150-1、433、577-8、604。
creation of the world, 26, 28, 59, 150–1, 433, 577–8, 604.
Creede，624。
Creede, 624.
克瑞翁，526，536，537。
Creon, 526, 536, 537.
克瑞西达，52，195。
Cressida, 52, 195.
克里特语，544。
Cretan language, 544.
克里特岛，53，509。
Crete, 53, 509.
克里西德，99岁。
Criseyde, 99.
批评家和批评，美学，21，173，261，287，369–71，371–4，550
critics and criticism, aesthetic, 21, 173, 261, 287, 369–71, 371–4, 550
戏剧化，123，125，127，128，132，133，142–3，301–2，374–5，598，601
dramatic, 123, 125, 127, 128, 132, 133, 142–3, 301–2, 374–5, 598, 601
教会，173
ecclesiastical, 173
文学，12，125，142–3，261–88，290，335，374–5，445，479–89，529，550，582，601，630，685
literary, 12, 125, 142–3, 261–88, 290, 335, 374–5, 445, 479–89, 529, 550, 582, 601, 630, 685
学术，479–89，691。
scholarly, 479–89, 691.
克里托劳斯，561。
Critolaus, 561.
克罗齐（Croce），贝内代托（Benedetto），论巴洛克风格，646。
Croce, Benedetto, on baroque, 646.
Croniamental，638。
Croniamental, 638.
克罗尼克斯、《伟大与不可估量》，182, 615。
Cronicgues, Grandes et Inestimables, 182, 615.
Cross，26，31–2，158，456。
Cross, 26, 31–2, 158, 456.
人群场景，301。
crowd scenes, 301.
克鲁登，《圣经索引》，484。
Cruden, Concordance to the Holy Scriptures, 484.
残忍，198，207，304。
cruelty, 198, 207, 304.
十字军东征，352
crusades, 352
阿尔比派，48，93–4
Albigensian, 48, 93–4
第一，146，573
First, 146, 573
第四，6，349。
Fourth, 6, 349.
密码，97，529。
cryptograms, 97, 529.
泰西封，10。
Ctesiphon, 10.
文化，古典，参见希腊罗马文化。
culture, classical, see Greco-Roman culture.
文化英雄，521。
culture-heroes, 521.
文化语言，13，106，110，644。
culture-languages, 13, 106, 110, 644.
Cumae，99，515，699。
Cumae, 99, 515, 699.
丘比特，63，141，228，229
Cupid, 63, 141, 228, 229
和普赛克，661。
and Psyche, 661.
丘比特，21，212，213，360。
cupids, 21, 212, 213, 360.
库拉索，13。
Curaçao, 13.
散文风格简洁，323–6、654。
curt manner in prose, 323–6, 654.
西布莉，523。
Cybele, 523.
西比尔，吉尔斯，121。
Cybile, Gilles, 121.
民谣循环，24。
cycles of ballads, 24.
独眼巨人，23。
Cyclopes, 23.
独眼巨人（波吕斐摩斯），153、505、534、674、684、698。
Cyclops (Polyphemus), 153, 505, 534, 674, 684, 698.
Cynewulf，性格与职业，29–31、37、38、565、567。
Cynewulf, character and career, 29–31, 37, 38, 565, 567.
—作品，31，35
—works, 31, 35
基督，30，567
Christ, 30, 567
使徒们的命运30
The Fates of the Apostles, 30
海伦娜, 30, 31
Helena, 30, 31
朱莉安娜， 30，567。
Juliana, 30, 567.
愤世嫉俗的哲学家和愤世嫉俗主义，41，270，304，308，395。
Cynic philosophers and cynicism, 41, 270, 304, 308, 395.
塞浦路斯，559。
Cyprian, 559.
塞浦路斯，455，458。
Cyprus, 455, 458.
昔兰尼，234。
Cyrene, 234.
西里尔字母，6，545，557。
Cyrillic alphabet, 6, 545, 557.
赛勒斯，633。
Cyrus, 633.
西塞里斯，600。
Cytheris, 600.
沙皇，头衔，6；参见沙皇。
Czar, the title, 6; and see Tsar.
捷克语，55，577。
Czech language, 55, 577.
达·克鲁兹·席尔瓦，安东尼奥·迪尼亚，《颂歌》，633。
da Cruz e Silva, Antonio Dinya, Odes, 633.
维托里诺·达·费尔特雷，183, 615。
da Feltre, Vittorino, 183, 615.
洛伦佐·达·庞特，（368），664。
da Ponte, Lorenzo, (368), 664.
列奥纳多·达·芬奇，15, 178–9, 372。
da Vinci, Leonardo, 15, 178–9, 372.
Dacier，André，亚里士多德《诗学》译本及评论，666。
Dacier, André, tr. of and commentary on Aristotle’s Poetics, 666.
安妮女士达西尔，277, 287, 374
Dacier, Mme Anne, 277, 287, 374
论品味败坏的原因，287
On the Causes of the Corruption of Taste, 287
译《伊利亚特》，287。
tr. Iliad, 287.
长短格，381–2，667–8。
dactyls, 381–2, 667–8.
代达罗斯，99、505、509–10、527、581、696–7。
Daedalus, 99, 505, 509–10, 527, 581, 696–7.
守护进程，228，382。
daemons, 228, 382.
达利，萨尔瓦多，256。
Dali, Salvador, 256.
达蒙，177。
Damon, 177.
跳舞，219、220–2、224–6、234、241、250、253–4、301、301、417、544。
dancing, 219, 220–2, 224–6, 234, 241, 250, 253–4, 301, 301, 417, 544.
丹麦人, 23–4, 29, 35, 39–40, 45, 47. 93, 472, 474
Danes, 23–4, 29, 35, 39–40, 45, 47. 93, 472, 474
并见北方人。
and see Northmen.
丹尼尔，阿诺特，585。
Daniel, Arnaut, 585.
但以理书，29。
Daniel, Book of, 29.
丹尼尔，塞缪尔，411。
Daniel, Samuel, 411.
丹尼尔-罗普斯，《Notre Inquiétude》，704。
Daniel-Rops, Notre Inquiétude, 704.
丹麦语，55，577。
Danish language, 55, 577.
死亡之舞，364，614，662。
Danse Macabre, 364, 614, 662.
但丁·阿利吉耶里和比阿特丽斯，43、58、72、75、78、87、263、586
Dante Alighieri, and Beatrice, 43, 58, 72, 75, 78, 87, 263, 586
和教堂，10, 59, 72, 74, 85
and the church, 10, 59, 72, 74, 85
以及维吉尔，71、72–8、79、84、102、144、153、263、387、548–9、584–5、586
and Vergil, 71, 72–8, 79, 84, 102, 144, 153, 263, 387, 548–9, 584–5, 586
职业生涯，81-2
career, 81–2
字符，82，431
character, 82, 431
新甜美风格，75–7，585
dolce stil novo, 75–7, 585
想法，10，38，70–80
ideas, 10, 38, 70–80
对后世作家的影响，82–5、87、88、89、92、94、95、99、100、102、309、337、405、429、431、446、481、511、559、590、606
influence on later writers, 82–5, 87, 88, 89, 92, 94, 95, 99, 100, 102, 309, 337, 405, 429, 431, 446, 481, 511, 559, 590, 606
经典知识，14、59、70、72-8、79-80、83-4、85、96、97-9、126-7、135、156、263、407、421、446、544、571、583-4、585-7、634。
knowledge of the classics, 14, 59, 70, 72–8, 79–80, 83–4, 85, 96, 97–9, 126–7, 135, 156, 263, 407, 421, 446, 544, 571, 583–4, 585–7, 634.
—作品：《喜剧》，11、48、59、62、66、70–80、82、84、87、90、126、144、155、161、263、274、300、309、319、337、429、481、511、544、555、559、583、585
—works: The Comedy, 11, 48, 59, 62, 66, 70–80, 82, 84, 87, 90, 126, 144, 155, 161, 263, 274, 300, 309, 319, 337, 429, 481, 511, 544, 555, 559, 583, 585
地狱, 72, 74, 76, 77, 87, 150, 153, 291, 421, 511–12, 571
Inferno, 72, 74, 76, 77, 87, 150, 153, 291, 421, 511–12, 571
炼狱, 72, 75, 87, 584–5, 589
Purgatorio, 72, 75, 87, 584–5, 589
天堂号、38、63、71、72、569、571、583、590。
Paradiso, 38, 63, 71, 72, 569, 571, 583, 590.
—— 《君主论》，74, 571
— — De monarchia, 74, 571
通俗口才, 71, 275, 583–4, 644
De vulgari eloquentia, 71, 275, 583–4, 644
牧歌，584
Eclogue, 584
书信，70，71，583-4
Letters, 70, 71, 583–4
歌词, 71, 76, 77, 220, 585
lyrics, 71, 76, 77, 220, 585
新生活，58，585。
New Life, 58, 585.
丹东，393，398。
Danton, 393, 398.
达努布里奥，伊娃·德，60 岁。
Danubrio, Eva de, 60.
达芙妮，141，521，581。
Daphne, 141, 521, 581.
达芙妮斯，173。
Daphnis, 173.
《达芙妮与克洛伊》，请参阅朗古斯、卢梭和拉威尔。
Daphnis and Chloe, see Longus, Rousseau, and Ravel.
Daremberg 和 Saglio，经典古董词典，469。
Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités classiques, 469.
达雷斯（特洛伊战士），52。
Dares (Trojan warrior), 52.
《挑战弗里吉亚人》，特洛伊毁灭史
‘Dares the Phrygian’, The History of the Destruction of Troy
本书的特点及其相似之处，51–3、56、163、271、283、340、372、458、533、574–5、576
character of the book and parallels to it, 51–3, 56, 163, 271, 283, 340, 372, 458, 533, 574–5, 576
对后来作家的影响，50–1、52、53、54、55、94、97、114、533、565、574–6、578、596
influence on later writers, 50–1, 52, 53, 54, 55, 94, 97, 114, 533, 565, 574–6, 578, 596
风格，51–3、565、574、575。
style, 51–3, 565, 574, 575.
黑暗时代，艺术，10，346
Dark Ages, art, 10, 346
文化（包括文学），vii，1，3–11，13，21，22，23–47，50，54，81，93，105，109，220，255，258–9，267，303，517，541，552，558–60，564–5，569，570–1，634，681
culture (including literature), vii, 1, 3–11, 13, 21, 22, 23–47, 50, 54, 81, 93, 105, 109, 220, 255, 258–9, 267, 303, 517, 541, 552, 558–60, 564–5, 569, 570–1, 634, 681
语言，5–8,12–13,14,22,105,109,111–12,558–9
languages, 5–8, 12–13, 14, 22, 105, 109, 111–12, 558–9
道德与社会生活，4, 11, 60, 109, 558
moral and social life, 4, 11, 60, 109, 558
政治, 5–7, 9–10, 11, 49, 93, 109, 151, 558
politics, 5–7, 9–10, 11, 49, 93, 109, 151, 558
宗教，8，292，560，564–5，681。
religion, 8, 292, 560, 564–5, 681.
多芬，336，345，470，639。
dauphin, 336, 345, 470, 639.
大卫，雅克-路易，职业生涯和影响，391–2、399、401、442、670。
David, Jacques-Louis, career and influence, 391–2, 399, 401, 442, 670.
—作品：《苏格拉底之死》，391
—works: The Death of Socrates, 391
给贝利撒留一便士，391
Give Belisarius a Penny, 391
莱斯·霍拉斯，670
Les Horaces, 670
马拉遇刺，391年
Marat assassinated, 391
拿破仑分发鹰币，396
Napoleon distributing the Eagles, 396
拿破仑指引通往意大利的道路，391
Napoleon pointing the Way to Italy, 391
萨宾妇女，391。
The Sabine Women, 391.
大卫王，24，57，62，219，263，426，524，545，581。
David, King, 24, 57, 62, 219, 263, 426, 524, 545, 581.
Day，A.，124，164。
Day, A., 124, 164.
de Ercilla y Zuñiga，阿隆索，参见Ercilla。
de Ercilla y Zuñiga, Alonso, see Ercilla.
德埃雷拉，费尔南多，244–5, 634。
de Herrera, Fernando, 244–5, 634.
胡安·德·豪雷吉·阿吉拉尔，116、596、611。
de Jauregui y Aguilar, Juan, 116, 596, 611.
德拉弗雷奈，沃克兰，650。
de la Fresnaye, Vauquelin, 650.
德拉佩鲁斯，让，梅迪，597。
de la Péruse, Jean, Médée, 597.
加尔西拉索·德拉·维加，《田园诗》，171, 634
de la Vega, Garcilaso, Eclogues, 171, 634
贺拉斯抒情诗，244–5
Horatian lyrics, 244–5
格尼多之花，634。
La Flor de Gnido, 634.
路易斯·德莱昂，245
de León, Luis, 245
塔霍河预言245
Prophecy of the Tagus, 245
！生命如此短暂！，634
!Que descansada vida!, 634
tr. 贺拉斯的歌词，245
tr. Horace’s lyrics, 245
译维吉尔的《田园诗》和《农事诗》，124、245。
tr. Vergil’s Bucolics and Georgics, 124, 245.
德梅纳，胡安，111。
de Mena, Juan, 111.
德梅萨，克里斯托瓦尔，115，124。
de Mesa, Cristobal, 115, 124.
德帕伦西亚，阿方索，117。
de Palencia, Alfonso, 117.
托马斯·德·昆西，432、438、645。
De Quincey, Thomas, 432, 438, 645.
德·索尔多·斯特罗齐，弗朗西斯科，117。
de Soldo Strozzi, Francisco, 117.
德蒂莫内达，胡安，134。
de Timoneda, Juan, 134.
洛佩·德·维加, 129, 138, 600, 635
de Vega, Lope, 129, 138, 600, 635
龙茶, 145
La Dragontea, 145
新喜剧制作艺术，138。
New Art of Making Comedies, 138.
德维亚纳，卡洛斯，119。
de Viana, Carlos, 119.
德维勒加斯，埃斯塔本·曼努埃尔，246。
de Villegas, Estaben Manuel, 246.
德维勒加斯，杰罗尼莫，125。
de Villegas, Geronimo, 125.
德维耶纳，恩里克，115。
de Villena, Enrique, 115.
死语言，70，544，556-7。
dead languages, 70, 544, 556–7.
死海，662。
Dead Sea, 662.
去世，364–5、373、377、432、507、511、527、528、535、544、614、698。
death, 364–5, 373, 377, 432, 507, 511, 527, 528, 535, 544, 614, 698.
死亡如同神，364–5、452、539、614。
Death as a deity, 364–5, 452, 539, 614.
死亡愿望，372，377。
death-wish, 372, 377.
戏剧中的辩论，208
debates in drama, 208
在史诗中，154。
in epic, 154.
揭穿真相，532。
debunking, 532.
德彪西，克劳德，502
Debussy, Claude, 502
《牧神午后前奏曲》 176，508
Prelude to the Afternoon of a Faun, 176, 508
比利蒂斯三首歌，688、697。
Three Songs of Bilitis, 688, 697.
第151页。
Decii, 151.
decoration, see interior decoration.
德达罗斯，斯蒂芬，505–7，509–10，512–13，696，697。
Dedalus, Stephen, 505–7, 509–10, 512–13, 696, 697.
学位，学术，499。
degrees, academic, 499.
维托里诺·兰博尔迪尼 (da Feltre)，183, 615。
dei Ramboldini, Vittorino (da Feltre), 183, 615.
神化，520–1、701。
deification, 520–1, 701.
自然神论，328。
deism, 328.
神明，参见神明。
deities, see gods.
德克尔，54岁。
Dekker, 54.
del Enzina，Juan，124。
del Enzina, Juan, 124.
Delille，406，429。
Delille, 406, 429.
德尔斐，232。
Delphi, 232.
德尔菲尼系列，470、638–9、705。
Delphini series, 470, 638–9, 705.
得墨忒耳，523。
Demeter, 523.
德米特里厄斯，618，624，626。
Demetrius, 618, 624, 626.
得米乌尔戈斯，678。
Demiourgos, 678.
民主，2、255、394-5、398、423、493、546、671。
democracy, 2, 255, 394–5, 398, 423, 493, 546, 671.
德谟克利特，264。
Democritus, 264.
Demogorgon，421，678。
Demogorgon, 421, 678.
魔，見魔王。
demons, see devils.
德摩斯梯尼，552，556
Demosthenes, 552, 556
影响，324，654-5。
influence, 324, 654–5.
—作品：Olynthiacs，122，654
—works: Olynthiacs, 122, 654
菲利普斯，122，328，654。
Philippics, 122, 328, 654.
丹麦，563
Denmark, 563
并见见丹麦人。
and see Danes.
迪奥，28岁。
Deor, 28.
des Esseintes，445，（453）。
des Esseintes, 445, (453).
德佩里耶，博纳旺蒂尔，118。
des Périers, Bonaventure, 118.
笛卡尔，古典教育和拉丁语著作，3，106，276，292，543
Descartes, classical education and works in Latin, 3, 106, 276, 292, 543
方法论106
Discourse on Method, 106
在《书籍之战》中，641，644，694。
in Battle of the Books, 641, 644, 694.
苔丝狄蒙娜，57，125。
Desdemona, 57, 125.
德斯马雷·德·圣索兰，让，278-9。
Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin, Jean, 278–9.
—作品：克洛维斯，279，645
—works: Clovis, 279, 645
语言比较……法语和希腊语……，644
Comparaison de la langue … française avec la grecque …, 644
精神的美妙，645
Délices de l’esprit, 645
玛丽·玛格德莱娜，279，645。
Marie-Magdeleine, 279, 645.
Desmasures，115。
Desmasures, 115.
卡米尔·德穆兰，390、393、398、670、672。
Desmoulins, Camille, 390, 393, 398, 670, 672.
侦探故事，256。
detective stories, 256.
丢卡利翁，34。
Deucalion, 34.
魔鬼，26，46，146，149，150，263，333，334，363，365，599。
Devil, the, 26, 46, 146, 149, 150, 263, 333, 334, 363, 365, 599.
魔鬼，148-50、152、154、159、160、182、197、249、511、512、521、586、605、615、662、701。
devils, 148–50, 152, 154, 159, 160, 182, 197, 249, 511, 512, 521, 586, 605, 615, 662, 701.
方言，13
dialects, 13
美国和英国，503
American and English, 503
中文，561
Chinese, 561
欧洲人总体，5, 7, 12–13, 22, 48, 106–7, 111–12, 126, 166, 518, 556–7, 558–9
European in general, 5, 7, 12–13, 22, 48, 106–7, 111–12, 126, 166, 518, 556–7, 558–9
德语，308，559
German, 308, 559
希腊文和拉丁文，284、478、481–2、562
Greek and Latin, 284, 478, 481–2, 562
意大利语，135，424，559
Italian, 135, 424, 559
Romance，6，7，558–9，644。
Romance, 6, 7, 558–9, 644.
对话，哲学，41，64，67，86，167，279，291，304，432–3，525。
dialogues, philosophical, 41, 64, 67, 86, 167, 279, 291, 304, 432–3, 525.
黛安娜，21，139，140，169，204，356，573，607。
Diana, 21, 139, 140, 169, 204, 356, 573, 607.
“长篇大论”，67，304。
‘diatribes’, 67, 304.
狄更斯，查尔斯，158。
Dickens, Charles, 158.
—作品：《荒凉山庄》，308
—works: Bleak House, 308
大卫·科波菲尔344
David Copperfield, 344
艰难时世495
Hard Times, 495
马丁·丘兹莱夫特444
Martin Chuzzlevnt, 444
我们的共同的朋友，347，444。
Our Mutual Friend, 347, 444.
格言Catonis，592。
dicta Catonis, 592.
词典，469。
dictionaries, 469.
《克里特岛的狄克提斯》，《特洛伊战争日记》：本书的特点及其相似之处，52–3、56、163、283、574–5、576
‘Dictys of Crete’, Diary of the Trojan War: character of the book and parallels to it, 52–3, 56, 163, 283, 574–5, 576
对后来作家的影响，53、55、114、576
influence on later writers, 53, 55, 114, 576
风格，52-3。
style, 52–3.
说教诗，42、59、65–6、124、256、306、402、603–4。
didactic poetry, 42, 59, 65–6, 124, 256, 306, 402, 603–4.
Didacus Stella，641。
Didacus Stella, 641.
狄德罗，340，391，543，555，671。
Diderot, 340, 391, 543, 555, 671.
狄多，68，99，116，158，196，205-6，291，580，582，586，592，608，621。
Dido, 68, 99, 116, 158, 196, 205–6, 291, 580, 582, 586, 592, 608, 621.
迪多系列，470。
Didot series, 470.
Dieregotgaf，Scher，577。
Dieregotgaf, Scher, 577.
业余爱好者协会，370。
Dilettanti, Society of, 370.
狄奥·卡西乌斯，649。
Dio Cassius, 649.
普鲁萨的迪奥，称为金口，680
Dio of Prusa, called Chrysostom, 680
页首，575。
Tρωιĸós, 575.
戴克里先，404。
Diocletian, 404.
西西里的狄奥多罗斯，189。
Diodorus Siculus, 189.
第欧根尼，561。
Diogenes, 561.
狄奥吉尼斯·拉尔修，189。
Diogenes Laertius, 189.
Diomede，55，79。
Diomede, 55, 79.
锡拉丘兹的迪翁，410。
Dion of Syracuse, 410.
狄俄尼索斯，459，521，689
Dionysus, 459, 521, 689
并见到巴克斯。
and see Bacchus.
狄奥蒂玛，378。
Diotima, 378.
外交，324，326，560。
diplomacy, 324, 326, 560.
督政府服饰，396。
Directoire costumes, 396.
挽歌，420。
dirges, 420.
耶稣的门徒，522、604。
disciples of Jesus, 522, 604.
古典学科，364、407、413-14、443、495、507、518。
discipline of the classics, 364, 407, 413–14, 443, 495, 507, 518.
迪斯科迪亚，148。
Discordia, 148.
发现，14-15，193，218。
discoveries, 14–15, 193, 218.
流离失所者，39，82。
displaced persons, 39, 82.
论文，42，470-1，499。
dissertations, 42, 470–1, 499.
酒神颂歌，250、254、459、627。
dithyramb, 250, 254, 459, 627.
演讲部分，332–3。
division, in oratory, 332–3.
Divus，安德烈亚斯，698。
Divus, Andreas, 698.
Dobbie，EVK，ix，569。
Dobbie, E. V. K., ix, 569.
多布森，奥斯汀，342。
Dobson, Austin, 342.
狗拉丁语，12，700。
Dog Latin, 12, 700.
Dolce，Lodovico，欧里庇得斯译，120–1，597
Dolce, Lodovico, tr. Euripides, 120–1, 597
荷马，115
Homer, 115
贺拉斯的信函，125。
Horace’s Letters, 125.
艾蒂安·多莱特，118、120、124。
Dolet, Étienne, 118, 120, 124.
多尔曼，约翰，120。
Dolman, John, 120.
Domenichi，R.，117。
Domenichi, R., 117.
多米提安，314，578。
Domitian, 314, 578.
大教堂，578。
domnei, 578.
唐璜，361，524。
Don Juan, 361, 524.
堂吉诃德，145，168，476
Don Quixote, 145, 168, 476
并去看塞万提斯。
and see Cervantes.
多诺，639。
Doneau, 639.
驴，272–3、642。
donkey, 272–3, 642.
约翰·多恩，职业生涯，179。
Donne, John, career, 179.
—作品：498
—works: 498
比亚塔那托斯，179
Biathanatos, 179
伊格内修斯枢机主教会议，179
Ignatius his Conclave, 179
伪烈士，179
Pseudo-Martyr, 179
遗物，（306）
The Relique, (306)
讽刺，311，312，315
satires, 311, 312, 315
布道，326，333–4，348。
sermons, 326, 333–4, 348.
末日事件，32、153、240、333-4
Doomsday, the event, 32, 153, 240, 333–4
相关诗歌，22、34、249。
poems on it, 22, 34, 249.
多拉特，让，职业生涯和名字，231，543，629–30
Dorat, Jean, career and name, 231, 543, 629–30
拉丁颂歌，631，635-6
Latin odes, 631, 635–6
译：《被缚的普罗米修斯》，597。
tr. Prometheus Bound, 597.
多立克方言，162，171。
Doric dialect, 162, 171.
多丽丝，504。
Doris, 504.
陀思妥耶夫斯基，《罪与罚》，344
Dostoevsky, Crime and Punishment, 344
白痴，（373）。
The Idiot, (373).
道格拉斯，高文，译《埃涅阿斯纪》，115，596。
Douglas, Gawain, tr. Aeneid, 115, 596.
道格拉斯，诺曼，365。
Douglas, Norman, 365.
贝尔纳多·多维兹（比比纳），134。
Dovizi, Bernardo (Bibbiena), 134.
Downhalus，C.，237。
Downhalus, C., 237.
龙，23，25，145，421，580，678。
dragons, 23, 25, 145, 421, 580, 678.
德雷克爵士弗朗西斯，145。
Drake, Sir Francis, 145.
D RAMA，127–43，194–218，293–302，424–7，525–7，531–40
DRAMA, 127–43, 194–218, 293–302, 424–7, 525–7, 531–40
特别是 127–31、198、207–8、215、297、538–40
especially 127–31, 198, 207–8, 215, 297, 538–40
美国，326–7
American, 326–7
并观看动态图像
and see moving pictures
巴洛克风格，129–30、131、290–2、293–302、333、374–5、600
baroque, 129–30, 131, 290–2, 293–302, 333, 374–5, 600
英语，121–2,126,127–34,136,137–9,140,168,174–5,194-218,259–60,290,291,293–302,342,355,362,418,419,421,422,450–2,544
English, 121–2, 126, 127–34, 136, 137–9, 140, 168, 174–5, 194-218, 259–60, 290, 291, 293–302, 342, 355, 362, 418, 419, 421, 422, 450–2, 544
法语，120–2, 127–31, 133–4, 137, 166, 174–5, 275, 293–302, 374–5, 401–2, 525–7, 531–40, 600, 648, 704
French, 120–2, 127–31, 133–4, 137, 166, 174–5, 275, 293–302, 374–5, 401–2, 525–7, 531–40, 600, 648, 704
德语，114、121–2、129–30、134、135、141、368、374–5、376、378、380、386–90、526、551。
German, 114, 121–2, 129–30, 134, 135, 141, 368, 374–5, 376, 378, 380, 386–90, 526, 551.
—希腊罗马，或“古典”：字符，132，140-1
—Greco-Roman, or ‘classical’: characters, 132, 140–1
设备，132–3、137、538–9
devices, 132–3, 137, 538–9
戏剧创作，129–30
dramaturgy, 129–30
表格，七、70–1、84、97、127–9、130–1、134–5、230、291、293–4、298、301–2、309、374–5、376、392、425– 6, 533
form, vii, 70–1, 84, 97, 127–9, 130–1, 134–5, 230, 291, 293–4, 298, 301–2, 309, 374–5, 376, 392, 425–6, 533
图，vii，131，141，426，533，534-7
plots, vii, 131, 141, 426, 533, 534–7
刺激, 104, 127, 131-3, 136-7, 141, 193, 392, 542, 598
stimulus, 104, 127, 131–3, 136–7, 141, 193, 392, 542, 598
翻译，120–2、128、133–4、419、677、679、686
translations, 120–2, 128, 133–4, 419, 677, 679, 686
诗歌和语言，71，112，120，131，300，538。
verse and language, 71, 112, 120, 131, 300, 538.
—希腊语（具体而言）的影响，280、294–5、304、364、379、380、386、451–3、504、541、666
—Greek (specifically), influence, 280, 294–5, 304, 364, 379, 380, 386, 451–3, 504, 541, 666
音乐，141
music, 141
神话情节，525–7，531–40
mythical plots, 525–7, 531–40
起源，469
origins, 469
演讲，141
speeches, 141
精神，198，373，459–60
spirit, 198, 373, 459–60
研究，494
study of, 494
生存, 8, 131
survival of, 8, 131
翻译，120–1、133–4、446。
translations, 120–1, 133–4, 446.
D RAMA，意大利语，120–2,127–37,139–43,174–5,236,290,293,295–7,302,434–7,527。
DRAMA, Italian, 120–2, 127–37, 139–43, 174–5, 236, 290, 293, 295–7, 302, 434–7, 527.
——拉丁语（特别是拉丁语）的影响，131–3、140–1、207–9、214–15、294、426、618、666
—Latin (specifically), influence, 131–3, 140–1, 207–9, 214–15, 294, 426, 618, 666
现代拉丁语, 127, 134–5, 137–8, 187, 232, 599, 624
modern Latin, 127, 134–5, 137–8, 187, 232, 599, 624
精神，105
spirit, 105
研究，494
study of, 494
生存，8，84，131
survival, 8, 84, 131
翻译，121–2、133–4。
translations, 121–2, 133–4.
—杂项类型，圣经（宗教），127，129，135，138，601
—miscellaneous types, biblical (religious), 127, 129, 135, 138, 601
牧歌，174
eclogues, 174
历史, 128
historical, 128
间奏，130，138
interludes, 130, 138
日语，130
Japanese, 130
抒情的，298
lyrical, 298
假面剧，139，175
masques, 139, 175
中世纪，127、128–30、137、146、143、599、601
medieval, 127, 128–30, 137, 146, 143, 599, 601
奇迹剧，130
miracle-plays, 130
“音乐剧”，130，236
‘musical’, 130, 236
神秘剧，129
mystery plays, 129
帕纳索斯，451–2
Parnassian, 451–2
热门, 127, 138, 140
popular, 127, 138, 140
葡萄牙语，134。
Portuguese, 134.
—现代，20、127–33、135、142、143、256、309、392、525–7、532–3、538–40、541、598。
—modern, 20, 127–33, 135, 142, 143, 256, 309, 392, 525–7, 532–3, 538–40, 541, 598.
——《文艺复兴》，20、120–2、126–43、194–218、293、299–301、364、368、426、541、544、598–601。
—Renaissance, 20, 120–2, 126–43, 194–218, 293, 299–301, 364, 368, 426, 541, 544, 598–601.
—西班牙语，120–2、128、129–30、133-4、138、275、293。
—Spanish, 120–2, 128, 129–30, 133-4, 138, 275, 293.
—观看演员、喜剧、闹剧、电影、歌剧、悲剧。
— and see actors, comedy, farce, moving pictures, opera, tragedy.
Drant，T.，123，125。
Drant, T., 123, 125.
《十字架之梦》31–2、35、63、565。
Dream of the Rood, The, 31–2, 35, 63, 565.
梦，31、63–4、69、192、301、325、420、459、503、504、507、510、517、523–5、555、604、605。
dreams, 31, 63–4, 69, 192, 301, 325, 420, 459, 503, 504, 507, 510, 517, 523–5, 555, 604, 605.
德累斯顿，城市，368，369。
Dresden, city, 368, 369.
—中国，176。
—china, 176.
只用你的眼睛为我举杯（本·琼森著，译自菲洛斯特拉图斯），vii。
Drink to me only with thine eyes (by Ben Jonson, translated from Philostratus), vii.
德里斯勒，亨利，491。
Drisler, Henry, 491.
德罗米奥，625。
Dromio, 625.
药物，438。
drugs, 438.
德鲁伊，698。
Druids, 698.
醉酒，182，242，318，358。
drunkenness, 182, 242, 318, 358.
树精，377
dryads, 377
并看到若虫。
and see nymphs.
德莱顿，约翰，职业生涯，293，297，314
Dryden, John, career, 293, 297, 314
角色，178
character, 178
批评性著作，98，295，314
critical writings, 98, 295, 314
教育和古典知识，282，295，302，314，316，651
education and knowledge of the classics, 282, 295, 302, 314, 316, 651
影响力和声誉，241，400。
influence and reputation, 241, 400.
—作品：《押沙龙与亚希多弗》，314–15，317，318
—works: Absalom and Achitophel, 314–15, 317, 318
亚历山大的盛宴，241
Alexander’s Feast, 241
《讽刺论述》，650
Discourse concerning Satire, 650
戏剧诗论，295
Essay on Dramatic Poesy, 295
亚瑟王，297
King Arthur, 297
麦克弗莱克诺，314–15
MacFlecknoe, 314–15
勋章，314
The Medal, 314
讽刺，290，314，315-21
satires, 290, 314, 315–21
圣塞西莉亚节之歌，240
Song for St. Cecilia’s Day, 240
献给才华横溢的年轻女士安妮·基利格鲁夫人的虔诚回忆，243–4，634
To the Pious Memory of the Accomplished Young Lady, Mrs. Anne Killigrew, 243–4, 634
悲剧，292，295
tragedies, 292, 295
翻译，295，314，650。
translations, 295, 314, 650.
杜巴塔斯 (Guillaume de Salluste)，La Sepmaine，603–4。
du Bartas, Sieur (Guillaume de Salluste), La Sepmaine, 603–4.
约阿希姆·杜贝莱，职业生涯，313
Du Bellay, Joachim, career, 313
影响，171。
influence, 171.
—著作：《法语的保卫与提升》，134、231–2、275、630–1、641
—works: Defence and Ennoblement of the French Language, 134, 231–2, 275, 630–1, 641
颂歌，631
odes, 631
译《埃涅阿斯纪》 ，115。
tr. Aeneid, 115.
都柏林，亲爱的老脏，504–6，510，512。
Dublin, dear old dirty, 504–6, 510, 512.
杜博斯，让-巴蒂斯特神父，478。
Dubos, abbé Jean-Baptiste, 478.
马尔菲公爵夫人（韦伯斯特），133。
Duchess of Malfi, The (Webster), 133.
Duchi，Claudio，(231)，629。
Duchi, Claudio, (231), 629.
邓肯，伊莎多拉，254。
Duncan, Isadora, 254.
Dupuis，CF，522。
Dupuis, C. F., 522.
杜兰德，纪尧姆，125。
Durand, Guillaume, 125.
迪塞尔多夫，368。
Diisseldorf, 368.
荷兰语，参见Holland。
Dutch, see Holland.
“站在巨人肩膀上的矮人”，267、640-1。
‘dwarfs on the shoulders of giants’, 267, 640–1.
“二元政治”，476。
‘dyarchy’, 476.
EK，603。
E. K., 603.
合众为一，399，672。
E pluribus unum, 399, 672.
鹰，埃斯库罗斯，300
eagle, in Aeschylus, 300
阿诺德，485
in Arnold, 485
乔叟和但丁，590
in Chaucer and Dante, 590
拿破仑，356，396
Napoleon’s, 356, 396
诗人如鹰，226，238，460，515
poet as an eagle, 226, 238, 460, 515
普罗米修斯，535
Prometheus’, 535
罗马，356，516。
Roman, 356, 516.
Earle，《微观世界志》，192，315。
Earle, Microcosmographie, 192, 315.
东, 358, 522, 545
East, the, 358, 522, 545
远东，144，438，502-3
Far East, 144, 438, 502–3
中东或近东，3、4、5、6、9、17、56、60、73、89、164、345、383、403、526、688。
Middle or Near East, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 17, 56, 60, 73, 89, 164, 345, 383, 403, 526, 688.
复活节，36。
Easter, 36.
回声，68，582。
Echo, 68, 582.
牧歌，611。
eclogue, 611.
田园诗，属，280，507
eclogues, the genus, 280, 507
但丁，584
Dante’s, 584
戏剧性的，174
dramatic, 174
加尔西拉索·德·拉·维加，171
of Garcilaso de la Vega, 171
彼特拉克，86
of Petrarch, 86
Ronsard 的，171
of Ronsard, 171
桑纳扎罗，167
of Sannazaro, 167
所罗门之歌，245
Song of Solomon, 245
并参见田园诗，维吉尔。
and see pastoral poetry, Vergil.
经济学和经济学家，339，350，351，467，473，478，493，595。
economics and economists, 339, 350, 351, 467, 473, 478, 493, 595.
伊甸园，150，152。
Eden, 150, 152.
埃德萨，10。
Edessa, 10.
埃德加，196。
Edgar, 196.
教育与文明，545、547-9、552
education, and civilization, 545, 547–9, 552
古典, 8, 25–6, 28, 183–4, 186–7, 263–4, 281, 293–6, 390–1, 392–3, 395, 407, 472, 490–500, 542–3, 546, 673
classical, 8, 25–6, 28, 183–4, 186–7, 263–4, 281, 293–6, 390–1, 392–3, 395, 407, 472, 490–500, 542–3, 546, 673
黑暗时代，35–6，38–9
in Dark Ages, 35–6, 38–9
中世纪，11–14，570
in Middle Ages, 11–14, 570
罗马和斯巴达，395，399
in Rome and Sparta, 395, 399
现代讨论，261，266
modern discussions of, 261, 266
自学，44-5，113，181，183-4，187-8，201，295，341，344，369，415-16，418-19，424-5，428，430，446，457，498
self-education, 44–5, 113, 181, 183–4, 187–8, 201, 295, 341, 344, 369, 415–16, 418–19, 424–5, 428, 430, 446, 457, 498
现代教育的传播，256，257，493，542-3
spread of modern education, 256, 257, 493, 542–3
重要的翻译，40–1、45–6、105–6。
translations important in, 40–1, 45–6, 105–6.
埃及，5、151、158、164、213、265、268、371、448、458、461、468、469、478、517、533、548、556、567、574、648。
Egypt, 5, 151, 158, 164, 213, 265, 268, 371, 448, 458, 461, 468, 469, 478, 517, 533, 548, 556, 567, 574, 648.
我的熙德之歌，559。
El cantar del mio Cid, 559.
厄勒克特拉情结，523。
Electra complex, 523.
巴洛克挽歌，276
elegiac poems, baroque, 276
谢尼埃，699
Chénier’s, 699
《黑暗时代》22，556，564
in Dark Ages, 22, 556, 564
十八世纪，429
eighteenth-century, 429
德语，380–2，667
German, 380–2, 667
希腊罗马，247，281，309，313，337，380-1，429，546，578，583，667
Greco-Roman, 247, 281, 309, 313, 337, 380–1, 429, 546, 578, 583, 667
意大利语，428–9
Italian, 428–9
牧歌，173–4、216、237。
pastoral, 173–4, 216, 237.
埃尔金大理石雕，360，413，416，677。
Elgin Marbles, 360, 413, 416, 677.
埃尔·格列柯，290。
El Greco, 290.
埃利（Élie），店长，62 岁。
Élie, Maître, 62.
艾略特，TS，和古典形式，504
Eliot, T. S., and classical form, 504
以及希腊神话，501、507、513-16
and Greek myth, 501, 507, 513–16
和神秘主义，518
and mysticism, 518
及引文，157、516–517、519
and quotation, 157, 516–17, 519
和象征意义，501–4
and symbolism, 501–4
教育和古典知识，518
education and knowledge of classics, 518
默里河畔，489
on Murray, 489
关于莎士比亚，205
on Shakespeare, 205
专业艺术，256，516-17。
specialized art, 256, 516–17.
—作品：Ara Vos Prec，501
—works: Ara Vos Prec, 501
圣灰星期三，515，695
Ash Wednesday, 515, 695
古典文学与文人, 621
The Classics and the Man of Letters, 621
煮鸡蛋, 516
A Cooking Egg, 516
科里奥兰一世（凯旋行军），516年
Coriolan I (Triumphal March), 516
普鲁弗洛克，501，515
Prufrock, 501, 515
伊丽莎白译本中的塞涅卡，598，622
Seneca in Elizabethan Translation, 598, 622
斯威尼 力士, 501, 504
Sweeney Agonistes, 501, 504
斯威尼与夜莺，513–14
Sweeney among the Nightingales, 513–14
斯威尼直立，513，698
Sweeney erect, 513, 698
《荒原》，61，157，256，501，514–16，519，（693），695，699。
The Waste Land, 61, 157, 256, 501, 514–16, 519, (693), 695, 699.
伊丽莎白女王，58，105，122，132，178，399，571。
Elizabeth, Queen, 58, 105, 122, 132, 178, 399, 571.
托马斯爵士埃利奥特，伊索克拉底译，123，597
Elyot, Sir Thomas, tr. Isocrates, 123, 597
卢西安，124
Lucian, 124
普鲁塔克，119。
Plutarch, 119.
极乐世界，338，357，376。
Elysium, 338, 357, 376.
恩培多克勒，450-1。
Empedocles, 450–1.
皇帝，头衔，396。
emperor, the title, 396.
帝国，第一，405。
Empire, the First, 405.
古典文学模仿，14，102，104，135，230，322，369，380，423，498。
emulation of classical literature, 14, 102, 104, 135, 230, 322, 369, 380, 423, 498.
encomia，233，309-10。
encomia, 233, 309–10.
百科全书，402。
Encyclopaedia, The, 402.
百科全书，8、15、48、67、98、101、220、402、469、498。
encyclopaedias, 8, 15, 48, 67, 98, 101, 220, 402, 469, 498.
英国和英国人，艺术，31，370
England and the English, art, 31, 370
字符, 29, 31, 94, 194–5, 618
character, 29, 31, 94, 194–5, 618
教育，216，257，490-500
education, 216, 257, 490–500
历史, 23, 26–7, 29, 34–5, 35–41, 45–7, 93–4, 194, 233, 258, 259–60, 296, 568
history, 23, 26–7, 29, 34–5, 35–41, 45–7, 93–4, 194, 233, 258, 259–60, 296, 568
语言，vii，12–14，18–19，22，40，46–7，54，94，99，106，109–10，111–12，158–61，171，200，236，275，330，334–5，345，484，571，659
language, vii, 12–14, 18–19, 22, 40, 46–7, 54, 94, 99, 106, 109–10, 111–12, 158–61, 171, 200, 236, 275, 330, 334–5, 345, 484, 571, 659
文学与古典影响，20，112，113–14，232，246，362，368，408，531，533
literature and classical influence, 20, 112, 113–14, 232, 246, 362, 368, 408, 531, 533
并参阅目录。
and see Contents.
跨行，673。
enjambernent, 673.
启蒙运动，345，374。
Enlightenment, 345, 374.
恩尼乌斯，159，635。
Ennius, 159, 635.
厌倦，681。
ennui, 681.
以弗所，625。
Ephesus, 625.
史诗：一般、其形式和性质，vii、20、24-5、27-8、29-30、71、97、161、165、311-12、336、339、342-4、358、403-4、546、591、700
epic: general, its form and nature, vii, 20, 24–5, 27–8, 29–30, 71, 97, 161, 165, 311–12, 336, 339, 342–4, 358, 403–4, 546, 591, 700
巴比伦，698
Babylonian, 698
漫画，182，336，342–4，430，658–9，674
comic, 182, 336, 342–4, 430, 658–9, 674
芬兰语，469
Finnish, 469
希腊罗马，或“古典”，25、71、73、114–16、144–61、184、279、281、299、335、337、341、344、403–4、552、563、577和参见荷马、卢坎、斯塔提乌斯，瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯、维吉尔
Greco-Roman, or ‘classical’, 25, 71, 73, 114–16, 144–61, 184, 279, 281, 299, 335, 337, 341, 344, 403–4, 552, 563, 577, and see Homer, Lucan, Statius, Valerius Flaccus, Vergil
现代, 256, 335–6, 342–4, 382–3, 403–4, 407, 485–6, 506, 529–31, 658–9
modern, 256, 335–6, 342–4, 382–3, 403–4, 407, 485–6, 506, 529–31, 658–9
现代拉丁语，85–6
modern Latin, 85–6
文艺复兴时期，144-61，参见阿里奥斯托、卡莫恩斯、埃西拉、米尔顿、斯宾塞、塔索、特里西诺
Renaissance, 144–61, and see Ariosto, Camoens, Ercilla, Milton, Spenser, Tasso, Trissino
Swiss，529–31。
Swiss, 529–31.
爱比克泰德，326，410，685。
Epictetus, 326, 410, 685.
伊壁鸠鲁学派和伊壁鸠鲁哲学，189、193、224、247、304、312、421-2、433、455、465。
Epicureans and Epicurean philosophy, 189, 193, 224, 247, 304, 312, 421–2, 433, 455, 465.
伊壁鸠鲁，264，593。
Epicurus, 264, 593.
埃庇丹努斯，215，625。
Epidamnus, 215, 625.
埃皮达鲁斯，625。
Epidaurus, 625.
警句，629
epigrams, 629
希腊罗马, 229, 306, 310, 316, 382, 445, 457, 458, 555, 572, 629, 673
Greco-Roman, 229, 306, 310, 316, 382, 445, 457, 458, 555, 572, 629, 673
现代，229，290，310，311，382，629，678；（=“格言”），238，352。
modern, 229, 290, 310, 311, 382, 629, 678; (= ‘aphorisms’), 238, 352.
埃庇米修斯，528–9。
Epimetheus, 528–9.
Epistemon，183，615。
Epistemon, 183, 615.
纪元、222、234、235–7、250、636
epode, 222, 234, 235–7, 250, 636
去见贺拉斯。
and see Horace.
Eppendorf，H.von，119。
Eppendorf, H. von, 119.
埃皮利亚，485。
epyllia, 485.
呃，愿景，584。
Er, Vision of, 584.
埃拉西斯特拉图斯，279。
Erasistratus, 279.
伊拉斯谟，82，119，120，180，368，543，615，656
Erasmus, 82, 119, 120, 180, 368, 543, 615, 656
谚语，184，192，615
Adages, 184, 192, 615
回声，615
Echo, 615
《愚昧赞美》，185，310。
Praise of Folly, 185, 310.
艾西拉·祖尼加 (Ercilla y Zuñiga)，阿隆索·德 (Alonso de)，144–5, 148, 153, 231
Ercilla y Zuñiga, Alonso de, 144–5, 148, 153, 231
阿劳卡尼亚诗，144–5、147、148、151–2、153–5、602–3。
The Poem of Araucania, 144–5, 147, 148, 151–2, 153–5, 602–3.
厄瑞克透斯，451。
Erechtheus, 451.
埃里金纳，参见约翰·司各特。
Erigena, see John Scotus.
情色诗，193
erotic poetry, 193
并看到爱。
and see love.
侥幸逃脱，484。
escape with the skin of the teeth, 484.
逃避现实，89，165，365-7，440，447，453。
escapism, 89, 165, 365–7, 440, 447, 453.
埃西奥纳，50岁。
Esiona, 50.
论文，20，191–2，324，370–1，470，546
essays, 20, 191–2, 324, 370–1, 470, 546
阿尔昆，38
Alcuin’s, 38
蒙田，185–93
Montaigne’s, 185–93
塞内加，126，191，324
Seneca’s, 126, 191, 324
雪莱，420。
Shelley’s, 420.
埃塞克斯伯爵，198。
Essex, the earl of, 198.
Este 家族, 133, 153
Este family, 133, 153
伊波利托 d', 133–4
Ippolito d’, 133–4
莱奥诺拉 d'，172。
Leonora d’, 172.
埃斯蒂安，查尔斯，122。
Estienne, Charles, 122.
在阿卡迪亚的自我，614。
Et in Arcadia ego, 614.
埃忒奥克勒斯，（536），580。
Eteocles, (536), 580.
埃塞俄比亚，155，164。
Ethiopia, 155, 164.
伊顿公学，11，341，418，（421），623。
Eton College, 11, 341, 418, (421), 623.
埃特鲁纳，371，456。
Etruna, 371, 456.
伊特鲁里亚语，544，556。
Etruscan language, 544, 556.
埃策尔，27岁。
Etzel, 27.
欧几里得，《几何原本》，106。
Euclid, Elements, 106.
真历史主义，520–1，701。
euhemerism, 520–1, 701.
尤赫梅罗斯，520。
Euhemeros, 520.
复仇三女神（Eumenides），704。
Eumenides (the Furies), 704.
《Euphorion》，387–9、412、688。
Euphorion, 387–9, 412, 688.
委婉语，656。
Euphuism, 656.
欧里庇得斯的影响，131、132、208、294、360、419、452–3、648、673、679
Euripides, influence, 131, 132, 208, 294, 360, 419, 452–3, 648, 673, 679
风格，208
style, 208
翻译，120–1、419、452–3、679、687。
translations, 120–1, 419, 452–3, 679, 687.
—作品：一般，52，131，132，301，498，533
—works: general, 52, 131, 132, 301, 498, 533
阿尔克斯蒂斯, 136, 452–3, 679, 687
Alcestis, 136, 452–3, 679, 687
独眼巨人, 419
Cyclops, 419
赫卡柏，120
Hecuba, 120
海伦, 533, 574
Helen, 533, 574
奥利斯的伊菲革涅亚，120，121
Iphigenia at Aulis, 120, 121
伊菲革涅亚在陶里斯，380
Iphigenia in Tauris, 380
“信件”，284
‘Letters’, 284
美狄亚，120，491，527
Medea, 120, 491, 527
奥瑞斯忒斯，538
Orestes, 538
腓尼基妇女，120–1。
The Phoenician Women, 120–1.
欧洲，艺术，57，182，261，262，371，390
Europe, art, 57, 182, 261, 262, 371, 390
文明与文化，第七，1-21，23，24，38，41，48，70，88，93-4，111-12，113-14，126，135，194-5，218，255-7，259，261-2，269，275-6，291-2，293，296，345-6，370，390，454，469，471-2，495，524，541，544-5，546，548-9，557-9，573，588，595，691
civilization and culture, vii, 1–21, 23, 24, 38, 41, 48, 70, 88, 93–4, 111–12, 113–14, 126, 135, 194–5, 218, 255–7, 259, 261–2, 269, 275–6, 291–2, 293, 296, 345–6, 370, 390, 454, 469, 471–2, 495, 524, 541, 544–5, 546, 548–9, 557–9, 573, 588, 595, 691
语言，参见语言
languages, see languages
文献, 22, 57, 59, 62, 92, 93–4, 126, 128, 170, 173, 219–21, 227, 261, 322, 355, 363, 390, 528, 541–4, 545–6, 551, 571, 633
literature, 22, 57, 59, 62, 92, 93–4, 126, 128, 170, 173, 219–21, 227, 261, 322, 355, 363, 390, 528, 541–4, 545–6, 551, 571, 633
政治，17，74，255，296，328，349，427，435，442，544，545，546。
politics, 17, 74, 255, 296, 328, 349, 427, 435, 442, 544, 545, 546.
欧律狄克，139，174，388，452，535，537，539，（580），586。
Eurydice, 139, 174, 388, 452, 535, 537, 539, (580), 586.
夏娃，149，636。
Eve, 149, 636.
进化，社会，474。
evolution, social, 474.
Exametron，97，591。
exametron, 97, 591.
考试制度，494。
examination system, 494.
说明道德教训的例子，67-8、91、190-2。
examples illustrating moral lessons, 67–8, 91, 190–2.
示例 diuersarum actorum，634。
Exempla diuersarum auctorum, 634.
出埃及记，29。
Exodus, 29.
出埃及记（诗），29，564。
Exodus (the poem), 29, 564.
排气，200。
exsufflicate, 200.
Evb，Albrecht von，121。
Evb, Albrecht von, 121.
Ezzelino da Romano，134，599。
Ezzelino da Romano, 134, 599.
法比乌斯，400。
Fabius, 400.
寓言，20，284，285-6，304，306，330，336，544，561，650。
fables, 20, 284, 285–6, 304, 306, 330, 336, 544, 561, 650.
法布里奥，57、89、136、137、183。
fabliaux, 57, 89, 136, 137, 183.
Fabricius，671。
Fabricius, 671.
仙女，197，204，206，621。
fairies, 197, 204, 206, 621.
童话故事，29，182。
fairy-tales, 29, 182.
福斯塔夫爵士约翰，194，196。
Falstaff, Sir John, 194, 196.
闹剧，303，649。
farce, 303, 649.
闹剧，127、130-1、134、137-8、140、303、309、316、421、544、598。
farce, 127, 130–1, 134, 137–8, 140, 303, 309, 316, 421, 544, 598.
法里内利，647。
Farinelli, 647.
法默，理查德，《学习莎士比亚》，201。
Farmer, Richard, Learning of Shakespeare, 201.
束棒，396。
fasces, 396.
法西斯主义，255。
fascism, 255.
宿命论，207–8。
fatalism, 207–8.
命运，100，529，540，542，565。
Fate, 100, 529, 540, 542, 565.
命运，90，508，509。
Fates, the, 90, 508, 509.
国父，399，672。
Father of his Country, 399, 672.
父亲作为教师，543，686，705。
fathers as teachers, 543, 686, 705.
教父，7、9、31、37、80、109、308、324、560、565、568-9。
fathers of the church, 7, 9, 31, 37, 80, 109, 308, 324, 560, 565, 568–9.
福歇特，克劳德，118。
Fauchet, Claude, 118.
牧神，21，139，148，176，443，507-8，521，541
fauns, 21, 139, 148, 176, 443, 507–8, 521, 541
参见马拉美 (Mallarmé)，萨蒂尔 (satyrs)。
and see Mallarmé, satyrs.
浮士德，386–90。
Faust, 386–90.
法沃勒博斯切雷切，175。
favole boschereccie, 175.
联邦党人，399。
Federalist, The, 399.
弗朗索瓦·德·萨利尼亚克·德拉莫特·费内隆-，职业生涯，336–7, 430
Fénelon, François de Salignac de La Mothe-, career, 336–7, 430
想法，322，336，338-9
ideas, 322, 336, 338–9
对其他作家的影响，337–8、339–40、341。343、404、657、658–9、674。
influence on other writers, 337–8, 339–40, 341. 343, 404, 657, 658–9, 674.
—作品，327，336–9，657
—works, 327, 336–9, 657
《死者对话》 336
Dialogues of the Dead, 336
寓言，336
fables, 336
忒勒马科斯，335–40，341，343，404，464，657–8。
Telemachus, 335–40, 341, 343, 404, 464, 657–8.
斐迪南三世，559。
Ferdinand III, 559.
西班牙的费迪南德，259。
Ferdinand of Spain, 259.
费拉拉，121、133–4、136、140、142、174。
Ferrara, 121, 133–4, 136, 140, 142, 174.
Ferrex 和 Porrex，137。
Ferrex and Porrex, 137.
封建制度，57，193，256，356，437，460，476，478，578，689。
feudalism, 57, 193, 256, 356, 437, 460, 476, 478, 578, 689.
费奇诺，118，543，676。
Ficino, 118, 543, 676.
小说，227，342，343，355，548
fiction, 227, 342, 343, 355, 548
希腊语，见浪漫
Greek, see romance
现代, 169, 170, 404, 462–5, 488
modern, 169, 170, 404, 462–5, 488
并看小说。
and see novel.
菲尔丁，亨利，290，341–2，658。
Fielding, Henry, 290, 341–2, 658.
—作品：《受伤情人的所有报复》，342
—works: All the Revenge taken by an Injured Lover, 342
《约瑟夫·安德鲁历险记》，342、343、658–9
The History of the Adventures of Joseph Andrews, 342, 343, 658–9
致沃波尔的信，658
Letter to Walpole, 658
汤姆·琼斯，58，335–6，342–3，512，658，674。
Tom Jones, 58, 335–6, 342–3, 512, 658, 674.
第五纵队，50，53。
fifth-columnists, 50, 53.
尼古拉斯·菲勒，《阴影》，174。
Filleul, Nicolas, The Shades, 174.
電影，看動畫。
films, see moving pictures.
芬兰，语言，13
Finland, language, 13
文学，24，469。
literature, 24, 469.
芬斯伯勒，25岁。
Finnsburh, 25.
火，神圣，421
fire, divine, 421
发现，522
discovery, 522
液体，351。
liquid, 351.
火龙，23，25。
firedrake, 23, 25.
费舍尔金，256。
Fisher King, 256.
菲顿，148。
Fiton, 148.
弗拉门戈，61–2、580–1。
Flamenco, 61–2, 580–1.
福楼拜，古斯塔夫，461–2。
Flaubert, Gustave, 461–2.
——作品：《Bouvard et Pécuchet》，308，（461）
—works: Bouvard et Pécuchet, 308, (461)
单纯的心，689，698
Un Cœur simple, 689, 698
信件，461，683
Letters, 461, 683
包法利夫人，58岁，（461）
Madame Bovary, 58, (461)
萨拉姆波，344，459，461
Salammbô, 344, 459, 461
圣安东尼的诱惑，461。
The Temptation of St. Antony, 461.
弗莱明，亚伯拉罕，124。
Fleming, Abraham, 124.
佛兰芒语，19。
Flemish language, 19.
弗莱彻，《忠实的牧羊女》，174。
Fletcher, The Faithful Shepherdess, 174.
苍蝇，作为罪恶的象征，538。
flies, as guilt-symbol, 538.
洪水，26、34、160、510、551、566。
Flood, 26, 34, 160, 510, 551, 566.
Floréal，396。
Floréal, 396.
佛罗伦萨和佛罗伦萨人，16、18、81、82、95、123、135、141、167、236、428、599、680-1。
Florence and the Florentines, 16, 18, 81, 82, 95, 123, 135, 141, 167, 236, 428, 599, 680–1.
佛罗伦萨方言，424，559，658。
Florentine dialect, 424, 559, 658.
花，神秘主义者，524。
flower, the mystic, 524.
“飞行”，174。
‘flyting’, 174.
民间，435，544。
Folk, the, 435, 544.
民间舞蹈，219，234，544。
folk-dance, 219, 234, 544.
民间传说，8–9，73，102，266，516
folk-lore, 8–9, 73, 102, 266, 516
并看到神话。
and see myth.
民间音乐，162–3、175–6、219、611–12。
folk-music, 162–3, 175–6, 219, 611–12.
民间诗歌，48、87、276、358、364、368、379、384、464、473、480、669。
folk-poetry, 48, 87, 276, 358, 364, 368, 379, 384, 464, 473, 480, 669.
民歌, 13, 20, 22, 24, 76, 162, 195, 219–20, 229–30, 232, 235, 276, 364, 375–6, 433, 544。
folk-song, 13, 20, 22, 24, 76, 162, 195, 219–20, 229–30, 232, 235, 276, 364, 375–6, 433, 544.
民间语言，195。
folk-speech, 195.
民间故事, 13, 20, 29, 56, 73, 89, 232, 376
folk-tales, 13, 20, 29, 56, 73, 89, 232, 376
并看到神话。
and see myth.
丰特内尔，伯纳德·勒博维尔德，279–80, 322。
Fontenelle, Bernard Le Bovier de, 279–80, 322.
丰特奈尔，作品：《死者的对话》，279
Fontenelle, works: Dialogues of the Dead, 279
Digression on the Ancients and Moderns, 280
论田园诗的本质，280
Discourse on the Nature of the Eclogue, 280
牧歌，280
pastorals, 280
关于希腊剧院的评论，280。
Remarks on the Greek Theatre, 280.
愚人，140–1、304–5、310、320。
fools, 140–1, 304–5, 310, 320.
为你，哦亲爱的国家，649。
For thee, O dear, dear country, 649.
福特，亨利，694。
Ford, Henry, 694.
伪造品，文学，51–2、56、163、283–4、328、430–1、458、583、594–5。
forgeries, literary, 51–2, 56, 163, 283–4, 328, 430–1, 458, 583, 594–5.
形式，古典意义上的，67，417-18，442-3，504，507。
form, classical sense of, 67, 417–18, 442–3, 504, 507.
形式，文学，20，70-1，112，126，127-8，143，291，293，303，306，307，355，361，546。
forms, literary, 20, 70–1, 112, 126, 127–8, 143, 291, 293, 303, 306, 307, 355, 361, 546.
福雷斯特，T.，123。
Forrest, T., 123.
防御工事，58，64。
fortifications, 58, 64.
财富，64，431
Fortune, 64, 431
她的轮子，628，637。
her Wheel, 628, 637.
Foscolo，Ugo，427–9。
Foscolo, Ugo, 427–9.
-作品
—works
伊尼, 680
Inni, 680
拉科波·奥蒂斯的最后信件，428
The Last Letters oflacopo Ortis, 428
感恩节，680
Le Grazie, 680
歌词，428，680
lyrics, 428, 680
解放者波拿巴颂，427
Ode to Bonaparte the Liberator, 427
论坟墓（Dei Sepolcri），428–9, 431
On Tombs (Dei Sepolcri), 428–9, 431
戏剧，427
plays, 427
tr. 卡图卢斯和荷马，680。
tr. Catullus and Homer, 680.
Foulon，Abel，125。
Foulon, Abel, 125.
开国元勋，672。
Founding Fathers, 672.
四骑士，364。
Four Horsemen, 364.
福克斯，查尔斯·詹姆斯，397。
Fox, Charles James, 397.
弗拉戈纳尔，269。
Fragonard, 269.
法国，Anatole，454。
France, Anatole, 454.
—作品：《犹大总督》，454–5，687
—works: The Governor of Judea, 454–5, 687
金诗，687
Poèmes doré’s, 687
泰伊斯，455，459。
Thais, 455, 459.
法国，艺术，269、390–2、396、401、502–4、518
France, art, 269, 390–2, 396, 401, 502–4, 518
文化, 38–9, 60, 81–2, 182, 185, 194–5, 210, 257, 261–2, 268, 274–6, 282, 296, 340–1, 366, 369, 400–1, 409, 435, 439, 449, 470, 518, 532, 639, 702
culture, 38–9, 60, 81–2, 182, 185, 194–5, 210, 257, 261–2, 268, 274–6, 282, 296, 340–1, 366, 369, 400–1, 409, 435, 439, 449, 470, 518, 532, 639, 702
历史，vii、48、93、144–5、167、170、187、311、362、363、390–9、409、427、449、459、470–2、477–8、532、534、558–9、577–8、602、603、624、639、662、692，参见法国大革命
history, vii, 48, 93, 144–5, 167, 170, 187, 311, 362, 363, 390–9, 409, 427, 449, 459, 470–2, 477–8, 532, 534, 558–9, 577–8, 602, 603, 624, 639, 662, 692, and see French Revolution
共和国
Republic
语言，vii，5，6-7，14，18-19，105-9，110，111，144，186，199，232，233，235，275，330-1，334，341，344-5，405-6，424-5，446，558-9，644，657，661
language, vii, 5, 6–7, 14, 18–19, 105–9, 110, 111, 144, 186, 199, 232, 233, 235, 275, 330–1, 334, 341, 344–5, 405–6, 424–5, 446, 558–9, 644, 657, 661
文学，一般，20，22，48，48-69，58，87，92，93，94-5，102，113-14，117，133，171，210，219-20，229，231-2，268，275，297，368，409，429，449，553，559，577，657，695
literature, in general, 20, 22, 48, 48–69, 58, 87, 92, 93, 94–5, 102, 113–14, 117, 133, 171, 210, 219–20, 229, 231–2, 268, 275, 297, 368, 409, 429, 449, 553, 559, 577, 657, 695
并参见目录和作者姓名。
and see Contents and names of authors.
弗朗西斯卡，79岁。
Francesca, 79.
弗朗西翁，144。
Francion, 144.
方济各会，181，571。
Franciscan order, 181, 571.
Francus，144，602。
Francus, 144, 602.
弗兰克斯，23，279，346，389，478，558。
Franks, 23, 279, 346, 389, 478, 558.
弗兰克棺材，10，346，561。
Franks Casket, 10, 346, 561.
激情兄弟会，129。
Fraternity of the Passion, 129.
弗雷泽爵士，《金枝》 ，523，678，698。
Frazer, Sir J. G., The Golden Bough, 523, 678, 698.
弗雷德加，602。
Fredegar, 602.
腓特烈大帝，5，357。
Frederick the Great, 5, 357.
腓特烈二世（霍亨施陶芬），88, 589。
Frederick II (Hohenstaufen), 88, 589.
自由诗，239–40、251、254、376、633、637、700。
free verse, 239–40, 251, 254, 376, 633, 637, 700.
自由的感觉，193、359–60、361–3、393、396、423、426–7、436、661。
freedom, the sense of, 193, 359–60, 361–3, 393, 396, 423, 426–7, 436, 661.
法国大革命，vii，255、275、339、356、363、382、390–9、401–2、405–6、409–10、425、478、（555）、057、670、672、679。
French Revolution, vii, 255, 275, 339, 356, 363, 382, 390–9, 401–2, 405–6, 409–10, 425, 478, (555), 057, 670, 672, 679.
弗洛伊德，西格蒙德，523–4，701–2。
Freud, Sigmund, 523–4, 701–2.
弗雷斯莱本，C.，121。
Freyssleben, C., 121.
弗里茨拉尔，赫伯特·冯，利特·冯·特洛伊，577。
Fritslar, Herbert von, Liet von Troye, 577.
弗鲁瓦萨尔，93岁。
Froissart, 93.
弗龙托，680。
Fronto, 680.
果月，396。
Fructidor, 396.
赋格曲，161，241，290。
fugues, 161, 241, 290.
Fulgens 和 Lucres，137。
Fulgens and Lucres, 137.
富尔根提乌斯，581。
Fulgentius, 581.
安托万·福雷蒂埃，313, 645。
Furetière, Antoine, 313, 645.
复仇女神，137，301，538，539。
Furies, 137, 301, 538, 539.
家具，396。
furniture, 396.
Fustel de Coulanges，努马-丹尼斯，477–8、566、691–2。
Fustel de Coulanges, Numa-Denys, 477–8, 566, 691–2.
—作品：《古城》，477，691
—works: The Ancient City, 477, 691
古代法国政治制度史，478。
History of the Political Institutions of Ancient France, 478.
‘GTP’，125。
‘G. T. P.’, 125.
加百列，大天使，149–50。
Gabriel, archangel, 149–50.
盖尔人或凯尔特人，36, 38, 566, 698
Gaels or Celts, 36, 38, 566, 698
神，573
gods, 573
历史，448
history, 448
图像，696
imagery, 696
语言，115
language, 115
传说，见神话。
legends, see myths.
盖乌斯，《基督教教义》，690。
Gaius, Institutes, 690.
盖乌斯·凯撒，401。
Gaius Caesar, 401.
加拉哈德，510。
Galahad, 510.
盖伦，《医学的艺术》，180，184。
Galen, Art of Medicine, 180, 184.
加利利人：耶稣，456–7，461
Galilaeans: Jesus, 456–7, 461
圣彼得，456。
St. Peter, 456.
伽利略，180，428。
Galileo, 180, 428.
科尼利厄斯·加卢斯，68、163、167、168、172、174、583、613。
Gallus, Cornelius, 68, 163, 167, 168, 172, 174, 583, 613.
瓦斯科·达·伽马，144、148、152。
Gama, Vasco da, 144, 148, 152.
加拉塞，657。
Garasse, 657.
花园，21，296，366，428。
gardens, 21, 296, 366, 428.
卡冈都亚，182–4
Gargantua, 182–4
他的教育，183–4、186。
his education, 183–4, 186.
石像鬼，197，440。
gargoyles, 197, 440.
加斯科因，乔治，乔卡斯塔，121
Gascoigne, George, Jocasta, 121
钢玻璃, 311
The Steel Glass, 311
假设，136。
Supposes, 136.
高迪，537。
Gaudi, 537.
高卢，144、170、471–2、478、557、568、578、630。
Gaul, 144, 170, 471–2, 478, 557, 568, 578, 630.
泰奥菲尔·戈蒂埃，443–4, 461。
Gautier, Théophile, 443–4, 461.
—作品：阿尔伯图斯，685
—works: Albertus, 685
L'Art，443–4
L’Art, 443–4
坎道勒国王，536
Le Roi Candaule, 536
莫平大道，685。
Mile de Maupin, 685.
法国公报，640。
Gazette de France, 640.
Geatas，22–3，562。
Geatas, 22–3, 562.
盖利乌斯，奥卢斯，188。
Gellius, Aulus, 188.
家谱，古董，54，576。
genealogies, antique, 54, 576.
创世记，29，456，565，604
Genesis, the book, 29, 456, 565, 604
相关诗歌，22、26、29、604。
poems on it, 22, 26, 29, 604.
先生们，460。
gentlemen, 460.
蒙茅斯的杰弗里，54，577，578。
Geoffrey of Monmouth, 54, 577, 578.
乔弗鲁瓦·德·文索夫，582。
Geoffroi de Vinsauf, 582.
地质学，496。
geology, 496.
几何，570。
geometry, 570.
乔治，斯蒂芬，256，389，541。
George, Stefan, 256, 389, 541.
佐治亚州，618。
Georgia, 618.
农事诗（=‘农场诗歌’）
georgics (= ‘poetry of the farm’);
波兰语，435
Polish, 435
罗曼，参见维吉尔。
Roman, see Vergil.
德国和德国人，艺术，664
Germany and the Germans, art, 664
文化和教育，19，186，257，259，366-7，367-9，389-90。459，470，496，498-9，522，542，552，554，595，662-3，664，681，690-1，701
culture and education, 19, 186, 257, 259, 366–7, 367–9, 389–90. 459, 470, 496, 498–9, 522, 542, 552, 554, 595, 662–3, 664, 681, 690–1, 701
历史, 259, 362, 391, 463, 474, 476–8, 532, 534, 538, 639, 692
history, 259, 362, 391, 463, 474, 476–8, 532, 534, 538, 639, 692
语言, 5, 19, 22, 55, 106, 111, 114, 381, 552, 559, 571, 577, 646–7, 663
language, 5, 19, 22, 55, 106, 111, 114, 381, 552, 559, 571, 577, 646–7, 663
文学，一般，20，22，29，48，114，219，229，232，309，340，498，530，541，551，553，554，577，650，669-70
literature, in general, 20, 22, 29, 48, 114, 219, 229, 232, 309, 340, 498, 530, 541, 551, 553, 554, 577, 650, 669–70
哲学，435，551，682，685。
philosophy, 435, 551, 682, 685.
Germinal，396。
Germinal, 396.
格尔森，吉恩，67，69。
Gerson, Jean, 67, 69.
动名词-grinding，414。
gerund-grinding, 414.
葛底斯堡演说，112–13、334、561。
Gettysburg Address, 112–13, 334, 561.
鬼石，192，544。
ghost-stones, 192, 544.
鬼魂，132、174、198、208、209、301、358、510、512、574-5。
ghosts, 132, 174, 198, 208, 209, 301, 358, 510, 512, 574–5.
巨人，23，182-4，245，267，615。
giants, 23, 182–4, 245, 267, 615.
吉本，爱德华，职业生涯，327，344
Gibbon, Edward, career, 327, 344
人物，322，344–5，687
character, 322, 344–5, 687
教育和古典知识，327，344-5，348，430，467，494
education and knowledge of the classics, 327, 344–5, 348, 430, 467, 494
对其他作家的影响，112–13，435，448，659
influence on other writers, 112–13, 435, 448, 659
风格，113，291，345，659-60
style, 113, 291, 345, 659–60
引自，17、18、322、344、347、350–3、494、659–60。
quoted, 17, 18, 322, 344, 347, 350–3, 494, 659–60.
著作：《罗马帝国衰亡史》，17、18、146、290、291、341–54、361、363、371、404、422、435、448、465、478、659、660–1
works: The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 17, 18, 146, 290, 291, 341–54, 361, 363, 371, 404, 422, 435, 448, 465, 478, 659, 660–1
我的人生与写作回忆录，322，344，494。
Memoirs of my Life and Writings, 322, 344, 494.
安德烈·纪德和路易斯，458
Gide, André, and Louÿs, 458
王尔德，446，525-6
and Wilde, 446, 525–6
职业与性格，446，525–6，704
career and character, 446, 525–6, 704
对其他作家的影响，531，535，704
influence on other writers, 531, 535, 704
对希腊罗马文化的看法，446、525、532、536-8。
view of Greco-Roman culture, 446, 525, 532, 536–8.
—作品：《希腊神话思考》，525，704
—works: Considerations on Greek Mythology, 525, 704
科里登, 525, 704
Corydon, 525, 704
如果种子不死，526
If the Seed die not, 526
不道德者，526
The Immoralist, 526
坎道莱斯王, 525, 526, 536
King Candaules, 525, 526, 536
摩普苏斯，526
Mopsus, 526
俄狄浦斯，525，533，535，536，537–8，704
Oedipus, 525, 533, 535, 536, 537–8, 704
奥斯卡·王尔德，525–6
Oscar Wilde, 525–6
菲罗克忒忒斯，525，537
Philoctetes, 525, 537
普罗米修斯丢下锁链，525–6，535
Prometheus drops his Chains, 525–6, 535
对古典主义“文艺复兴”的回应，702
Réponse à une enquête de ‘La Renaissance’ sur le classicisme, 702
忒修斯，525，536–7，697。
Theseus, 525, 536–7, 697.
吉尔伯特·斯图尔特，詹姆斯·乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》，511–12、696、698。
Gilbert, Stuart, James Joyce’s’ Ulysses’, 511–12, 696, 698.
Gildas，37，568，(690)。
Gildas, 37, 568, (690).
吉尔伽美什，史诗，698 年。
Gilgamesh, epic of, 698.
吉内布雷达，安东尼奥，571。
Ginebreda, Antonio, 571.
吉奥诺，让，533–4
Giono, Jean, 533–4
《奥德赛的诞生》，533–4。
The Birth of the Odyssey, 533–4.
乔达尼，430。
Giordani, 430.
乔尔吉诺，125。
Giorgino, 125.
乔尔乔内，269。
Giorgione, 269.
乔凡尼·德·维吉里奥（Giovanni di Virgilio），584。
Giovanni di Virgilio, 584.
乔维奥，保罗，639。
Giovio, Paolo, 639.
吉拉尔迪、乔瓦尼·巴蒂斯塔，参见辛西奥。
Giraldi, Giovanni Battista, see Cinthio.
让·吉罗杜，531、533、539、704。
Giraudoux, Jean, 531, 533, 539, 704.
—作品：安菲特律翁38、531、535
—works: Amphitryon 38, 531, 535
厄勒克特拉, 531, 537, 539, 704
Electra, 531, 537, 539, 704
埃尔佩诺尔, 704
Elpénor, 704
特洛伊战争不会发生，531，532，534。（537）。
The Trojan War will not take place, 531, 532, 534. (537).
吉伦特派，397。
Girondins, 397.
魅力，4.
glamour, 4.
玻璃，可锻造，640。
glass, malleable, 640.
格劳卡斯，676。
Glaucus, 676.
格洛斯特，538。
Gloucester, 538.
词汇表，558。
glossaries, 558.
注释，578。
glosses, 578.
克里斯托夫·威利巴尔德·格鲁克，392, 670。
Gluck, Christoph Willibald, 392, 670.
—作品：《阿尔刻提斯》，392，670
—works: Alcestis, 392, 670
奥菲斯和欧律狄斯，175，392。
Orpheus and Eurydice, 175, 392.
格言诗，22
gnomic poems, 22
参见赫西奥德的《泰奥格尼斯》。
and see Hesiod, Theognis.
诺斯替主义，529。
Gnosticism, 529.
牧羊人，162。
goatherds, 162.
山羊和山羊之歌，583。
goats and the goat-song, 583.
上帝和历史，345
God, and history, 345
路易十四，320
and Louis XIV, 320
罗马皇帝，73
and the Roman emperor, 73
圣经里有 510, 521
in the Bible, 510, 521
伊斯兰教
in Islam, 352
在文献中，26、28–9、33、42、46、72–4、78、90–1、95、100、149–51. 157、238、332–4、345、352、378、410–11、423、442、455、464、50 529、540、581
in literature, 26, 28–9, 33, 42, 46, 72–4, 78, 90–1, 95, 100, 149–51. 157, 238, 332–4, 345, 352, 378, 410–11, 423, 442, 455, 464, 50 529, 540, 581
现代异教 362, 378, 423, 455–7, 464, 528, 688
in modern paganis 362, 378, 423, 455–7, 464, 528, 688
音乐方面，296
in music, 296
在哲学和神学中，9，12，36，44，326，410-11。
in philosophy and theology, 9, 12, 36, 44, 326, 410–11.
戈弗雷·德·布永，149、153、158、605。
Godfrey de Bouillon, 149, 153, 158, 605.
艺术中的异教徒神灵 512
gods, the pagan, in art, 512
基督教思想，9，520–2，701
in Christian thought, 9, 520–2, 701
古典书籍，51–3、149–50、154、245、247、271、371–2、421、434、533、538、542、574、595、681、682
in classical books, 51–3, 149–50, 154, 245, 247, 271, 371–2, 421, 434, 533, 538, 542, 574, 595, 681, 682
古典神话中，510、520-2、527、533、540-1、595
in classical mythology, 510, 520–2, 527, 533, 540–1, 595
荷马史诗第 51、52、150、153、154、270–1、278、280、485、487、642 页
in Homer, 51, 52, 150, 153, 154, 270–1, 278, 280, 485, 487, 642
在现代文学中，91、147-8、150-2、154、155-6、169、234、236、238、245、376-7、412、416-17、421、437、477、485、521、529-30、53S、538、540、542、573、605、667、680、699
in modern literature, 91, 147–8, 150–2, 154, 155–6, 169, 234, 236, 238, 245, 376–7, 412, 416–17, 421, 437, 477, 485, 521, 529–30, 53S, 538, 540, 542, 573, 605, 667, 680, 699
在现代异教中，91、169、363、376-7、431、434、437、676、680。
in modern paganism, 91, 169, 363, 376–7, 431, 434, 437, 676, 680.
戈德温，威廉，（409），420。
Godwin, William, (409), 420.
约翰·沃尔夫冈·冯·歌德，职业生涯，359、361、365、306–7、377、380、435
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, career, 359, 361, 365, 306–7, 377, 380, 435
性格与观点，356、359、362-3、366-7、372、379、387-90、391、424、555、664
character and opinions, 356, 359, 362–3, 366–7, 372, 379, 387–90, 391, 424, 555, 664
版本，498
editions, 498
影响力，688
influence, 688
经典知识与运用，250–1、355、360、372、375–6、379–83、386–90、407、457、466、518、614、664、666、702、703
knowledge and use of the classics, 250–1, 355, 360, 372, 375–6, 379–83, 386–90, 407, 457, 466, 518, 614, 664, 666, 702, 703
肖像，664。
portraits, 664.
—作品：阿喀琉斯，386
—works: Achilleis, 386
阿那克里翁之墓，380
Anacreon’s Grave, 380
神的话语，251，637
Das Göttliche, 251, 637
诗与真理, 667
Dichtung und Wahrheit, 667
贝克特, (177)
Die Bekehrte, (177)
浮士德, 357, 359, 363, 386, 390, 530,浮士德I, 386–7, 669,浮士德II, 386–90, 412, 669, 696, 697
Faust, 357, 359, 363, 386, 390, 530, Faust I, 386–7, 669, Faust II, 386–90, 412, 669, 696, 697
Ganymed，251，637
Ganymed, 251, 637
孟什海特的格伦岑，251, 637
Grenzen der Menschheit, 251, 637
赫尔曼和多萝西娅，246，382–3，386，668，669
Hermann and Dorothea, 246, 382–3, 386, 668, 669
荷马后来荷马, 669
Homer wieder Homer, 669
伊菲革涅亚在金牛座, (360), 380
Iphigenia in Tauris, (360), 380
穆罕默德·格桑，251，637
Mahomets Gesang, 251, 637
亲生女儿，386
The Natural Daughter, 386
品达抒情诗一般，250–1，386
Pindaric lyrics generally, 250–1, 386
普罗米修斯，251，637，703
Prometheus, 251, 637, 703
罗马哀歌，355、361、380–2、402、551、667、684
Roman Elegies, 355, 361, 380–2, 402, 551, 667, 684
《维特的烦恼》，428
The Sorrows of Werther, 428
威尼斯警句, (366), 663
Venezianische Epigramme, (366), 663
流浪者夜曲，669
Wanderers Nachtlied, 669
流浪者风暴251 637
Wanderers Sturmlied, 251, 637
威廉·迈斯特，365
Wilhelm Meister, 365
温克尔曼与岁月, 667
Winckelmann und sein Jahrhundert, 667
泽尼亚，382。
Xenia, 382.
Gogarty，O.St.J.，696。
Gogarty, O. St. J., 696.
黄金时代，68，72，170，422。
Golden Age, 68, 72, 170, 422.
金枝，511，698。
golden bough, 511, 698.
金羊毛，50，521
Golden Fleece, 50, 521
命令，576。
Order, 576.
戈尔丁，亚瑟，译奥维德的《变形记》，116、203、205–7、619–21。
Golding, Arthur, tr. Ovid’s Metamorphoses, 116, 203, 205–7, 619–21.
Goldoni，543。
Goldoni, 543.
戈德史密斯，奥利弗，330，638。
Goldsmith, Oliver, 330, 638.
歌利亚，524。
Goliath, 524.
贡鲍尔德，280。
Gombauld, 280.
贡博方言，13，561。
Gombo dialect, 13, 561.
贡戈拉，111、116、290、541、611。
Góngora, 111, 116, 290, 541, 611.
贡古拉，517。
Gongula, 517.
戈尔博杜克，137。
Gorboduc, 137.
峡谷，A爵士，116。
Gorges, Sir A., 116.
戈尔贡，148，604，678。
Gorgons, 148, 604, 678.
福音书，22，26，47，60，149，385，511，565，687。
Gospels, the, 22, 26, 47, 60, 149, 385, 511, 565, 687.
戈斯爵士，考利，633
Gosse, Sir Edmund, on Cowley, 633
《父与子》，705。
Father and Son, 705.
哥特兰，22.
Götaland, 22.
哥特式建筑和艺术，(14)，31，39，57，64，67，93，387，390，413，439，(504)。
Gothic architecture and art, (14), 31, 39, 57, 64, 67, 93, 387, 390, 413, 439, (504).
哥特人，146，149，153，199，346，351，389，435，579。
Goths, 146, 149, 153, 199, 346, 351, 389, 435, 579.
高尔，60，111，701。
Gower, 60, 111, 701.
盖乌斯·格拉古，396, 401–2。
Gracchus, Gaius, 396, 401–2.
美惠，152，212，361。
Graces, 152, 212, 361.
格拉西安·巴尔塔萨，646
Gracián, Baltasar, 646
迭戈，117。
Diego, 117.
格雷格莱德先生，495。
Gradgrind, Mr., 495.
圣杯，64，307，615。
Grail, 64, 307, 615.
语法，希腊语和拉丁语，414、481、491、494–5、558。
grammar, Greek and Latin, 414, 481, 491, 494–5, 558.
语法，4.
grammar, 4.
语法书，拉丁语，46，216，490。
grammar-book, Latin, 46, 216, 490.
语法学家，569。
grammarians, 569.
大赛勒斯，658。
Grand Cyrus, 658.
Grandgousier，184。
Grandgousier, 184.
Grandichan，125。
Grandichan, 125.
Gratian，560。
Gratian, 560.
格雷夫斯，C.，《贺拉斯颂歌第五卷》，470。
Graves, C., Horace’s Fifth Book of Odes, 470.
格雷夫斯，R.，I，克劳狄斯，340
Graves, R., I, Claudius, 340
耶稣王，51。
King Jesus, 51.
格雷，托马斯，83，244。
Gray, Thomas, 83, 244.
—作品：《吟游诗人》，244
—works: The Bard, 244
乡村墓地挽歌，174，429，678
Elegy written in a Country Churchyard, 174, 429, 678
逆境赞歌，637
Hymn to Adversity, 637
《诗歌的进步》，（226），241。
Progress of Poesy, (226), 241.
希腊语，158–61，609–11。
grecisms, 158–61, 609–11.
作为历史事实的希腊罗马文明，vii，1、3-4、5-6、8、10-11、25、50、53-4、78、80、81、151-2、194-200、255、268-9、344-5、348-9、461-2、466-7、472-9、544-5、547-9。
Greco-Roman civilization, as a historical fact, vii, 1, 3–4, 5–6, 8, 10–11, 25, 50, 53–4, 78, 80, 81, 151–2, 194–200, 255, 268–9, 344–5, 348–9, 461–2, 466–7, 472–9, 544–5, 547–9.
希腊罗马文化作为一种精神力量，vii-viii,1-21,25-7,35,36,70,78,80,81,88,98,127,162,170,178,183-4,185,193,194-200,255,257,262,268-9,278,286,291-2,341,344-5,348-9,353-4,356,360,363,364,367,369,389,390-1,400,408,413-15,435-6, 438–9、445、446、447–53、461–2、465、493、500、504、518–19、541–9、550、553、560、569–70、588、675、682。
Greco-Roman culture, as a spiritual force, vii-viii, 1–21, 25–7, 35, 36, 70, 78, 80, 81, 88, 98, 127, 162, 170, 178, 183–4, 185, 193, 194–200, 255, 257, 262, 268–9, 278, 286, 291–2, 341, 344–5, 348–9, 353–4, 356, 360, 363, 364, 367, 369, 389, 390–1, 400, 408, 413–15, 435–6, 438–9, 445, 446, 447–53, 461–2, 465, 493, 500, 504, 518–19, 541–9, 550, 553, 560, 569–70, 588, 675, 682.
希腊罗马文学，一般，vii，viii，2–3，4，5，8，11–14，15–21，23，31，44，50，61，68，72，77，81，83，85，94，102，103，127，156，158，161，172，180，181，186，187，203，218，220，227–8，235，257，262，263，264，269，270–1，278，285，287，288，291，292–3，298， 300、306、321、327、329、341、355、356–8、362、364、369、374、379、385、390、392–4、400–1、402、405、407、413、414、 428、434、435、442–3、445、453、461、469、470、490、492–7、503、516–18、533、542、553、569、604、638、640、648、 680–1、682、683、 688, 694, 700, 705
Greco-Roman literature, generally, vii, viii, 2–3, 4, 5, 8, 11–14, 15–21, 23, 31, 44, 50, 61, 68, 72, 77, 81, 83, 85, 94, 102, 103, 127, 156, 158, 161, 172, 180, 181, 186, 187, 203, 218, 220, 227–8, 235, 257, 262, 263, 264, 269, 270–1, 278, 285, 287, 288, 291, 292–3, 298, 300, 306, 321, 327, 329, 341, 355, 356–8, 362, 364, 369, 374, 379, 385, 390, 392–4, 400–1, 402, 405, 407, 413, 414, 428, 434, 435, 442–3, 445, 453, 461, 469, 470, 490, 492–7, 503, 516–18, 533, 542, 553, 569, 604, 638, 640, 648, 680–1, 682, 683, 688, 694, 700, 705
并参见单独的作者和形式，例如史诗、荷马。
and see separate authors and forms, e.g. epic, Homer.
希腊和希腊人
GREECE AND THE GREEKS
—第 2、254、348、360、362、363、366、369–74、379、387–8、396–7、401、417、442、459–60、524、552、561、675 条。
—art, 2, 254, 348, 360, 362, 363, 366, 369–74, 379, 387–8, 396–7, 401, 417, 442, 459–60, 524, 552, 561, 675.
—性格、文明、文化、理想、道德、45、177、264、278、294、335、336、363–5、369–70、374、377、386、387–8、389、390、392、423、436、437、438、439–40、442、445–6、456、457–9、460–1、462、525–6、530、546、547、552、600、604、662–3、688
—character, civilization, culture, ideals, morality, 45, 177, 264, 278, 294, 335, 336, 363–5, 369–70, 374, 377, 386, 387–8, 389, 390, 392, 423, 436, 437, 438, 439–40, 442, 445–6, 456, 457–9, 460–1, 462, 525–6, 530, 546, 547, 552, 600, 604, 662–3, 688
了解希腊罗马文明
and see Greco-Roman civilization
希腊罗马文化
Greco-Roman culture
敬拜。
paideia.
— 作为地理事实的国家，163、339、360、365-6、370、378、387-8、389、412-13、415、427、439、633。
—the country as a geographical fact, 163, 339, 360, 365–6, 370, 378, 387–8, 389, 412–13, 415, 427, 439, 633.
—历史与政治，2、5-6、23、50-1、54、154、194、197-8、221、265、328、339、345、356、361-2、371-2、378、384-5、389、393-5、396-9、402、405、412、415、420、423、431、435、448、468-9、472-4、478-9、481、482、483-4、492、520-2、534、542、545、546、547-9、 564、574–5、661–2。
—history and politics, 2, 5–6, 23, 50–1, 54, 154, 194, 197–8, 221, 265, 328, 339, 345, 356, 361–2, 371–2, 378, 384–5, 389, 393–5, 396–9, 402, 405, 412, 415, 420, 423, 431, 435, 448, 468–9, 472–4, 478–9, 481, 482, 483–4, 492, 520–2, 534, 542, 545, 546, 547–9, 564, 574–5, 661–2.
—语言、性格和分布，5、13、70、104、106、284、322、349、381、454、481-4、517、556-7
—language, character and distribution, 5, 13, 70, 104, 106, 284, 322, 349, 381, 454, 481–4, 517, 556–7
对欧洲语言的影响，6、18-19、106、108-11、158-61、219、275-6、322、561
influence on European languages, 6, 18–19, 106, 108–11, 158–61, 219, 275–6, 322, 561
对拉丁语的影响，5，41，104-5，246，349，561，568-9，570，595
influence on Latin, 5, 41, 104–5, 246, 349, 561, 568–9, 570, 595
现代欧洲和美国的希腊语知识，6、13–14、16–19、36–7、38–9、41、51、54、84、91、92、105、113–14、120、126、184、186、188、199、200–1、210、220、244–5、246–7、257–8、275–7、281、284、294–5、327、341、348、355、360、368–9、375–6、377–8、379–80、393、401、402、409、415， 419、424–5、428、430、446、457、466–72、478、490–2、493、495、518、542–5、556–8、568–9、570、588、594–5、599、616、619、631、658、664、670、673、674、680、685–6、694、70 现代希腊语、6、16–17、428、558、571、661。
knowledge of Greek in modern Europe and America, 6, 13–14, 16–19, 36–7, 38–9, 41, 51, 54, 84, 91, 92, 105, 113–14, 120, 126, 184, 186, 188, 199, 200–1, 210, 220, 244–5, 246–7, 257–8, 275–7, 281, 284, 294–5, 327, 341, 348, 355, 360, 368–9, 375–6, 377–8, 379–80, 393, 401, 402, 409, 415, 419, 424–5, 428, 430, 446, 457, 466–72, 478, 490–2, 493, 495, 518, 542–5, 556–8, 568–9, 570, 588, 594–5, 599, 616, 619, 631, 658, 664, 670, 673, 674, 680, 685–6, 694, 70 modern Greek, 6, 16–17, 428, 558, 571, 661.
— 文学，一般而言，vii、17-18、19-21、22、23、31、84、96、104、105、106、113-14、114-26、127-34、136-9、141-3、159、184、188、198、200-3、220、263-4、287、301-2、323-4、327-30、337、348、355、358、364、368-9、376、379、381、388、417-18、431、436、440、459、 469、481–2、492、533、542、543、552、630、655、686、688、694
—literature, in general, vii, 17–18, 19–21, 22, 23, 31, 84, 96, 104, 105, 106, 113–14, 114–26, 127–34, 136–9, 141–3, 159, 184, 188, 198, 200–3, 220, 263–4, 287, 301–2, 323–4, 327–30, 337, 348, 355, 358, 364, 368–9, 376, 379, 381, 388, 417–18, 431, 436, 440, 459, 469, 481–2, 492, 533, 542, 543, 552, 630, 655, 686, 688, 694
并参阅希腊罗马文学及其独立的作者和形式，例如史诗、荷马。
and see Greco-Roman literature and separate authors and forms, e.g. epic, Homer.
—音乐、哲学、宗教，参见音乐、哲学、宗教。
—music, philosophy, religion, see music, philosophy, religion.
建筑中的“希腊复兴”，370，391，401，664。
‘Greek revival’ in architecture, 370, 391, 401, 664.
格林，罗伯特，自传作品，193
Greene, Robert, autobiographical works, 193
梅纳丰，612，619。
Menaphon, 612, 619.
格雷夫，约阿希姆，121。
Greff, Joachim, 121.
格里高利一世（“大帝”），7、36、38、558、568。
Gregory I (‘the Great’), 7, 36, 38, 558, 568.
——作品，《尤安吉利亚讲道》，30, 567
—works, Homiliae in euangelia, 30, 567
田园牧草，40、569、573。
Regula pastoralis, 40, 569, 573.
图尔的格雷戈里，《法兰克人史》，558。
Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, 558.
Grendel，23，25，26，564–5。
Grendel, 23, 25, 26, 564–5.
Grenewey，R.，118。
Grenewey, R., 118.
格伦维尔爵士理查德，179。
Grenville, Sir Richard, 179.
格雷琴，387，669。
Gretchen, 387, 669.
格里格，爱德华，166。
Grieg, Edward, 166.
格里帕泽，特里斯蒂亚前蓬托，435。
Grillparzer, Tristia ex Ponto, 435.
格里马尔德，尼古拉斯，119–20。
Grimald, Nicolas, 119–20.
格里塞达，55岁。
Griseida, 55.
Grosseteste，罗伯特，558。
Grosseteste, Robert, 558.
格罗特，《希腊史》，474。
Grote, History of Greece, 474.
格鲁米奥，625。
Grumio, 625.
巴蒂斯塔·瓜里尼，《忠实的牧人》（菲多牧师），140, 174, 613。
Guarini, Battista, The Faithful Shepherd (Pastor Fido), 140, 174, 613.
瓜里诺，117。
Guarino, 117.
圭尔夫，587。
Guelphs, 587.
《格尔奇诺》，614。
‘Guercino’, 614.
Guez de Balzac，参见巴尔扎克。
Guez de Balzac, see Balzac.
圭恰尔迪尼，691。
Guicciardini, 691.
Guido de Columnis, Historia destroys Troiae , 55, (94), 97, 577, 701。
Guido de Columnis, Historia destructions Troiae, 55, (94), 97, 577, 701.
Guigniaut, JD，《古代宗教》，522。
Guigniaut, J. D., The Religions of Antiquity, 522.
纪尧姆·德·洛里斯，62, 68, 583。
Guillaume de Lorris, 62, 68, 583.
纪尧姆·德·图尔，米歇尔，124, 597。
Guillaume de Tours, Michel, 124, 597.
内疚感，538。
guilt, sense of, 538.
Gyges，524–5，536，604。
Gyges, 524–5, 536, 604.
体育馆，639。
gymnasium, 639.
哈伯特，116，125。
Habert, 116, 125.
传教士哈德良，36–7，568。
Hadrian the missionary, 36–7, 568.
哈格桑德罗斯，665。
Hagesandros, 665.
圣徒传记，569。
hagiography, 569.
海黛，361。
Haidée, 361.
阿尔布雷希特·冯·哈尔伯施塔特，116。
Halberstadt, Albrecht von, 116.
霍尔，亚瑟，114。
Hall, Arthur, 114.
Hall, Joseph，《美德与恶习的性格》，192
Hall, Joseph, Characters of Virtues and Vices, 192
维吉德米亚鲁姆，311。
Virgidemiarum, 311.
镜厅，296。
Hall of Mirrors, 296.
哈雷大学，384。
Halle University, 384.
汉堡，328，665。
Hamburg, 328, 665.
哈米尔卡，279，461，645。
Hamilcar, 279, 461, 645.
汉密尔顿，亚历山大，399。
Hamilton, Alexander, 399.
汉密尔顿爵士威廉，370。
Hamilton, Sir William, 370.
哈姆雷特, 4, 179, 195, 198, 208, 211, 217, 299, 301, 556, 614, 627
Hamlet, 4, 179, 195, 198, 208, 211, 217, 299, 301, 556, 614, 627
《哈姆雷特之王》，132，195。
King Hamlet, 132, 195.
哈默斯坦，奥斯卡，俄克拉荷马州！，176。
Hammerstein, Oscar, Oklahoma!, 176.
冰岛汉，674。
Han of Iceland, 674.
亨德尔，290
Handel, 290
使徒行传和加拉太书175
Acts and Galatea, 175
亚历山大的盛宴，241
Alexander’s Feast, 241
薛西斯（“Ombra mai fu”），291。
Xerxes (‘Ombra mai fu’), 291.
手写，希腊语，17
handwriting, Greek, 17
爱尔兰人，或“与世隔绝的人”，38，101
Irish, or ‘insular’, 38, 101
彼特拉克，589。
Petrarch’s, 589.
汉尼拔，279，400，456，548，555，566，684。
Hannibal, 279, 400, 456, 548, 555, 566, 684.
哈代，托马斯，《王朝史》，271。
Hardy, Thomas, The Dynasts, 271.
哈灵顿，约翰，119。
Harington, John, 119.
阿帕贡（Harpagon），参见莫里哀（Molière）。
Harpagon, see Molière.
哈皮斯，21，78，148，586。
harpies, 21, 78, 148, 586.
哈罗公学，414，418。
Harrow School, 414, 418.
哈佛大学，237，518。
Harvard University, 237, 518.
哈维，加布里埃尔，246，635。
Harvey, Gabriel, 246, 635.
哈维，威廉，279，282。
Harvey, William, 279, 282.
哈森克莱弗，沃尔特，702
Hasenclever, Walter, 702
《安提戈涅》，526。
Antigone, 526.
黑斯廷斯，沃伦，328。
Hastings, Warren, 328.
海顿，250，587。
Haydn, 250, 587.
海顿，本杰明，416。
Haydon, Benjamin, 416.
天堂，33，72，75，87，150，196，334，411-12，420，529，585，688。
Heaven, 33, 72, 75, 87, 150, 196, 334, 411–12, 420, 529, 585, 688.
赫柏，530。
Hebe, 530.
希伯来语，14、104–5、106、478、544、556。
Hebrew language, 14, 104–5, 106, 478, 544, 556.
希伯来圣经，104–5、106、335、556、594–5
Hebrew scriptures, 104–5, 106, 335, 556, 594–5
并参阅圣经。
and see Bible.
希伯来人，见犹太人。
Hebrews, see Jews.
赫卡忒，604。
Hecate, 604.
赫克托尔，20，54，74，144，150，151，152，156，157，197，320，400，429，513，534，546，575，580，606。
Hector, 20, 54, 74, 144, 150, 151, 152, 156, 157, 197, 320, 400, 429, 513, 534, 546, 575, 580, 606.
赫卡柏，526。
Hecuba, 526.
海德堡大学，11，375。
Heidelberg University, 11, 375.
海涅，58，365，432，662。
Heine, 58, 365, 432, 662.
特洛伊的海伦，50, 99, 151, 271, 386–90, 440–1, 449–50, 451, 513, 524, 533, 546, 574, 575, 580, 657, 696, 704。
Helen of Troy, 50, 99, 151, 271, 386–90, 440–1, 449–50, 451, 513, 524, 533, 546, 574, 575, 580, 657, 696, 704.
海伦娜女王，30–1。
Helena, Queen, 30–1.
海伦斯，53岁。
Helenus, 53.
赫利孔山，156，608。
Helicon, Mount, 156, 608.
埃利奥多鲁斯，埃塞俄比亚155, 164, 165, 189, 294, 607, 648
Heliodorus, Aethiopica, 155, 164, 165, 189, 294, 607, 648
译文，124，164，648。
translated, 124, 164, 648.
赫利俄斯，377
Helios, 377
并见到阿波罗。
and see Apollo.
地狱，vii，49，72，74，75，78，86，100，148，155，156，159，185，263，291，319，334，338，421，511，527-8，585，586，604，607，662。
hell, vii, 49, 72, 74, 75, 78, 86, 100, 148, 155, 156, 159, 185, 263, 291, 319, 334, 338, 421, 511, 527–8, 585, 586, 604, 607, 662.
希腊化时代，268，458。
Hellenistic age, 268, 458.
赫勒斯滂，389，415。
Hellespont, 389, 415.
Héloïse，60，455。
Héloïse, 60, 455.
希洛人，394。
helots, 394.
爱尔维修，424，426，680。
Helvétius, 424, 426, 680.
海明威，欧内斯特，《永别了，武器》，682。
Hemingway, Ernest, A Farewell to Arms, 682.
埃莫罗伊斯，148。
hemorrois, 148.
十一音节，686。
hendecasyllables, 686.
亨利先生，535。
Henri, Monsieur, 535.
亨利二世，133，233。
Henri II, 133, 233.
纳瓦拉的亨利四世，187，311，624。
Henri IV, of Navarre, 187, 311, 624.
Hensel，Paul，367，389，663–4。
Hensel, Paul, 367, 389, 663–4.
赫罗特，26岁。
Heorot, 26.
赫菲斯托斯，701
Hephaestus, 701
并参观Vulcan。
and see Vulcan.
赫拉，487，529。
Hera, 487, 529.
赫拉克利特，621。
Heraclitus, 621.
希拉克略，347。
Heraclius, 347.
纹章学，384。
heraldry, 384.
赫库兰尼姆，468。
Herculaneum, 468.
赫拉克勒斯（Heracles）（Alcides），24，152，176，209，406，448，451，452，453，510，520，522，524-5，529，580，624，701。
Hercules (Heracles) (Alcides), 24, 152, 176, 209, 406, 448, 451, 452, 453, 510, 520, 522, 524–5, 529, 580, 624, 701.
约翰·戈特弗里德·冯·赫尔德，367、375、379、380、666、669
Herder, Johann Gottfried von, 367, 375, 379, 380, 666, 669
荷马与时代，669。
Homer ein Günstling der Zeit, 669.
何塞·玛丽亚·埃雷迪亚，442–3, 518, 683。
Heredia, José-Maria de, 442–3, 518, 683.
—作品，《奖杯》，442–3、448、683
—works, The Trophies, 442–3, 448, 683
安托万和克利奥帕特, 442, 684
Antoine et Cléopâtre, 442, 684
戛纳电影节后，684。
Après Cannes, 684.
异教徒，36，69，423，456。
heretics, 36, 69, 423, 456.
雌雄同体，620。
Hermaphroditus, 620.
赫尔墨斯，149，605
Hermes, 149, 605
并看到水星。
and see Mercury.
赫尔墨斯，680。
Hermogenes, 680.
希罗和利安德，580。
Hero and Leander, 580.
希律王，599。
Herod, King, 599.
希罗底，508。
Herodias, 508.
希罗多德，38、52、116–17、189、191、369、536、567、603、673。
Herodotus, 38, 52, 116–17, 189, 191, 369, 536, 567, 603, 673.
英雄, 154, 427, 431, 485, 520–1, 528, 541
heroes, 154, 427, 431, 485, 520–1, 528, 541
盎格鲁-撒克逊人，565 年
Anglo-Saxon, 565
希腊文，49，53，151–2，400，429，510，542
Greek, 49, 53, 151–2, 400, 429, 510, 542
荷马史诗，272，278，280，314，575，642，646
Homeric, 272, 278, 280, 314, 575, 642, 646
罗马，49，151–2，400，511，542
Roman, 49, 151–2, 400, 511, 542
特洛伊，49，151-2，314，576
Trojan, 49, 151–2, 314, 576
瓦格纳式的，542。
Wagnerian, 542.
英雄时代，385，484，513，667。
heroic age, 385, 484, 513, 667.
heroic poems, 24–5, 27–8, 562, 563
盎格鲁-撒克逊人，22–7，35，46，562–5
Anglo-Saxon, 22–7, 35, 46, 562–5
希腊文，22，29
Greek, 22, 29
中世纪，182
medieval, 182
古法语，577
old French, 577
罗马，563，690
Roman, 563, 690
看看史诗、浪漫吧。
and see epic, romance.
英雄事迹和英雄主义，533，537，698。
heroics and heroism, 533, 537, 698.
英雄们，102
Heroides, 102
并参见奥维德。
and see Ovid.
Herr，M.，119。
Herr, M., 119.
Herrick 和 Horace，248，636
Herrick, and Horace, 248, 636
颂克利普斯比·克鲁爵士，248。
Ode to Sir Clipseby Crew, 248.
赫西奥德，29，30，38，383
Hesiod, 29, 30, 38, 383
神谱，150，603，681
Theogony, 150, 603, 681
翻译，375，416
translations, 375, 416
工作与时日，30。
Works and Days, 30.
赫西俄涅，50岁。
Hesione, 50.
六音步诗，参见韵律。
hexameters, see metre.
海恩，668。
Heyne, 668.
海伍德，托马斯，118。
Heywood, Thomas, 118.
海华沙，521。
Hiawatha, 521.
Hiero，529。
Hiero, 529.
高地人，166。
Highlanders, 166.
希尔达，惠特比女修道院院长，28 岁，566 年。
Hilda, abbess of Whitby, 28, 566.
希波克拉底，180、183、184、264、265；
Hippocrates, 180, 183, 184, 264, 265;
格言，180。
Aphorisms, 180.
鹰头马身有翼兽，（145），148，604。
hippogriff, (145), 148, 604.
希波吕忒，155，607。
Hippolyta, 155, 607.
希波吕托斯，209。
Hippolytus, 209.
塞萨尔的古代历史，577-8。
Histoire ancienne jusqu’à César, 577–8.
奥古斯都史，189。
Historia Augusta, 189.
巴洛克时期的历史学家，344–54，473
historians, baroque, 344–54, 473
希腊罗马，总体而言，210，335，499
Greco-Roman, in general, 210, 335, 499
中世纪时期，349，577-8
of medieval times, 349, 577–8
罗马，200，348，393，409–10，473，577，672，679
Roman, 200, 348, 393, 409–10, 473, 577, 672, 679
十九世纪，448、472-9。
nineteenth-century, 448, 472–9.
历史视角，10-11、54、55、151、346、371、383-4、448、488、555、577-8。
historical perspective, 10–11, 54, 55, 151, 346, 371, 383–4, 448, 488, 555, 577–8.
错误史，624–5。
Historie of Error, The, 624–5.
历史，写作艺术，37–8，290，355，359，388，428–9，495–6，499，520–2，569，690–1，695
history, art of writing, 37–8, 290, 355, 359, 388, 428–9, 495–6, 499, 520–2, 569, 690–1, 695
道德价值，67–8, 78, 336, 345, 428–9, 431, 439, 542, 548
moral value of, 67–8, 78, 336, 345, 428–9, 431, 439, 542, 548
永久相关性，544–6，694
permanent relevance of, 544–6, 694
艺术，371，479
of art, 371, 479
天文学，430
of astronomy, 430
558 野蛮人
of the barbarians, 558
英国，37–8，153
of Britain, 37–8, 153
东印度群岛，153
of the East Indies, 153
教育，543
of education, 543
希腊和罗马，10，20，41，49，53，78，116-18，151，153，154，194-5，199，218，271，293，339，344-54，359，369，393-9，409，426，428-9，430，431，433，462-5，468-9，472-8，492，495-6，513，572，574，577-8，588，671，686，690-1
of Greece and Rome, 10, 20, 41, 49, 53, 78, 116–18, 151, 153, 154, 194–5, 199, 218, 271, 293, 339, 344–54, 359, 369, 393–9, 409, 426, 428–9, 430, 431, 433, 462–5, 468–9, 472–8, 492, 495–6, 513, 572, 574, 577–8, 588, 671, 686, 690–1
中世纪，469，577-8
of the Middle Ages, 469, 577–8
宗教，479
of religion, 479
世界，40-1、101、153、265、345、448、468-9、478-9、524、555、577-8、692。
of the world, 40–1, 101, 153, 265, 345, 448, 468–9, 478–9, 524, 555, 577–8, 692.
霍夫曼，ETA，432。
Hoffmann, E. T. A., 432.
霍夫曼斯塔尔，雨果·冯，伊莱克特拉，526
Hofmannsthal, Hugo von, Electra, 526
玫瑰骑士，581。
Der Rosenkavalier, 581.
贺加斯，316。
Hogarth, 316.
Hogg，TJ，418，421。
Hogg, T. J., 418, 421.
荷尔德林，JCF，性格与生涯，366，377–9，389，432，434，453，551，664，666
Holderlin, J. C. F., character and career, 366, 377–9, 389, 432, 434, 453, 551, 664, 666
经典知识，250–1，355，378，664
knowledge of the classics, 250–1, 355, 378, 664
与济慈平行，378–9、666。
parallel with Keats, 378–9, 666.
——作品，An die Parzen，379, 666
—works, An die Parzen, 379, 666
恩培多克勒之死，378，389
The Death of Empedocles, 378, 389
挽歌，378
elegiac poems, 378
圣诗，251，378
Hymns, 251, 378
海伯利安, 362, 378, 379, 435
Hyperion, 362, 378, 379, 435
歌词，一般来说，250–1，378
lyrics, generally, 250–1, 378
翻译，250，637。
translations, 250, 637.
荷兰和荷兰人，教育，257
Holland and the Dutch, education, 257
语言，13，400
language, 13, 400
法律，2
law, 2
文献，368，577，657。
literature, 368, 577, 657.
荷兰，腓利门书，118–19。
Holland, Philemon, 118–19.
霍洛弗尼，（199），216。
Holofernes, (199), 216.
神圣罗马帝国，参见罗马、帝国、神圣罗马。
Holy Roman empire, see Rome, empire, Holy Roman.
圣灵，274，404，608，643，689，698。
Holy Spirit, 274, 404, 608, 643, 689, 698.
圣日，巴滕，125。
Holyday, Barten, 125.
荷马和荷马诗（只要有可能，这两部史诗就会一起考虑）。
HOMER AND THE HOMERIC POEMS (the two epics are considered together wherever possible).
—内容，荷马时代—历史背景，4、23–4、38、49、272–4、287、370、374、383–4、447、469、482、485、564
— content, the Homeric age—historical background, 4, 23–4, 38, 49, 272–4, 287, 370, 374, 383–4, 447, 469, 482, 485, 564
战役, 23–4, 64, 150, 153, 197, 277, 485, 487
battles, 23–4, 64, 150, 153, 197, 277, 485, 487
字符，138、197、272–4、600、619，并参见个人姓名
characters, 138, 197, 272–4, 600, 619, and see individual names
例子，67-8
examples, 67–8
神, 51–3, 150, 153, 271, 278, 280, 287, 485, 487, 574, 642
gods, 51–3, 150, 153, 271, 278, 280, 287, 485, 487, 574, 642
幽默，272–4，487
humour, 272–4, 487
故事，61，577。
stories, 61, 577.
—荷马的影响、钦佩和研究，59、65、83、84、96、251、330、360、364、367、375、378、379、400、407、416、418、419、423、425、457、491–2、542、549、552、585、666、668–9、674–5、680、684、685
— influence, admiration and study of Homer, 59, 65, 83, 84, 96, 251, 330, 360, 364, 367, 375, 378, 379, 400, 407, 416, 418, 419, 423, 425, 457, 491–2, 542, 549, 552, 585, 666, 668–9, 674–5, 680, 684, 685
荷马评论，295，405
commentaries on Homer, 295, 405
对荷马的批评，51、156、270–4、277–8、280、285、287、302、357、374、383、384–6、481、484、574–5、642–3、645、668
criticism of Homer, 51, 156, 270–4, 277–8, 280, 285, 287, 302, 357, 374, 383, 384–6, 481, 484, 574–5, 642–3, 645, 668
仿制品, 25, 50–3, 77, 138–9, 146, 150–1, 153–5, 167, 197, 235, 285, 336, 337–9, 340–2, 382–3, 402, 404, 406, 485–6, 487, 504–7, 511–13, 534, 541, 602, 606, 610, 611, 674, 693, 698
imitations, 25, 50–3, 77, 138–9, 146, 150–1, 153–5, 167, 197, 235, 285, 336, 337–9, 340–2, 382–3, 402, 404, 406, 485–6, 487, 504–7, 511–13, 534, 541, 602, 606, 610, 611, 674, 693, 698
西方对荷马的了解，53、188–9、340、369、418、468–9、490–2、590、603、642、650、664、694
knowledge of Homer in the west, 53, 188–9, 340, 369, 418, 468–9, 490–2, 590, 603, 642, 650, 664, 694
手稿, 84, 384–5, 556, 668
manu-scripts, 84, 384–5, 556, 668
戏仿，270–1、342、600、652
parodies, 270–1, 342, 600, 652
引文，572，673
quotations, 572, 673
翻译，16、53、84、91、104、114–15、197、286–7、368、375、416、419、430、446–7、457、479–90、576、596、643、650、652、680、690、698。
translations, 16, 53, 84, 91, 104, 114–15, 197, 286–7, 368, 375, 416, 419, 430, 446–7, 457, 479–90, 576, 596, 643, 650, 652, 680, 690, 698.
荷马，个性，30，49，51，65，336，364，370，384-6，428-9，487-9，572，590，668。
Homer, personality, 30, 49, 51, 65, 336, 364, 370, 384–6, 428–9, 487–9, 572, 590, 668.
—风格、构图，384–6、482、487–8、489、669
— style, composition, 384–6, 482, 487–8, 489, 669
语言，272–4、287、299、404、480–5、486、488、562–3、642
language, 272–4, 287, 299, 404, 480–5, 486, 488, 562–3, 642
丰富多样，49，562-3
richness and variety, 49, 562–3
明喻，155、271、272–3、342、358、404、482、485–6
similes, 155, 271, 272–3, 342, 358, 404, 482, 485–6
诗句，49，480，486，488，562。
verse, 49, 480, 486, 488, 562.
— —单独考虑的作品：
— — works considered separately:
——循环诗（伪），29。
— —cyclic poems (spurious), 29.
——诗歌，30，38，115，419首。
— — Hymns, 30, 38, 115, 419.
— — 《伊利亚特》，作者，30，487
— — Iliad, authorship, 30, 487
内容，23–4, 27, 52, 55, 197, 273, 358, 384
content, 23–4, 27, 52, 55, 197, 273, 358, 384
模仿，150–1、153–4、336
imitations, 150–1, 153–4, 336
拉丁语译本，53、565、576、593。
the Latin translation, 53, 565, 576, 593.
——玛吉特斯，336，343。
— — Margites, 336, 343.
— —奥德赛，作者，30，487
— — Odyssey, authorship, 30, 487
内容，23–4, 52, 77, 104, 153, 505–6, 510–13
content, 23–4, 52, 77, 104, 153, 505–6, 510–13
与但丁的《喜剧》平行，71
parallelism with Dante’s Comedy, 71
费奈隆的《忒勒马科斯》 336–9、343、658
with Fénelon’s Telemachus, 336–9, 343, 658
乔伊斯的《尤利西斯》第505–57页、第511–513页、第698页。
with Joyce’s Ulysses, 505–7, 511–13, 698.
同音词，331。
homophones, 331.
同性恋，65，389，446，458，525–6，537。
homosexuality, 65, 389, 446, 458, 525–6, 537.
霍普金斯，杰拉德·曼利，《欧律狄克》，254
Hopkins, Gerard Manley, The ‘Eurydice’, 254
风之悬浮, (32)
The Windhover, (32)
“德意志”号沉没，254。
The Wreck of the ‘Deutschland’, 254.
贺拉斯的职业生涯和性格，224、225–8、237–8、286、549、595、632、680
Horace, career and character, 224, 225–8, 237–8, 286, 549, 595, 632, 680
影响力和声誉，8、44、59、188–9、191、192、229、230、231、244–50、251、252–4、277、286、291、309、310–11、312–13、314–15、340、393、400、407、413–14、435、455、491、585、588、590、597–8、602–3、631–3、634、673、675、677、680、683、684
influence and reputation, 8, 44, 59, 188–9, 191, 192, 229, 230, 231, 244–50, 251, 252–4, 277, 286, 291, 309, 310–11, 312–13, 314–15, 340, 393, 400, 407, 413–14, 435, 455, 491, 585, 588, 590, 597–8, 602–3, 631–3, 634, 673, 675, 677, 680, 683, 684
型号，96，222，224，225–8，231，233，242，684
models, 96, 222, 224, 225–8, 231, 233, 242, 684
翻译，124–5、245、247–9、375。
translations, 124–5, 245, 247–9, 375.
—作品，《诗歌的艺术》（第2.3 集），125、132、142、247、248、314、342、（435）、590、598、683。
—works, ‘Art of Poetry’ (Ep. 2. 3), 125, 132, 142, 247, 248, 314, 342, (435), 590, 598, 683.
— —epodes，245，603，630，634，637。
— —epodes, 245, 603, 630, 634, 637.
— — 书信或书信，68、96-7、125、192、248、303、314、315、603、634、652。
— —letters, or epistles, 68, 96–7, 125, 192, 248, 303, 314, 315, 603, 634, 652.
— — 颂歌, 68, 84, 220–1, 225–8, 230, 233, 235, 238–9, 245–8, 286, 413, 443, 446, 497, 549, 597–8, 603, 610, 628, 631, 634, 635–6, 637, 680, 695
— —odes, 68, 84, 220–1, 225–8, 230, 233, 235, 238–9, 245–8, 286, 413, 443, 446, 497, 549, 597–8, 603, 610, 628, 631, 634, 635–6, 637, 680, 695
“第五本书”，470
‘fifth book’, 470
译本，124–5、247、249、497。
translations, 124–5, 247, 249, 497.
— —讽刺诗，8、68、80、84、125、248、303、312–13、314–15、549、610、634、650–1、653、673
— —satires, 8, 68, 80, 84, 125, 248, 303, 312–13, 314–15, 549, 610, 634, 650–1, 653, 673
模仿，291，309-11，312-13，652。
imitations, 291, 309–11, 312–13, 652.
贺拉斯诗节，225、246-50、378、443。
Horatian metres, 225, 246–50, 378, 443.
模仿者所作的贺拉斯颂歌，226、228、240、244–50、252–3、254、443、631、633、634–6、637、678、680。
Horatian odes by imitators, 226, 228, 240, 244–50, 252–3, 254, 443, 631, 633, 634–6, 637, 678, 680.
英雄贺拉斯，152，473。
Horatius the hero, 152, 473.
Hotman，F.，118，639。
Hotman, F., 118, 639.
热刺，208。
Hotspur, 208.
胡达尔·德拉莫特，安托万，《家庭讨论》，646
Houdar de la Motte, Antoine, Discours sur Homère, 646
关于批评的思考，287
Reflections on Criticism, 287
译《伊利亚特》，287。
tr. Iliad, 287.
胡顿，401。
Houdon, 401.
下议院，328–9。
House of Commons, 328–9.
Housman，AE，职业生涯和性格，496–7，694–5
Housman, A. E., career and character, 496–7, 694–5
入门讲座，496，692
Introductory Lecture, 496, 692
尤维纳尔序言，695
Juvenal preface, 695
更多诗歌， 497
More Poems, 497
披头士 284
on Beatley, 284
卢坎，672
on Lucan, 672
《什罗普郡小伙子》，266，306–7。
A Shropshire Lad, 266, 306–7.
Hruodland，49，145。
Hruodland, 49, 145.
休特和德尔芬版，638
Huet, and the Delphin edition, 638
致佩罗的信，281。
Letter to Perrault, 281.
特林贝格的雨果，Registrum actorum，634。
Hugo of Trimberg, Registrum auctorum, 634.
雨果，维克多，职业生涯和性格，250，275，405–7，442，444
Hugo, Victor, career and character, 250, 275, 405–7, 442, 444
教育和古典知识，250，406-7，414，494，549，674
education and knowledge of the classics, 250, 406–7, 414, 494, 549, 674
声誉和影响力，405–6、441–2、662。
reputation and influence, 405–6, 441–2, 662.
——作品，沉思，275、407、643、674
—works, Contemplations, 275, 407, 643, 674
克伦威尔（序言），406
Cromwell (preface), 406
汉·德·艾兰德，674
Han d’Islande, 674
内心的声音, 407
Interior Voices, 407
笑面人，（440）
The Laughing Man, (440)
历代传奇407
The Legend of the Ages, 407
Le Pas d'Armes du Roi Jean (442)
Le Pas d’Armes du Roi Jean, (442)
悲惨世界404
Les Misérables, 404
东方, 362, 661, 674
Les Orientales, 362, 661, 674
巴黎圣母院，（440，674）
Notre-Dame, (440, 674)
颂歌与歌谣，250–1，628，637
Odes and Ballads, 250–1, 628, 637
海上劳工, 58, (440)
The Toilers of the Sea, 58, (440)
威廉·莎士比亚，406，444，685。
William Shakespeare, 406, 444, 685.
人文主义，83、95、135、183、193、346、535、546、547、588、595-6、615、691、694-5。
humanism, 83, 95, 135, 183, 193, 346, 535, 546, 547, 588, 595–6, 615, 691, 694–5.
人文主义者，19、85、121、134、171、181、192、193、216、244、295、309、368、490、578、589、631、639、656、695。
humanists, 19, 85, 121, 134, 171, 181, 192, 193, 216, 244, 295, 309, 368, 490, 578, 589, 631, 639, 656, 695.
休谟，戴维，350。
Hume, David, 350.
喜剧中的幽默，71，128，132，137-8，140-1
humour, in comedy, 71, 128, 132, 137–8, 140–1
在奇妙的故事和对话中，432
in fantastic tales and dialogues, 432
小说，342
in fiction, 342
荷马史诗和一般英雄文学作品中，271–3、342、487、658
in Homer and heroic literature generally, 271–3, 342, 487, 658
拉伯雷，178，182，185
in Rabelais, 178, 182, 185
在讽刺中，305，312，339。
in satire, 305, 312, 339.
体液，315。
humours, 315.
Hungary, (111), 259, 556, 657.
匈奴，346，353。
Huns, 346, 353.
亨特，利，683。
Hunt, Leigh, 683.
亨特，利奥夫人，638。
Hunter, Mrs. Leo, 638.
猎人，173、174-5。
huntsmen, 173, 174–5.
赫斯，455
Huss, 455
他的追随者，48人。
his followers, 48.
胡滕（Hutten），乌尔里希·冯（Ulrich von），368。
Hutten, Ulrich von, 368.
Huysmans，JK，263，445，446
Huysmans, J. K., 263, 445, 446
阿雷布尔斯，445，453，685。
Ā Rebours, 445, 453, 685.
许癸努斯，581。
Hyginus, 581.
海拉斯，402。
Hylas, 402.
圣诗，219。
hymn, 219.
圣诗，34，43，229–30，305，496。
hymns, 34, 43, 229–30, 305, 496.
希帕提娅，456，462-3。
Hypatia, 456, 462–3.
夸张，484，633。
hyperbole, 484, 633.
Hyperion，195，379。
Hyperion, 195, 379.
“IA”，125。
‘I. A.’, 125.
拉奇莫，195。
lachimo, 195.
拉戈，195。
lago, 195.
兰布利科斯，676。
lamblichus, 676.
兰特，419。
lanthe, 419.
伊卡洛斯，99，226，387，510，527，581，697，703。
Icarus, 99, 226, 387, 510, 527, 581, 697, 703.
冰岛，语言，55，577
Iceland, language, 55, 577
文学，22，25，26，55，219，577
literature, 22, 25, 26, 55, 219, 577
人，432,674。
people, 432, 674.
思想理论，412，（501），507。
Ideas, the theory of, 412, (501), 507.
偶像和偶像崇拜，352，573，675，701。
idols and idolatry, 352, 573, 675, 701.
田园诗，611。
idyll, 611.
田园诗，见田园诗。
idylls, see pastoral poetry.
文盲，vii，3-4，28，39-40，384-5，556，558。
illiteracy, vii, 3–4, 28, 39–40, 384–5, 556, 558.
插图，630。
illustration, 630.
图像，158，202
imagery, 158, 202
阿里奥斯托和斯宾塞，607
in Ariosto and Spenser, 607
阿诺德，693
in Arnold, 693
科克托，533
in Cocteau, 533
吉罗杜, 533, 539
in Giraudoux, 533, 539
济慈，417
in Keats, 417
品达，224，628
in Pindar, 224, 628
柏拉图，420
in Plato, 420
莎士比亚，212，621，623
in Shakespeare, 212, 621, 623
Spitteler，530
in Spitteler, 530
《维吉尔与贝奥武甫》 564页。
in Vergil and Beowulf, 564.
—巴洛克悲剧中的回避，300
—avoidance of, in baroque tragedy, 300
现代作家（莎士比亚除外）改编的古典意象，19、79、221、230、238、329、356–7、402、416–17、418、485、516、693
classical imagery adapted by modern writers (excluding Shakespeare), 19, 79, 221, 230, 238, 329, 356–7, 402, 416–17, 418, 485, 516, 693
莎士比亚改编的古典意象，195–6、198–200、201、208、218、416
classical imagery adapted by Shakespeare, 195–6, 198–200, 201, 208, 218, 416
英语中的希伯来语意象，112，238，484
Hebrew imagery in English, 112, 238, 484
自然意象，79，198–9，507，621
nature-imagery, 79, 198–9, 507, 621
性图像，63–4, 449–50, 509
sexual images, 63–4, 449–50, 509
古典文学中的粗俗意象，272–3、278。
vulgar imagery in classical literature, 272–3, 278.
意象派和意象派，541。
imagism and imagists, 541.
模仿古典艺术作品，“古典”而非“模仿”，390，408，416，423
imitation of classical works of art, ‘classical’ not ‘imitative’, 390, 408, 416, 423
消音或“石膏铸造”模仿，85-6，87，190，288，321，356-7
deadening or ‘plaster-cast’ imitation, 85–6, 87, 190, 288, 321, 356–7
一般，104，106，134-5，136，156-8，378，380
general, 104, 106, 134–5, 136, 156–8, 378, 380
的理论，参见Quellenforschung，499。
theory of, in Quellenforschung, 499.
不朽，33，43，44，85，118，226，411-12，417-18，420，429。
immortality, 33, 43, 44, 85, 118, 226, 411–12, 417–18, 420, 429.
伊莫金，667。
Imogen, 667.
公正，200。
impartial, 200.
“无动于衷”，441。
‘impassibility’, 441.
印象派，502–4、532。
impressionism, 502–4, 532.
诗歌中的即兴创作，250、254、305、309、357、366、629、668。
improvisation in poetry, 250, 254, 305, 309, 357, 366, 629, 668.
Imtheachta ÆEniasa , 115, 596.
Imtheachta ÆEniasa, 115, 596.
印加人，14。
Incas, 14.
乱伦，376，523-4，536-7，539，704。
incest, 376, 523–4, 536–7, 539, 704.
失禁，586
incontinence, 586
拟人化，149。
personified, 149.
禁书索引，259，639。
Index of Prohibited Books, 259, 639.
印度，苦行僧，455
India, ascetics, 455
国家, 56, 148, 328
the country, 56, 148, 328
一个小时，57
a houri, 57
文学，25，469，694
literature, 25, 469, 694
神秘主义，518
mysticism, 518
神话，448。
myths, 448.
北美印第安人，37，166，280，289，333，400，403，645
‘Indians’ of North America, 37, 166, 280, 289, 333, 400, 403, 645
南美洲，145、148、151-2、154、155、280、645。
of South America, 145, 148, 151–2, 154, 155, 280, 645.
印度群岛，东部，144，153
Indies, East, 144, 153
西，705。
West, 705.
个人主义，226，394，428。
individualism, 226, 394, 428.
产业对教育和文化的影响，255，257，437，438，440，455-6，493，512，662
industry, effects on education and culture, 255, 257, 437, 438, 440, 455–6, 493, 512, 662
方法应用于学术研究，468–71,475
methods applied to scholarship, 468–71, 475
文明价值，549。
value in civilization, 549.
安格尔，让-奥古斯特-多米尼克，518。
Ingres, Jean-Auguste-Dominique, 518.
—作品，《荷马的神化》，442
—works, Apotheosis of Homer, 442
Ruggiero 和 Angelica , 153
Ruggiero and Angelica, 153
《春天》，442。
The Spring, 442.
宗教裁判所，245，259，352，456。
Inquisition, 245, 259, 352, 456.
铭文，法语，397，644
inscriptions, French, 397, 644
希腊文，3，469，556，561
Greek, 3, 469, 556, 561
拉丁语，3，318，469，474，556，644。
Latin, 3, 318, 469, 474, 556, 644.
室内装饰，21，290，296，362，396，647，664。
interior decoration, 21, 290, 296, 362, 396, 647, 664.
间奏，130、137-8。
interludes, 130, 137–8.
内燃机，113。
internal-combustion engine, 113.
不宽容，宗教，259，352–3，423，437，462–3，678。
intolerance, religious, 259, 352–3, 423, 437, 462–3, 678.
伊奥尼亚，370，542，664，688。
Ionia, 370, 542, 664, 688.
伊菲革涅亚，121，（373），380。
Iphigenia, 121, (373), 380.
爱尔兰和爱尔兰教会（=英国或凯尔特教会），7，36-9，568
Ireland, and the Irish church (= British or Celtic church), 7, 36–9, 568
文化与古典知识，7、37、38-9、105、557、568、573
culture and knowledge of the classics, 7, 37, 38–9, 105, 557, 568, 573
手写，38，101
handwriting, 38, 101
历史, 39, 248, 389, 513, 573
history, 39, 248, 389, 513, 573
语言，7，105，115，697
language, 7, 105, 115, 697
文学，22，26，501-2，504-7，511-13，584
literature, 22, 26, 501–2, 504–7, 511–13, 584
任务，38。
missions, 38.
艾里斯，149，626。
Iris, 149, 626.
铁器时代，391，481。
Iron Age, 391, 481.
讽刺，305，306，352，648。
irony, 305, 306, 352, 648.
西班牙的伊莎贝拉，259。
Isabella of Spain, 259.
Isidore, in Timon of Athens, 197
塞维利亚，他的《起源或词源》，578，701。
of Seville, his Origines or Etymologies, 578, 701.
伊西斯，523。
Isis, 523.
伊斯兰教，269，352，448，603。
Islam, 269, 352, 448, 603.
伊斯梅内（536）。
Ismene, (536).
伊索克拉底，122–3，189，656
Isocrates, 122–3, 189, 656
模仿和改编，323，655-66
imitated and adapted, 323, 655–6
译文，122–3、189、597。
translated, 122–3, 189, 597.
—作品：《尼科克勒斯》，123，597
—works: Nicocles, 123, 597
致 Demonicus， 123，639
To Demonicus, 123, 639
致尼科克勒斯，122–3、597。
To Nicocles, 122–3, 597.
伊索尔德和伊索塔，参见特里斯坦和伊索尔德。
Isolde and Isotta, see Tristan and Isolde.
伊塔拉，557。
Itala, 557.
斜体，589。
italic type, 589.
意大利和意大利人，性格，195，380，415，618
Italy and the Italians, character, 195, 380, 415, 618
国家, 74–5, 99, 163, 167, 168, 175, 187, 194, 226, 312–13, 363, 365–7, 388, 391, 401, 413, 415, 422–3, 566, 618, 662, 663, 690
the country, 74–5, 99, 163, 167, 168, 175, 187, 194, 226, 312–13, 363, 365–7, 388, 391, 401, 413, 415, 422–3, 566, 618, 662, 663, 690
文化与社会, 16, 19, 81, 82–5, 110, 113–14, 176, 195, 231, 261, 277–8, 296, 309, 369, 370, 390, 423–4, 430, 543, 557, 561, 680–1
culture and society, 16, 19, 81, 82–5, 110, 113–14, 176, 195, 231, 261, 277–8, 296, 309, 369, 370, 390, 423–4, 430, 543, 557, 561, 680–1
历史, 41, 146, 259, 350, 362, 376, 423–4, 427–8, 428–9, 431, 557, 560, 639, 686, 700
history, 41, 146, 259, 350, 362, 376, 423–4, 427–8, 428–9, 431, 557, 560, 639, 686, 700
语言和方言，vii，5，6，14，48，55，70–2，76，82，85，87，89，90，94，134，195，199，275，293，311，341，424–5，443，446，518，559，571，577，583–4（in Milton，611），658，661，664
languages and dialects, vii, 5, 6, 14, 48, 55, 70–2, 76, 82, 85, 87, 89, 90, 94, 134, 195, 199, 275, 293, 311, 341, 424–5, 443, 446, 518, 559, 571, 577, 583–4 (in Milton, 611), 658, 661, 664
文艺复兴时期的领导力，81，113-14，127-31，186，195，231，244-5，259，309，366，543，639
leadership in Renaissance, 81, 113–14, 127–31, 186, 195, 231, 244–5, 259, 309, 366, 543, 639
文献，20，22，48，59，70，87，94-5，102，113，127-37，139-43，219，229，231，244-6，270，541，611，625，657，670
literature, 20, 22, 48, 59, 70, 87, 94–5, 102, 113, 127–37, 139–43, 219, 229, 231, 244–6, 270, 541, 611, 625, 657, 670
并参见目录和作者姓名。
and see Contents and names of authors.
伊萨卡，534。
Ithaca, 534.
Iulo 和 lulus，591。
Iulo and lulus, 591.
象牙门，604。
ivory door, 604.
象牙塔，187，439，683。
ivory tower, 187, 439, 683.
“JD”，119。
‘J. D.’, 119.
杰克·贾格勒，138。
Jack Juggler, 138.
巨人杀手杰克，524。
Jack-the-giant-killer, 524.
雅各宾派，555。
Jacobins, 555.
Jaconello，B.，117。
Jaconello, B., 117.
Jaeger，Werner，ix，560
Jaeger, Werner, ix, 560
派迪亚, 552, 582, 597, 658, 671, 675, 685, 689。
Paideia, 552, 582, 597, 658, 671, 675, 685, 689.
Jamyn，Amadis，114。
Jamyn, Amadis, 114.
詹森主义者，281，294。
Jansenists, 281, 294.
雅努斯，610。
Janus, 610.
日本，448
Japan, 448
戏剧，130
drama, 130
图片，502。
pictures, 502.
杰森，527，576，580。
Jason, 527, 576, 580.
杰伊，约翰，399。
Jay, John, 399.
让·德·加朗德，582。
Jean de Garlande, 582.
让·德默恩，62-9、313、571、581。
Jean de Meun, 62–9, 313, 571, 581.
杰弗斯·罗宾逊，527
Jeffers, Robinson, 527
美狄亚，527；
Medea, 527;
悲剧之外的塔，702–3。
The Tower beyond Tragedy, 702–3.
杰斐逊，托马斯，400–1，542，673。
Jefferson, Thomas, 400–1, 542, 673.
耶和华，150，455，456。
Jehovah, 150, 455, 456.
詹金斯，托马斯，619。
Jenkins, Thomas, 619.
耶路撒冷，9、10、12、30、31、37、78、146、346。
Jerusalem, 9, 10, 12, 30, 31, 37, 78, 146, 346.
金色耶路撒冷，305。
Jerusalem the Golden, 305.
耶稣会，259，277，281，320，326，654
Jesuits, 259, 277, 281, 320, 326, 654
作为演说家，326，332-3
as orators, 326, 332–3
作为剧作家，135，294，599
as playwrights, 135, 294, 599
作为教师，135、264、291-2、293、518、543、599、657
as teachers, 135, 264, 291–2, 293, 518, 543, 599, 657
其圣人雕像分别为374、397尊。
their statues of saints, 374, 397.
耶稣基督的崇拜，32，237
Jesus Christ, adoration of, 32, 237
作为犹太人，362，454，662
as a Jew, 362, 454, 662
作为牧羊人，166，173
as a shepherd, 166, 173
522 太阳神话
as a sun-myth, 522
升天，30
ascension, 30
出生，8–9，72–3，523
birth, 8–9, 72–3, 523
十字架和钉十字架，26、31-2、158、456
cross and crucifixion, 26, 31–2, 158, 456
门徒，522，604
disciples, 522, 604
地狱的痛苦，511
harrowing of hell, 511
文献中提到，31–2、46、149、263
mentioned in literature, 31–2, 46, 149, 263
任务, 9, 26, 51, 78, 264, 362, 363, 461, 463, 574
mission, 9, 26, 51, 78, 264, 362, 363, 461, 463, 574
文献中省略，26, 44, 46, 91, 363
omitted in literature, 26, 44, 46, 91, 363
复活，32，35，511
resurrection, 32, 35, 511
启示录，74，156，465
revelation, 74, 156, 465
教学，9，579
teaching, 9, 579
诱惑，147，521。
temptation, 147, 521.
犹太人，文化，6，14，557。
Jews, culture, 6, 14, 557.
—历史，29、30、51、146–7、196、345、394、463、564
—history, 29, 30, 51, 146–7, 196, 345, 394, 463, 564
反犹太情绪，259、377、454–5、459、460。
anti-Jewish feeling, 259, 377, 454–5, 459, 460.
—语言，14，104，106，454，478，544，556
—language, 14, 104, 106, 454, 478, 544, 556
文献，73，104-5，112，263，368，556，640
literature, 73, 104–5, 112, 263, 368, 556, 640
神话和传说，29，146-7，439，505，510。
myths and legends, 29, 146–7, 439, 505, 510.
—宗教与思想，8、294、454–5、460
—religion and thought, 8, 294, 454–5, 460
转换，90，187，279
conversion, 90, 187, 279
耶稣，362，454，662。
Jesus, 362, 454, 662.
圣女贞德，155。
Joan of Arc, 155.
乔安妮斯·塞昆达斯，632。
Joannes Secundus, 632.
伊俄卡斯忒，538–9。
Jocasta, 538–9.
Jodelle，Etienne，599，630。
Jodelle, Etienne, 599, 630.
—作品：《俘虏的克娄巴特拉》，137、232、599–600
—works: Captive Cleopatra, 137, 232, 599–600
尤金，137，232，599。
Eugene, 137, 232, 599.
约翰·德·奥特维尔，阿奇特雷诺斯，649。
John de Hauteville, Architrenius, 649.
索尔兹伯里的约翰，50岁
John of Salisbury, 50
Metalogicus，641。
Metalogicus, 641.
约翰·斯科特斯·埃里金纳，38-9，569。
John Scotus Erigena, 38–9, 569.
约翰霍普金斯大学，490。
Johns Hopkins University, 490.
约翰逊，塞缪尔，职业和性格，83岁
Johnson, Samuel, career and character, 83
教育和古典知识，295，327
education and knowledge of the classics, 295, 327
风格，299，330，654，655。
style, 299, 330, 654, 655.
—著作：词典，469
—works: Dictionary, 469
艾琳293
Irene, 293
伦敦，315，675
London, 315, 675
《人类愿望的虚荣》，315，627，652，675。
The Vanity of Human Wishes, 315, 627, 652, 675.
笑话，183，185，256，299，304，308，318，544，557。
jokes, 183, 185, 256, 299, 304, 308, 318, 544, 557.
“认真开玩笑”，305，308。
‘joking in earnest’, 305, 308.
Jonson，Ben，古典文学教育与知识，123，200，202，218，248
Jonson, Ben, education and knowledge of the classics, 123, 200, 202, 218, 248
关于莎士比亚，199，200，201，619
on Shakespeare, 199, 200, 201, 619
“儿子”，248。
‘sons’, 248.
—作品：只用你的眼睛为我干杯，vii
—works: Drink to me only with thine eyes, vii
每个人都有自己的幽默感，54
Every Man in His Humour quoted, 54
莫里森爵士逝世颂，238，239
Ode on the Death of SirH. Morison, 238, 239
詹姆斯伯爵颂歌，632
Ode to James, Earl of Desmond, 632
颂歌，一般，238–9，248，676
odes, generally, 238–9, 248, 676
戏剧，一般来说，200，218
plays, generally, 200, 218
悲伤的牧羊人，174–175。
The Sad Shepherd, 174–5.
埃克塞特的约瑟夫，Bellum Troianum，590。
Joseph of Exeter, Bellum Troianum, 590.
约瑟夫斯，《犹太战争》，189，578。
Josephus, Jewish War, 189, 578.
Jove，参见木星。
Jove, see Jupiter.
乔伊斯，詹姆斯，古典文学的教育与运用，501–2, 507, 509–10, 518, 543
Joyce, James, education and use of the classics, 501–2, 507, 509–10, 518, 543
专业艺术，256，501–2，696。
specialized art, 256, 501–2, 696.
—作品：《芬尼根的守灵夜》，504、510、525、697
—works: Finnegans Wake, 504, 510, 525, 697
《青年艺术家肖像》 332、502、509–10、512、518、697–700
A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, 332, 502, 509–10, 512, 518, 697–700
斯蒂芬英雄，697，700
Stephen Hero, 697, 700
《尤利西斯》，338、502、503、504–7、510、511–13、696、697–8。
Ulysses, 338, 502, 503, 504–7, 510, 511–13, 696, 697–8.
犹大·伊斯卡里奥特，74。
Judas Iscariot, 74.
犹大，454，459，510。
Judea, 454, 459, 510.
士师记，24，30。
Judges, 24, 30.
女主角朱迪思，29岁
Judith, the heroine, 29
公主，46岁。
the princess, 46.
朱迪思，诗，29。
Judith, the poem, 29.
朱莉娅，59岁。
Julia, 59.
朱利安家族，591。
Julian family, 591.
叛教者朱利安，353。
Julian the Apostate, 353.
朱莉安娜，30，567。
Juliana, 30, 567.
朱丽叶，（199），205。
Juliet, (199), 205.
尤利乌斯·凯撒，职业生涯，51，546，548，578，588，672，691
Julius Caesar, career, 51, 546, 548, 578, 588, 672, 691
帝国的建立，74、326、398、476-7
foundation of empire, 74, 326, 398, 476–7
入侵英国，37，217，577
invasion of Britain, 37, 217, 577
谋杀，第七、5、59、326、533、557。
murder, vii, 5, 59, 326, 533, 557.
—个性，5，6，151，424，476–7，557，665，672
—personality, 5, 6, 151, 424, 476–7, 557, 665, 672
载于莎士比亚，132，210–12，624。
in Shakespeare, 132, 210–12, 624.
——作品：回忆录（评论）读，188、217、578、603
—works: Memoirs (Commentarii) read, 188, 217, 578, 603
译文，117。
translated, 117.
尤利乌斯二世，16。
Julius II, 16.
朱利叶斯·瓦莱里乌斯，56，578。
Julius Valerius, 56, 578.
荣格，CG，523–4。
Jung, C. G., 523–4 .
—作品：（艾拉诺斯，523）
—works: (Eranos, 523)
善良的种类584
Das göttliche Kind, 584
人格整合，523
Integration of the Personality, 523
心理类型,703
Psychologische Typen, 703
心理学与宗教，523
Psychology and Religion, 523
心理学与潜意识，523。
Psychology and the Unconscious, 523.
朱尼厄斯，400。
Junius, 400.
朱诺，195，515。
Juno, 195, 515.
木星，49、150-1、152、195、205、206、226、234、352、515、521、573、595、631、657。
Jupiter, 49, 150–1, 152, 195, 205, 206, 226, 234, 352, 515, 521, 573, 595, 631, 657.
正义，170。
Justice, 170.
贾斯汀，189。
Justin, 189.
贾斯汀殉道者，640。
Justin Martyr, 640.
查士丁尼，41，146，149，560。
Justinian, 41, 146, 149, 560.
尤文图斯，200。
juvenal, 200.
尤维纳尔，职业生涯，303，669，695
Juvenal, career, 303, 669, 695
版本，491，496，498，695
editions, 491, 496, 498, 695
和马夏尔，316，557
and Martial, 316, 557
阅读、模仿和引用，8、66、68、80、84、101、125、18、217–18、306–7、309–12、314、340、406、582–3、603、642、650–3、675、684
read, imitated, and quoted, 8, 66, 68, 80, 84, 101, 125, 18 217–18, 306–7, 309–12, 314, 340, 406, 582–3, 603, 642, 650–3, 675, 684
译文，314，342，650，65 675。
translated, 314, 342, 650, 65 675.
—作品：讽刺 1：68、315、649、6、653、692
—works: satire 1: 68, 315, 649, 6, 653, 692
讽刺 3：295、303、315、318、650、651、675
satire 3: 295, 303, 315, 318, 650, 651, 675
讽刺 4：314,651
satire 4: 314, 651
讽刺 6： 68、125、303、307、319、342、557、582–3、651、653、690、698
satire 6: 68, 125, 303, 307, 319, 342, 557, 582–3, 651, 653, 690, 698
讽刺 7: 68, 80
satire 7: 68, 80
讽刺 8: 125, 32 653, 655, 675
satire 8: 125, 32 653, 655, 675
讽刺 10：101、12 217–18、303、306、315、593、627、651–2、675、684
satire 10: 101, 12 217–18, 303, 306, 315, 593, 627, 651–2, 675, 684
讽刺 11：125,690
satire 11: 125, 690
讽刺 13: 125, 319, 651
satire 13: 125, 319, 651
讽刺16：651。
satire 16: 651.
歌舞伎表演，130。
kabuki plays, 130.
凯撒，头衔，6。
Kaiser, the title, 6.
卡勒瓦拉，24岁。
Kalevala, 24.
康德，引述，44，444
Kant, quoted, 44, 444
纯粹理性界限内的宗教，363。
Religion within the Limits of Pure Reason, 363.
济慈，约翰和查普曼的荷马，（210），360，368，415–16，686
Keats, John, and Chapman’s Homer, (210), 360, 368, 415–16, 686
以及荷尔德林，378–9
and Hölderlin, 378–9
莎士比亚，210，218，415-18
and Shakespeare, 210, 218, 415–18
职业生涯，死亡和影响，174，210，241，36 402，415，420-1，424，434，435，44 613
career, death, and influence, 174, 210, 241, 36 402, 415, 420–1, 424, 434, 435, 44 613
教育和古典知识，218、252-3、360、415-18、457、498、637-8、688
education and knowledge of the classics, 218, 252–3, 360, 415–18, 457, 498, 637–8, 688
想法，361，408，417-18，444。
ideas, 361, 408, 417–18, 444.
—作品，《恩底弥翁》，361、402、415、416-18
—works, Endymion, 361, 402, 415, 416–18
海伯利安, 357, 379, 41 416
Hyperion, 357, 379, 41 416
拉米亚, 416
Lamia, 416
信件，408，675
letters, 408, 675
颂歌，241，252–3，417
odes, 241, 252–3, 417
希腊古瓮上的颂歌, 355, 417, 418, 44 682
ode On a Grecian Urn, 355, 417, 418, 44 682
论懒惰，677
ode On Indolence, 677
《夜莺颂》 61，252 ，（441），637–8
ode To a Nightingale, 61, 252, (441), 637–8
罗勒花盆, 417
The Pot of Basil, 417
十四行诗：十四行诗 17，662，初读查普曼的荷马史诗，115，21 416，当我害怕时，379，666
sonnets: Sonnet 17, 662, On first looking into Chapman’s Homer, 115, 21 416, When I have Fears, 379, 666
斯塔法，613。
Staffa, 613.
凯勒，戈特弗里德，529。
Keller, Gottfried, 529.
阿尔弗雷德国王珠宝，31岁。
King Alfred jewel, 31.
金莱克，Eothen，365。
Kinglake, Eothen, 365.
列王纪，107，573。
Kings, Books of, 107, 573.
金斯利，查尔斯，希帕蒂娅，462。
Kingsley, Charles, Hypatia, 462.
金韦尔默什，弗朗西斯，乔卡斯塔，121。
Kinwelmersh, Francis, Jocasta, 121.
吉卜林，鲁德亚德，《贺拉斯颂歌第五卷》，470。
Kipling, Rudyard, Horace’s Fifth Book of Odes, 470.
Klauer，MG，664。
Klauer, M. G., 664.
Klinger, F. M. von, Sturm und Drang, 664.
克洛普施托克，弗里德里希·戈特利布，355
Klopstock, Friedrich Gottlieb, 355
弥赛亚，381
The Messiah, 381
颂歌，376。
odes, 376.
克内贝尔（KL von），667。
Knebel, K. L. von, 667.
骑士：乔叟，12，90，94
knights: in Chaucer, 12, 90, 94
中世纪，49，196
medieval, 49, 196
斯宾塞，153
in Spenser, 153
并观看堂吉诃德。
and see Don Quixote.
Kochanowski，Jan，541。
Kochanowski, Jan, 541.
Kozmian，Kajetan，435。
Kozmian, Kajetan, 435.
克拉列维奇，马尔科，24 岁。
Kraljević, Marko, 24.
克拉辛斯基，齐格蒙特，艾瑞迪翁，435。
Krasinski, Zygmunt, Irydion, 435.
克洛诺斯，529–30。
Kronos, 529–30.
Labdacids（俄狄浦斯之家），536。
Labdacids (the house of Oedipus), 536.
让·德·拉布鲁耶尔，人物，192, 315
La Bruyère, Jean de, Characters, 192, 315
风格，325。
style, 325.
Lachesis，90，508。
Lachesis, 90, 508.
拉克坦修斯，32–4、324、559、701。
Lactantius, 32–4, 324, 559, 701.
拉登方言，6。
Ladin dialect, 6.
雷欧提斯，208，216。
Laertes, 208, 216.
莱斯特里戈涅斯，23岁。
Laestrygones, 23.
拉封丹，让·德，642。
La Fontaine, Jean de, 642.
Lagerlöf，《塞尔玛》，166。
Lagerlöf, Selma, 166.
兰伯特·勒托尔特，56岁。
Lambert le Tort, 56.
兰比努斯，616，639。
Lambinus, 616, 639.
讽刺文，306，425。
lampoons, 306, 425.
克里斯托福罗·兰迪诺，244, 634。
Landino, Cristoforo, 244, 634.
Landor，Walter Savage，675，683
Landor, Walter Savage, 675, 683
教育和古典知识，3，446，518，556，683
education and knowledge of the classics, 3, 446, 518, 556, 683
想法，365，449。
ideas, 365, 449.
—作品，518，531，683
—works, 518, 531, 683
想象中的对话，448，657
Imaginary Conversations, 448, 657
戏剧，448
dramas, 448
英雄田园诗，685
heroic idylls, 685
拉丁著作，3，446，556，685–6。
Latin works, 3, 446, 556, 685–6.
朗，安德鲁，将军，484，489。
Lang, Andrew, general, 484, 489.
—作品：《荷马史诗》，484–5
—works: Homer and the Epic, 484–5
译《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》，485，487，488。
tr. Iliad and Odyssey, 485, 487, 488.
Langhans，CG，664。
Langhans, C. G., 664.
语言作为一种艺术，124
language, as an art, 124
作为一门学校科目，184，467，493
as a school subject, 184, 467, 493
作为思想工具，14，546，562。
as a tool of thought, 14, 546, 562.
语言，已死的和活着的，12–13，70，544–5
languages, dead and living, 12–13, 70, 544–5
欧洲（不包括希腊语和拉丁语）、vii-viii、2、5–7、12–14、18–20、22、29、48–9、94、105–12、124、126、135、144、171、227、230、275、305、322、324、326–7、330、334、335、467、493、514、544、546、558–9、568，并参阅个别语言
European (excluding Greek and Latin), vii-viii, 2, 5–7, 12–14, 18–20, 22, 29, 48–9, 94, 105–12, 124, 126, 135, 144, 171, 227, 230, 275, 305, 322, 324, 326–7, 330, 334, 335, 467, 493, 514, 544, 546, 558–9, 568, and see individual languages
私人，256。
private, 256.
拉奥孔，16，371–4，665。
Laocoon, 16, 371–4, 665.
拉帕奇尼，123。
Lapaccini, 123.
宝石匠，67。
lapidaries, 67.
la Planche，Étienne de，118。
la Planche, Étienne de, 118.
拉斯卡里斯，Janus，17，561。
Lascaris, Janus, 17, 561.
拉索德奥罗佩萨，马丁，116。
Laso de Oropesa, Martin, 116.
拉丁语：作为一种现代国际语言，vii、2-3、12、16、18、22、36-8、40、48-9、55、70、72、83-7、89、91-3、101、104、105、109、111、113-14、120、122、126、127、134-5、137、144、171、229、232-4、275、276、295、305-6、310、311、324、368、446、556、558-9、579、584 、 587、631、632、636、644、657、661、678、685–6
LATIN LANGUAGE: as a modern interriational language, vii, 2–3, 12, 16, 18, 22, 36–8, 40, 48–9, 55, 70, 72, 83–7, 89, 91–3, 101, 104, 105, 109, 111, 113–14, 120, 122, 126, 127, 134–5, 137, 144, 171, 229, 232–4, 275, 276, 295, 305–6, 310, 311, 324, 368, 446, 556, 558–9, 579, 584, 587, 631, 632, 636, 644, 657, 661, 678, 685–6
作为学校和大学教授的科目，8、11-12、13-14、37、46、96-7、104-6、186-8、199-201、203、210、218、257、294-6、327、341、348、360、375、379、393、397、413-14、415、418-19、466-7、469-71、490-500、518、543、565、568、657、686、694、699-700、705
as a subject taught in schools and colleges, 8, 11–12, 13–14, 37, 46, 96–7, 104–6, 186–8, 199–201, 203, 210, 2l8, 257, 294–6, 327, 341, 348, 360, 375, 379, 393, 397, 413–14, 415, 418–19, 466–7, 469–71, 490–500, 518, 543, 565, 568, 657, 686, 694, 699–700, 705
性质和分布，5，348-9，544-5，557-9
character and distribution, 5, 348–9, 544–5, 557–9
教会拉丁语，3，7，109，220，229，311，324，558
church-Latin, 3, 7, 109, 220, 229, 311, 324, 558
口语化或“基础”，6–7、12、56、107、109、318、558–9
colloquial or ‘basic’, 6–7, 12, 56, 107, 109, 318, 558–9
'狗', 12, 51, 574, 700
‘dog’, 12, 51, 574, 700
对现代语言的影响，6–7、12、14、18–19、59、99、105–12、158–61、200、322、330–1、345、368、398–9、443、546、558–9、568、609–11、655–6、657、661
influence on modern languages, 6–7, 12, 14, 18–19, 59, 99, 105–12, 158–61, 200, 322, 330–1, 345, 368, 398–9, 443, 546, 558–9, 568, 609–11, 655–6, 657, 661
合法拉丁语，109，558，560
legal Latin, 109, 558, 560
文学拉丁语，6–8、12、13–14、18–19、41、72、76、81、104–12、113、126、184、199–200、215、246、277、281、348、360、402、404、409、415、424–5、446、477–8、511、558–9、572、673、680。
literary Latin, 6–8, 12, 13–14, 18–19, 41, 72, 76, 81, 104–12, 113, 126, 184, 199–200, 215, 246, 277, 281, 348, 360, 402, 404, 409, 415, 424–5, 446, 477–8, 511, 558–9, 572, 673, 680.
拉丁文学，古典，8，72，131，220，303–4，318，400–1，441，543，570，598，635，690
Latin literature, classical, 8, 72, 131, 220, 303–4, 318, 400–1, 441, 543, 570, 598, 635, 690
希腊文献，104–5、131、304–5，另见希腊罗马文学和单独类型
debt to Greek, 104–5, 131, 304–5, see also Greco-Roman literature and separate types
对现代文学的影响，32-5、40-7、53、94-5、104-5、112-13、113-26、135、158-61、184、186、263-4、377、312、330-1、379、381、406-7、421、433、543、609-11、655
influence on modern literatures, 32–5, 40–7, 53, 94–5, 104–5, 112–13, 113–26, 135, 158–61, 184, 186, 263–4, 377, 312, 330–1, 379, 381, 406–7, 421, 433, 543, 609–11, 655
另见个别作者和类型，例如，贺拉斯、戏剧。
see also individual authors and types, e.g. Horace, drama.
拉丁文学，现代，看到拉丁语，作为现代国际语言。
Latin literature, modern, see Latin language, as a modern international language.
拉丁裔，布鲁内特，亚里士多德译，119
Latini, Brunette, tr. Aristotle, 119
西塞罗译本，123
tr. Cicero, 123
宝藏，48，578，634。
Treasure, 48, 578, 634.
拉丁语, 158–61, 330–1, 433, 609–11, 655–6
latinisms, 158–61, 330–1, 433, 609–11, 655–6
并了解拉丁语对现代语言的影响。
and see Latin language, influence on modern languages.
劳拉，87、89、93。
Laura, 87, 89, 93.
桂冠，88，243，589。
Laureateship, 88, 243, 589.
月桂树，88，141，321，356，396，397。
laurel, 88, 141, 321, 356, 396, 397.
拉维尼娅，在《埃涅阿斯的故事》中，56、156、580
Lavinia, in the tale of Aeneas, 56, 156, 580
《泰特斯·安德洛尼克斯》第 61章。
in Titus Andronicus, 61.
法律，一般，2，181，187，262，456，472，536，548，604
law, general, 2, 181, 187, 262, 456, 472, 536, 548, 604
American and western European, 2, 9, 550, 553, 675
教会法，2，9，560
canon, or Church law, 2, 9, 560
黑暗时代，9，25，558
of the Dark Ages, 9, 25, 558
法语，2，391
French, 2, 391
日耳曼语，9
Germanic, 9
希腊文，675
Greek, 675
意大利语，2，560
Italian, 2, 560
中世纪，391，560
medieval, 391, 560
诗意，见规则
poetic, see rules
罗马书，2、9、262、328、391、472、474、477、548、550、5S3、560、690。
Roman, 2, 9, 262, 328, 391, 472, 474, 477, 548, 550, 5S3, 560, 690.
劳伦斯，DH，365。
Lawrence, D. H., 365.
劳伦斯，TE，《智慧的七柱》，488
Lawrence, T. E., Seven Pillars of Wisdom, 488
译《奥德赛》，488–9。
tr. Odyssey, 488–9.
亚里士多德的《居士》，57，578。
Lay of Aristotle, 57, 578.
居士，29，384，484，488，562。
lays, 29, 384, 484, 488, 562.
托尔梅斯的拉萨里洛，169。
Lazarillo de Tormes, 169.
Leaf，Walter，译《伊利亚特》，485。
Leaf, Walter, tr. Iliad, 485.
利安德，91，415，580。
Leander, 91, 415, 580.
里尔，301。
Lear, 301.
勒布朗克，理查德，118，124。
le Blanc, Richard, 118, 124.
Le Bossu，《诗的特质》，642。
Le Bossu, Traité du poème épique, 642.
Le Chevalier d'Agneaux，安托万和罗伯特，115。
Le Chevalier d’Agneaux, Antoine and Robert, 115.
查尔斯-玛丽-伦德·勒孔特·德·利斯尔的职业生涯、性格和思想，441、444、448–9、456–7、683、684、686–7
Leconte de Lisle, Charles-Marie-Rend, career, character, and ideas, 441, 444, 448–9, 456–7, 683, 684, 686–7
教育和古典知识，446–7、456–7、686
education and knowledge of classics, 446–7, 456–7, 686
影响，441、454、456-7、522、683、687。
influence, 441, 454, 456–7, 522, 683, 687.
—作品：《古代诗歌》，448，450
—works: Antique Poems, 448, 450
蛮族诗歌，448，686-7
Barbarian Poems, 448, 686–7
基督教通俗史，456
Popular History of Christianity, 456
翻译，446–7、457、686、693–4。
translations, 446–7, 457, 686, 693–4.
Le Dit de Franc Gontier，166。
Le Dit de Franc Gontier, 166.
勒杜沙，122。
Le Duchat, 122.
Lèfevre，Raoul，55，577。
Lèfevre, Raoul, 55, 577.
传说，见神话。
legends, see myths.
立法议会，398。
Legislativé Assembly, 398.
Legouvd，GMJB，429。
Legouvd, G. M. J. B., 429.
莱斯特，198。
Leicester, 198.
Lemaire de Beiges，让，戴高乐插图等，602。
Lemaire de Beiges, Jean, Illustrations des Gaules, &c., 602.
Lemprière古典词典，416，498。
Lemprière’s classical dictionary, 416, 498.
大祭司利奥 (Leo)，56，578。
Leo, the Arch-priest, 56, 578.
利奥十世，16岁。
Leo X, 16.
斯巴达的列奥尼达，431
Leonidas of Sparta, 431
塔伦图姆，172。
of Tarentum, 172.
莱奥帕尔迪，贾科莫伯爵，性格，教育和古典知识，355，423，429–34。680–2，690。
Leopardi, Count Giacomo, character, education, and knowledge of the classics, 355, 423, 429–34. 680–2, 690 .
—作品，430，433，442
—works, 430, 433, 442
真主真谛681
Alla prima-vera, 681
爱情与死亡, 432, 681
Amore e morte, 432, 681
梦境，433
The Dream, 433
海神赞歌，430
Hymn to Neptune, 430
拉吉内斯特拉，682
La ginestra, 682
爱情颂，430
Ode to Love, 430
月亮颂，430
Ode to the Moon, 430
古代墓碑浮雕，433
On an Ancient Grave-relief, 433
论但丁纪念碑，431，681
On the Monument of Dante, 431, 681
681拟脂膜藻
Paralipomenidellabatracomiomachia, 681
萨福的最后一首歌，432–3
Sappho’s Last Song, 432–3
道德短篇论文，432–3，681
Short Works on Morals, 432–3, 681
Sopra il ritratto di una bella donna（Canti，31），682
Sopra il ritratto di una bella donna (Canti, 31), 682
致 Angelo Mai等，431，681
To Angelo Mai, &c., 431, 681
意大利, 431, 681
To Italy, 431, 681
翻译，430，681
translations, 430, 681
齐巴尔多内，682。
Zibaldone, 682.
勒班陀，148，153，634。
Lepanto, 148, 153, 634.
Leroy，Guillaume，115。
Leroy, Guillaume, 115.
勒罗伊，洛斯，118–19、122–3。
Le Roy, Loys, 118–19, 122–3.
Lesage，543。
Lesage, 543.
莱斯比亚，229。
Lesbia, 229.
莱斯博斯岛，164。
Lesbos, 164.
罗马人的失败，578。
Les Fails des Romains, 578.
莱辛，戈特霍尔德·埃弗拉伊姆，古典文学教育与知识，367，371-5，665-6
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, education and knowledge of the classics, 367, 371–5, 665–6
影响，374–5、379。
influence, 374–5, 379.
——作品：《Beyträge sur Historie und Aufnahme des Theaters》，666
—works: Beyträge sur Historie und Aufnahme des Theaters, 666
汉堡戏剧杂志，374–5，665–6
Hamburg Dramatic Journal, 374–5, 665–6
古人如何表现死亡，364–5，（373），680
How the Ancients represented Death, 364–5, (373), 680
拉奥孔，371–4
Laocoon, 371–4
《现代文学书信集》第 374–5 页、第 665 页
in Letters on Modern Literature, 374–5, 665
论荷马，665
on Homer, 665
塞涅卡，666
on Seneca, 666
译：普劳图斯的《Captiui》，666页。
tr. Plautus’ Captiui, 666.
《亚历山大致亚里士多德的信》，56。
‘Letter from Alexander to Aristotle’, 56.
《阿里斯提亚斯书信》，594–5。
‘Letter of Aristeas’, 594–5 .
信件，12，544
letters, 12, 544
阿贝拉尔和爱洛伊丝，60 岁
Abélard’s and Héloïse’s, 60
阿尔昆，38
Alcuin’s, 38
伊拉斯谟，82
Erasmus’s, 82
Gargantua的，183–4
Gargantua’s, 183–4
希腊文，517
Greek, 517
贺拉斯的，参见贺拉斯的书信
Horace’s, see Horace, letters
小说，340
in fiction, 340
伊索克拉底
Isocrates’, 122–3
蒙田，191
Montaigne’s, 191
彼特拉克的《82–3, 87》
Petrarch’s, 82–3, 87
诗意的，290，429
poetic, 290, 429
塞内加，191
Seneca’s, 191
西多尼乌斯（Sidonius），471。
Sidonius’, 471.
《欧里庇得斯、苏格拉底、地米斯托克利的书信》，284。
‘Letters of Euripides, Socrates, Themistocles”, 284.
老科德利埃街，672。
Le Vieux Cordelier, 672.
利布阿里亚法，560。
Lex Ribuaria, 560.
莱顿大学，341。
Leyden University, 341.
自由主义，444，455，476，691。
liberalism, 444, 455, 476, 691.
放荡主义，326。
libertinism, 326.
自由，见自由。
liberty, see freedom.
图书馆，8、13、15、83-5、91、415、466、490、556、571、588、690。
libraries, 8, 13, 15, 83–5, 91, 415, 466, 490, 556, 571, 588, 690.
Catoniani 书集，592–3。
libri Catoniani, 592–3.
利德尔和斯科特的希腊语词典，469。
Liddell and Scott’s Greek Lexicon, 469.
罗马人的葬礼，578。
Li fet des Romains, 578.
连字，17。
ligatures, 17.
法国行动联盟，692。
Ligue d’Action Française, 692.
莉莉，威廉，216，626。
Lily, William, 216, 626.
边缘，75，80，99，511。
limbo, 75, 80, 99, 511.
利纳克雷，490。
Linacre, 490.
林肯，亚伯拉罕，20，659
Lincoln, Abraham, 20, 659
葛底斯堡演说，112–13、334、561。
Gettysburg Address, 112–13, 334, 561.
林迪斯法恩福音，47，573。
Lindisfarne Gospels, 47, 573.
语言学，468。
linguistics, 468.
利诺（Linus），593。
Lino (Linus), 593.
弗朗茨·李斯特 365
Liszt, Franz, 365
朝圣年鉴，87
Années de Pèlerinage, 87
狂想曲，254。
Rhapsodies, 254.
literature, and civilization, 275–6, 545–6, 547–9
和道德，445
and morality, 445
和进步，265–6
and progress, 265–6
和奖学金，472 f。
and scholarship, 472 f.
和社会，255-7、269、289-92、297-302、321、355-6o
and society, 255–7, 269, 289–92, 297–302, 321, 355–6o
神话和象征，524
myths and symbols in, 524
国内和国际，275–6，479
national and international, 275–6, 479
并查看各个国家。
and see individual nations.
小红帽，276。
Little Red Riding Hood, 276.
利维乌斯·安德洛尼库斯，104-5，595。
Livius Andronicus, 104–5, 595.
李维，模仿与改编，68，136，189，204，217，393，588，655，679
Livy, imitations and adaptations, 68, 136, 189, 204, 217, 393, 588, 655, 679
对其作品的了解和声誉，84、101、217、367、393、473、490、588、669、679
knowledge and reputation of his work, 84, 101, 217, 367, 393, 473, 490, 588, 669, 679
引用，566，649
quoted, 566, 649
演讲，672
speeches, 672
风格，348
style, 348
翻译，118，672。
translations, 118, 672.
Locher, Jacobus, Stultifera nauis (tr. of Brant), 650
Locher, Jacobus, Stultifera nauis (tr. of Brant), 650
tr. Terence(?)，121。
tr. Terence(?), 121.
Löchinger，Jonas，119。
Löchinger, Jonas, 119.
洛克，约翰，400。
Locke, John, 400.
洛基尔，迪恩，314。
Lockier, Dean, 314.
以机车为象征，455，687。
locomotive as a symbol, 455, 687.
洛奇，托马斯，132
Lodge, Thomas, 132
Rosalynde，612，618–19。
Rosalynde, 612, 618–19.
洛布译本，470。
Loeb translations, 470.
逻辑，503，542，569-70，574。
logic, 503, 542, 569–70, 574.
Lollius，我的买家，96–7, 98, 590–1。
Lollius, myn auctor, 96–7, 98, 590–1 .
伦巴第人，135，346。
Lombards, 135, 346.
伦巴第，555，558。
Lombardy, 555, 558.
伦敦, 城市, 39, 130, 194, 282, 299, 427, 550
London, city, 39, 130, 194, 282, 299, 427, 550
音乐协会，240；
Musical Society, 240;
大学，496，686，692。
University, 496, 686, 692.
朗费罗，HW，481
Longfellow, H. W., 481
伊万杰琳，246，382，667。
Evangeline, 246, 382, 667.
《朗吉努斯》，《论崇高》，142、281、362、667。
‘Longinus’, On the Sublime, 142, 281, 362, 667.
Longus，《达芙妮斯与克洛伊》，124，164，168，169，170，（176），343。
Longus, Daphnis and Chloe, 124, 164, 168, 169, 170, (176), 343.
罗杰·卢米斯（Roger Loomis），ix，576。
Loomis, Roger, ix, 576.
散文中的“松散方式”，325–6、654。
‘loose manner’ in prose, 325–6, 654.
洛佩斯德阿亚哈，佩德罗，118。
Lopez de Ayaja, Pedro, 118.
洛佩斯·德·门多萨、伊尼戈、桑蒂拉纳侯爵，111、596、635。
Lopez de Mendoza, Iñigo, Marques de Santillana, 111, 596, 635.
洛伦佐，203。
Lorenzo, 203.
洛林方言，107。
Lorrainian dialect, 107.
纪尧姆·洛里斯，62, 65–6, 68, 583。
Lorris, Guillaume de, 62, 65–6, 68, 583.
地段，29。
Lot, 29.
洛蒂，皮埃尔，438。
Loti, Pierre, 438.
路易十三，644。
Louis XIII, 644.
路易十四，268、272、274、280、289、302、320、321、336、337、338–9、345、（362）、512、633、638。
Louis XIV, 268, 272, 274, 280, 289, 302, 320, 321, 336, 337, 338–9, 345, (362), 512, 633, 638.
路易十六，356，391，401，555。
Louis XVI, 356, 391, 401, 555.
路易斯安那州，403，561。
Louisiana, 403, 561.
卢韦，398。
Louvet, 398.
卢瓦，320。
Louvois, 320.
卢浮宫，268。
Louvre, 268.
皮埃尔·路易斯和纪德，458
Louÿs, Pierre, and Gide, 458
和莱孔特·德·莱尔，457, 686, 693–4
and Leconte de Lisle, 457, 686, 693–4
古典知识和异教，457–9、688。
classical knowledge and paganism, 457–9, 688.
路易斯的作品：《新的乐趣》，457
Louÿs, works: A New Pleasure, 457
阿佛洛狄忒，458–9
Aphrodite, 458–9
序言，688，693
prefaces, 688, 693
比利蒂斯之歌，458，688
The Songs of Bilitis, 458, 688
tr. Lucian, 458
tr. Lucian, 458
tr. Meleager，457
tr. Meleager, 457
翻译一般，693–4。
translations generally, 693–4.
洛瓦蒂，洛瓦托·德'，134。
Lovati, Lovato de’, 134.
文学中的爱情，“宫廷”爱情，578-9
love in literature, ‘courtly’ love, 578–9
古典文学中，59–62、65–6、98–9、162–6、205、228–30、313、378、380–1、420、458、496、578、582–3、698、700
in classical literature, 59–62, 65–6, 98–9, 162–6, 205, 228–30, 313, 378, 380–1, 420, 458, 496, 578, 582–3, 698, 700
在现代文学中，52、59–69、71、87、91–2、98–9、102、135–6、139–40、145、152、155、166–73、174、199、205、230、236–7、248、305–6、313、322、340–4、379、380–1、382–3、417–18、420、428、432–3、440、449–50、457–9、507–9、512、527、535、540、541、544、581、583、 585, 698, 700
in modern literature, 52, 59–69, 71, 87, 91–2, 98–9, 102, 135–6, 139–40, 145, 152, 155, 166–73, 174, 199, 205, 230, 236–7, 248, 305–6, 313, 322, 340–4, 379, 380–1, 382–3, 417–18, 420, 428, 432–3, 440, 449–50, 457–9, 507–9, 512, 527, 535, 540, 541, 544, 581, 583, 585, 698, 700
柏拉图式的爱情，378，420，579
Platonic love, 378, 420, 579
浪漫爱情，53、56、57-8、63-4、66-7、87、89、90-1、95、102、139-40、145、158、163-4、170、578-9。
romantic love, 53, 56, 57–8, 63–4, 66–7, 87, 89, 90–1, 95, 102, 139–40, 145, 158, 163–4, 170, 578–9.
低地国家，48。
Low Countries, 48.
低词，272–5、299–300、318–20、405–6、642–3。
low words, 272–5, 299–300, 318–20, 405–6, 642–3.
Lowes，JL，《通往上都之路》，406，565，676。
Lowes, J. L., The Road to Xanadu, 406, 565, 676.
卢坎，《内战》和维吉尔，271、324、421
Lucan, The Civil War, and Vergil, 271, 324, 421
作为历史学家，71，116，577-8
as a historian, 71, 116, 577–8
性格和思想，79，271，421，496，586
character and ideas, 79, 271, 421, 496, 586
影响力和声誉，59、79、101、116、148、188–9、217、340、421、441、577–8、585、587、602、603、626–7、639、678
influence and reputation, 59, 79, 101, 116, 148, 188–9, 217, 340, 421, 441, 577–8, 585, 587, 602, 603, 626–7, 639, 678
引用，397，672
quoted, 397, 672
款式, 271, 299, 324, 421, 596, 602, 611
style, 271, 299, 324, 421, 596, 602, 611
译文，116，596，611。
translated, 116, 596, 611.
路森修，204。
Lucentio, 204.
卢西安，人物与思想，304，599
Lucian, character and ideas, 304, 599
已知和模仿，184–5、188–9、304–5、308、336、432、599、603、615–16、667
known and imitated, 184–5, 188–9, 304–5, 308, 336, 432, 599, 603, 615–16, 667
款式，304，307，432
style, 304, 307, 432
译文，123–4、457–8。
translated, 123–4, 457–8.
—作品：《妓女的谈话》，458
—works: Courtesans’ Conversations, 458
愤世嫉俗者，124
The Cynic, 124
死者对话123
Dialogues of the Dead, 123
梅尼普斯，或通灵术，124，615
Menippus, or Necromancy, 124, 615
买卖生命, 615
Sale of Lives, 615
船，或愿望，615
The Ship, or Wishes, 615
弓丝属，124。
Toxaris, 124.
路西法，580。
Lucifer, 580.
卢西利乌斯，192，303。
Lucilius, 192, 303.
卢修斯·凯撒，401。
Lucius Caesar, 401.
卢克丽霞（卢克丽丝），99、204、217、319、588、620。
Lucretia (Lucrece), 99, 204, 217, 319, 588, 620.
卢克莱修，《物性论》，思想，264，433–4，682，688
Lucretius, On the Nature of Things, ideas, 264, 433–4, 682, 688
已知和模仿，159，188-9，276-7，402、421–2、433–4、449–50、451、567、603、651、655、675、688。
known and imitated, 159, 188–9, 276–7, 402, 421–2, 433–4, 449–50, 451, 567, 603, 651, 655, 675, 688.
鲁登道夫，526。
Ludendorff, 526.
Lully，290，297，587。
Lully, 290, 297, 587.
卢西塔尼亚号和卢苏斯号，602。
Lusitania and Lusus, 602.
马丁·路德·367，455，555
Luther, Martin, 367, 455, 555
圣经译本，559
tr. Bible, 559
路德教，259。
Lutheranism, 259.
卢森堡，Maréchale de，274, 643。
Luxembourg, Maréchale de, 274, 643.
公立中学和学院，639。
lycée and Lyceum, 639.
利西达斯，172，613
Lycidas, 172, 613
并参阅弥尔顿。
and see Milton.
石蒜属，600。
Lycoris, 600.
莱库古斯，394–5，396，671。
Lycurgus, 394–5, 396, 671.
利德盖特，577，701。
Lydgate, 577, 701.
吕吉亚和吕吉亚人，689。
Lygia and the Lygians, 689.
Lyly 和 Euphuism，656。
Lyly and Euphuism, 656.
林塞斯，593。
Lynceus, 593.
里昂，133，182，189，231，578。
Lyons, 133, 182, 189, 231, 578.
'七弦琴'，244.
‘lyre, the’, 244.
抒情诗，219，627。
lyric, 219, 627.
抒情诗，20，42，71，219-54
lyric poetry, 20, 42, 71, 219–54
奥地利，256，435，518
Austrian, 256, 435, 518
英国和美国，20、26、28、61、100、171-2、219-21、228-31、236-44、246、248-54、363、408、410-12、414-15、416-18、420、422-3、437-9、440-1、450-2、457、501、513-14、517-19。564-5、675-9、688
English and American, 20, 26, 28, 61, 100, 171–2, 219–21, 228–31, 236–44, 246, 248–54, 363, 408, 410–12, 414–15, 416–18, 420, 422–3, 437–9, 440–1, 450–2, 457, 501, 513–14, 517–19. 564–5, 675–9, 688
欧洲，七、20、22、58、87、126、219–54、364、544
European, vii, 20, 22, 58, 87, 126, 219–54, 364, 544
法语和普罗旺斯语，20、22、48、50、60、76、125、219–20、229–30、231–5、242–3、246–8、250–1、281、354、362、401–3、405–7、432、439、442–4、448、450、502–3、516、518
French and Provencal, 20, 22, 48, 50, 60, 76, 125, 219–20, 229–30, 231–5, 242–3, 246–8, 250–1, 281, 354, 362, 401–3, 405–7, 432, 439, 442–4, 448, 450, 502–3, 516, 518
德语，20，364–5，368，376–9，386
German, 20, 364–5, 368, 376–9, 386
希腊罗马，8，20，41-3，84，124-5，184，219-54，281，309，364，434，497，516，549
Greco-Roman, 8, 20, 41–3, 84, 124–5, 184, 219–54, 281, 309, 364, 434, 497, 516, 549
意大利语，20，22，48，71，76，84，87，125，219，229，231，235–6，237，245–6，423–4，428，429–34，441–2，455–6
Italian, 20, 22, 48, 71, 76, 84, 87, 125, 219, 229, 231, 235–6, 237, 245–6, 423–4, 428, 429–34, 441–2, 455–6
现代拉丁语，631–2、686
modern Latin, 631–2, 686
西班牙语，20，22，124，229，244–5，541
Spanish, 20, 22, 124, 229, 244–5, 541
并参阅阿那克里翁、卡图卢斯、贺拉斯、赞美诗、颂歌、品达、歌曲、十四行诗和个别现代诗人的作品。
and see Anacreon, Catullus, Horace, hymns, odes, Pindar, songs, sonnets, and individual modern poets.
莱桑德，400，624。
Lysander, 400, 624.
利顿，布尔沃，《庞贝的最后日子》，340，462。
Lytton, Bulwer, The Last Days of Pompeii, 340, 462.
Mabillon，384，467，576。
Mabillon, 384, 467, 576.
马比诺吉昂，27。
Mabinogion, 27.
恐怖，662。
macabré, 662.
Macaulay 勋爵，论“规则”，357
Macaulay, Lord, on the ‘rules’, 357
论威廉三世，289–90。
on William III, 289–90.
—著作，《英国史》，289–90，474
—works, History of England, 289–90, 474
古罗马歌剧，464，473，481，692。
Lays of Ancient Rome, 464, 473, 481, 692.
Macault，123。
Macault, 123.
麦克白，87，209，211，614
Macbeth, 87, 209, 211, 614
他的夫人，209，299
his Lady, 209, 299
他的搬运工，299。
his porter, 299.
麦克乔库姆柴尔德先生，495。
McChoakumchild, Mr., 495.
麦克道威尔，格蒂，505。
MacDowell, Gerty, 505.
马基雅维利，政治理论，181，326
Machiavelli, political theory, 181, 326
声誉，282，428
reputation, 282, 428
暴君，180，599。
tyrants, 180, 599.
—作品，喜剧，136
—works, comedies, 136
《君主论》，181页。
The Prince, 181.
机械，265，267，547。
machinery, 265, 267, 547.
麦克米伦教科书，470。
Macmillan schoolbooks, 470.
麦克弗森和他的奥西安，356，375，435，668。
Macpherson and his Ossian, 356, 375, 435, 668.
马克罗比乌斯，63，68，184。
Macrobius, 63, 68, 184.
玛德琳，397。
Madeleine, 397.
麦迪逊，399。
Madison, 399.
戏剧中的疯狂，133、207-9、358、426。
madness in drama, 133, 207–9, 358, 426.
牧歌和颂歌，239。
madrigals and the ode, 239.
梅杜卜，37 岁。
Mæddubh, 37.
酒神女祭司，441，535。
maenads, 441, 535.
Maerlant，Jacob van，577。
Maerlant, Jacob van, 577.
Maevius，172–3、613。
Maevius, 172–3, 613.
牛津大学玛格达伦学院，295，344，494。
Magdalen College, Oxford, 295, 344, 494.
魔法，3，4，49，73，148-9，153，196，206，573，584。
magic, 3, 4, 49, 73, 148–9, 153, 196, 206, 573, 584.
马金，《荷马歌谣》，481，692。
Maginn, Homeric Ballads, 481, 692.
穆罕默德，49，185，269。
Mahomet, 49, 185, 269.
Mai，Angelo，431，681。
Mai, Angelo, 431, 681.
马约尔，532。
Maillol, 532.
德夫人曼特农，289、320、338。
Maintenon, Mme de, 289, 320, 338.
方形大楼，401号。
Maison Carrée, 401.
软体动物，586。
Malacoda, 586.
马尔登，24，566。
Maldon, 24, 566.
马勒伯，224，275，280。
Malherbe, 224, 275, 280.
斯特凡·马拉美，事业与朋友，501–2、508、518、695
Mallarmé, Stéphane, career and friends, 501–2, 508, 518, 695
思想与技巧，502–3、507、516。
ideas and technique, 502–3, 507, 516.
—作品，《牧神的午后》，176、501、507–8、697
—works, Afternoon of a Faun, 176, 501, 507–8, 697
希罗底，501，504，508，697
Herodias, 501, 504, 508, 697
拉斯德拉梅尔回购协议, 502, 696
Las de l’amer repos, 502, 696
埃德加·坡的墓，507, 696
Le Tombeau d’Edgar Poe, 507, 696
圣母、活力和美丽的日子，(32)
Le vierge, le vivace, et le bel aujourd’hui, (32)
祝福，516。
Salut, 516.
普通话方言，561。
Mandarin dialect, 561.
《曼德维尔爵士约翰》，57。
‘Mandeville, Sir John’, 57.
躁狂抑郁症，179。
manic depression, 179.
马尼利乌斯，189，496。
Manilius, 189, 496.
曼利乌斯，400。
Manlius, 400.
曼托瓦诺，福米科内，136。
Mantovano, Formicone, 136.
巴普蒂斯塔·曼图阿努斯（Spagnuoli），171、173、216、340。
Mantuanus, Baptista (Spagnuoli), 171, 173, 216, 340.
在瓶子里发现的手稿（Poe），52。
MS. found in a Bottle (Poe), 52.
手抄本，希腊文，17–18，84，284，458，668
manuscripts, Greek, 17–18, 84, 284, 458, 668
拉丁语，8, 13, 15–16, 38, 83–4, 91–2, 101, 132, 558, 578, 681
Latin, 8, 13, 15–16, 38, 83–4, 91–2, 101, 132, 558, 578, 681
杂项，258，469
miscellaneous, 258, 469
波爱修斯 (Boethius) 的著作，571
of Boethius, 571
玫瑰的浪漫史，69
of The Romance of the Rose, 69
威尼斯档案馆，477。
of the Venetian archives, 477.
马努蒂斯、阿尔杜斯, 230, 235, 589
Manutius, Aldus, 230, 235, 589
Paulus，235。
Paulus, 235.
马塞勒斯，锡拉库萨俘虏者，400
Marcellus, captor of Syracuse, 400
西塞罗的客户，123
client of Cicero, 123
奥古斯都的继承人，79，154
heir of Augustus, 79, 154
《哈姆雷特》，624。
in Hamlet, 624.
马库斯·奥勒留，5、400、465、555。
Marcus Aurelius, 5, 400, 465, 555.
马尔菲萨，607。
Marfisa, 607.
玛格丽特（=格雷琴），387，669。
Margaret (= Gretchen), 387, 669.
Margites，336，343。
Margites, 336, 343.
玛丽·安托瓦内特，176，392。
Marie-Antoinette, 176, 392.
玛丽·特蕾莎王后，330。
Marie-Thérèse, Queen, 330.
马里尼，阿多尼斯，541，611。
Marini, Adonis, 541, 611.
民主派马吕斯 (Marius)，672，700。
Marius the democrat, 672, 700.
伊壁鸠鲁派马略 (464–5、516)。
Marius the Epicurean, 464–5, 516.
马克·安东尼，152、197–8、211、212–13、245、442、621。
Mark Antony, 152, 197–8, 211, 212–13, 245, 442, 621.
野兽的印记，484。
mark of the beast, the, 484.
马尔伯勒学院，492。
Marlborough College, 492.
马洛，克里斯托弗，《古典知识》，199，215。
Marlowe, Christopher, knowledge of the classics, 199, 215.
—作品，《热情的牧羊人对他的爱》，172，613
—works, The Passionate Shepherd to His Love, 172, 613
一般情况下，129，180，260
plays generally, 129, 180, 260
tr. Lucan 1，116
tr. Lucan 1, 116
译：奥维德的《爱》，125。
tr. Ovid’s Loves, 125.
克莱门特·马罗，69、116、124、125、171、233、247、635。
Marot, Clément, 69, 116, 124, 125, 171, 233, 247, 635.
Marquand，JP，《已故的乔治·阿普利》，513，698。
Marquand, J. P., The Late George Apley, 513, 698.
火星，195，605，606。
Mars, 195, 605, 606.
元帅，拿破仑的，522。
marshals, Napoleon’s, 522.
马斯顿，约翰，《恶行之祸》，311。
Marston, John, Scourge of Villainy, 311.
马夏尔, 306, 316, 382, 557
Martial, 306, 316, 382, 557
模仿和阅读，189，191，306，382，629，642，667
imitated and read, 189, 191, 306, 382, 629, 642, 667
译文，125。
translated, 125.
马提亚努斯·卡佩拉（Martianus Capella），《语言学与水星的联姻》，570。
Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, 570.
马丁，让，171。
Martin, Jean, 171.
殉道者山（蒙马特），439。
Martyrs’ Mount (= Montmartre), 439.
马鲁勒斯，234。
Marullus, 234.
马维尔，安德鲁，《克伦威尔从爱尔兰归来时》，248。
Marvell, Andrew, Upon Cromwell’s Return from Ireland, 248.
马克思，卡尔，《资本论》，106。
Marx, Karl, Capital, 106.
抹大拉的玛利亚，279，（454）。
Mary Magdalen, 279, (454).
苏格兰玛丽女王，425。
Mary Queen of Scots, 425.
圣母玛利亚，43、57、69、91、330、363、365、579、581、608。
Mary the Virgin, 43, 57, 69, 91, 330, 363, 365, 579, 581, 608.
马斯卡尼，乡村骑士精神（Cavalleria Rusticand），175。
Mascagni, Rustic Chivalry (Cavalleria Rusticand), 175.
假面剧，139，171，175。
masques, 139, 171, 175.
弥撒，3，40
Mass, 3, 40
弥撒书，558
mass-books, 558
巴赫弥撒曲，335。
Bach Masses, 335.
大规模生产，257，470。
mass-production, 257, 470 .
唯物主义，377、432–4、436、437–40、444、449、453、467、500、514、533、543、547、552、676。
materialism, 377, 432–4, 436, 437–40, 444, 449, 453, 467, 500, 514, 533, 543, 547, 552, 676.
数学，407，573。
mathematics, 407, 573.
马太，参见圣马太。
Matthew, see St. Matthew.
梅，T.，116。
May, T., 116.
玛雅人，694。
Mayas, 694.
梅纳德，280。
Maynard, 280.
美狄亚，206，373，527，702。
Medea, 206, 373, 527, 702.
美第奇家族，118，284
Medici family, 118, 284
凯瑟琳·德，133
Catherine de’, 133
科西莫·德，17
Cosimo de’, 17
洛伦索·德, 17, 105, 178, 425
Lorenzo de’, 17, 105, 178, 425
金星，415，677。
the Venus, 415, 677.
医学，1，265，282，459，490-1
medicine, 1, 265, 282, 459, 490–1
希腊和现代，45，180-2，264-5，552
Greek and modern, 45, 180–2, 264–5, 552
文艺复兴，180-1。
Renaissance, 180–1.
中世纪，参见中世纪。
medieval, see Middle Ages.
地中海地区, 27, 73, 164, 366, 378, 388, 413
Mediterranean area, 27, 73, 164, 366, 378, 388, 413
文明，371，478-9
civilization, 371, 478–9
海，337，378，423，521，545。
Sea, 337, 378, 423, 521, 545.
梅德温，419，421，678。
Medwin, 419, 421, 678.
Meigret，117，123。
Meigret, 117, 123.
忧郁，179，325–6，427。
melancholy, 179, 325–6, 427.
梅兰希顿，587。
Melanchthon, 587.
墨利埃革罗，458。
Meleager, 458.
梅利克诗，627。
melic poetry, 627.
情节剧，504，598。
melodrama, 504, 598.
Memmius，328，655。
Memmius, 328, 655.
门农，23，236。
Memnon, 23, 236.
Menage，《词源词典》，646。
Menage, Dictionnaire Étymologique, 646.
米南德，131，192。
Menander, 131, 192.
Menard，Louis，363，456–7，522，688，701。
Menard, Louis, 363, 456–7, 522, 688, 701.
—作品，《欧福里翁》，688
—works, Euphorion, 688
希腊多神教，456，522
Hellenic Polytheism, 456, 522
普罗米修斯的奉献，688。
Prométhée délivré, 688.
墨涅拉俄斯，151，387。
Menelaus, 151, 387.
梅尼普讽刺作品，参见讽刺作品。
Menippean satires, see satire.
梅尼普讽刺，（La Satyre Ménippée），311。
Menippean Satire, The (La Satyre Ménippée), 311.
梅尼普斯，41，303，615。
Menippus, 41, 303, 615.
导师，338，657。
Mentor, 338, 657.
梅菲斯托菲勒斯，386，（390）。
Mephistopheles, 386, (390).
麦西亚方言，47。
Mercian dialect, 47.
梅西耶（Mercier），塞巴斯蒂安（Sébastien），683。
Mercier, Sébastien, 683.
水星，149，195，336，605-6，626。
Mercury, 149, 195, 336, 605–6, 626.
梅雷迪斯，乔治，《星光下的路西法》（44）。
Meredith, George, Lucifer in Starlight, (44).
弗朗西斯·梅雷斯，帕拉迪斯·塔米亚，203。
Meres, Francis, Palladis Tamia, 203.
梅里美，普洛斯珀，卡门，459。
Mérimée, Prosper, Carmen, 459.
梅林，153。
Merlin, 153.
梅洛普，451。
Merope, 451.
Merrygreek，马太福音，138，600。
Merrygreek, Matthew, 138, 600.
戏剧中的信使，137，599。
messengers in drama, 137, 599.
弥赛亚，载于Spitteler，529。
Messiah, in Spitteler, 529.
弥赛亚著作，73,75
Messianic writings, 73, 75
参见维吉尔的《布科利克诗》，第 4 段。
and see Vergil, Bucolics, 4.
弥赛西多尔，396。
Messidor, 396.
墨西拿，618。
Messina, 618.
金属，发现，522
metal, discovery of, 522
参见 527。
cf. 527.
《变形记》，96。
‘Metamorphoseos’, 96.
《变形记》，参见奥维德。
Metamorphoses, see Ovid.
变态描述，604–5。
metamorphosis described, 604–5.
梅塔斯塔西奥，290、293、295、297、425、670。
Metastasio, 290, 293, 295, 297, 425, 670.
—盎格鲁-撒克逊人，29，33，562
—Anglo-Saxon, 29, 33, 562
英语, 33, 131, 137, 300, 598
English, 33, 131, 137, 300, 598
法语，144，300，405，673
French, 144, 300, 405, 673
希腊文，131
Greek, 131
意大利语, 112, 115, 131, 136
Italian, 112, 115, 131, 136
拉丁语，33，37，112，131，591
Latin, 33, 37, 112, 131, 591
普罗旺斯，76，90
Provencal, 76, 90
浪漫，33
Romance, 33
西班牙语，244。
Spanish, 244.
—荷马，49、480-1、486、488、562
—Homer, 49, 480–1, 486, 488, 562
贺拉斯，225，246，378
Horace, 225, 246, 378
品达，222–4，225，251
Pindar, 222–4, 225, 251
塞内加，134，591，598。
Seneca, 134, 591, 598.
—Alcaic，225，247–8，628
—Alcaic, 225, 247–8, 628
无韵诗，112，115，131，136–7，146–7，309，311，425，429，487。598
blank verse, 112, 115, 131, 136–7, 146–7, 309, 311, 425, 429, 487. 598
歌曲，634
canción, 634
坎佐尼, 236–7, 245, 433, 629
canzoni, 236–7, 245, 433, 629
古典和现代语言中，246、381-2、443、635、667-8。
classical, in modern languages, 246, 381–2, 443, 635, 667–8.
—对句，220、225、235。
—couplets, 220, 225, 235.
——亚历山大，56、137、317、529、604
— —Alexandrine, 56, 137, 317, 529, 604
十音节法语，115，137，144，601
decasyllabic French, 115, 137, 144, 601
挽歌，316，380–2，700
elegiac, 316, 380–2, 700
“十四人”，205
‘fourteeners’, 205
英雄（停止），33，115，300–1，316–17
heroic (stopped), 33, 115, 300–1, 316–17
八音节，49，60，62，137。
octosyllabic, 49, 60, 62, 137.
—戏剧性的，131，134，208
—dramatic, 131, 134, 208
自由诗，239–40，251，254，700
free verse, 239–40, 251, 254, 700
十一音节，686
hendeca-syllables, 686
六音步、49、97、112、116、246、303、316、375、381–2、404、480、485–7、667–8、672
hexameter, 49, 97, 112, 116, 246, 303, 316, 375, 381–2, 404, 480, 485–7, 667–8, 672
抑扬格三音步, 112, 131, 591
iambic trimeter, 112, 131, 591
'七弦琴', 244
‘lyre’, 244
抒情, 131, 136, 137, 230, 246, 249, 538, 598, 628, 633
lyric, 131, 136, 137, 230, 246, 249, 538, 598, 628, 633
马德里加尔，239
madrigal, 239
奥塔瓦里马, 90, 124, 136, 230, 598, 602–3
ottava rima, 90, 124, 136, 230, 598, 602–3
萨福克, 225, 246–7, 249, 638
Sapphic, 225, 246–7, 249, 638
十四行诗，223
sonnet, 223
节，115、220、222–5、230、234–8、250–2、378
stanzas, 115, 220, 222–5, 230, 234–8, 250–2, 378
泰尔齐尼，76，87，598
terzini, 76, 87, 598
悲剧，131，300–1，538。
tragic, 131, 300–1, 538.
让·德·默恩，62–9、313、571、581。
Meun, Jean de, 62–9, 313, 571, 581.
迈耶，爱德华，《古代世界史》，478。
Meyer, Eduard, History of the Ancient World, 478.
米迦勒，大天使，148–9，153。
Michael, archangel, 148–9, 153.
米歇尔，纪尧姆，125。
Michel, Guillaume, 125.
米开朗基罗，428。
Michelangelo, 428.
米西勒斯，118。
Micyllus, 118.
迈达斯，546。
Midas, 546.
中世纪：艺术，21，31，67，71，128，291
MIDDLE AGES: art, 21, 31, 67, 71, 128, 291
古典知识与教育，viii，11-14，20，45，48，53-7，57-69，80，81，84-5，91-2，95，105，106-11，126，184，230，244，255，292，305-6，546，552，554，555，558，569，570，571，576，577-8，582-3，601，634
classical knowledge and education, viii, 11–14, 20, 45, 48, 53–7, 57–69, 80, 81, 84–5, 91–2, 95, 105, 106–11, 126, 184, 230, 244, 255, 292, 305–6, 546, 552, 554, 555, 558, 569, 570, 571, 576, 577–8, 582–3, 601, 634
民间传说，55–7、148、182、196–7、358、455、576
folk-lore, 55–7, 148, 182, 196–7, 358, 455, 576
语言，参见欧洲语言
languages, see languages, European
文献，12–13、19、31、47、48–103、105、126、127、128、130、144、145、150、182、184、196、219–20、305–6、309–10、315、355、358、390、438、446、533、541、546、552、571、577–8、601
literature, 12–13, 19, 31, 47, 48–103, 105, 126, 127, 128, 130, 144, 145, 150, 182, 184, 196, 219–20, 305–6, 309–10, 315, 355, 358, 390, 438, 446, 533, 541, 546, 552, 571, 577–8, 601
哲学，11–12，21，43，48，55，57，58，62–4，66，70，361，45 522，542，546，552，560，571，578–9，669，682
philosophy, 11–12, 21, 43, 48, 55, 57, 58, 62–4, 66, 70, 361, 45 522, 542, 546, 552, 560, 571, 578–9, 669, 682
政治史，48、57、93-4、194、265、355-6、358、44 686-7
political history, 48, 57, 93–4, 194, 265, 355–6, 358, 44 686–7
宗教, 11, 21, 31–2, 43, 48, 53, 66, 81, 92–3, 150, 292, 364–5, 455, 542, 560, 601, 682, 687
religion, 11, 21, 31–2, 43, 48, 53, 66, 81, 92–3, 150, 292, 364–5, 455, 542, 560, 601, 682, 687
社会和道德理想，12、14、31、43、48-9、53、57-8、62-3、64、66、81、92-3、127、147、183、310、355-6、361、384、438、448、578-9、687。
social and moral ideals, 12, 14, 31, 43, 48–9, 53, 57–8, 62–3, 64, 66, 81, 92–3, 127, 147, 183, 310, 355–6, 361, 384, 438, 448, 578–9, 687.
中产阶级，180，226，340-1，390，425，444-5，461。
middle class, 180, 226, 340–1, 390, 425, 444–5, 461.
米尼翁，365。
Mignon, 365.
米兰，5，129，680。
Milan, 5, 129, 680.
军国主义，534。
militarism, 534.
弥尔顿，约翰，性格，思想，对文学的态度，29，83，94，110，126，196，200，294，311，408–9，447，521，604，641
Milton, John, character, ideas, attitude to literature, 29, 83, 94, 110, 126 196, 200, 294, 311, 408–9, 447, 521 604, 641
同时代人，278，368
contemporaries, 278, 368
古典文学知识与运用，85、124、156-7、200、215、228、232、263、279、294-5、420、485、518、549、595、605、609-11、621、63 636
knowledge and use of classical literature, 85, 124, 156–7, 200, 215, 228, 232, 263, 279, 294–5, 420, 485, 518, 549, 595, 605, 609–11, 621, 63 636
后来的影响和声誉，241、249、284–5、358、400、404–5、408、410、418、518、621、645、677 风格，32、158–61、200、249、32 408–9、485、609–11。
later influence and reputation, 241, 249, 284–5, 358, 400, 404–5, 408, 410, 418, 518, 621, 645, 677 style, 32, 158–61, 200, 249, 32 408–9, 485, 609–11.
——作品，《Areopagitica》，126, 295
—works, Areopagitica, 126, 295
庄严的音乐，240，633
At a Solemn Music, 240, 633
科特努139, 175
Cotnu 139, 175
第二卷《思想家》 172–3、613
II Penseroso, 172–3, 613
《快乐》 172–3、611、613
L’Allegro, 172–3, 611, 613
拉丁文著作, 3, 446, 641, Naturam non pati senium , 641
Latin writings, 3, 446, 641, Naturam non pati senium, 641
利西达斯, 173–4, 418, 420, 705
Lycidas, 173–4, 418, 420, 705
基督诞生的早晨，237–8，239
On the Morning of Christ’s Nativity, 237–8, 239
准时, 633
On Time, 633
失乐园，104，146–7，149–53，155–6，159–60，263，279，284–5，293，294，314，345，358，418，421，604，606，636，701
Paradise Lost, 104, 146–7, 149–53, 155–6, 159–60, 263, 279, 284–5, 293, 294, 314, 345, 358, 418, 421, 604, 606, 636, 701
《复乐园》 71、146–7、150–1、159、263、521
Paradise Regained, 71, 146–7, 150–1, 159, 263, 521
参孙激动剂, 293, 294–5, 418, 648, 687
Samson Agonistes, 293, 294–5, 418, 648, 687
十四行诗，249，636
sonnets, 249, 636
tr.Horace，124，249，636。
tr. Horace, 124, 249, 636.
哑剧，445。
mimes, 445.
密涅瓦，638，参见雅典娜。
Minerva, 638, and see Athene.
米诺斯文字，576。
Minoan script, 576.
米诺斯，78，99，510，586。
Minos, 78, 99, 510, 586.
吟游诗人，48，385，578。
minstrels, 48, 385, 578.
Minturno，《诗意艺术》，619。
Minturno, Arte Poetica, 619.
米努修斯·菲利克斯，奥克陶乌斯，559。
Minucius Felix, Octauius, 559.
奇迹剧，130。
miracle-plays, 130.
奇迹，524，574-55。
miracles, 524, 574–5.
厌女症，66，68-9，582-3。
misogyny, 66, 68–9, 582–3.
爱尔兰传教士 38
missions, Irish, 38
罗马天主教，36–7、39、40、568。
Roman Catholic, 36–7, 39, 40, 568.
误译，96–7、118、558、626–7、692、700。
mistranslations, 96–7, 118, 558, 626–7, 692, 700.
米特里达梯（306–7）。
Mithridates, 306–7.
记忆女神，471。
Mnemosyne, 471.
模仿英雄文学，参见戏仿。摩德纳，270。
mock-heroic literature, see parody. Modena, 270.
莫哈奇战场，战役，259。
Mohacs field, battle of, 259.
伊斯兰教，269，352，448，603。
Mohammedanism, 269, 352, 448, 603.
莫希干方言，400。
Mohican dialect, 400.
让-巴蒂斯特·莫里哀（Poquelin），教育，277, 292, 543。
Moliére, Jean-Baptiste (Poquelin), education, 277, 292, 543.
—作品，128、137、178、280、290、297、312、318、704
—works, 128, 137, 178, 280, 290, 297, 312, 318, 704
作为古典艺术和民族艺术的综合体，128、232、276-7、302、318
as a synthesis of classical and national art, 128, 232, 276–7, 302, 318
拉瓦雷, 704
L’Avare, 704
《厌世者》 276–7，644
The Misanthrope, 276–7, 644
伪君子，704
Tartuffe, 704
译：卢克莱修，277。
tr. Lucretius, 277.
莫利内特，69岁。
Molinet, 69.
蒙森，西奥多，事业和思想，474–7. 555, 672, 690, 691
Mommsen, Theodor, career and ideas, 474–7. 555, 672, 690, 691
引自，27，498，669–70。
quoted, 27, 498, 669–70.
——作品，拉丁铭文语料库，469, 474
—works, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 469, 474
罗马文化史，（474）
Geschichte des römischen Munsicesens, (474)
罗马宪法 (Römisches Staatsrecht) , 474, 476, 672, 691
Roman Constitutional Law (Römisches Staatsrecht), 474, 476, 672, 691
罗马历史，474，669–70，691
Roman History, 474, 669–70, 691
罗马刑法，（474）。
Rōmisches Strafrecht, (474).
君主，克莱门特，647。
Monarch, the Clement, 647.
君主大帝，289
Monarch, the Grand, 289
并参见路易十四。
and see Louis XIV.
君主制时代，255，356
monarchies, the age of, 255, 356
并看到巴洛克风格。
and see baroque.
君主制，123、195、242、298、321、338、356、391、392-3、400、425、456、476、647、672、681。
monarchy, 123, 195, 242, 298, 321, 338, 356, 391, 392–3, 400, 425, 456, 476, 647, 672, 681.
修道会与僧侣，8、11、90-2、105、181-2、305、352、435、455、456、461、472、496、571、590、615。
monastic orders and monks, 8, 11, 90–2, 105, 181–2, 305, 352, 435, 455, 456, 461, 472, 496, 571, 590, 615.
蒙多，125。
Mondot, 125.
莫奈，克劳德，502，503–4，518；
Monet, Claude, 502, 503–4, 518;
鲁昂大教堂，504。
Cathedral of Rouen, 504.
僧人，109。
monk, 109.
僧侣，参见修道会。独白，102、381、503、504、507–9。
monks, see monastic orders. monologues, 102, 381, 503, 504, 507–9.
单节诗，222，631。
monostrophic poems, 222, 631.
一神论，44，456，573。
monotheism, 44, 456, 573.
蒙田、米歇尔·德·莎士比亚，617、622
Montaigne, Michel de, and Shakespeare, 617, 622
性格、哲学和心理观，83、181、186-7、190、312、315、352、641
character, philosophy, and psychological outlook, 83, 181, 186–7, 190, 312, 315, 352, 641
古典教育与知识，117、126、135、185–93、210、360、394、543、596、616–17、622、671、699–700
education and knowledge of the classics, 117, 126, 135, 185–93, 210, 360, 394, 543, 596, 616–17, 622, 671, 699–700
声誉和影响力，185，279，368，394，424
reputation and influence, 185, 279, 368, 394, 424
风格，190–2，325。
style, 190–2, 325.
—作品，论文集，181，187–93，616–17
—works, Essays generally, 181, 187–93, 616–17
论孤独，617
De la solitude, 617
《论食人族》，193。
On the Cannibals, 193.
蒙托西耶伯爵，639。
Montausier, Comte de, 639.
蒙特卡西诺，91–2。
Monte Cassino, 91–2.
豪尔赫·德·蒙特马约尔, 168, 172
Montemayor, Jorge de, 168, 172
黛安娜，168，169，172。
Diana, 168, 169, 172.
蒙特斯潘夫人，289，320。
Montespan, Mme de, 289, 320.
孟德斯鸠，Secondat de，古典教育与知识，543，671
Montesquieu, Secondat de, education and knowledge of the classics, 543, 671
声誉和影响力，424，426
reputation and influence, 424, 426
风格，345–6。
style, 345–6.
—作品，《关于罗马人伟大与衰落原因的思考》，345–6，349，659
—works, Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and of Their Decadence, 345–6, 349, 659
《论法律的精神》，345，671，680
On the Spirit of the Laws, 345, 671, 680
波斯文信件，339，345。
Persian Letters, 339, 345.
克劳迪奥·蒙特威尔第，142，290
Monteverdi, Claudio, 142, 290
奥菲斯，142。
Orpheus, 142.
蒙福尔拉莫里，396。
Montfort-l’Amaury, 396.
亨利·蒙瑟兰特（Henry de Montherlant），58 岁。
Montherlant, Henry de, 58.
蒙蒂，文森佐，427。
Monti, Vincenzo, 427.
蒙蒂塞洛，401。
Monticello, 401.
蒙马特，439。
Montmartre, 439.
蒙帕纳斯，439。
Montparnasse, 439.
蒙彼利埃大学，11，180。
Montpellier University, 11, 180.
月亮，在诗歌中，430、441–2、450、502–3、676
moon, in poetry, 430, 441–2, 450, 502–3, 676
航行至，304–5。
voyage to, 304–5.
Moore，E.，《但丁研究》，77，79–80，585–6，599。
Moore, E., Studies in Dante, 77, 79–80, 585–6, 599.
道德与艺术，包括文学，21、32、42-5、62、69、124、249、320、328、338-9、361、370、391、409-11、426-7、444-6、685。
morality and the arts, including literature, 21, 32, 42–5, 62, 69, 124, 249, 320, 328, 338–9, 361, 370, 391, 409–11, 426–7, 444–6, 685.
道德剧，134，232。
morality-plays, 134, 232.
莫尔爵士，托马斯，《乌托邦》，185。
More, Sir Thomas, Utopia, 185.
摩门教，268。
Mormonism, 268.
Mornay，Philippe de，118。
Mornay, Philippe de, 118.
莫菲斯，604。
Morpheus, 604.
莫里斯，威廉，489。
Morris, William, 489.
麝香，430，603
Moschus, 430, 603
并 参见Bion，哀悼.
and see Bion, Lament for.
莫斯科，561。
Moscow, 561.
摩西，394。
Moses, 394.
穆斯林，573
Moslems, 573
参见伊斯兰教。
and see Mohammedanism.
穆乔尔，274。
mouchoir, 274.
山地派对，402。
Mountain party, 402.
山脉，378、408、413、423、439、443、459、486、527-8、530-1、607、633。
mountains, 378, 408, 413, 423, 439, 443, 459, 486, 527–8, 530–1, 607, 633.
穆索尔斯基，莫德斯特，鲍里斯·戈东诺夫，130。
Moussorgsky, Modest, Boris Godunov, 130.
运动图像，130、143、256、386、545、598。
moving pictures, 130, 143, 256, 386, 545, 598.
Moyle，JB，《罗马政府宪法论》，351。
Moyle, J. B., Essay on the Constitution of the Roman Government, 351.
莫扎特，670，702。
Mozart, 670, 702.
——作品，《后宫的环境》，647
—works, Die Entfuhrung aus dem Serail, 647
唐璜, 141, (368), 664
Don Giovanni, 141, (368), 664
铁托的仁慈，647
La clemenza di Tito, 647
费加罗的婚礼，664。
Le nozze di Figaro, 664.
穆尔塞伯 (Vulcan), 600, 605, 701。
Mulciber (Vulcan), 600, 605, 701.
Müller，Max，522。
Müller, Max, 522.
穆里根，巴克，506，696。
Mulligan, Buck, 506, 696.
慕尼黑，130，368
Munich, 130, 368
该协议，39.
the agreement, 39.
戏剧中的谋杀案，133，137，198，209，376，623，703
murder in drama, 133, 137, 198, 209, 376, 623, 703
在诗歌中，448。
in poetry, 448.
马克·安托万·穆雷，187、235–6、616、624、635。
Muret, Marc-Antoine, 187, 235–6, 616, 624, 635.
Murner，T.，115。
Murner, T., 115.
默里，吉尔伯特，489，490。
Murray, Gilbert, 489, 490.
缪斯，65、96、130、155–6、163、234、236、250、254、263、275、404、428、429、439、443、542、582、595、632、633、643、652、670。
Muses, 65, 96, 130, 155–6, 163, 234, 236, 250, 254, 263, 275, 404, 428, 429, 439, 443, 542, 582, 595, 632, 633, 643, 652, 670.
博物馆，英国，342，413。
Museum, British, 342, 413.
音乐和戏剧，130、139、141–2、236、256、297、392、532、542
music, and drama, 130, 139, 141–2, 236, 256, 297, 392, 532, 542
和抒情诗，48、219、220-1、225-7、240-1、246、254、364
and lyric poetry, 48, 219, 220–1, 225–7, 240–1, 246, 254, 364
和神话，535，677
and myth, 535, 677
和民族主义，275，435
and nationalism, 275, 435
和田园诗，139、162-3、166、175-7、611-12
and pastoral poetry, 139, 162–3, 166, 175–7, 611–12
和浪漫的爱情，57–8
and romantic love, 57–8
巴洛克音乐，161、175、240–1、246、290–1、296、368–9、392、647、654
baroque music, 161, 175, 240–1, 246, 290–1, 296, 368–9, 392, 647, 654
波爱修斯，570，592
Boethius on, 570, 592
与一般文献相比，140、159、161、173、296-7、327、331、445、502、519、530-1、587
compared with literature generally, 140, 159, 161, 173, 296–7, 327, 331, 445, 502, 519, 530–1, 587
希腊文和希伯来文，263
Greek and Hebrew, 263
希腊和现代，1,280
Greek and modern, 1, 280
文艺复兴时期，21
in the Renaissance, 21
意大利语，240，297，366，368。
Italian, 240, 297, 366, 368.
音乐喜剧，130，256。
musical comedy, 130, 256.
穆萨托，阿尔贝蒂诺，埃切里尼斯，134–5, 599。
Mussato, Albertino, Eccerinis, 134–5, 599.
墨索里尼，268，527。
Mussolini, 268, 527.
迈锡尼，468。
Mycenae, 468.
Myers, Ernest，译《伊利亚特》，485。
Myers, Ernest, tr. Iliad, 485.
迈罗，430。
Myro, 430.
Myrrha，91，426。
Myrrha, 91, 426.
神秘剧，129，182，232，615。
mystery-plays, 129, 182, 232, 615.
神秘宗教，268
mystery religions, 268
神秘学，523，698。
the Mysteries, 523, 698.
神秘主义，337，445，518–19，529，531，579，701。
mysticism, 337, 445, 518–19, 529, 531, 579, 701.
神话（Spitteler著），529。
Myth (in Spitteler), 529.
神话手册，101，552，581，603。
mythological handbooks, 101, 552, 581, 603.
神话和传说，54、136、256、271、356-7、448、451、510、520-5、533、701-2
myths and legends, 54, 136, 256, 271, 356–7, 448, 451, 510, 520–5, 533, 701–2
巴比伦，698
Babylonian, 698
基督教，147，238，250，689
Christian, 147, 238, 250, 689
埃及人，32岁
Egyptian, 32
盖尔语或凯尔特语，22、26、27、204、518、698，参见亚瑟
Gaelic or Celtic, 22, 26, 27, 204, 518, 698, and see Arthur
希腊和罗马，10、20-1、32、41、47、53、62、67、78、94、102、104、131、147-8、150-1、161、173、195-7、199、203-4、207、218、230、232、234、236、238、241、244、251、264、271、292、293、356-7、359、363、371、376、380、414-15、416、426、433、442、449、451、 456、501–19、520–40、546、551、552、573、580–1、600、602、604、618、620、632、661、667、677、690
Greek and Roman, 10, 20–1, 32, 41, 47, 53, 62, 67, 78, 94, 102, 104, 131, 147–8, 150–1, 161, 173, 195–7, 199, 203–4, 207, 218, 230, 232, 234, 236, 238, 241, 244, 251, 264, 271, 292, 293, 356–7, 359, 363, 371, 376, 380, 414–15, 416, 426, 433, 442, 449, 451, 456, 501–19, 520–40, 546, 551, 552, 573, 580–1, 600, 602, 604, 618, 620, 632, 661, 667, 677, 690
印度教，448
Hindu, 448
冰岛人，22
Icelandic, 22
爱尔兰人，22岁
Irish, 22
中世纪，18，78，387
medieval, 18, 78, 387
挪威人，22，485
Norse, 22, 485
波斯语，485
Persian, 485
特洛伊，参见特洛伊
Trojan, see Troy
威尔士，22岁。
Welsh, 22.
纳维乌斯，《布匿战争》，563。
Naevius, Punic War, 563.
水仙花，174。
naiads, 174.
希腊和罗马名字，396–400，572。
names, Greek and Roman, 396–400, 572.
那慕尔，243，633。
Namur, 243, 633.
那不勒斯，56、88-9、125、167、681。
Naples, 56, 88–9, 125, 167, 681.
拿破仑一世，51，328，356，392，396，397，403，425，427-8，431，522，542，555，597。
Napoleon I, 51, 328, 356, 392, 396, 397, 403, 425, 427–8, 431, 522, 542, 555, 597.
拿破仑三世，406，461。
Napoleon III, 406, 461.
自恋，523。
narcissism, 523.
水仙，62、68、501、509、523–4、526、580–1。
Narcissus, 62, 68, 501, 509, 523–4, 526, 580–1.
纳什，托马斯，198，619。
Nashe, Thomas, 198, 619.
那塔利斯来了，神话，603。
Natalis Comes, Mythologiae, 603.
国民警卫队，397。
National Guard, 397.
民族主义，9、13、40、48、82、105–6、195、232、275–6、292、409–10、427、431、435、472、477、478–9、546–7、551、554、644、662–3、669–70、692。
nationalism, 9, 13, 40, 48, 82, 105–6, 195, 232, 275–6, 292, 409–10, 427, 431, 435, 472, 477, 478–9, 546–7, 551, 554, 644, 662–3, 669–70, 692.
文学中的自然主义，276-7。
naturalism in literature, 276–7.
自然、钦佩和热爱，162–77、198、358、363–6、408–12、436、439
Nature, admiration and love for, 162–77, 198, 358, 363–6, 408–12, 436, 439
残酷，432-3
cruelty of, 432–3
描述和图像，152，241，410，485–6，507，530–1，564
descriptions and images of, 152, 241, 410, 485–6, 507, 530–1, 564
统治，265
domination over, 265
持久性，269
permanence of, 269
过程，520，522–3，678
processes of, 520, 522–3, 678
精神，152、162–3、169、173–4、241、377–8、436–7、456、676、681。
spirits of, 152, 162–3, 169, 173–4, 241, 377–8, 436–7, 456, 676, 681.
灵魂中的自然，375，392，533。
Nature in the soul, 375, 392, 533.
《风之谷》，272–3、374、487、505、(512)、698。
Nausicaa, 272–3, 374, 487, 505, (512), 698.
纳瓦霍方言，13。
Navaho dialect, 13.
纳克索斯，536–7。
Naxos, 536–7.
那不勒斯人及其方言，13，135
Neapolitans and their dialect, 13, 135
参见那不勒斯。黑人，155、165、358、405。
and see Naples. negroes, 155, 165, 358, 405.
涅梅西安，167。
Nemesianus, 167.
涅墨西斯和涅梅西奥，536, 605。
Nemesis and Nemesio, 536, 605.
新词，319，330。
neologisms, 319, 330.
新柏拉图主义，44、58、430、432、456、570、579、600、675–6、701。
Neoplatonism, 44, 58, 430, 432, 456, 570, 579, 600, 675–6, 701.
尼波斯，科尼利厄斯，51，190。
Nepos, Cornelius, 51, 190.
海王星，206，209，521。
Neptune, 206, 209, 521.
海仙女，152，212-13。
Nereids, 152, 212–13.
涅柔斯，245。
Nereus, 245.
尼禄，131、207、273、304、403、451、463、537、548、598、643、649。
Nero, 131, 207, 273, 304, 403, 451, 463, 537, 548, 598, 643, 649.
内斯特，128，273。
Nestor, 128, 273.
Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, 471.
神经症，178，523。
neuroses, 178, 523.
新英格兰，526。
New England, 526.
新奥尔良，13，459。
New Orleans, 13, 459.
新约，5，28，31，345，385，558。
New Testament, 5, 28, 31, 345, 385, 558.
纽约市，130，491，（512），702
New York City, 130, 491, (512), 702
州，400。
State, 400.
Newman，FW，译《伊利亚特》，479–83，490，692
Newman, F. W., tr. Iliad, 479–83, 490, 692
回复，483。
Reply, 483.
报纸，393，400，461，545。
newspapers, 393, 400, 461, 545.
牛顿，艾萨克，3.
Newton, Isaac, 3.
牛顿，托马斯，119–20。
Newton, Thomas, 119–20.
尼坎德，Theriaca，631。
Nicander, Theriaca, 631.
尼科利，尼科洛，589。
Niccoli, Niccolò, 589.
尼古拉五世，教皇，17–18 岁。
Nicholas V, Pope, 17–18.
尼科尔斯，托马斯，117。
Nichols, Thomas, 117.
尼古拉斯·库萨努斯，599。
Nicolaus Cusanus, 599.
Nicoll，Allardyce，《剧院的发展》，129，139，598。
Nicoll, Allardyce, The Development of the Theatre, 129, 139, 598.
尼布尔、巴托尔德·格奥尔格和莱奥帕尔迪，430、690
Niebuhr, Barthold Georg, and Leopardi, 430, 690
思想，473–4，690
ideas, 473–4, 690
影响，448，464，473–4，477–8，669，690–1
influence, 448, 464, 473–4, 477–8, 669, 690–1
学习，467
learning, 467
方法，472–3，669
method, 472–3, 669
tr. Demosthenes，328，655。
tr. Demosthenes, 328, 655.
尼采、弗里德里希·威廉和福楼拜，461, 689
Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm, and Flaubert, 461, 689
Spitteler，529–31，703
and Spitteler, 529–31, 703
反犹太教，460
anti-Judaism, 460
职业生涯，389，459，688-9
career, 389, 459, 688–9
仇恨德国，366
hatred of Germany, 366
希腊之爱，459–60，462
love of Greece, 459–60, 462
错误引用，614
misquotation, 614
论狄俄尼索斯和阿波罗，388，459
on Dionysus and Apollo, 388, 459
异教，93，460-1
paganism, 93, 460–1
悲观主义，432，530。
pessimism, 432, 530.
夜莺，61，356–7，513–14，516–17，519，705。
nightingale, 61, 356–7, 513–14, 516–17, 519, 705.
尼金斯基，176。
Nijinsky, 176.
尼尔姆，401。
Nîlmes, 401.
尼姆罗德，78岁。
Nimrod, 78.
尼俄柏，78岁。
Niobe, 78.
Nisard，Désiré'，文学中心，683
Nisard, Désiré’, Centre la littérature facile, 683
颓废拉丁诗人，441。
Poètes latins de la décadence, 441.
恩贾拉，25岁。
Njála, 25.
能剧，130。
Nō plays, 130.
贵族（贵族，贵族），127、140、170、171、175、180、195、198、226、242、255、274、321、356、358、369、383、387、389、390、392、402、405、406、415、425、476、478、493、633、675、689。
noblemen (nobility, aristocracy), 127, 140, 170, 171, 175, 180, 195, 198, 226, 242, 255, 274, 321, 356, 358, 369, 383, 387, 389, 390, 392, 402, 405, 406, 415, 425, 476, 478, 493, 633, 675, 689.
141，
vóμos IIvθlkós, 141,
诺曼-法语，18，19，109-10。
Norman-French, 18, 19, 109–10.
诺曼人和诺曼征服，47，93，109–10，389。
Normans and the Norman Conquest, 47, 93, 109–10, 389.
诺斯，托马斯，普鲁塔克译，117、126、210、211–14、619、623–4。
North, Thomas, tr. Plutarch, 117, 126, 210, 211–14, 619, 623–4.
北方人，29，39，47，353，545，573。
Northmen, 29, 39, 47, 353, 545, 573.
诺森布里亚及其方言，37，47。
Northumbria and its dialects, 37, 47.
诺顿，Gorboduc，137。
Norton, Gorboduc, 137.
挪威，424，569
Norway, 424, 569
其文学，22。
its literature, 22.
Notker Labeo，22，571。
Notker Labeo, 22, 571.
巴黎圣母院，60，67，363。
Notre-Dame cathedral, 60, 67, 363.
小说：各种古典影响，90–1，335，337–8
novel: miscellaneous classical influences on, 90–1, 335, 337–8
其他例子，89–91、256、281、290、428、435、551、682
miscellaneous examples, 89–91, 256, 281, 290, 428, 435, 551, 682
关于基督教和异教，462-5。
on Christianity and paganism, 462–5.
—起源：人物素描，192
—origins: character-sketches, 192
论文，192
essays, 192
希腊的教育理念，336，339，341
Greek educational ideals, 336, 339, 341
希腊和罗马史诗，335、338、339、341、343–4、487
Greek and Roman epics, 335, 338, 339, 341, 343–4, 487
希腊传奇，170，335–8，339–40，341，343–4
Greek romances, 170, 335–8, 339–40, 341, 343–4
讽刺，308
satire, 308
当代生活的故事，89–91，169，340。
stories of contemporary life, 89–91, 169, 340.
—“现实的”，533–4、691、696；
—‘realistic’, 533–4, 691, 696;
“浪漫”，440，442。
‘romantic’, 440, 442.
新圣序，399。
novus ordo seclorum, 399.
努马，336，395。
Numa, 336, 395.
数字，神秘，524。
numbers, mystic, 524.
钱币学，474，691。
numismatics, 474, 691.
纳托尔，123。
Nuttall, 123.
若虫，21，86，139-40，153，162，163，165-8，176，356-7，416，442-3，456，507，541，697。
nymphs, 21, 86, 139–40, 153, 162, 163, 165–8, 176, 356–7, 416, 442–3, 456, 507, 541, 697.
Nythart，Hans，121。
Nythart, Hans, 121.
Oberon，196，（204）。
Oberon, 196, (204).
服从安德烈，《Le Violde Lucrèce》，704。
Obey, André’, Le Violde Lucrèce, 704.
奥布莱恩，贾斯汀，ix，704。
O’Brien, Justin, ix, 704.
淫秽，299、304–5、512、537、642。
obscenity, 299, 304–5, 512, 537, 642.
神秘主义，518。
occultism, 518.
奥恰科夫，328。
Ochakov, 328.
奥克塔维亚，131。
Octavia, 131.
屋大维，参见奥古斯都。
Octavian, see Augustus.
颂歌，古典形式，291，309，546
ode, classical form, 291, 309, 546
定义，239
definition, 239
名字的含义，219、221、230、233、236-7、240。
meaning of the name, 219, 221, 230, 233, 236–7, 240.
—类型：阿那克里翁文，221、228–9、233、235、247、430–1、632
—types: Anacreontic, 221, 228–9, 233, 235, 247, 430–1, 632
“希腊”，430–1
‘Greek’, 430–1
贺拉斯（Horatian），225–8，230，238–41，244–50，252–3，413，414，443，631，633，634–6，637，678，680
Horatian, 225–8, 230, 238–41, 244–50, 252–3, 413, 414, 443, 631, 633, 634–6, 637, 678, 680
品达里克，221–5，225–8，230–44，250–2，254，376–8，411–12，541，627–38
Pindaric, 221–5, 225–8, 230–44, 250–2, 254, 376–8, 411–12, 541, 627–38
从属类型，240-3、245。
subordinate types, 240–3, 245.
奥德莱特，632。
odelette, 632.
奥德修斯（尤利西斯），他的名字，400，696
Odysseus (Ulysses), his name, 400, 696
特洛伊，197，534，575，600，619
at Troy, 197, 534, 575, 600, 619
字符, 74, 273, 449, 524, 534, 575
character, 74, 273, 449, 524, 534, 575
诅咒，79
damnation, 79
谋杀，50，534
murder, 50, 534
宫殿，272
palace, 272
归来后与追求者的冲突，273，506，512-13
return and conflict with suitors, 273, 506, 512–13
儿子 Telegonus, 50, 53, 534
son Telegonus, 50, 53, 534
儿子 忒勒马科斯, 336–9, 506, 534
son Telemachus, 336–9, 506, 534
访问地狱，（vii），510，514。
visit to hell, (vii), 510, 514.
奥德修斯，流浪记，151、273、337、338、449、505–6、511–12、534、580、620
Odysseus, wanderings, 151, 273, 337, 338, 449, 505–6, 511–12, 534, 580, 620
喀耳刻，139，505，510，512
Circe, 139, 505, 510, 512
独眼巨人，153，273，505-6。
Cyclops, 153, 273, 505–6.
俄狄浦斯神话概述，第 7 卷，56，524–5，536
Oedipus, the myth in general, vii, 56, 524–5, 536
和狮身人面像，535–6、539–40
and the Sphinx, 535–6, 539–40
提瑞西阿斯（Tiresias），514–15
and Tiresias, 514–15
致盲, 373, 515, 525, 537, 539
blinding, 373, 515, 525, 537, 539
复杂，523-5
complex, 523–5
乱伦，426，523，539，704
incest, 426, 523, 539, 704
儿子，56，137，535，704。
sons, 56, 137, 535, 704.
奥诺内，450。
Oenone, 450.
Oeser，379。
Oeser, 379.
Og，315，318。
Og, 315, 318.
俄亥俄州，399-400。
Ohio, 399–400.
哦那里，41。
Ohthere, 41.
Oisin，26；参见Ossian。
Oisin, 26; and see Ossian.
旧约，26、28、29、31、32、37、46、112、149、345、385、558、594-5。
Old Testament, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 37, 46, 112, 149, 345, 385, 558, 594–5.
寡头，424，460；另见贵族。
oligarchs, 424, 460; and see nobility.
奥林匹克运动员，150-1、169、362、512、529-30、532、605、662；并参见异教徒的神。
Olympians, 150–1, 169, 362, 512, 529–30, 532, 605, 662; and see gods, pagan.
奥运会，233。
Olympic games, 233.
奥林匹克剧院，129。
Olympic Theatre, 129.
奥林匹斯山，529–30。
Olympus, Mount, 529–30.
预兆，538。
omens, 538.
奥尼尔，尤金，《哀悼变成厄勒克特拉》，526。
O’Neill, Eugene, Mourning becomes Electra, 526.
Onerio，149，605。
Onerio, 149, 605.
歌剧, 133, 140, 143
opera, 133, 140, 143
和希腊戏剧，128、133、135、139–40、141–2、236、392、542
and Greek drama, 128, 133, 135, 139–40, 141–2, 236, 392, 542
和悲剧，128、135、141-2、236、297、393、532、542
and tragedy, 128, 135, 141–2, 236, 297, 393, 532, 542
巴洛克风格，141–2、175、236、240–1、290、293、296–7、368、392
baroque, 141–2, 175, 236, 240–1, 290, 293, 296–7, 368, 392
英语，240，175-6
English, 240, 175–6
德语，58，141，368–9，542
German, 58, 141, 368–9, 542
意大利语, 58, 128, 133, 135, 366
Italian, 58, 128, 133, 135, 366
十九世纪，58，175，448，542
nineteenth-century, 58, 175, 448, 542
牧区，135，139–40，175–6
pastoral, 135, 139–40, 175–6
革命性的，175，392
revolutionary, 175, 392
神圣的，175
sacred, 175
二十世纪，175–6、532、699。
twentieth-century, 175–6, 532, 699.
歌剧院建筑，130，598。
Opera buildings, 130, 598.
奥菲莉亚，177，208，216。
Ophelia, 177, 208, 216.
Oppian，189。
Oppian, 189.
乐观，308，424。
optimism, 308, 424.
神谕，209，234。
oracles, 209, 234.
“口头诗歌”，564。
‘oral poetry’, 564.
清唱剧，顺序为，393。
Oratoire, order of the, 393.
清唱剧，241。
oratorio, 241.
演说，227
oratory, 227
希腊罗马，17，19，105，122–3，267，280–1，323–6，332–5，348，397–8，552，582
Greco-Roman, 17, 19, 105, 122–3, 267, 280–1, 323–6, 332–5, 348, 397–8, 552, 582
现代，基于希腊罗马，19–20 年、122 年、290–1 年、322–35 年、390 年、396 年、397–9 年、657 年
modern, based on Greco-Roman, 19–20, 122, 290–1, 322–35, 390, 396, 397–9, 657
现代的，不基于希腊罗马，267，280，332
modern, not based on Greco-Roman, 267, 280, 332
现代，拉丁语，12，122，657。
modern, in Latin, 12, 122, 657.
管弦乐，240–1、290、383、392。
orchestral music, 240–1, 290, 383, 392.
奥库斯，148，566。
Orcus, 148, 566.
妮可·奥雷斯梅，107、109、119、595。
Oresme, Nicole, 107, 109, 119, 595.
奥瑞斯忒斯，532，538，539。
Orestes, 532, 538, 539.
器官，296。
organ, 296.
东方主义，435，454，457，502–3，688；参见东方。
Orientalism, 435, 454, 457, 502–3, 688; and see East.
奥利金，640。
Origen, 640.
奥兰多，145。
Orlando, 145.
奥龙特斯，152。
Orontes, 152.
奥罗修斯，《反异教徒历史》，40–1、572、578。
Orosius, History against the Pagans, 40–1, 572, 578.
奥菲斯，135–6、139、174、357、402–3、452、511、535、580、586。
Orpheus, 135–6, 139, 174, 357, 402–3, 452, 511, 535, 580, 586.
奥菲斯教，77。
Orphism, 77.
奥特柳斯地图集，625。
Ortelius’ atlas, 625.
正统，326。
orthodoxy, 326.
奥西里斯，523。
Osiris, 523.
威廉·奥西尔爵士，论教育，490–1、494、694。
Osier, Sir William, on education, 490–1, 494, 694.
渗透，202，389，615。
osmosis, 202, 389, 615.
奥斯里克，195。
Osric, 195.
奥西安，26，350，356，375，435，668。
Ossian, 26, 350, 356, 375, 435, 668.
东哥特人，41，54，146，346，557。
Ostrogoths, 41, 54, 146, 346, 557.
奥赛罗，57，125，358，538，614。
Othello, 57, 125, 358, 538, 614.
我们的小镇（怀尔德），130。
Our Town (Wilder), 130.
奥维德和维吉尔，59、67、82、587
Ovid, and Vergil, 59, 67, 82, 587
事业、性格和流亡，59、98、199
career, character, and exile, 59, 98, 199
模仿和影响，55-6、57-62、63、65-7、156、167、186、189、203-7、214-15、240、316、380-1、393、400、402、511、514、551、579-81、582、620-2、650、667、673、675、699-700。
imitations and influence, 55–6, 57–62, 63, 65–7, 156, 167, 186, 189, 203–7, 214–15, 240, 316, 380–1, 393, 400, 402, 511, 514, 551, 579–81, 582, 620–2, 650, 667, 673, 675, 699–700.
—作品：《爱的艺术》， 59、60、62、65–6、99、205、581、667
—works: The Art of Love, 59, 60, 62, 65–6, 99, 205, 581, 667
爱情灵丹妙药，65，99
Cures for Love, 65, 99
法斯蒂, 99, 204, 581, 620
Fasti, 99, 204, 581, 620
希罗德斯, 62, 79, 98–9, 102, 125, 205–6, 433, 537, 580, 581, 592, 620, 621
Heroides, 62, 79, 98–9, 102, 125, 205–6, 433, 537, 580, 581, 592, 620, 621
喜欢, 60, 96, 125, 204, 636, 651
Loves, 60, 96, 125, 204, 636, 651
美狄亚59
Medea, 59
变形记，59–62、68、79、91、96、98、102、116、141、149、153、186、203–7、419、510–11、580–1、592、601、603、604–5、619–22、679、699–700
Metamorphoses, 59–62, 68, 79, 91, 96, 98, 102, 116, 141, 149, 153, 186, 203–7, 419, 510–11, 580–1, 592, 601, 603, 604–5, 619–22, 679, 699–700
Tristia（来自黑海的哀歌），125，435。
Tristia (Laments from the Black Sea), 125, 435.
奥维德的道德说教，62，69，124，522，581，597。
Ovid Moralized, 62, 69, 124, 522, 581, 597.
牛津古典文本，470，498。
Oxford Classical Texts, 470, 498.
牛津英语词典，469，646。
Oxford English Dictionary, 469, 646.
牛津大学，11，82，136，283，295，（327），341，344，363，418-19，490，494-5，518，639，656。
Oxford University, 11, 82, 136, 283, 295, (327), 341, 344, 363, 418–19, 490, 494–5, 518, 639, 656.
阿姆河，486。
Oxus, 486.
矛盾修饰法，165。
oxymoron, 165.
奥泽尔，315，652。
Ozell, 315, 652.
帕多瓦，95，134，618。
Padua, 95, 134, 618.
帕格尼尼，尼科洛，432。
Paganini, Niccolo, 432.
异教徒和异教，希腊罗马，40，70，72，263–4，353，449，453，455，456–7，462，464–5，547，575，640，676
pagans and paganism, Greco-Roman, 40, 70, 72, 263–4, 353, 449, 453, 455, 456–7, 462, 464–5, 547, 575, 640, 676
现代, 85, 88, 89–90, 91, 92–3, 169, 247–8, 354, 362–3, 377, 404, 429, 439, 449, 453, 455–62, 464, 547, 561, 589, 676, 680
modern, 85, 88, 89–90, 91, 92–3, 169, 247–8, 354, 362–3, 377, 404, 429, 439, 449, 453, 455–62, 464, 547, 561, 589, 676, 680
伊斯兰教，49，148–9，150，154，351，607
Mohammedan, 49, 148–9, 150, 154, 351, 607
其他，455
others, 455
参见野蛮人，野蛮人。盛会，宗教，601。
and see barbarians, savages. pageants, religious, 601.
paideia，395，410，552。
paideia, 395, 410, 552.
绘画, 227, 269, 280, 417, 493, 663
painting, 227, 269, 280, 417, 493, 663
巴洛克风格，176、269、290–1、513、614
baroque, 176, 269, 290–1, 513, 614
希腊罗马，373
Greco-Roman, 373
中世纪，10
medieval, 10
现代，176，448，502–4，518，531–2
modern, 176, 448, 502–4, 518, 531–2
东方，502–3
oriental, 502–3
文艺复兴，15，21，140，366。
Renaissance, 15, 21, 140, 366.
宫殿，290–1、366、368。
palaces, 290–1, 366, 368.
古文字学，（468–9），576。
palaeography, (468–9), 576.
帕拉米德斯，53，575。
Palamedes, 53, 575.
Paleario，Aonio，639。
Paleario, Aonio, 639.
巴勒斯坦，5、36、104、403、454、556；另参见犹地亚。
Palestine, 5, 36, 104, 403, 454, 556; and see Judea.
重写本，681。
palimpsest, 681.
帕拉迪奥，天使，605
Palladio, angel, 605
建筑师，129，366-7。
architect, 129, 366–7.
帕拉斯（Pallas），参见雅典娜（Athene）。
Pallas, see Athene.
帕梅拉，340–1，342，658。
Pamela, 340–1, 342, 658.
潘，139–40，152，163，169，171，174，450，521，611–12，697。
Pan, 139–40, 152, 163, 169, 171, 174, 450, 521, 611–12, 697.
帕奈提乌斯，665。
Panaetius, 665.
潘达罗斯 (Pandaros), 55, 100, 150, 195, 197, 577, 593。
Pandarus (Pandaros), 55, 100, 150, 195, 197, 577, 593.
混乱，150，152，605，606，701。
Pandemonium, 150, 152, 605, 606, 701.
潘多拉，528。
Pandora, 528.
面包和马戏，306。
panem et circenses, 306.
庞大固埃，功绩，182–3
Pantagruel, exploits, 182–3
与利穆赞学生的会面，108
meeting with the Limousin student, 108
姓名，182
name, 182
航行，57。
voyage, 57.
Panthagruel，182，615。
Panthagruel, 182, 615.
万神殿，401
Pantheon, 401
万神殿，397。
Pantheon, 397.
泛神论，389。
Pantisocracy, 389.
潘托普斯，401。
Pantops, 401.
Panurge，183，185，615。
Panurge, 183, 185, 615.
保罗和弗朗西斯卡，79 岁。
Paolo and Francesca, 79.
帕皮阿门托语，13。
Papiamento, 13.
纸莎草纸，52、468、517、556、660。
papyri, 52, 468, 517, 556, 660.
天堂，33，149，152，160，438，571。
Paradise, 33, 149, 152, 160, 438, 571.
悖论，304，323，411。
paradoxes, 304, 323, 411.
段落结构，19、102、323、325、332-4。
paragraph-structure, 19, 102, 323, 325, 332–4.
平行结构，202，328，399，657。
parallelisms, 202, 328, 399, 657.
寄生虫，138，600。
parasites, 138, 600.
Parca和Pargue，508。
Parca and Pargue, 508.
国家父母，672。
parens patriae, 672.
帕里尼，朱塞佩，428
Parini, Giuseppe, 428
《每日》 315–16，653
The Day, 315–16, 653
颂歌，315。
odes, 315.
巴黎市, 62, 82, 89, 129, 144, 152, 318, 320, 391, 396, 401, 439, 578, 648
Paris, city, 62, 82, 89, 129, 144, 152, 318, 320, 391, 396, 401, 439, 578, 648
歌剧，130
Opera, 130
大学，11，182，231，439，（644）。
University, 11, 182, 231, 439, (644).
特洛伊王子帕里斯，99、144、273、537、580、649、704。
Paris, prince of Troy, 99, 144, 273, 537, 580, 649, 704.
公园，296，369。
parks, 296, 369.
议会，116，328-9，492。
Parliament, 116, 328–9, 492.
当代帕纳斯，Le，439。
Parnasse contemporain, Le, 439.
帕纳索斯人，439–53、454、518、522、683、695、697。
Parnassians, 439–53, 454, 518, 522, 683, 695, 697.
帕纳索斯山，254，439–53，490。
Parnassus, 254, 439–53, 490.
戏仿和模仿英雄的写作，216，303，517
parody and mock-heroic writing, 216, 303, 517
史诗，270，277，281，285，307，309，314-15，320，342-3，600，646，651-2
of epic, 270, 277, 281, 285, 307, 309, 314–15, 320, 342–3, 600, 646, 651–2
希腊神话，414
of Greek mythology, 414
品达抒情诗，633，638
of Pindaric lyric, 633, 638
宗教仪式，303–4，308
of religious rites, 303–4, 308
爱情和英雄主义的浪漫故事，58，290，307，342-3，512，659
of romances of love and heroism, 58, 290, 307, 342–3, 512, 659
悲剧，504。
of tragedy, 504.
帕罗斯岛及其大理石，684。
Paros and its marble, 684.
帕尔斯，《爱奥尼亚古物》，370。
Pars, Antiquities of Ionia, 370.
帕提尼亚斯（Parthenias），584。
Parthenias, 584.
帕台农神庙，361，413，416，677。
Parthenon, 361, 413, 416, 677.
帕斯卡，布莱斯，261，281，325，326，641。
Pascal, Blaise, 261, 281, 325, 326, 641.
帕西法厄，527。
Pasiphae, 527.
牧师，173。
pastor, 173.
田园诗、戏剧和浪漫史的定义和起源，162-3
PASTORAL POETRY, DRAMA, and ROMANCE, definition and origin, 162–3
功能，165–6
function, 165–6
希腊罗马田园诗，86、162-3、244-5、280、309、534、611-13
Greco-Roman pastoral, 86, 162–3, 244–5, 280, 309, 534, 611–13
田园剧和歌剧，128、133、135、139–40、166、174–6、599、601、618–19
pastoral drama and opera, 128, 133, 135, 139–40, 166, 174–6, 599, 601, 618–19
牧区生活，162，166，176，612，614
pastoral life, 162, 166, 176, 612, 614
田园音乐与芭蕾，176–7，508
pastoral music and ballet, 176–7, 508
田园画，176–7
pastoral painting, 176–7
田园浪漫，166–70，337，612
pastoral romance, 166–70, 337, 612
田园歌曲，177，688。
pastoral songs, 177, 688.
田园诗，166，601，612。
pastourelles, 166, 601, 612.
沃尔特·佩特, 445, 446, 461, 525, 685
Pater, Walter, 445, 446, 461, 525, 685
马略·伊壁鸠鲁(464–5, 516)
Marius the Epicurean, 464–5, 516
文艺复兴史研究，445。
Studies in the History of the Renaissance, 445.
国父，399。
pater patriae, 399.
帕特诺，洛多维科，309。
Paterno, Lodovico, 309.
方言，参见方言。君士坦丁堡牧首，6。
patois, see dialects. patriarch of Constantinople, 6.
爱国主义，394–5、418、425、549、681。
patriotism, 394–5, 418, 425, 549, 681.
帕特洛克勒斯，23，320。
Patroclus, 23, 320.
赞助，309。
patronage, 309.
Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll，《真实百科全书》，498。
Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Real-Encyclopädie, 498.
保萨尼亚斯，184。
Pausanias, 184.
Paynell，T.，117。
Paynell, T., 117.
珍珠作为巴洛克风格的象征，289，359。
pearl as symbol of baroque, 289, 359.
农民，164、166、171、358、394、409、473-4、478。
peasants, 164, 166, 171, 358, 394, 409, 473–4, 478.
佩克斯尼夫先生，444。
Pecksniff, Mr., 444.
迂腐，见《书籍之战》，第 281 页、第 284 页至第 286 页、第 288 页
pedantry, in the Battle of the Books, 281, 284–6, 288
布朗宁，686
in Browning, 686
法语中，330，655-6
in the French language, 330, 655–6
弥尔顿，159–61
in Milton, 159–61
in Rabelais, 108, 178, 199, 595
莎士比亚笔下的人物，171，199，218
in Shakespeare’s characters, 171, 199, 218
教学和学术研究，407，481，490-2，494-6，693-4
in teaching and scholarship, 407, 481, 490–2, 494–6, 693–4
古典典故的使用，158，302，448。
in the use of classical allusions, 158, 302, 448.
皮尔，121。
Peele, 121.
飞马，316，604。
Pegasus, 316, 604.
帕拉杰，36。
Pelagius, 36.
佩莱蒂埃·杜芒 (Peletier du Mans)，雅克 (Jacques)，tr。贺拉斯, 125, 247
Peletier du Mans, Jacques, tr. Horace, 125, 247
tr.奥德赛，1–2，114。
tr. Odyssey, 1–2, 114.
伯罗奔尼撒，163。
Peloponnese, 163.
牛津大学彭布罗克学院，295。
Pembroke College, Oxford, 295.
佩内洛普，505，511，534，620。
Penelope, 505, 511, 534, 620.
彭忒西勒亚，155，607。
Penthesilea, 155, 607.
佩尔迪塔，195。
Perdita, 195.
JB 佩雷斯，拿破仑如何从未存在过，522。
Pérès, J. B., How Napoleon never existed, 522.
佩雷斯·德·奥利瓦，费尔南，120、134。
Perez de Oliva, Fernan, 120, 134.
Peri，141，601。
Peri, 141, 601.
期刊，471，685。
periodicals, 471, 685.
转折，459。
peripeteia, 459.
迂回句，234，404，632，643。
periphrases, 234, 404, 632, 643.
Perizonius，Animadversiones histaricae，690。
Perizonius, Animadversiones histaricae, 690.
佩罗，查尔斯，269、271–2、276–7、279–81、282、287、291、296、645
Perrault, Charles, 269, 271–2, 276–7, 279–81, 282, 287, 291, 296, 645
路易大帝时代，280
The Age of Louis the Great, 280
童话故事，276
fairy-tales, 276
特洛伊城墙，641
Les Murs de Troye, 641
古人与现代人的平行，271，280-1。
Parallel between the Ancients and the Moderns, 271, 280–1.
克劳德·佩罗，《特洛伊之谜》，641。
Perrault, Claude, Les Murs de Troye, 641.
皮埃尔·佩罗，tr。拉塞基亚拉皮塔，645。
Perrault, Pierre, tr. La secchia rapita, 645.
珀尔塞福涅，523。
Persephone, 523.
珀尔修斯，153。
Perseus, 153.
波斯和波斯人，137、371、397、423、431、455、548。
Persia and the Persians, 137, 371, 397, 423, 431, 455, 548.
珀尔修斯，版本，309、639、650
Persius, editions, 309, 639, 650
影响与模仿，84，189，216，309，310-11，315，603，650
influence and imitations, 84, 189, 216, 309, 310–11, 315, 603, 650
翻译，125
translations, 125
工作与风格，303，311，319。
work and style, 303, 311, 319.
拟人化，63-4、149、376、432、573、637。
personifications, 63–4, 149, 376, 432, 573, 637.
视角，阶段，129；或参见历史视角。
perspective, stage, 129; or see historical perspective.
悲观主义，207-8、316、424、431-2、486、530、682、703。
pessimism, 207–8, 316, 424, 431–2, 486, 530, 682, 703.
彼得大帝，296。
Peter the Great, 296.
Petit de Julleville, L.，《法国语言和文学史》，553、578、580、594、595、598、650、651、655、662、665、674、691、695。
Petit de Julleville, L., Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, 553, 578, 580, 594, 595, 598, 650, 651, 655, 662, 665, 674, 691, 695.
彼特拉克的事业、性格和思想，81–3、85–7、88–9、587–9
Petrarch, career, character, and ideas, 81–3, 85–7, 88–9, 587–9
友谊和影响，82–3, 86–7, 89, 91–3, 95, 116, 118, 152, 431, 433, 589
friendships and influence, 82–3, 86–7, 89, 91–3, 95, 116, 118, 152, 431, 433, 589
对古典文学的了解和热爱，83–6、97、101、244、555、588、593
knowledge and love of the classics, 83–6, 97, 101, 244, 555, 588, 593
对希腊的热爱，16，84，91，588。
love of Greek, 16, 84, 91, 588.
彼特拉克，作品，93
Petrarch, works, 93
非洲, 84–6, 87, 144, 147, 588
Africa, 84–6, 87, 144, 147, 588
坎佐尼尔，87，244
Canzoniere, 87, 244
论无知，85，588
De ignorantia, 85, 588
牧歌，86，173，588
Eclogues, 86, 173, 588
信件，82–4、87、588
letters, 82–4, 87, 588
书目备忘录，588–9
Rerum memorandarum libri, 588–9
秘密，85，86–7，588
Secret, 85, 86–7, 588
胜利，84，87，433。
Triumphs, 84, 87, 433.
Petronius，B Satirica的人物和标题，89，304，649
Petronius, character and title ofB Satirica, 89, 304, 649
本书手稿，8，189，258，304，559
manuscripts of the book, 8, 189, 258, 304, 559
引用，515，602，684，699
quoted, 515, 602, 684, 699
阅读和改编，189，304，463，651，689。
read and adapted, 189, 304, 463, 651, 689.
亨利·佩尔，1843 年至 1870 年法国希腊主义参考书目，683、686、701
Peyre, Henri, Bibliographie critique de l’Hellénisme en France de 1843 à 1870, 683, 686, 701
法国古典主义, (302), 647–8, 649
Le Classicisme français, (302), 647–8, 649
古董文学对法国现代文学的影响，553
L’Influence des littératures antiques sur la littérature française moderne, 553
路易斯·梅纳德，686、688、701。
Louis Ménard, 686, 688, 701.
普福塔，459。
Pforta, 459.
Phaedra，（291），536–7，（538）。
Phaedra, (291), 536–7, (538).
斐德罗篇，459。
Phaedrus, 459.
Phaer，115，626。
Phaer, 115, 626.
法厄同，34，199，524。
Phaethon, 34, 199, 524.
法拉里斯，他的《书信》，262、283-4、384。
Phalaris, his ‘Epistles’, 262, 283–4, 384.
法老，334，564。
Pharaoh, 334, 564.
药典，206，267。
pharmacopoeia, 206, 267.
法萨卢斯战役，578 年。
Pharsalus, battle of, 578.
Phèdre，538；另参见拉辛。
Phèdre, 538; and see Racine.
菲尔普斯，威廉·里昂，《带书信的自传》，491–2、494。
Phelps, William Lyon, Autobiography with Letters, 491–2, 494.
菲利修斯，M.Ringmann，117。
Philesius, M. Ringmann, 117.
马其顿的菲利普，328，361，597，655。
Philip of Macedon, 328, 361, 597, 655.
西班牙国王菲利普二世，122，597。
Philip II of Spain, 122, 597.
菲利普斯，爱德华，633。
Phillips, Edward, 633.
菲罗克忒忒斯，538。
Philoctetes, 538.
菲罗洛格斯，471。
Philologus, 471.
语言学，495，522，554，694。
philology, 495, 522, 554, 694.
菲洛梅拉 (Philomel), 61, 357, 377, 514, 546, 699。
Philomela (Philomel), 61, 357, 377, 514, 546, 699.
菲洛梅娜，61，580，698。
Philomena, 61, 580, 698.
哲学家王，181，183。
philosopher-kings, 181, 183.
哲学，85，493
philosophy, 85, 493
和文学，173、182-3、306、355、359、468、519
and literature, 173, 182–3, 306, 355, 359, 468, 519
和民族主义，435，682
and nationalism, 435, 682
和进步，261，265，276，283
and progress, 261, 265, 276, 283
阿拉伯语，579。
Arabic, 579.
—希腊罗马，本身，43–4、388、394、439、459、472、501、547–9、552、558、570
—Greco-Roman, in itself, 43–4, 388, 394, 439, 459, 472, 501, 547–9, 552, 558, 570
和基督教，9、40、404、464–5、558、560、570、640
and Christianity, 9, 40, 404, 464–5, 558, 560, 570, 640
和讽刺，303–4，308
and satire, 303–4, 308
对现代思想和文学的影响，2、9、II、20、41-6、50、57、66、67、84-5、109、139、167、183-5、188-93、205、276、280-1、304-5、348、361、369，388、394–5、409–12。 417、420、439、477、492、499、501、522、541–2、543、546–9。 570、577、600、604、671、680
its influence on modern thought and literature, 2, 9, II, 20, 41–6, 50, 57, 66, 67, 84–5, 109, 139, 167, 183–5, 188–93, 205, 276, 280–1, 304–5, 348, 361, 369, 388, 394–5, 409–12. 417, 420, 439, 477, 492, 499, 501, 522, 541–2, 543, 546–9. 570, 577, 600, 604, 671, 680
翻译，109，118–20，122–3。
translations of, 109, 118–20, 122–3.
哲学，中世纪，11，50，66，72，124，361。
philosophy, medieval, 11, 50, 66, 72, 124, 361.
哲学的拟人化，43–3、45–6、64–5、86。
Philosophy personified, 43–3, 45–6, 64–5, 86.
Philostratus，vii（“只给我喝酒”出自第24、30-1集），416、574-576页。
Philostratus, vii (Drink to me only is from Ep. 24, 30–1), 416, 574–6.
菲洛克斯努斯，612。
Philoxenus, 612.
福基翁，395。
Phocion, 395.
福西利德斯，30。
Phocylides, 30.
福玻斯，参见阿波罗。
Phoebus, see Apollo.
腓尼基，371，448，574。“腓尼基字符”，53。
Phoenicia, 371, 448, 574. ‘Phoenician characters’, 53.
凤凰城，32–5，567。
phoenix, 32–5, 567.
菲尼克斯，32–5，565。
Phoenix, 32–5, 565.
弗里吉亚人，51。
Phrygians, 51.
菲利斯，亚里士多德的，（57），578
Phyllis, Aristotle’s, (57), 578
Demophoon 的，580
Demophoon’s, 580
名字，177，409。
the name, 177, 409.
物理学，359，493。
physics, 359, 493.
皮亚韦，命运极限，308。
Piave, Forza del Destino, 308.
流浪汉故事，169、304、307。
picaresque tales, 169, 304, 307.
毕加索，巴勃罗，256，444
Picasso, Pablo, 256, 444
《生命的欢乐》，176。
Joy of Life, 176.
皮科洛米尼，亚历山德罗，604。
Piccolomini, Alessandro, 604.
Pickwick，Samuel，Esq.，PPMPC，638。
Pickwick, Samuel, Esq., P.P.M.P.C., 638.
Picrochole，183–5，615。
Picrochole, 183–5, 615.
皮埃蒙特方言，424。
Piedmontese dialect, 424.
皮尔斯·普洛曼，43，63，103。
Piers Plowman, 43, 63, 103.
彼拉多，本丢，454。
Pilate, Pontius, 454.
皮拉图斯，Leontius，16，91。
Pilatus, Leontius, 16, 91.
品达的职业生涯和作品，220、221-5、226-8、253-4、627-8
Pindar, career and works, 220, 221–5, 226–8, 253–4, 627–8
模仿和改编，226，228，231-44，247，249，250-2，254，286，291，376，378，386，602，628-33，637-8，676
imitations and adaptations, 226, 228, 231–44, 247, 249, 250–2, 254, 286, 291, 376, 378, 386, 602, 628–33, 637–8, 676
对他的了解和钦佩，245、254、271-2、295、364
knowledge and admiration of him, 245, 254, 271–2, 295, 364
译文，245、271-2。
translated, 245, 271–2.
品达，彼得，638。
Pindar, Peter, 638.
品达颂歌，参见颂歌。
Pindaric odes, see odes.
平德蒙特，伊波利托，《给福斯科洛的书信》，429。
Pindemonte, Ippolito, Epistle to Foscolo, 429.
Pirckheimer，W.，123。
Pirckheimer, W., 123.
庇西特拉图，384–5。
Pisistratus, 384–5.
皮索兄弟，598。
Piso, the brothers, 598.
手枪，古代，198。
Pistol, Ancient, 198.
小皮特，328，329，397，543，654–5。
Pitt, the younger, 328, 329, 397, 543, 654–5.
怜悯和恐怖，136，538，583，599。
pity and terror, 136, 538, 583, 599.
庇护九世，455，687。
Pius IX, 455, 687.
瘟疫，89, 93, 191, 269, 351, 538。
plagues, 89, 93, 191, 269, 351, 538.
普兰努德斯，马克西姆斯，571。
Planudes, Maximus, 571.
石膏模型（或镜像副本，或“中国副本”），85-6、144、235、239、278、288、443、485。
plaster casts (or mirror copies, or ‘Chinese copies’), 85–6, 144, 235, 239, 278, 288, 443, 485.
柏拉图，52岁
Plato, 52
对话形式，41，86，（279，336），371，525
his dialogue form, 41, 86, (279, 336), 371, 525
他对现代世界的影响，42、58、84-5、100、139、183-4、188-9、202-3、267、324、336、367、369-70、375、395、410、411-12、419-20、423、501-2、525、545、549、579、586、588、603、615、639、655、670、675-6、678、696
his influence on the modern world, 42, 58, 84–5, 100, 139, 183–4, 188–9, 202–3, 267, 324, 336, 367, 369–70, 375, 395, 410, 411–12, 419–20, 423, 501–2, 525, 545, 549, 579, 586, 588, 603, 615, 639, 655, 670, 675–6, 678, 696
手稿，84，556
manuscripts, 84, 556
他的哲学（不包括其现代影响），42–4、77、211、264、270、304、394、410、424、501–2、545、547
his philosophy (excluding its modern influence), 42–4, 77, 211, 264, 270, 304, 394, 410, 424, 501–2, 545, 547
翻译，118，139，419，570，670，676。
translations, 118, 139, 419, 570, 670, 676.
—作品：（？）Axíochus，118
—works: (?) Axíochus, 118
克里托，118
Crito, 118
苏格拉底辩护，118
Defence of Socrates, 118
高尔吉亚书，42–3，（460），689
Gorgias, 42–3, (460), 689
喜帕恰斯118
Hipparchus, 118
离子，118，419
Ion, 118, 419
法律，189
Laws, 189
爱情诗，419
love-poems, 419
裂解, 118
Lysis, 118
梅尼克努斯
Menexenus, 419
《斐多篇》42–3，118
Phaedo, 42–3, 118
斐德罗篇459
Phaedrus, 459
共和，42，118，183，419–20，（460），559，574，584，689
Republic, 42, 118, 183, 419–20, (460), 559, 574, 584, 689
研讨会，89，118，419，420
Symposium, 89, 118, 419, 420
蒂迈欧篇，43，118。
Timaeus, 43, 118.
普劳图斯，改编和翻译，133–4、137–8、141、203、214–15、374、599–600、624–5
Plautus, adaptations and translations, 133–4, 137–8, 141, 203, 214–15, 374, 599–600, 624–5
作为标准和刺激，126、128、132、135、203、374、666
as a standard and stimulus, 126, 128, 132, 135, 203, 374, 666
对他的作品的了解，84，132，189，191
knowledge of his work, 84, 132, 189, 191
翻译，121、133–4、215、374、624–5、666。
translations, 121, 133–4, 215, 374, 624–5, 666.
—作品，105，131
—works, 105, 131
安菲特律翁, 121, 134, 138, 214–15, 624
Amphitryon, 121, 134, 138, 214–15, 624
酒神节，121
The Bac-chides, 121
自大的士兵，134，138，600，624
The Boastful Soldier, 134, 138, 600, 624
《梅纳赫穆斯兄弟》 121、133–4、214–15、624–5
The Brothers Menaechmus, 121, 133–4, 214–15, 624–5
棺材喜剧，136
The Casket Comedy, 136
鬼喜剧，136，625
The Ghost Comedy, 136, 625
小迦太基人136
The Little Carthaginian, 136
大麻喜剧, 121
The Pot Comedy, 121
囚徒，136，666
The Prisoners, 136, 666
斯蒂库斯，121。
Stichus, 121.
球员，漫步，140。
players, strolling, 140.
平民，197，402，460。
plebeians, 197, 402, 460.
亚历山大七星团，630。
Pleiad of Alexandria, 630.
昴宿星团，123、134、171、231–2、233、235–6、247、599、630。
Pléiade, 123, 134, 171, 231–2, 233, 235–6, 247, 599, 630.
迪特里希·冯·普莱宁根，117、120。
Pleningen, Dietrich von, 117, 120.
老普林尼，《自然历史》，125，184，189，217，421，569，603，665。
Pliny the elder, Natural History, 125, 184, 189, 217, 421, 569, 603, 665.
小普林尼，9，189，400–1，568。
Pliny the younger, 9, 189, 400–1, 568.
普罗提诺，430，432。
Plotinus, 430, 432.
普鲁塔克，阅读并改编，184、188–9、191、197、203、2 10–14、356、368、393–5、401–2、408、424、596、600、603、617、623、650、670–1、680
Plutarch, read and adapted, 184, 188–9, 191, 197, 203, 2 10–14, 356, 368, 393–5, 401–2, 408, 424, 596, 600, 603, 617, 623, 650, 670–1, 680
译文，117、119、126、210–14、619、650。
translated, 117, 119, 126, 210–14, 619, 650.
冥王星，148，（152），580。
Pluto, 148, (152), 580.
雨，396。
Pluviose, 396.
Podsnap，先生，340，444。
Podsnap, Mr., 340, 444.
Poe, Edgar Allan,. 432, 440–1, 507.
—作品：《金甲虫》，（97）
—works: The Gold-Bug, (97)
瓶中发现手稿，52，97
MS. found in a Bottle, 52, 97
乌鸦，628–9
The Raven, 628–9
致海伦，v，440–1。
To Helen, v, 440–1.
诗歌，109，595。
poème, 109, 595.
诗人，595。
poète, 595.
诗歌，110 .诗歌，作为对生活的解脱，519
poetry, 110. poetry, as release from life, 519
古典与浪漫，227
classical v. romantic, 227
难度，479
difficulty of, 479
诗人的无助，515
helplessness of poet, 515
高功能和理想，127，130，177，211，439，527，545，680
high functions and ideals, 127, 130, 177, 211, 439, 527, 545, 680
回顾过去，35，447
looking back to past, 35, 447
神话中，532-3
in myth, 532–3
东方，379，435
oriental, 379, 435
原始, 364, 375, 544
primitive, 364, 375, 544
v .散文, 35, 230, 256, 301, 342, 355, 403–4, 485。
v. prose, 35, 230, 256, 301, 342, 355, 403–4, 485.
波吉奥·布拉乔利尼，15, 593, 599。
Poggio Bracciolini, 15, 593, 599.
波兰，历史和文化，6，257，259，427，463，545，689
Poland, history and culture, 6, 257, 259, 427, 463, 545, 689
语言，6，111，556
languages, 6, 111, 556
文献，19，111，135，435，463，541。
literature, 19, 111, 135, 435, 463, 541.
波利蒂安（安吉洛·安布罗吉尼）, 171, 244, 295, 599
Politian (Angelo Ambrogini), 171, 244, 295, 599
奥菲斯，135–6、139、174、598–9、601。
Orpheus, 135–6, 139, 174, 598–9, 601.
政治行动，275，477，519，543
political action, 275, 477, 519, 543
经验与智慧，9–10，262，265–6，346，550
experience and wisdom, 9–10, 262, 265–6, 346, 550
机构，390，477
institutions, 390, 477
文学和宣传，35–6、39–41、45–6、134、328、372、409–10、534、597、662
literature and propaganda, 35–6, 39–41, 45–6, 134, 328, 372, 409–10, 534, 597, 662
哲学，388，390，467，479，493，520，681。
philosophy, 388, 390, 467, 479, 493, 520, 681.
政治，处理的词语，109。
politics, words dealing with, 109.
波鲁克斯，520。
Pollux, 520.
波罗，马可，48 岁。
Polo, Marco, 48.
波洛涅斯，128，132，217。
Polonius, 128, 132, 217.
波利比乌斯，611–12。
Polybius, 611–12.
波吕尼刻斯，56，（536），580。
Polynices, 56, (536), 580.
波吕斐摩斯，505，698；另参阅独眼巨人。
Polyphemus, 505, 698; and see Cyclops.
多神教，456。
polytheism, 456.
波吕克塞娜，52–3，575。
Polyxena, 52–3, 575.
庞贝，462，468。
Pompeii, 462, 468.
庞培，476，546，578，584，627。
Pompey, 476, 546, 578, 584, 627.
庞波尼乌斯·莱图斯，639。
Pomponius Laetus, 639.
精神贫乏，484。
poor in spirit, the, 484.
教皇，6，（10），36，88，149，455–6，587，589
pope, the, 6, (10), 36, 88, 149, 455–6, 587, 589
对手教皇，48
rival popes, 48
时间权力，356，615。
temporal power, 356, 615.
教皇，亚历山大，159、239、284、290–1、316、321、355、412–13、677。
Pope, Alexander, 159, 239, 284, 290–1, 316, 321, 355, 412–13, 677.
—作品：《愚人记》，281、284、286、315、493、652
—works: The Dunciad, 281, 284, 286, 315, 493, 652
书信，290，315，658
Epistles, 290, 315, 658
论文，315
Essays, 315
模仿贺拉斯，290–1，315，652
Imitations of Horace, 290–1, 315, 652
弥赛亚， 295
The Messiah, 295
圣塞西莉亚节颂歌，1708 年，633
Ode on St. Cecilia’s Day, 1708, 633
孤独颂，249
Ode on Solitude, 249
《夺发记》 270，315，652
The Rape of the Lock, 270, 315, 652
讽刺，104，286，290–1，314，315，316，317–21，654
satires, 104, 286, 290–1, 314, 315, 316, 317–21, 654
tr. Homer，286，416，479–80，652。
tr. Homer, 286, 416, 479–80, 652.
教皇，总督，400。
Pope, Governor, 400.
人口增加255。
population increase, 255.
斑岩，430，432，676，701。
Porphyry, 430, 432, 676, 701.
波尔森（Porson），理查德（Richard），467。
Porson, Richard, 467.
波西亚，198。
Portia, 198.
古典风格肖像，396，664。
portraits in the classical manner, 396, 664.
皇家港，294。
Port-Royal, 294.
葡萄牙和葡萄牙人，424，459
Portugal and the Portuguese, 424, 459
历史，144，151–2，602
history, 144, 151–2, 602
语言，6，158–9，289，661
language, 6, 158–9, 289, 661
文献，20，134，144，151-2，158-9，168，633；参见Camoens。
literature, 20, 134, 144, 151–2, 158–9, 168, 633; and see Camoens.
波塞冬，371并参见海王星。
Poseidon, 371 and see Neptune.
普朗克，弗朗西斯，699。
Poulenc, Francis, 699.
庞德，埃兹拉，作品和影响，501–3、518、700。
Pound, Ezra, work and influence, 501–3, 518, 700.
—作品：《诗章》，256，501，503，511，698
—works: Cantos, 256, 501, 503, 511, 698
向 Sextus Propertius 致敬，700
Homage to Sextus Propertius, 700
如何阅读，700
How to Read, 700
卢斯特拉，699
Lustra, 699
纸莎草书，517，699
Papyrus, 517, 699
埃兹拉·庞德的人物, 501, 516
Personae of Ezra Pound, 501, 516
礼貌散文，700。
Polite Essays, 700.
尼古拉斯·普桑，290、614、665、670。
Poussin, Nicolas, 290, 614, 665, 670.
Praeneste，96，590-1。
Praeneste, 96, 590–1.
禁卫军，350人。
praetorian guards, 350.
布拉格大学，11。
Prague University, 11.
前奏曲作为一种音乐形式，290。
prelude as a musical form, 290.
Premierfait，Laurent，119。
Premierfait, Laurent, 119.
拉斐尔前派，445。
Pre-Raphaelites, 445.
普里阿摩斯、50、52、151、204、261、575、580、620。
Priam, 50, 52, 151, 204, 261, 575, 580, 620.
普里阿佩亚，651，667。
Priapea, 651, 667.
牧师，173、182、309、347、564–5、573、578、662、688、701。
priests, 173, 182, 309, 347, 564–5, 573, 578, 662, 688, 701.
‘原始’，166，192，268，273，523。
‘primitives’, 166, 192, 268, 273, 523.
印刷，17，21，113–14，561，（668）。
printing, 17, 21, 113–14, 561, (668).
普赖尔（Prior），马修（Matthew），模仿布瓦洛（Boileau），633。
Prior, Matthew, parody of Boileau, 633.
修道院院长，她的座右铭，592。
Prioress, her motto, 592.
普罗克洛，675–6，701。
Proclus, 675–6, 701.
Procne，61，514，699。
Procne, 61, 514, 699.
“程序”，690。
‘programmes’, 690.
进步的想法，3，265–6，279–80，281–3，288，432，455–6，493，552，671，681，688。
progress, the idea of, 3, 265–6, 279–80, 281–3, 288, 432, 455–6, 493, 552, 671, 681, 688.
愿望投射，523-4。
projections of wishes, 523–4.
普罗米修斯，357、415、512、521-2、526、528-9、530、535、538、671、677、703。
Prometheus, 357, 415, 512, 521–2, 526, 528–9, 530, 535, 538, 671, 677, 703.
宣传，267
propaganda, 267
教育，498，554；政治，参见政治
educational, 498, 554; political, see political
宗教和道德，444、559、574–5、594–5、701。
religious and moral, 444, 559, 574–5, 594–5, 701.
普罗佩提乌斯，68，496，694
Propertius, 68, 496, 694
阅读和改编，189，316，380，402，433，651，667
read and adapted, 189, 316, 380, 402, 433, 651, 667
译文，375，700。
translated, 375, 700.
财产，255，395。
property, 255, 395.
预言，73。
prophecy, 73.
先知，希腊文，509，514，515-16
prophets, Greek, 509, 514, 515–16
希伯来语，263。
Hebrew, 263.
散文，242，322，323，479，485，546
prose, 242, 322, 323, 479, 485, 546
英语, 35–6, 40–1, 45–7, 59, 否, 415
English, 35–6, 40–1, 45–7, 59, no, 415
法语，330–1，657
French, 330–1, 657
希腊文和拉丁文，89、242、322–54、570
Greek and Latin, 89, 242, 322–54, 570
意大利语，89，657
Italian, 89, 657
v .诗歌，35，230，256，301，342，355，403-4，485；参见巴洛克风格。
v. poetry, 35, 230, 256, 301, 342, 355, 403–4, 485; and see baroque.
韵律，490，497，635。
prosody, 490, 497, 635.
普洛斯彼罗，201，206，301，621。
Prospero, 201, 206, 301, 621.
普罗忒西拉乌斯，574–5。
Protesilaus, 574–5.
新教，36，179，187，257，259，263–4，352，614，701。
Protestantism, 36, 179, 187, 257, 259, 263–4, 352, 614, 701.
Proteus，151，437，676。
Proteus, 151, 437, 676.
普鲁斯特，马塞尔，66，326，535。
Proust, Marcel, 66, 326, 535.
普罗旺斯，48
Provence, 48
语言，6，518
language, 6, 518
文学与文化，48、60、61-2、76、93-4、166、219、229、533-4、571、580-1、585。
literature and culture, 48, 60, 61–2, 76, 93–4, 166, 219, 229, 533–4, 571, 580–1, 585.
谚语，310，544。
proverbs, 310, 544.
地方主义，330。
provincialisms, 330.
普鲁登修斯，80，340，569
Prudentius, 80, 340, 569
灵魂之战，64。
Soul-battle, 64.
普鲁弗洛克先生，515。
Prufrock, Mr., 515.
普鲁士，296，394，557。
Prussia, 296, 394, 557.
诗篇，247，263，545，635，649。
Psalms, the, 247, 263, 545, 635, 649.
假态，293。
pseudomorphosis, 293.
普赛克，（453），524，661。
Psyche, (453), 524, 661.
心理障碍，414
psychical blocks, 414
部队，523-5。
forces, 523–5.
精神分析和心理学，45，192–3，202，264，267，315，329，359，380，467，493，503，523–5，532，535–6，541，584。
psychoanalysis and psychology, 45, 192–3, 202, 264, 267, 315, 329, 359, 380, 467, 493, 503, 523–5, 532, 535–6, 541, 584.
托勒密天文学，203。
Ptolemaic astronomy, 203.
托勒密费城，594。
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 594.
Publicola，400。
Publicola, 400.
普契尼，448。
Puccini, 448.
帕克，325，621。
Puck, 325, 621.
普尔奇，贝尔纳多，124。
Pulci, Bernardo, 124.
普尔奇、路易吉、摩根特，182, 615。
Pulci, Luigi, Morgante, 182, 615.
普契内拉，141。
Pulcinella, 141.
潘奇先生，141。
Punch, Mr., 141.
双关语，308，622，626，704。
puns, 308, 622, 626, 704.
木偶戏，140。
puppet shows, 140.
亨利·珀塞尔（Henry Purcell），178，290
Purcell, Henry, 178, 290
狄多与埃涅阿斯291
Dido and Aeneas, 291
亚瑟王，297
King Arthur, 297
圣塞西莉亚节颂歌，240。
Ode for St. Cecilia’s Day, 240.
炼狱，44、72、75-6、78、87、263、585、586。
purgatory, 44, 72, 75–6, 78, 87, 263, 585, 586.
穿靴子的猫，276。
Puss in Boots, 276.
皮埃尔-塞西尔·皮维斯·德·沙凡纳 (Puvis de Chavannes)，442, 518。
Puvis de Chavannes, Pierre-Cécile, 442, 518.
皮格马利翁，62，68，207，582。
Pygmalion, 62, 68, 207, 582.
皮拉摩斯和提斯柏, 60–1, 91, (207), 546, 579–80
Pyramus and Thisbe, 60–1, 91, (207), 546, 579–80
诗，60，580。
the poem, 60, 580.
皮浪，615。
Pyrrho, 615.
伊庇鲁斯的皮洛士，615，671。
Pyrrhus of Epirus, 615, 671.
毕达哥拉斯，203，205。
Pythagoras, 203, 205.
Python，141，148，530。
Python, 141, 148, 530.
四艺，570。
quadrivium, 570.
定量扫描，246。
quantitative scansion, 246.
夸尔斯（Quarles），弗朗西斯（Francis），《牧羊人的神谕》，613。
Quarles, Francis, Shepherds’ Oracles, 613.
卡西莫多，（440），674。
Quasimodo, (440), 674.
奎伦研究，(469), 499, 695。
Quellenforschung, (469), 499, 695.
Querelle，参见书籍之战。
Querelle, see Battle of the Books.
任务，64，196，506。
quests, 64, 196, 506.
快点，女主人，196。
Quickly, Mistress, 196.
奎诺尔特，298。
Quinault, 298.
昆体良，189，682。
Quintilian, 189, 682.
昆图斯·法比乌斯·马克西姆斯，154。
Quintus Fabius Maximus, 154.
昆图斯·斯米尔奈乌斯，673。
Quintus Smyrnaeus, 673.
吉诃德，参见堂吉诃德。
Quixote, see Don Quixote.
希腊罗马文学的引文，引用的艺术，157–9，408–11
quotations from Greco-Roman literature, the art of quoting, 157–9, 408–11
作为诗歌中的装饰，60、78-9、85-6、99、101、199-200、204、216-17、248、310-11、411、516、519、571、585-6、609-10、651
as a decoration in poetry, 60, 78–9, 85–6, 99, 101, 199–200, 204, 216–17, 248, 310–11, 411, 516, 519, 571, 585–6, 609–10, 651
作为散文的装饰，44、167、184-5、188-91、295、308、329、360、397-8、424、492、505、510、571、577、579
as a decoration in prose, 44, 167, 184–5, 188–91, 295, 308, 329, 360, 397–8, 424, 492, 505, 510, 571, 577, 579
引文集，101，184，192，394，579，673
collections of quotations, 101, 184, 192, 394, 579, 673
失落诗人的引文，220。
quotations of lost poets, 220.
拉伯雷，弗朗索瓦，性格与生涯，178–85、192–3、196、310、311、320、470、615
Rabelais, François, character and career, 178–85, 192–3, 196, 310, 311, 320, 470, 615
幽默，132，178，182-3，185，614-15
humour, 132, 178, 182–3, 185, 614–15
经典知识和运用，57、105、132、183、184-5、188、199、304、311、368、599、615-16。
knowledge and use of the classics, 57, 105, 132, 183, 184–5, 188, 199, 304, 311, 368, 599, 615–16.
—作品：《巨人传》，181、182、183–5、307、615
—works: Gargantua and Pantagruel, 181, 182, 183–5, 307, 615
希罗多德译，116。
tr. Herodotus, 116.
Racan，Honoré，280
Racan, Honoré, 280
引用《Vie de Malherbe》，224, 627。
Vie de Malherbe quoted, 224, 627.
拉辛，让，教育和对古典文学的态度，277，281，294，362，402–3，447，642
Racine, Jean, education and attitude to the classics, 277, 281, 294, 362, 402–3, 447, 642
影响力和声誉，280–1、298、302、375、405、407、425–6、628、674
influence and reputation, 280–1, 298, 302, 375, 405, 407, 425–6, 628, 674
古典、基督教和现代元素的综合，104、128、232、279、291、293-4、302、345、362、380、405、425。
synthesis of classical, Christian, and modern elements, 104, 128, 232, 279, 291, 293–4, 302, 345, 362, 380, 405, 425.
—作品，66、200、279、290、297–8、300、380、402–3、447、643
—works, 66, 200, 279, 290, 297–8, 300, 380, 402–3, 447, 643
安德罗马克, 648
Andromaque, 648
阿塔莉，279
Athalie, 279
对品达和荷马的评论，295，642
commentaries on Pindar and Homer, 295, 642
以斯帖记279
Esther, 279
伊菲革涅，279，294，298
Iphigénie, 279, 294, 298
信件，642
letters, 642
菲德尔，279、(291)、293–4、538、648。
Phèdre, 279, (291), 293–4, 538, 648.
广播作为戏剧媒介，143，256，265。
radio as a medium of drama, 143, 256, 265.
雷诺兹，约翰，656。
Rainolds, John, 656.
雷利爵士沃尔特，603–4。
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 603–4.
Ramus，Petrus，617，639。
Ramus, Petrus, 617, 639.
朗斯（Rance），神父，264。
Rancé, Father, 264.
Rank，Otto，702。
Rank, Otto, 702.
利奥波德·兰克（后来的冯·兰克），473–4、477、690–2。
Ranke, Leopold (later von Ranke), 473–4, 477, 690–2.
拉斐尔，大天使，149
Raphael, archangel, 149
艺术家，16，702。
artist, 16, 702.
拉斯特尔，约翰，tr。卢锡安，124。
Rastell, John, tr. Lucian, 124.
拉斯特尔，威廉，tr。凯撒，117。
Rastell, William, tr. Caesar, 117.
拉威尔，莫里斯，502
Ravel, Maurice, 502
达芙妮斯与克洛伊，176。
Daphnis and Chloe, 176.
读者文摘，98，100，184，216，569，592，634。
Reader’s Digests, 98, 100, 184, 216, 569, 592, 634.
现实主义，303–5、309–10、316、319–20、444、532。
realism, 303–5, 309–10, 316, 319–20, 444, 532.
理性拟人化，64，363。
Reason personified, 64, 363.
改革，93，257，367，455。
Reformation, 93, 257, 367, 455.
雷尼尔、马图林、声誉、280、318、653
Regnier, Mathurin, reputation, 280, 318, 653
工作，312–13、320、650–1。雷克，西奥多，702。
work, 312–13, 320, 650–1. Reik, Theodor, 702.
宗教与文学 543
religion, and literature, 543
自由与压迫，352–3、423、437、462–3、678
freedom and oppression in, 352–3, 423, 437, 462–3, 678
历史，477–8，521，524
history of, 477–8, 521, 524
希腊罗马，423、456–7、469、477–8、520–3、698、701
Greco-Roman, 423, 456–7, 469, 477–8, 520–3, 698, 701
参见基督教、异教。
and see Christianity, paganism.
回忆，教义，44，412。
reminiscence, doctrine of, 44, 412.
Remiremont理事会（60），579。
Remiremont, Council of, (60), 579.
Remus，10，155，（667）。
Remus, 10, 155, (667).
文艺复兴，一般意义，2、4、11、14–15、81、105、178–9、182、193、255、257–60、289、359–60、367–9、389–90、434
RENAISSANCE, general meaning, 2, 4, 11, 14–15, 81, 105, 178–9, 182, 193, 255, 257–60, 289, 359–60, 367–9, 389–90, 434
艺术, 15, 16, 21, 179, 289
art, 15, 16, 21, 179, 289
加洛林王朝，38，592
Carolingian, 38, 592
文化和教育，viii、2、4、21、54、80-1、83、88、91-2、95、101、105、107、109、111-12、118、126、129、183-4、186-91、194-6、216-18、228、231-2、262、264-5、276、287、306、321、324、330、333、346、348、360、375、470、490、498、543、546、552、554、569、578、 587、591、595–6、601、604、616、641
culture and education, viii, 2, 4, 21, 54, 80–1, 83, 88, 91–2, 95, 101, 105, 1O7, 109, 111–12, 118, 126, 129, 183–4, 186–91, 194–6, 216–18, 228, 231–2, 262, 264–5, 276, 287, 306, 321, 324, 330, 333, 346, 348, 360, 375, 470, 490, 498, 543, 546, 552, 554, 569, 578, 587, 591, 595–6, 601, 604, 616, 641
文学，15–21、47、85–7、104、113–14、104–218（特别是 104–6、113–14、126、127–33、147、156–8、161、166–72、178–81、183–4、187–93、200–3）、229–30、231–2、246、270、299–301、306、309–13、315、321、324、328、333、433、513、541、546、551、599、624、646、650
literature, 15–21, 47, 85–7, 104, 113–14, 104–218 (especially 104–6, 113–14, 126, 127–33, 147, 156–8, 161, 166–72, 178–81, 183–4, 187–93, 200–3), 229–30, 231–2, 246, 270, 299–301, 306, 309–13, 315, 321, 324, 328, 333, 433, 513, 541, 546, 551, 599, 624, 646, 650
宗教，93，179–80，187，362
religion, 93, 179–80, 187, 362
社会和政治生活，21、58、178-81、198、207-8、296、376、442、448、598、599。
social and political life, 21, 58, 178–81, 198, 207–8, 296, 376, 442, 448, 598, 599.
勒南、欧内斯特和法国，687
Renan, Ernest, and France, 687
反犹太教，454
anti-Judaism, 454
风格，498，695。
style, 498, 695.
——作品：《反安静的宗教》，701
—works: ‘Les Religions de l’anti-quité”, 701
基督教的起源454
The Origins of Christianity, 454
雅典卫城上的祈祷，454，687。
Prayer on the Acropolis, 454, 687.
勒诺多，泰奥弗拉斯特，640。
Renaudot, Théophraste, 640.
繁殖，过程，523。
reproduction, processes of, 523.
共和国，398，546。
republic, 398, 546.
共和国，第一法兰西，361，396，398；
Republic, First French, 361, 396, 398;
第二，449。
Second, 449.
共和主义，希腊罗马的冲动，356，361-2，390-1，392-5，427，456，475-7，546。
republicanism, Greco-Roman impulses in, 356, 361–2, 390–1, 392–5, 427, 456, 475–7, 546.
研究，467，470-1，495-6，499。
research, 467, 470–1, 495–6, 499.
宫，130。
Residenz, 130.
Reuchlin，Johann，114。
Reuchlin, Johann, 114.
戏剧中的复仇，132，198，207。
revenge in drama, 132, 198, 207.
雷维特，尼古拉斯，《雅典古物》和《爱奥尼亚古物》，370。
Revett, Nicholas, Antiquities of Athens and Antiquities of Ionia, 370.
革命、年龄、93、176、244、250、252、254、276、289、292、355–436（尤其是 355–60、434–6）、440、464、466、473、480、498、528、541、662–3、677、681、688。
revolution, age of, 93, 176, 244, 250, 252, 254, 276, 289, 292, 355–436 (especially 355–60, 434–6), 440, 464, 466, 473, 480, 498, 528, 541, 662–3, 677, 681, 688.
工业革命，255
revolutions, industrial, 255
政治，358，543
political, 358, 543
宗教, 521
religious, 521
罗马，88；另请参阅美国，法国大革命。
Roman, 88; and see America, French Revolution.
评论，303。
revue, 303.
列那狐，181，306。“吟游诗人”，385。
Reynard the Fox, 181, 306. ‘rhapsodes’, 385.
狂想曲，诗歌，173，420，633。
rhapsodies, poetic, 173, 420, 633.
兰斯博物馆，471。
Rheimsches Museum, 471.
修辞学，希腊罗马，19–20，59，96，102，112–13，163，184，218，267，323–4，332–4，337，348，421，430，469，480，483，485
rhetoric, Greco-Roman, 19–20, 59, 96, 102, 112–13, 163, 184, 218, 267, 323–4, 332–4, 337, 348, 421, 430, 469, 480, 483, 485
现代的，59、184、322–35、348、397–8、425；另参见演讲术。
modern, 59, 184, 322–35, 348, 397–8, 425; and see oratory.
Rhodes，372，665。
Rhodes, 372, 665.
押韵，219，220，223，235-6，238，300，317。
rhyme, 219, 220, 223, 235–6, 238, 300, 317.
里修斯，斯蒂芬，124。
Riccius, Stephen, 124.
赛伦塞斯特的理查德，577。
Richard of Cirencester, 577.
理查一世，618。
Richard I, 618.
理查德111，132。
Richard 111, 132.
理查德·莱韦克，641。
Richard l’Évêque, 641.
理查森，塞缪尔，340–1。
Richardson, Samuel, 340–1.
—作品：克拉丽莎·哈洛，341
—works: Clarissa Harlowe, 341
帕梅拉，335–6、340–1、342、658
Pamela, 335–6, 340–1, 342, 658
查尔斯·格兰迪森爵士，341。
Sir Charles Grandison, 341.
黎塞留，278，655。
Richelieu, 278, 655.
切除子宫，305。
ridentem dicere uerum, 305.
Rienzo，Cola di，88，589。
Rienzo, Cola di, 88, 589.
里尔克，莱纳·马利亚，256，518。
Rilke, Rainer Maria, 256, 518.
兰波，亚瑟，438。
Rimbaud, Arthur, 438.
里纳尔多，153，608。
Rinaldo, 153, 608.
Ringmann（Philesius），M.，117。
Ringmann (Philesius), M., 117.
里努奇尼、奥塔维奥、达芙妮，141、175、601。
Rinuccini, Ottavio, Daphne, 141, 175, 601.
里约热内卢，9，459。
Rio de Janeiro, 9, 459.
里普，纪尧姆，121。
Rippe, Guillaume, 121.
礼仪，模式，524，701-2。
ritual, patterns of, 524, 701–2.
道路，罗马，291，548，555。
roads, Roman, 291, 548, 555.
罗伯特·金，88-9。
Robert, King, 88–9.
Robespierre, Maximilien, 393, 397–8, 401–2.
罗宾和玛丽安，166。
Robin and Marion, 166.
罗宾汉，175，612。
Robin Hood, 175, 612.
罗宾逊，克拉布，685。
Robinson, Crabb, 685.
Robortelli，125，142。
Robortelli, 125, 142.
洛可可艺术和文学，287、315、360、396、522、581、652、697。
rococo art and literature, 287, 315, 360, 396, 522, 581, 652, 697.
罗杰斯，理查德，俄克拉荷马州！，176。
Rodgers, Richard, Oklahoma!, 176.
Rodomonte，154–5。
Rodomonte, 154–5.
布卢瓦的罗杰，641
Roger of Blois, 641
里尔，578.
of Lille, 578.
罗汉，主教，321。
Rohan, Mgr le Due de, 321.
罗兰，《之歌》，（28），48–9，154，563，607。
Roland, The Song of, (28), 48–9, 154, 563, 607.
罗兰夫人，393，395。
Roland, Mme, 393, 395.
英雄罗兰, 28, 49, 145, 154, 196, 603
Roland the hero, 28, 49, 145, 154, 196, 603
革命者，397。
the revolutionary, 397.
罗马语，6，661。
Romaic language, 6, 661.
罗马，573。
roman, 573.
罗马天主教会，参见基督教、教会。
Roman Catholic church, see Christianity, Church.
浪漫，162–70，337，339，355
ROMANCE, 162–70, 337, 339, 355
词义，49，163，343，355，573，612，661
meaning of the word, 49, 163, 343, 355, 573, 612, 661
图，64，97，164，165，343-4
plot, 64, 97, 164, 165, 343–4
风格和结构，50，53，164，165，167，343，582。
style and structure, 50, 53, 164, 165, 167, 343, 582.
—组：英语，94
—groups: English, 94
欧洲人, 22
European, 22
法语，48–69, 90, 302, 615
French, 48–69, 90, 302, 615
希腊语，七、51–3、56–7、94、124、155、163–5 166、169–70、214、309、335–7、341、343–4、372、533、565、589、612 , 618
Greek, vii, 51–3, 56–7, 94, 124, 155, 163–5 166, 169–70, 214, 309, 335–7, 341, 343–4, 372, 533, 565, 589, 612, 618
晚期拉丁语，56
late Latin, 56
现代，612
modern, 612
西班牙语，169。
Spanish, 169.
—类型：骑士精神，48-56，90，146，169，307，337，544，612，615
—types: of chivalry, 48–56, 90, 146, 169, 307, 337, 544, 612, 615
爱情，60–9, 91, 302, 309, 322, 337, 340–1, 341–4, 658
of love, 60–9, 91, 302, 309, 322, 337, 340–1, 341–4, 658
流浪者小说，304，307
picaresque, 304, 307
旅行和冒险，56，335-40。
of travel and adventure, 56, 335–40.
埃涅阿斯传奇，55–6，（197）。
Romance of Aeneas, 55–6, (197).
亚历山大浪漫史，56，578。
Romance of Alexander, 56, 578.
玫瑰浪漫史，58、62–9、94、98、99、147、305、573、651。
Romance of the Rose, 58, 62–9, 94, 98, 99, 147, 305, 573, 651.
底比斯传奇，56，578，589。
Romance of Thebes, 56, 578, 589.
特洛伊传奇，50–5，56，197。
Romance of Troy, 50–5, 56, 197.
罗曼语，6，12，18，19，49，59，107，110，661。
Romance languages, 6, 12, 18, 19, 49, 59, 107, 110, 661.
罗曼什方言，6，13。
Romansch dialect, 6, 13.
“浪漫”一词的含义，227–8、355–9、573、612
‘romantic’, meaning of the word, 227–8, 355–9, 573, 612
与“古典”相对照，375、390、392、441-2、551、628、682、702
contrast with ‘classical’, 375, 390, 392, 441–2, 551, 628, 682, 702
运动，369，389，440，441–2，690
movement, 369, 389, 440, 441–2, 690
诗人，157，412，514，573。
poets, 157, 412, 514, 573.
罗马，军队，346，350–1，396
ROME, army, 346, 350–1, 396
城市, 9–10, 16, 36, 38, 46, 52, 53, 62, 73, 88, 90, 96, 132, 135, 176, 232, 259, 268, 291, 312–13, 345, 352, 363, 366–7, 370, 380, 391, 399, 403, 422–3, 463, 527, 595, 606, 639, 6 665, 667, 680, 684, 690, 700
city, 9–10, 16, 36, 38, 46, 52, 53, 62, 73, 88, 90, 96, 132, 135, 176, 232, 259, 268, 291, 312–13, 345, 352, 363, 366–7, 370, 380, 391, 399, 403, 422–3, 463, 527, 595, 606, 639, 6 665, 667, 680, 684, 690, 700
文化 3–6, 27, 37, 60, 70, 75, 88, 105, 130, 163, 165, 184–5, 232, 265, 275, 280, 291–2, 304, 323, 335, 337, 346, 348, 353, 371, 389, 396, 408, 438, 44 448, 477, 492, 533, 544–5, 547–9, 550, 553, 556, 568, 602, 670, 675, 677, 689
culture 3–6, 27, 37, 60, 70, 75, 88, 105, 130, 163, 165, 184–5, 232, 265, 275, 280, 291–2, 304, 323, 335, 337, 346, 348, 353, 371, 389, 396, 408, 438, 44 448, 477, 492, 533, 544–5, 547–9, 550, 553, 556, 568, 602, 670, 675, 677, 689
皇帝，351、356、362、393、475、520-1、578、691、703。
emperors, 351, 356, 362, 393, 475, 520–1, 578, 691, 703.
罗马，帝国，7、9–10、74–5、194、291、329、344–54、361、435、454、462–5、474–8、544–5、547–9、557–8、568、584、618
ROME, empire, 7, 9–10, 74–5, 194, 291, 329, 344–54, 361, 435, 454, 462–5, 474–8, 544–5, 547–9, 557–8, 568, 584, 618
划分, 5, 6, 14, 27, 81, 105, 348–9, 544–5, 557, 56
division of, 5, 6, 14, 27, 81, 105, 348–9, 544–5, 557, 56
东部, 5–6, 16, 27, 347, 348–51, 462, 545, 548, 560, 618, 661
eastern, 5–6, 16, 27, 347, 348–51, 462, 545, 548, 560, 618, 661
秋季，vii，1，3–4，7，9–10，22，27–8，37，40–1，129，296，344–54，404，462，471–2，546，548，557–8，560，56 588，660–1
fall of, vii, 1, 3–4, 7, 9–10, 22, 27–8, 37, 40–1, 129, 296, 344–54, 404, 462, 471–2, 546, 548, 557–8, 560, 56 588, 660–1
神圣罗马帝国，46，74–5，310，694
Holy Roman, 46, 74–5, 310, 694
西方，5，22，27，48，105，348-9，462，545，548，556，560。
western, 5, 22, 27, 48, 105, 348–9, 462, 545, 548, 556, 560.
—法律，参见法律；文学，参见拉丁语、古典
—law, see law; literature, see Latin, classical
罗马民族，24、54、197-8、225、253、279、294、390-1、395、415、431、456、461、516、56566、572、600、667、671、700
Roman nation, 24, 54, 197–8, 225, 253, 279, 294, 390–1, 395, 415, 431, 456, 461, 516, 56 566, 572, 600, 667, 671, 700
作为特洛伊人的继承人，51-4、144、154、372、511、576、665
as heirs of the Trojans, 51–4, 144, 154, 372, 511, 576, 665
共和國, 88, 137, 194, 197–8, 326, 356, 361–2, 390, 391, 393, 394, 395, 398, 399, 401, 406, 414, 473–5, 546, 572, 618, 670, 691
republic, 88, 137, 194, 197–8, 326, 356, 361–2, 390, 391, 393, 394, 395, 398, 399, 401, 406, 414, 473–5, 546, 572, 618, 670, 691
胜利，87，34
triumphs, 87, 34
罗马，庄园，399-400。
Rome, the estate, 399–400.
罗慕路斯，5、10、155、336、346、400、520、（667）、672。
Romulus, 5, 10, 155, 336, 346, 400, 520, (667), 672.
罗慕路斯·奥古斯都，5。
Romulus Augustulus, 5.
朗迪比利斯，614。
Rondibilis, 614.
皮埃尔·德·龙萨德，人物、职业和朋友，83、231–3、246、247–8、312、629、635–6
Ronsard, Pierre de, character, career, and friends, 83, 231–3, 246, 247–8, 312, 629, 635–6
影响力和声誉，235–7、541、632
influence and reputation, 235–7, 541, 632
经典知识和运用，190、200、228、231-5、600、601-2、629-32、635、641。
know-ledge and use of the classics, 190, 200, 228, 231–5, 600, 601–2, 629–32, 635, 641.
—作品，238，245
—works, 238, 245
《牧歌》 171页，613页
‘Eclogues’, 171, 613
佛拉斯特里，635
Folastries, 635
《法兰西亚传》54、86、144、147、（161、190）、235、588、601–2、633
The Franciad, 54, 86, 144, 147, (161, 190), 235, 588, 601–2, 633
圣诗，630
Hymns, 630
颂歌，228，232，233–5，247，601–2，629，631–2，636
Odes, 228, 232, 233–5, 247, 601–2, 629, 631–2, 636
阿里斯托芬，121，597
tr. Aristophanes, 121, 597
十四行诗，635首。
sonnets, 635.
罗斯福，富兰克林D.，（113），335。
Roosevelt, Franklin D., (113), 335.
罗斯，理查德爵士，《无情的美女》，416。
Ros, Sir Richard, La Belle Dame sans mercie, 416.
罗莎琳德，195，198，237。
Rosalind, 195, 198, 237.
罗斯，62–3，66，69，581。
Rose, 62–3, 66, 69, 581.
玫瑰窗，31，64。
rose-windows, 31, 64.
Rostand, Edmond, Cyrano de Bergerac and The Distant Princess, 58.
罗斯托夫采夫，迈克尔，351。
Rostovtzeff, Michael, 351.
罗特鲁，280。
Rotrou, 280.
鲁昂大教堂，504。
Rouen Cathedral, 504.
让·雅克·卢梭，思想与阅读，170，350，392，393–5，670–1
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, ideas and reading, 170, 350, 392, 393–5, 670–1
影响和朋友，170，191，392，424。
influence and friends, 170, 191, 392, 424.
—作品：《达芙妮与克洛伊》，175
—works: Daphnis and Chloe, 175
科学与艺术论述, 395, 670–1
Discours sur les sciences et tes arts, 395, 670–1
《论不平等》，第 394-5 页
Discourse on Inequality, 394–5
社会契约论395
The Social Contract, 395
tr. Livy，672
tr. Livy, 672
《乡村占卜者》，175。
The Village Soothsayer, 175.
英国皇家学会，276
Royal Society, 276
RSPCA，638。
R.S.P.C.A., 638.
鲁本斯，152，178，269，290。
Rubens, 152, 178, 269, 290.
乔瓦尼·鲁塞莱，《蜜蜂》，124。
Rucellai, Giovanni, The Bees, 124.
布鲁图斯街
Rue de Brutus
法比尤斯
de Fabius
德斯卡沃拉，396。
de Scaevola, 396.
Ruggiero，151，153–4，606。
Ruggiero, 151, 153–4, 606.
废墟， 556，564
Ruin, The, 556, 564
废墟, 366, 556, 564, 677
ruins, 366, 556, 564, 677
圣本笃规则，7。
Rule of St. Benedict, 7.
诗歌中的“规则”，137–8、142–3、146、292、298、301–2、357–8、361、37 405–6、442–3、604
‘rules’ in poetry, 137–8, 142–3, 146, 292, 298, 301–2, 357–8, 361, 37 405–6, 442–3, 604
并看到统一。
and see unities.
罗马尼亚及其语言，6，59，661
Rumania and its language, 6, 59, 661
符文, 3–4, 30–1, 194, 384, 556, 56
runes, 3–4, 30–1, 194, 384, 556, 56
拉什沃思福音，47。
Rushworth Gospels, 47.
俄罗斯、艺术、音乐和建筑，130、435、448、664
Russia, art, music, and architecture, 130, 435, 448, 664
基督教，6，349，545.557，561
Christianity, 6, 349, 545. 557, 561
国家和人民，12，191，424，431，527，528，545，664
country and people, 12, 191, 424, 431, 527, 528, 545, 664
希腊罗马对其文化的影响，6，19，349，545
Greco-Roman influence on its culture, 6, 19, 349, 545
语言, 5, 6, 19, 106, 328, 545 557
languages, 5, 6, 19, 106, 328, 545 557
文学，19，22，51，542
literature, 19, 22, 51, 542
政治，6、51、328、351、390-1、431、463、561、662。
politics, 6, 51, 328, 351, 390–1, 431, 463, 561, 662.
鲁斯韦尔·克罗斯，31岁。
Ruthwell Cross, 31.
萨卡达斯，601。
Sacadas, 601.
萨克斯，汉斯，368。
Sachs, Hans, 368.
萨克维尔，戈尔博杜克，137。
Sackville, Gorboduc, 137.
圣心教堂，439。
Sacré-Cœur, church of, 439.
神圣的呈现，601。
sacre rappresentazioni, 601.
传奇，22，25，26。
sagas, 22, 25, 26.
圣人和圣徒，26，33，36，268，279，290，305，396，472，575
saints and sainthood, 26, 33, 36, 268, 279, 290, 305, 396, 472, 575
圣人雕像，374、397、440。
statues of saints, 374, 397, 440.
圣安布罗斯，Hexaemeron，32，567。
St. Ambrose, Hexaemeron, 32, 567.
圣安德鲁斯大学，ix，11。
St. Andrews University, ix, 11.
圣安东尼，185，461–2。
St. Antony, 185, 461–2.
坎特伯雷的圣奥古斯丁，36、40、568。
St. Augustine of Canterbury, 36, 40, 568.
圣奥古斯丁对希腊罗马文化的态度，9、10、40、73、263–4、557、560
St. Augustine of Hippo, attitude to Greco-Roman culture, 9, 10, 40, 73, 263–4, 557, 560
影响，85–7、188、462、592、655–6
influence, 85–7, 188, 462, 592, 655–6
宗教教义，36
religious doctrines, 36
风格，655–6。
style, 655–6.
圣奥古斯丁，作品：《上帝之城》，10、40、188、578
St. Augustine of Hippo, works: City of God, 10, 40, 188, 578
诗篇注释，681
Commentary on the Psalms, 681
《忏悔录》，9，672。
Confessions, 9, 672.
圣巴塞洛缪大屠杀，259年，639年。
St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 259, 639.
圣本笃，7、576、590。
St. Benedict, 7, 576, 590.
圣伯纳德，48岁。
St. Bernard, 48.
圣塞西莉亚，240。
St. Cecilia, 240.
圣哥伦巴，36岁。
St. Columba, 36.
圣西里尔，353，557。
St. Cyril, 353, 557.
圣埃夫勒蒙 (Charles de Marguetel de Saint-Denis)，Seigneur de，282, 645。
St. Évremond, Charles de Marguetel de Saint-Denis, Seigneur de, 282, 645.
圣弗朗西斯，181。
St. Francis, 181.
圣加仑，593。
St. Gallen, 593.
圣杰莱，奥克托维安德，115, 596。
Saint-Gelais, Octovien de, 115, 596.
圣乔治，607-8。
St. George, 607–8.
圣额我略·纳齐安，656。
St. Gregory Nazianzen, 656.
圣赫勒拿岛，30–1。
St. Helena, 30–1.
圣依纳爵·罗耀拉，259
St. Ignatius Loyola, 259.
圣詹姆斯图书馆，283–4
St. James’s Library, 283–4
广场，370。
Square, 370.
圣杰罗姆，264、555、557、560、569、582–3、640。
St. Jerome, 264, 555, 557, 560, 569, 582–3, 640.
施洗者圣约翰，455。
St. John the Baptist, 455.
圣约翰·克里索斯托姆，655。
St. John Chrysostom, 655.
圣约翰神父，145。
St. John the Divine, 145.
圣约翰福音传教士，579。
St. John the Evangelist, 579.
圣朱利安医院骑士团，689。
St. Julian the Hospitaller, 689.
圣朱莉安娜，30，567。
St. Juliana, 30, 567.
圣鞠斯特，393，397，399。
Saint-Just, 393, 397, 399.
圣路易斯之谜，615。
St. Louis, mystery of, 615.
圣马太福音，8。
St. Matthew’s Gospel, 8.
圣莫尔，53，576。
St. Maur, 53, 576.
圣麦托迪乌斯，353。
St. Methodius, 353.
圣帕特里克，26，36。
St. Patrick, 26, 36.
圣保罗，9，78，454，463
St. Paul, 9, 78, 454, 463
他的书信，26，545。
his epistles, 26, 545.
圣保罗大教堂，345。
St. Paul’s Cathedral, 345.
圣保罗学校，623-5。
St. Paul’s School, 623–5.
圣彼得，173，（456），463。
St. Peter, 173, (456), 463.
圣彼得教堂，606。
St. Peter’s Church, 606.
圣彼得堡，296。
St. Petersburg, 296.
圣皮埃尔、伯纳丁·德、保罗和弗吉尼亚，170。
Saint-Pierre, Bernardin de, Paul and Virginia, 170.
圣西门，二人组，320、336、647。
Saint-Simon, due et pair, 320, 336, 647.
Saint-Sorlin，参见Desmarets。
Saint-Sorlin, see Desmarets.
圣斯蒂芬绿地，509。
St. Stephen’s Green, 509.
圣特蕾莎，《迪奥斯之爱的概念》，259。
St. Theresa, Conceptos del amor de Dios, 259.
圣托马斯阿奎那，14、77、79–80、569、696、699。
St. Thomas Aquinas, 14, 77, 79–80, 569, 696, 699.
圣伯夫，185，346，683。
Sainte-Beuve, 185, 346, 683.
圣莫尔 (Sainte-Maure)，参见Benoît。
Sainte-Maure, see Benoît.
萨拉曼卡大学，11。
Salamanca University, 11.
萨利尔，休格斯，114。
Salel, Hugues, 114.
萨勒诺大学，11。
Salerno University, 11.
萨卢斯特，阅读并引用，189，393，578，655，679
Sallust, read and quoted, 189, 393, 578, 655, 679
译文，117–18。
translated, 117–18.
Salutati，Coluccio de'，18, 83。
Salutati, Coluccio de’, 18, 83.
参孙，295，510，524，648。
Samson, 295, 510, 524, 648.
撒母耳记，第 24 章。
Samuel, Book of, 24.
萨姆森，让，114。
Samxon, Jean, 114.
桑切斯，F.，617。
Sanchez, F., 617.
桑福德，詹姆斯，124。
Sandford, James, 124.
桑纳扎罗，雅各布，阿卡迪亚，167–8、169–70、171、172、337。
Sannazaro, Jacopo, Arcadia, 167–8, 169–70, 171, 172, 337.
梵文，478。
Sanskrit, 478.
桑提拉纳侯爵 (111), 596, 635。
Santillana, Marques de, (111), 596, 635.
萨福诗节，参见韵律。
Sapphic stanza, see metre.
萨福，220、225–6、415、432、458、517。
Sappho, 220, 225–6, 415, 432, 458, 517.
萨拉森人，49，145，346。
Saracens, 49, 145, 346.
撒丁岛：方言，6
Sardinia: dialect, 6
国王，425。
king, 425.
萨特，让-保罗，《苍蝇》，532，538，539
Sartre, Jean-Paul, The Flies, 532, 538, 539
恶心，58。
Nausea, 58.
撒旦，29、74、87、150–1、155–7、159、（173）、364、455、521、（580）；参见魔鬼。
Satan, 29, 74, 87, 150–1, 155–7, 159, (173), 364, 455, 521, (580); and see Devil.
埃里克·萨蒂，《Gymnoédies》，532。
Satie, Erik, Gymnoédies, 532.
讽刺：形式，20，67，303，305-6，309，546
satire: form, 20, 67, 303, 305–6, 309, 546
名字的含义，303，649
meaning of name, 303, 649
米，316–17
metre, 316–17
目的，304–5，421，428
purpose, 304–5, 421, 428
主题，304，320-1
subjects, 304, 320–1
词汇，318-20。
vocabulary, 318–20.
—类型：巴洛克，290–1、308、313–21、322、333、339、652
—types: baroque, 290–1, 308, 313–21, 322, 333, 339, 652
英语，104，309–11，313，314–15，321，652
English, 104, 309–11, 313, 314–15, 321, 652
法语，281，311–14，319–21，650–1
French, 281, 311–14, 319–21, 650–1
希腊罗马，或“古典”，20、66、68、184、192–3、281、299、303–5、306、307、310–20、322、549、649–52；
Greco-Roman, or ‘classical’, 20, 66, 68, 184, 192–3, 281, 299, 303–5, 306, 307, 310–20, 322, 549, 649–52;
意大利语，309–10, 315–16, 425, 681
Italian, 309–10, 315–16, 425, 681
中世纪，12、50、305–6、310、438；
medieval, 12, 50, 305–6, 310, 438;
梅尼普, 41, 303–4, 311, 570
Menippean, 41, 303–4, 311, 570
杂项，182，281，339，561，
miscellaneous, 182, 281, 339, 561,
戏剧，136，627，
in drama, 136, 627,
牧区，173，613
in pastoral, 173, 613
哲学，183，303-4。
philosophical, 183, 303–4.
梅尼皮的萨蒂尔，311。
Satyre Ménippée, 311.
萨蒂尔戏剧，309，419。
satyric plays, 309, 419.
色狼，139–40、148、162、174、303、521、591、697。
satyrs, 139–40, 148, 162, 174, 303, 521, 591, 697.
Saul，78，425–6。
Saul, 78, 425–6.
野蛮人，贵族，350，393，660；参见野蛮人，异教徒。
savages, noble, 350, 393, 660; and see barbarians, pagans.
萨维尔爵士亨利，118。
Savile, Sir Henry, 118.
萨沃纳罗拉，264，455。
Savonarola, 264, 455.
萨克索·格拉玛提库斯，194，556。
Saxo Grammaticus, 194, 556.
撒克逊方言，559。
Saxon dialect, 559.
—条款，330。
—terms, 330.
撒克逊人，35，36，389，568。
Saxons, 35, 36, 389, 568.
斯卡拉剧院，129。
Scala theatre, 129.
鳞片，金色，150。
scales, golden, 150.
斯卡利杰，约瑟夫·贾斯特斯，639。
Scaliger, Joseph Justus, 639.
斯卡利格，尤利乌斯·凯撒，301–2
Scaliger, Julius Caesar, 301–2
诗学，642。
Poetice, 642.
斯堪的纳维亚，448，545，563。
Scandinavia, 448, 545, 563.
斯卡拉蒂、亚历山德罗和多梅尼科，291。
Scarlatti, Alessandro and Domenico, 291.
斯卡伦、保罗、提丰和维吉尔的讽刺，270。
Scarron, Paul, Typhon and Vergil travestied, 270.
怀疑论哲学和哲学家，184，189，270，304，465。
Sceptic philosophy and philosophers, 184, 189, 270, 304, 465.
Schaidenreisser，Simon，114，120。
Schaidenreisser, Simon, 114, 120.
谢林，701。
Schelling, 701.
席勒，约翰·克里斯托弗·弗里德里希，古典知识与运用，251，359，367，376–7，382，614
Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich, knowledge and use of the classics, 251, 359, 367, 376–7, 382, 614
名誉和朋友，377–8、380。
reputation and friends, 377–8, 380.
—作品：民谣，376
—works: ballads, 376
墨西拿的新娘376
The Bride of Messina, 376
伊比库斯的鹤，376
The Cranes of Ibycus, 376
酒神颂，251
Dithyramb, 251
希腊诸神，251，376–7，676
The Gods of Greece, 251, 376–7, 676
颂歌，251，376-7
odes, 251, 376–7
波利环364
The Ring of Poly crates, 364
致欢乐, 251, 376
To Joy, 251, 376
华伦斯坦集中营，308
Wallensteins Lager, 308
泽尼亚，382。
Xenia, 382.
申克尔，KF，664。
Schinkel, K. F., 664.
海因里希·施利曼，83, 468, 690–1。
Schliemann, Heinrich, 83, 468, 690–1.
Schöfferlin，B.，118。
Schöfferlin, B., 118.
奖学金, 古典, 7–8, 11–14, 15–19, 28, 34, 37–9, 39–41, 45–7, 53–4, 57, 62, 67, 70–2, 79–80, 81–5, 91–3, 95–101, 104–26, 127, 135, 141–3, 157–61, 180, 181–2, 184–5, 188–91, 197–203, 216–18, 230–2, 237, 248, 251, 257–9, 263–4, 277, 283–5, 287–8, 293–6, 298, 306、308–11、324、327、328–30、339、342、345–7、348–9、355、360、364、367–9、369–76、379、383–6、390–1、392–5、 397–9、400–1、407、409、413–15、415–17、418–22、425、428、429–31、446–8、457–8、459、463–4、466–500、518、520–2、 542–7、553–4、557–8、 560、565、568–9、577–8、590–1、595–6、616、638–9、680–1、694–5、705。
scholarship, classical, 7–8, 11–14, 15–19, 28, 34, 37–9, 39–41, 45–7, 53–4, 57, 62, 67, 70–2, 79–80, 81–5, 91–3, 95–101, 104–26, 127, 135, 141–3, 157–61, 180, 181–2, 184–5, 188–91, 197–203, 216–18, 230–2, 237, 248, 251, 257–9, 263–4, 277, 283–5, 287–8, 293–6, 298, 306, 308–11, 324, 327, 328–30, 339, 342, 345–7, 348–9, 355, 360, 364, 367–9, 369–76, 379, 383–6, 390–1, 392–5, 397–9, 400–1, 407, 409, 413–15, 415–17, 418–22, 425, 428, 429–31, 446–8, 457–8, 459, 463–4, 466–500, 518, 520–2, 542–7, 553–4, 557–8, 560, 565, 568–9, 577–8, 590–1, 595–6, 616, 638–9, 680–1, 694–5, 705.
勋伯格，阿诺德，256。
Schònberg, Arnold, 256.
学校，639。
school, 639.
教科书，拉丁语，46，216，470，568，592，625-6。
schoolbooks, Latin, 46, 216 470, 568, 592, 625–6.
学校、8、11、14、37、40、53、105–6、122、127、135、186、201、203、216、248、257、323、334、369、390、415、466、467、470、484、490、492、493、568、623、624、639、686、690、705。
schools, 8, 11, 14, 37, 40, 53, 105–6, 122, 127, 135, 186, 201, 203, 216, 248, 257, 323, 334, 369, 390, 415, 466, 467, 470, 484, 490, 492, 493, 568, 623, 624, 639, 686, 690, 705.
叔本华，432，530。
Schopenhauer, 432, 530.
舒伯特，歌曲，58。
Schubert, songs, 58.
约翰·施瓦岑贝格，Freiherr zu，119。
Schwarzenberg, Johann, Freiherr zu, 119.
施瓦泽德，菲利普，587。
Schwarzerd, Philip, 587.
科学, 261, 262, 275–6, 280–3, 350, 359, 377, 379, 388, 395, 439, 455, 472, 479, 490, 493, 495–6, 498–9, 527, 640
science, 261, 262, 275–6, 280–3, 350, 359, 377, 379, 388, 395, 439, 455, 472, 479, 490, 493, 495–6, 498–9, 527, 640
摘要，2，15
abstract, 2, 15
应用, 1, 14–15, 184, 255, 264–6, 496, 549
applied, 1, 14–15, 184, 255, 264–6, 496, 549
玻利维亚人，435
Bolivian, 435
实验，468
experimental, 468
希腊罗马，2，180，264，281，348，352，604，640
Greco-Roman, 2, 180, 264, 281, 348, 352, 604, 640
做爱，58，65
love-making, 58, 65
中世纪，41，455
medieval, 41, 455
方法，468–71，495–6
methods of, 468–71, 495–6
现代，1，264，265，281，549，604，640-1
modern, 1, 264, 265, 281, 549, 604, 640–1
身体，466，468，490-1
physical, 466, 468, 490–1
文艺复兴，180，183，264。
Renaissance, 180, 183, 264.
西庇阿·非洲人，63, 84–5, 400, (548), 581
Scipio Africanus, 63, 84–5, 400, (548), 581
参见西塞罗的《西庇阿之梦》。苏格兰，国家和人民，23、31、166、424、464、543、613
and see Cicero: Dream of Scipio. Scotland, country and people, 23, 31, 166, 424, 464, 543, 613
文化教育，350，484，493
culture and education, 350, 484, 493
历史，39，425，568
history, 39, 425, 568
语言, 55, 否, 577
language, 55, no, 577
文学，24–5，219，577
literature, 24–5, 219, 577
另请参阅Ossian, Scott。
and see Ossian, Scott.
斯科特爵士沃尔特，340，355，412，488。
Scott, Sir Walter, 340, 355, 412, 488.
斯克里亚宾，587。
Scriabin, 587.
Scudéry，Madeleine de，302
Scudéry, Madeleine de, 302
克莱莉亚，(66)、(332)、337、343、654、658。
Clelia, (66), (332), 337, 343, 654, 658.
雕塑, 227, 380, 518, 701
sculpture, 227, 380, 518, 701
希腊罗马，2，369–74，413，416–17，422，435，436，445，458–9，546，661，665，677，679
Greco-Roman, 2, 369–74, 413, 416–17, 422, 435, 436, 445, 458–9, 546, 661, 665, 677, 679
现代，2、15、21、78、280、290、369、373–4、504、532、579、664。
modern, 2, 15, 21, 78, 280, 290, 369, 373–4, 504, 532, 579, 664.
Scylla，148，534。
Scylla, 148, 534.
Sebillét，Thomas，120。
Sebillét, Thomas, 120.
第二诡辩学派，51，56。
Second Sophistic, 51, 56.
Seeck，Otto，351。
Seeck, Otto, 351.
塞尼，贝尔纳多，123，142。
Segni, Bernardo, 123, 142.
塞尔登，282。
Selden, 282.
塞尔夫，乔治·德，117。
Selve, George de, 117.
塞姆普罗尼乌斯，400。
Sempronius, 400.
参议院、法国和拉丁美洲，391
Senate, French and Latin-American, 391
罗马，391，398，399，476，561
Roman, 391, 398, 399, 476, 561
美国，362，391，399。
U.S., 362, 391, 399.
参议院议事规则，396。
senatus consultum, 396.
塞涅卡，职业生涯，131，207，326
Seneca, career, 131, 207, 326
阅读和模仿，42、44、84、100–1、120、126、128、132–3、134、137、188、189、191、198、203、207–9、214、294、324、326、360、367、374、410–11、426、571、591、593、598–9、617、622–3、650、654、666、670–1、679
read and imitated, 42, 44, 84, 100–1, 120, 126, 128, 132–3, 134, 137, 188, 189, 191, 198, 203, 207–9, 214, 294, 324, 326, 360, 367, 374, 410–11, 426, 571, 591, 593, 598–9, 617, 622–3, 650, 654, 666, 670–1, 679
译文，120，122，670。
translated, 120, 122, 670.
—作品：哲学著作，100–1、126、188–9、191–2、324、410、571、593、617
—works: philosophical writings, 100–1, 126, 188–9, 191–2, 324, 410, 571, 593, 617
散文风格，323–4、326、410、617、654
prose style, 323–4, 326, 410, 617, 654
南瓜化，或关于克劳狄斯之死的笑话，303-4、649、670
Pumpkinification, or Joke on the Death of Claudius, 303–4, 649, 670
悲剧，42，84，105，131，299，301，451，570，598-9，622-3，666，679
tragedies, 42, 84, 105, 131, 299, 301, 451, 570, 598–9, 622–3, 666, 679
诗歌风格、44、134、208、570、591、598
verse style, 44, 134, 208, 570, 591, 598
阿伽门农，122
Agamemnon, 122
《大力神的疯狂》，122，209，624
The Madness of Hercules, 122, 209, 624
美狄亚，122；
Medea, 122;
（伪造），Octavia，122，131，679
(spurious), Octavia, 122, 131, 679
菲德拉，209
Phaedra, 209
提厄斯忒斯，122
Thyestes, 122
特洛伊妇女，122。
The Trojan Women, 122.
纽约州塞内卡，400。
Seneca, N.Y., 400.
七十士译本，（104–5），556，594–5。
Septuagint, (104–5), 556, 594–5.
六翼天使，149，238，240。
seraphs, 149, 238, 240.
塞尔维亚人，24。
Serbs, 24.
农奴，见封建制度。
serfs, see feudalism.
连续剧，598。
serials, 598.
讲道，46，304，306，308，324，329–30，332–3，364，682。
sermons, 46, 304, 306, 308, 324, 329–30, 332–3, 364, 682.
Serventese，76，585。
serventese, 76, 585.
塞尔维乌斯·苏尔皮西乌斯 (Servius Sulpicius)，677。
Servius Sulpicius, 677.
修拉，乔治，518。
Seurat, Georges, 518.
塞克斯都·恩披里柯，189。
Sextus Empiricus, 189.
性压抑和性自由，63–4、182、361、423、445–6、449–50、457–9、523–5、526–7。
sexual repression and liberty, 63–4, 182, 361, 423, 445–6, 449–50, 457–9, 523–5, 526–7.
塞塞尔（Claude Seyssel），117。
Seyssel, Claude de, 117.
斯福扎，卡特琳娜，155。
Sforza, Caterina, 155.
沙德威尔，243。
Shadwell, 243.
沙夫茨伯里伯爵，370，664。
Shaftesbury, the earl of, 370, 664.
莎士比亚，约翰，614，623。
Shakespeare, John, 614, 623.
莎士比亚，威廉，职业生涯和性格，179，614
Shakespeare, William, career and character, 179, 614
教育和经典的使用，86、105、116-17、129、132、194-218、236-7、293、34、368、415-18、447、617、618-27
education and use of the classics, 86, 105, 116–17, 129, 132, 194–218, 236–7, 293, 34 368, 415–18, 447, 617, 618–27
作为诗人的声誉和地位，128、159、241、260、364、368、375、407 415、481、545、628、658、677
reputation and rank as a poet, 128, 159, 241, 260, 364, 368, 375, 407 415, 481, 545, 628, 658, 677
18–19、110、114、481。
sty 18–19, 110, 114, 481.
—作品：194，447
—works: 194, 447
喜剧，174
comedies, 174
历史，208
histories, 208
悲剧，104，207 208，210-11，232，417，544，563 623
tragedies, 104, 207 208, 210–11, 232, 417, 544, 563 623
一切都好，194
All’s Well, 194
安东尼与克莉奥佩特拉，126、157、197–8、205–6、210、212–14、272、415、618、621、627
Antony and Cleopatra, 126, 157, 197–8, 205–6, 210, 212–14, 272, 415, 618, 621, 627
皆大欢喜，140，175，194–5，237，612，618–19
As You Like It, 140, 175, 194–5, 237, 612, 618–19
错误的喜剧，121，214–15，217，618，624–5
Comedy of Errors, 121, 214–15, 217, 618, 624–5
科利奥兰纳斯，126，197，210，618
Coriolanus, 126, 197, 210, 618
辛白林, 195, 207, 618
Cymbeline, 195, 207, 618
哈姆雷特，128、132–3、179–80、194–5、198、208、211、216、274、299、301、538、605
Hamlet, 128, 132–3, 179–80, 194–5, 198, 208, 211, 216, 274, 299, 301, 538, 605
亨利四世，196，208
Henry IV, 196, 208
亨利五世，13196，533
Henry V, 13 196, 533
亨利六世，208，217
Henry VI, 208, 217
尤利乌斯·凯撒126, 132, 197, 210 211–12, 618, 624
Julius Caesar, 126, 132, 197, 210 211–12, 618, 624
约翰王，208
King John, 208
李尔王，129，133，180，196，207 301，（536），538，643
King Lear, 129, 133, 180, 196, 207 301, (536), 538, 643
爱情的徒劳，171，194，199–200，216，237
Love’s Labour’s Lost, 171, 194, 199–200, 216, 237
麦克白，（87），132–3，180，197，206 209，211，274，299–300，538，623，643
Macbeth, (87), 132–3, 180, 197, 206 209, 211, 274, 299–300, 538, 623, 643
一报还一报194
Measure for Measure, 194
威尼斯商人，196，203，61 698
Merchant of Venice, 196, 203, 61 698
风流老婆们，194，619
Merry Wives, 194, 619
仲夏夜之梦，61，196–7，204，207，607，618
Mid summer-Night’s Dream, 61, 196–7, 204, 207, 607, 618
无事生非, 6奥赛罗, 57, 125, 180, 195, 200, 27 538, 618
Much Ado, 6 Othello, 57, 125, 180, 195, 200, 27 538, 618
热情的朝圣者，620
The Passionate Pilgrim, 620
伯里克利，618
Pericles, 618
《鲁克丽丝受辱记》第 203–4 页、第 216–17 页、第 618 页、第 704 页
The Rape of Lucrece, 203–4, 216–17, 618, 704
理查二世，200
Richard II, 200
理查三世，132，208，301，623
Richard III, 132, 208, 301, 623
Romeo and Juliet, 58, 61, 199, 205, 618
十四行诗，58，179，194，203，205，621，636
Sonnets, 58, 179, 194, 203, 205, 621, 636
《驯悍记》 136、204–5、618、625
Taming of the Shrew, 136, 204–5, 618, 625
暴风雨，194–5，206，301
Tempest, 194–5, 206, 301
雅典的泰门，197–8、207–8、210、600、618、623
Timon of Athens, 197–8, 207–8, 210, 600, 618, 623
提图斯·安德洛尼克斯，61，133，207–8，618，623
Titus Andronicus, 61, 133, 207–8, 618, 623
特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，55，138，195，197，618，619
Troilus and Cressida, 55, 138, 195, 197, 618, 619
《第十二夜》，168，194，648
Twelfth Night, 168, 194, 648
蒂姆绅士，168，618
Tim Gentlemen, 168, 618
维纳斯与阿多尼斯, 203, 204, 205, 415, 618
Venus and Adonis, 203, 204, 205, 415, 618
冬天的故事，195，618。
Winter’s Tale, 195, 618.
雪莱，职业生涯，365，389
Shelley, career, 365, 389
教育与经典的使用，158、227–8、250、355、360、365、408、414、418–23、457、518、677–9、697、703
education and use of the classics, 158, 227–8, 250, 355, 360, 365, 408, 414, 418–23, 457, 518, 677–9, 697, 703
异教，93，363，421-3，431，453，455，678
paganism, 93, 363, 421–3, 431, 453, 455, 678
声誉和影响力，241，402，424，426，688。
reputation and influence, 241, 402, 424, 426, 688.
—作品：《阿多奈》，174、418、420–1、678、679
—works: Adonais, 174, 418, 420–1, 678, 679
Cenci , (360), 419
The Cenci, (360), 419
《为诗辩护》，420–1
A Defence of Poetry, 420–1
古人风俗论述，420
A Discourse of the Manners of the Ancients, &c., 420
灵长类动物,420
Epipsychidion, 420
希腊, 362, 399, 419, 422, 672, 675
Hellas, 362, 399, 419, 422, 672, 675
拉丁警句，678
Latin epigram, 678
无神论的必要性，363
The Necessity of Atheism, 363
自由颂，662
Ode to Liberty, 662
那不勒斯颂歌，250
Ode to Naples, 250
西风颂，251
Ode to the West Wind, 251
俄狄浦斯王，421，678
Oedipus Tyrannus, 421, 678
奥兹曼迪亚斯，（407）
Ozymandias, (407)
解放了的普罗米修斯, 355, 402, 418, 419, 421, 422, 688, 703
Prometheus Unbound, 355, 402, 418, 419, 421, 422, 688, 703
玛布女王，419，421–2
Queen Mab, 419, 421–2
伊斯兰的反抗，421
The Revolt of Islam, 421
tr. 田园诗人, 420
tr. bucolic poets, 420
译自《荷马颂歌》、《独眼巨人》和《会饮篇》，419
tr. ‘Homeric’ hymns, The Cyclops, and The Symposium, 419
tr.维吉尔，419，678
tr. Vergil, 419, 678
《流浪的犹太人》，678。
The Wandering Jew, 678.
牧羊人和牧羊女，21、86、139–40、162–3、164、165、166、168、170、171、172、173–7、441、697、705。
shepherds and shepherdesses, 21, 86, 139–40, 162–3, 164, 165, 166, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173–7, 441, 697, 705.
谢里丹，397。
Sheridan, 397.
雪莉，R.，123。
Sherry, R., 123.
肖特，查尔斯，491，694。
Short, Charles, 491, 694.
Sibyl，73，511，515–16，699。
Sibyl, the, 73, 511, 515–16, 699.
西西里岛，23、162–3、177、283–4、328、452、487、618、697。
Sicily, 23, 162–3, 177, 283–4, 328, 452, 487, 618, 697.
西德尼爵士菲利普，古典学知识和声誉，123、169–70、174、179、282。
Sidney, Sir Philip, knowledge of the classics and reputation, 123, 169–70, 174, 179, 282.
—作品：《诗歌申辩》，54
—works: Apologiefor Poetrie, 54
彭布罗克伯爵夫人的阿卡迪亚，169–70，658
The Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia, 169–70, 658
悉尼的阿卡迪亚现代化，341。
Sidney’s Arcadia modernized, 341.
西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯, 189, 220, 471–2
Sidonius Apollinaris, 189, 220, 471–2
信件，471–2。
letters, 471–2.
Sieder，Johann，125。
Sieder, Johann, 125.
罗得岛围城战，240。
Siege of Rhodes, The, 240.
显克微、亨利克、《Quo Vadis》，404、463、689。
Sienkiewicz, Henryk, Quo Vadis?, 404, 463, 689.
西利乌斯·伊塔利库斯、伊利亚斯·拉丁诺, 53, 565, 576, 593
Silius Italicus, Ilias Latino, 53, 565, 576, 593
石榴，360，588。
Punica, 360, 588.
西洛内，伊格纳齐奥，166。
Silone, Ignazio, 166.
明喻，102、158、358、485-6
similes, 102, 158, 358, 485–6
荷马的，155，271，272-3，342，358，404，482，485-6
Homer’s, 155, 271, 272–3, 342, 358, 404, 482, 485–6
莎士比亚，198–9、203。
Shakespeare’s, 198–9, 203.
西蒙尼德斯，430。
Simonides, 430.
简单化，《实践者》，307。
Simplicissimus, Der abenteurliche, 307.
罪孽，78，269，363，445，540，704。
sin, 78, 269, 363, 445, 540, 704.
西奈山，439。
Sinai, Mount, 439.
辛巴达，524。
Sindbad, 524.
歌手、演奏家、297、392、633、647。
singers, virtuosi, 297, 392, 633, 647.
警报器，516。
Sirens, 516.
西西弗斯，527–8。
Sisyphus, 527–8.
斯凯尔顿，约翰，310。
Skelton, John, 310.
臭鼬 ( muflisme ), 461, 689.
skunkery (muflisme), 461, 689.
俚语，54，71，303-4，318-20，533。
slang, 54, 71, 303–4, 318–20, 533.
奴隶和奴隶制，256、329、350、396、460、463、549、593。
slaves and slavery, 256, 329, 350, 396, 460, 463, 549, 593.
斯拉夫民族，19，24，349，353，557。
Slavic peoples, 19, 24, 349, 353, 557.
贫民窟，413，437，454，512。
slums, 413, 437, 454, 512.
社会主义，255，554，684。
socialism, 255, 554, 684.
社会，古典，471。
societies, classical, 471.
耶稣会，259；另请参阅耶稣会。
Society of Jesus, 259; and see Jesuits.
苏格拉底，41、43-5、128、191、279、284、376、378、391、397、412、423、451、459、460-1、639。
Socrates, 41, 43–5, 128, 191, 279, 284, 376, 378, 391, 397, 412, 423, 451, 459, 460–1, 639.
所罗门王，57，451。
Solomon, King, 57, 451.
索伦，396，400。
Solon, 396, 400.
罗兰之歌，（28），48–9，154，563，607。
Song of Roland, The, (28), 48–9, 154, 563, 607.
所罗门之歌，245，459。
Song of Solomon, 245, 459.
歌曲，vii、20、22、42-3、48、50、58、126、171-2、177、218-21、225-7、229-30、253、269、290、301、305、364、380、544、548、549、561-2、564-5、614、688、697；参见民歌。
songs, vii, 20, 22, 42–3, 48, 50, 58, 126, 171–2, 177, 218–21, 225–7, 229–30, 253, 269, 290, 301, 305, 364, 380, 544, 548, 549, 561–2, 564–5, 614, 688, 697; and see folk-songs.
十四行诗，219–20、223、228–9、230、245、249、276、280、442–3。
sonnets, 219–20, 223, 228–9, 230, 245, 249, 276, 280, 442–3.
索福克勒斯，阅读并改编，132、294–5、369、419、485、549、648、685
Sophocles, read and adapted, 132, 294–5, 369, 419, 485, 549, 648, 685
译文，120，378。
translated, 120, 378.
—作品，131
—works, 131
安提戈涅, 120, 133, 136, 378, 419, 537, 703
Antigone, 120, 133, 136, 378, 419, 537, 703
伊莱克特拉，120，134
Electra, 120, 134
俄狄浦斯在科洛诺斯, 419, 433, 494, 682
Oedipus at Colonus, 419, 433, 494, 682
俄狄浦斯统治者, 373, 378, 419, 515
Oedipus the Ruler, 373, 378, 419, 515
菲罗克忒忒斯，657
Philoctetes, 657
特拉奇尼亚，657。
Trachiniae, 657.
Soracte，413。
Soracte, 413.
索德洛，75岁。
Sordello, 75.
诗歌中的声音效果，319，514，605。
sound-effects in poetry, 319, 514, 605.
南方，约翰，潘多拉，237，632。
Southern, John, Pandora, 237, 632.
骚塞，427，649。
Southey, 427, 649.
巴普蒂斯塔·斯帕诺利（Baptista Mantuanus），171, 173, 216, 340。
Spagnuoli, Baptista ( = Baptista Mantuanus), 171, 173, 216, 340.
西班牙和西班牙人、国家和人民，12、167–8、207–8、258–9、275
Spain and the Spaniards, country and people, 12, 167–8, 207–8, 258–9, 275
文化，258–9、557–9、595–6、600
culture, 258–9, 557–9, 595–6, 600
政治史，144–5、167、258–9、427、448、558–9、597
political history, 144–5, 167, 258–9, 427, 448, 558–9, 597
语言，6、12–14、22、106、110–11、171、289、559、661
language, 6, 12–14, 22, 106, 110–11, 171, 289, 559, 661
文献，20，22，（40），48，59，87，111，113，114，117，128，130，138，168-9，171，219，229，244-5，246-7，258-9，309，541，559，596-7，600，602，611。
literature, 20, 22, (40), 48, 59, 87, 111, 113, 114, 117, 128, 130, 138, 168–9, 171, 219, 229, 244–5, 246–7, 258–9, 309, 541, 559, 596–7, 600, 602, 611.
西班牙悲剧（Kyd），133。
Spanish Tragedy, The (Kyd), 133.
斯巴达，393、394-5、399、400、431、671。
Sparta, 393, 394–5, 399, 400, 431, 671.
专业化，256，495。
specialization, 256, 495.
《旁观者》，341。
Spectator, The, 341.
斯宾塞，波吕墨提斯，416。
Spence, Polymetis, 416.
斯宾格勒，奥斯瓦尔德，《西方的没落》，9、170、267–8、293、351、476、479、682。
Spengler, Oswald, The Decline of the West, 9, 170, 267–8, 293, 351, 476, 479, 682.
斯宾塞，埃德蒙，110，482，635
Spenser, Edmund, 110, 482, 635
古典教育和知识，146、196、215、232、416、603–4、678。
education and knowledge of the classics, 146, 196, 215, 232, 416, 603–4, 678.
—作品：Astrophel，173–4
—works: Astrophel, 173–4
水蚤, 173
Daphnaida, 173
上议院议事录237
Epithalamion, 237
仙后，58、146、147–9、151–3、155、232、529、603–4、606–7
The Faerie Queene, 58, 146, 147–9, 151–3, 155, 232, 529, 603–4, 606–7
牧羊人日历，171，172-3。
The Shepherd’s Calendar, 171, 172–3.
领域，音乐，202–3，240。
spheres, music of, 202–3, 240.
狮身人面像，200，535-6，539-40。
Sphinx, 200, 535–6, 539–40.
蜘蛛和蜜蜂，285–6、646。
spider and the bee, 285–6, 646.
斯宾诺莎，3.
Spinoza, 3.
卡尔·斯皮特勒，528–31、703–4。
Spitteler, Carl, 528–31, 703–4.
—作品：《奥林匹克之春》，529–31，703
—works: Olympian Spring, 529–31, 703
普罗米修斯与厄庇米修斯，528–9
Prometheus and Epimetheus, 528–9
受难者普罗米修斯，529。
Prometheus the Sufferer, 529.
或πovδoγέλoτov，305。
oπovδoγέλoτov, 305.
Spreng，Johann，115–116。
Spreng, Johann, 115–16.
彩色玻璃，31，64，488。
stained glass, 31, 64, 488.
斯坦尼赫斯特，理查德，116。
Stanyhurst, Richard, 116.
星号，44、189、202–3、231、411、448、495、502、697。
stars, 44, 189, 202–3, 231, 411, 448, 495, 502, 697.
星条旗之歌，第228–9页。
Star-Spangled Banner, The, 228–9.
斯塔提乌斯，作为基督徒，72, 75, 79, 584
Statius, as a Christian, 72, 75, 79, 584
阅读和改编，56、79、80、96、97、100、135、581、588、589、592、678–9。
read and adapted, 56, 79, 80, 96, 97, 100, 135, 581, 588, 589, 592, 678–9.
—作品，441
—works, 441
阿喀琉斯，593
Achilleid, 593
Thebaid，请参见上面的“阅读和改编” 。
Thebaid, see under ‘read and adapted’ (above).
斯坦贝克，约翰，166。
Steinbeck, John, 166.
司汤达，《论爱》，66。
Stendhal, De l’amour, 66.
stichomythia，208。
stichomythia, 208.
希腊罗马艺术和思想的刺激，113、143、198、203、210-11、218、329-30、357、369、376、388-9、517-18、542、565。
stimulus of Greco-Roman art and thought, 113, 143, 198, 203, 210–11, 218, 329–30, 357, 369, 376, 388–9, 517–18, 542, 565.
Stobaeus，190。
Stobaeus, 190.
斯多葛学派和斯多葛主义，207–8、291、303、326、410–11、421、465、476、496、665、685。
Stoics and Stoicism, 207–8, 291, 303, 326, 410–11, 421, 465, 476, 496, 665, 685.
风暴与压力，369，375，664。
Storm and Stress, 369, 375, 664.
斯特雷奇，利顿，《书籍与人物》，293，643。
Strachey, Lytton, Books and Characters, 293, 643.
斯特拉斯堡，人文主义者，121，134，310
Strasbourg, humanists, 121, 134, 310
誓言，558。
Oaths, 558.
埃文河畔斯特拉特福，195，619，623。
Stratford-on-Avon, 195, 619, 623.
施特劳斯，大卫，《耶稣的生活》，464。
Strauss, David, Life of Jesus, 464.
施特劳斯，理查德，448，531。
Strauss, Richard, 448, 531.
—作品：阿尔卑斯交响曲，（531）
—works: Alpine Symphony, (531)
家庭交响曲，383
Domestic Symphony, 383
厄勒克特拉，526
Electra, 526
玫瑰骑士, 581
DerRosenkavalier, 581
莎乐美，455。
Salome, 455.
斯特拉文斯基，伊戈尔，《俄狄浦斯王》，532。
Stravinsky, Igor, Oedipus Rex, 532.
街头传教士，304，308。
street-preachers, 304, 308.
重音，246，248，381-2，443。
stress-accent, 246, 248, 381–2, 443.
节节，222、234–7、250、636。
strophe, 222, 234–7, 250, 636.
斯特罗齐，弗朗西斯科·德·索尔多，117。
Strozzi, Francisco de Soldo, 117.
斯图尔特，詹姆斯（“雅典人”），《雅典古物》等，370。
Stuart, James (‘Athenian’), Antiquities of Athens, &c., 370.
狂飙突进，664。
Sturm und Drang, 664.
文体手法，vii、19–20、91、102、111、112–13、158–61、165、221、232、235、256、271、330、356、404、488、561–2、611、682。
stylistic devices, vii, 19–20, 91, 102, 111, 112–13, 158–61, 165, 221, 232, 235, 256, 271, 330, 356, 404, 488, 561–2, 611, 682.
苏埃托尼乌斯，475，557，643
Suetonius, 475, 557, 643
阅读和引用，189，578
read and quoted, 189, 578
译文，117。
translated, 117.
自杀，376，440，450。
suicide, 376, 440, 450.
Summaripa，G.，125。
Summaripa, G., 125.
太阳和太阳神话，265，441，5，522–3，527。
sun and sun-myths, 265, 441, 5, 522–3, 527.
超自然，戏剧中，132，196-7，205-6，538-9
supernatural, in drama, 132, 196–7, 205–6, 538–9
在史诗中，147–51、270–1、287、342、485、529。
in epic, 147–51, 270–1, 287, 342, 485, 529.
迷信，456，524，555。
superstition, 456, 524, 555.
超现实主义，256，539，638，699。
surrealism, 256, 539, 638, 699.
萨里伯爵，115。
Surrey, the earl of, 115.
燕子，38，61，514，516。
swallow, 38, 61, 514, 516.
天鹅，诗人，226，235，628。
swan, poet as a, 226, 235, 628.
天鹅剧院，129。
Swan theatre, 129.
瑞典，19，22-3，176，575。
Sweden, 19, 22–3, 176, 575.
斯威尼，504，513，515，517，698。
Sweeney, 504, 513, 515, 517, 698.
“甜蜜和光明”，286。
‘sweetness and light’, 286.
斯威夫特，乔纳森，性格与影响，282，285，315，318，32 649
Swift, Jonathan, character and influence, 282, 285, 315, 318, 32 649
教育和对古典文学的态度，261、285-6、304、327。
education and attitude to the classics, 261, 285–6, 304, 327.
—作品，291
—works, 291
书籍之战，262、270、281、285–6、307、644、646
The Battle of the Books, 262, 270, 281, 285–6, 307, 644, 646
康塔塔，241
Cantata, 241
格列佛游记304, 307
Gulliver’s Travel 304, 307
《论一位年轻仙女上床睡觉》，653
On a Young Nymph going to Bed, 653
品达颂歌，286，646
Pindaric odes, 286, 646
讽刺作品，286
satires generally, 286
《桶的故事》，270，285。
A Tale of a Tub, 270, 285.
斯温伯恩，阿尔杰农，《教育与古典文学的使用》，414，446，452，685
Swinburne, Algernon, education and use of the classics, 414, 446, 45 2, 685
异教，363，457，46 688。
paganism, 363, 457, 46 688.
—作品，441、444–6、462、489、51、687
—works, 441, 444–6, 462, 489, 51, 687
阿塔兰忒在卡吕冬，451–2，457，687
Atalanta in Calydon, 451–2, 457, 687
厄瑞克透斯，451–2，687
Erechtheus, 451–2, 687
焦尔丹诺·布鲁诺的盛宴，688
For the Feast of Giordano Bruno, 688
伊蒂鲁斯，514，699
Itylus, 514, 699
最后的神谕688
The Last Oracle, 688
诗歌与评论笔记, 685
Notes on Poems and Reviews, 685
颂歌，254，636。
Odes, 254, 636.
瑞士和瑞士人，13，166，187，259，344，345，528–31，694。
Switzerland and the Swiss, 13, 166, 187, 259, 344, 345, 528–31, 694.
文学中的象征主义，32、63–4、66、76、256、367、386、387、390、392、401、409、451、501–4、507–19、538–9、581、661、695–6、699
symbolism, in literature, 32, 63–4, 66, 76, 256, 367, 386, 387, 390, 392, 401, 409, 451, 501–4, 507–19, 538–9, 581, 661, 695–6, 699
在其他领域，396–7、399–400、442、523–5、701–2。
in other fields, 396–7, 399–400, 442, 523–5, 701–2.
西马库斯，41，557。
Symmachus, 41, 557.
对称性, 古典, 129, 147, 323, 357, 367, 503, 504, 656
symmetry, classical, 129, 147, 323, 357, 367, 503, 504, 656
古典主义或巴洛克风格，290、301、330-5、368、604、654、657。
classicist or baroque, 290, 301, 330–5, 368, 604, 654, 657.
交响曲，161，166，223，241，250，251，376，383，427，485，587
symphonies, 161, 166, 223, 241, 250, 251, 376, 383, 427, 485, 587
和 445.
and 445.
同义词，331。
synonyms, 331.
句法，158–61、414、490、494–5、497。
syntax, 158–61, 414, 490, 494–5, 497.
锡拉丘兹，162，410，452。
Syracuse, 162, 410, 452.
叙利亚和叙利亚人，303–4、454、459、573、688
Syria and the Syrians, 303–4, 454, 459, 573, 688
叙利亚语，692。
Syriac, 692.
锡林克斯，521，524，697。
Syrinx, 521, 524, 697.
塔西佗，268，475
Tacitus, 268, 475
手稿，80，91
manuscripts, 80, 91
研究和引用，189，393，406，460，491，672，679
studied and quoted, 189, 393, 406, 460, 491, 672, 679
款式, 118, 268, 273, 324, 326, 348, 643
style, 118, 268, 273, 324, 326, 348, 643
译文，118。
translated, 118.
—著作：《年鉴》，189
—works: Annals, 189
《演说家对话》，362。
Dialogue on Orators, 362.
塔利安夫人，361。
Tallien, Mme, 361.
坦塔罗斯，148。
Tantalus, 148.
挂毯，61，234，514。
tapestry, 61, 234, 514.
Tarquin，217，473。
Tarquin, 217, 473.
塔苏斯，36，151。
Tarsus, 36, 151.
鞑靼人，346，353，545。
Tartars, 346, 353, 545.
塔索，贝尔纳多，244–5。
Tasso, Bernardo, 244–5.
塔索，托尔夸托，368，603
Tasso, Torquato, 368, 603
事业和朋友，115，179，431
career and friends, 115, 179, 431
教育和对古典文学的态度，200，272，279，292，543
education and attitude to the classics, 200, 272, 279, 292, 543
名声和影响力，366、405、431、603–4、645。
fame and influence, 366, 405, 431, 603–4, 645.
—作品：阿明塔斯（Aminta），140, 171, 172, 174, 175, 596, 599
—works : Amyntas (Aminta), 140, 171, 172, 174, 175, 596, 599
史诗史诗讨论，引用，272, 643
Discorsi del poema epico, quoted, 272, 643
征服耶路撒冷, 146, 603
Gerusalemme Conquistata, 146, 603
《解放耶路撒冷》，146、148-50、152-6、158、160、263、603、608、652。
The Liberation of Jerusalem, 146, 148–50, 152–6, 158, 160, 263, 603, 608, 652.
Tassoni，Alessandro，《杂感》，270，277–8，645
Tassoni, Alessandro, Miscellaneous Thoughts, 270, 277–8, 645
被强奸的水桶，270，277，314-15，645，652。
The Ravished Bucket, 270, 277, 314–15, 645, 652.
泰特，那鸿书，314。
Tate, Nahum, 314.
塔蒂安，640。
Tatian, 640.
泰勒，托马斯，柏拉图译，676。
Taylor, Thomas, tr. Plato, 676.
科隆剧院，129。
Teatro Colon, 129.
忒勒戈诺斯，50，53，534。
Telegonus, 50, 53, 534.
忒勒马科斯，336–9，506，534。
Telemachus, 336–9, 506, 534.
坦普尔爵士威廉，散文，282–3，285，640。
Temple, Sir William, Essay, 282–3, 285, 640.
寺庙，152，401，677。
temples, 152, 401, 677.
丁尼生，阿尔弗雷德，勋爵，古典文学的教育和运用，83，446，447，466，487，549，686–7，693。
Tennyson, Alfred, Lord, education and use of the classics, 83, 446, 447, 466, 487, 549, 686–7, 693.
—作品，447–8、461、481、668
—works, 447–8, 461, 481, 668
鹰, 32
The Eagle, 32
史诗，693
The Epic, 693
赫斯珀里得斯686
Hesperides, 686
国王的田园诗，448，487
Idylls of the King, 448, 487
《食莲者》，447，686
The Lotus-Eaters, 447, 686
卢克莱修，449–50，451
Lucretius, 449–50, 451
阿尔图之死487, 693
Morte d’Arthu 487, 693
欧尼酮450
Oenone, 450
海仙子, 686
Sea-fairies, 686
致维吉尔（422），446
To Vergil, (422), 446
tr.荷马，487。
tr. Homer, 487.
特伦斯，71，131
Terence, 71, 131
阅读和改编，84、132、136、138、188–9、318、494、599、625–6、650、655
read and adapted, 84, 132, 136, 138, 188–9, 318, 494, 599, 625–6, 650, 655
译文，121–2。
translated, 121–2.
忒柔斯，61，514。
Tereus, 61, 514.
特土良，324，330，559，640
Tertullian, 324, 330, 559, 640
特瓦冈特，49，573
Tervagant, 49, 573
“遗嘱”，558。
‘testament’, 558.
Teubner Classics，470，498。
Teubner Classics, 470, 498.
Textor，Ravisius，138。
Textor, Ravisius, 138.
文本批评，469，496-7。
textual criticism, 469, 496–7.
剧院，参见戏剧。
theatre, see drama.
剧院（建筑物），129–30、139、225、598、705。
theatres (the buildings), 129–30, 139, 225, 598, 705.
底比斯鹰，226，238，242。
Theban eagle, 226, 238, 242.
底比斯，577。
Thebe, 577.
底比斯，城市，221，237，238
Thebes, the city, 221, 237, 238
神话，47，56，100，523，525，536，580，592。
the myth, 47, 56, 100, 523, 525, 536, 580, 592.
泰勒玛，183，615。
Thelema, 183, 615.
地米斯托克利，284，397。
Themistocles, 284, 397.
西奥克里特斯, 140, 162–3, 172–3, 280, 376, 402, 420, 603, 673, 695, 697
Theocritus, 140, 162–3, 172–3, 280, 376, 402, 420, 603, 673, 695, 697
改编和模仿，167，171，383，402，435，697
adapted and imitated, 167, 171, 383, 402, 435, 697
田园诗的创始人，139，162-3，172，507，611，697
originator of pastoral, 139, 162–3, 172, 507, 611, 697
译文，123，375，420。
translated, 123, 375, 420.
西奥多，大主教，36，568。
Theodore, archbishop, 36, 568.
狄奥多里克，27，41，54，602。
Theodoric, 27, 41, 54, 602.
泰奥格尼斯，460，682，689。
Theognis, 460, 682, 689.
神学，41，72，85，345，435。
theology, 41, 72, 85, 345, 435.
安条克的狄奥菲勒斯，640。
Theophilus of Antioch, 640.
泰奥弗拉斯托斯，192，315，582-3。
Theophrastus, 192, 315, 582–3.
忒耳西特斯，男人，(138)，197，600。
Thersites, the man, (138), 197, 600.
忒耳西特斯，137–8，600。
Thersites, 137–8, 600.
拉丁语辞典，469。
Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, 469.
忒修斯，90、155、511、513、525、536–7、677、689。
Theseus, 90, 155, 511, 513, 525, 536–7, 677, 689.
忒提斯，148。
Thetis, 148.
汤姆森·詹姆斯，《恐怖之夜之城》，432。
Thomson, James, The City of Dreadful Night, 432.
托尔，39岁。
Thor, 39.
梭罗，542。
Thoreau, 542.
色雷斯，535。
Thrace, 535.
色拉叙马霍斯，（460），689。
Thrasymachus, (460), 689.
修昔底德，188，367，574
Thucydides, 188, 367, 574
译文，117。
translated, 117.
西藏，435，496。
Tibet, 435, 496.
Tibullus，阅读并改编，68、167、190、402、667
Tibullus, read and adapted, 68, 167, 190, 402, 667
译文，375。
translated, 375.
提埃波罗，291。
Tiepolo, 291.
蒂勒蒙特，345。
Tillemont, 345.
蒂莫莱昂，402。
Timoleon, 402.
雅典的泰门，197，208，623。
Timon of Athens, 197, 208, 623.
弗利乌斯的泰门，E Σiλλοτ，651。
Timon of Phlius, E Σiλλοτ, 651.
提摩太，612。
Timotheus, 612.
廷塔杰尔，439。
Tintagel, 439.
蒂普托夫特，约翰，伍斯特伯爵，119。
Tiptoft, John, earl of Worcester, 119.
提雷西亚斯，510、514-15、516、538、699。
Tiresias, 510, 514–15, 516, 538, 699.
蒂施拜因，670。
Tischbein, 670.
Titania，204–5，620–1。
Titania, 204–5, 620–1.
泰坦，21，148，150-1，204，234，236，245，416，528，681。
Titans, 21, 148, 150–1, 204, 234, 236, 245, 416, 528, 681.
提托诺斯，152。
Tithonus, 152.
提香，178，291。
Titian, 178, 291.
提图斯皇帝，665 年。
Titus, emperor, 665.
提提鲁斯，172，705。
Tityrus, 172, 705.
提提乌斯，148。
Tityus, 148.
致一只即将死去的青蛙，638。
To an Expiring Frog, 638.
托卡塔，241，290。
toccatas, 241, 290.
托洛梅，克劳迪奥，635。
Tolomei, Claudio, 635.
列夫·尼古拉耶维奇·托尔斯泰, 93, 542
Tolstoy, Lev Nikolayevich, 93, 542
安娜·卡列尼娜，450
Anna Karenina, 450
《战争与和平》，51，106，274，344，404。
War and Peace, 51, 106, 274, 344, 404.
墓葬，365，428–9，458，472。
tombs, 365, 428–9, 458, 472.
托米，59岁。
Tomi, 59.
图克，416。
Tooke, 416.
酷刑，41，328
torture, 41, 328
艺术方面，372
in art, 372
在文献中，133，291，299，538。
in literature, 133, 291, 299, 538.
托利，124。
Tory, 124.
图尔，米歇尔·纪尧姆·德，124。
Tours, Michel Guillaume de, 124.
查尔斯·图坦（Charles Toutain），122。
Toutain, Charles, 122.
塔, 象牙, 187, 439, 683
tower, ivory, 187, 439, 683
蒙田，187，616。
Montaigne’s, 187, 616.
城镇规划，291，296，368。
town-planning, 291, 296, 368.
汤因比，AJ，《历史研究》，12、27、267、351、474–5、477–8、479、556、558、559、584、612、659、661、691。
Toynbee, A. J., A Study of History, 12, 27, 267, 351, 474–5, 477–8, 479, 556, 558, 559, 584, 612, 659, 661, 691.
贸易，243，471-2，493，521，690。
trade, 243, 471–2, 493, 521, 690.
传统，227、261、288、409、443、482、489、562。
tradition, 227, 261, 288, 409, 443, 482, 489, 562.
悲剧, 七, 20, 24, 71, 84, 97, 128, 130–1, 133, 165, 198, 281, 290, 291, 295, 297, 298, 300–1, 358, 375–6, 392, 443、 524–5、532、538、546、599
tragedy, vii, 20, 24, 71, 84, 97, 128, 130–1, 133, 165, 198, 281, 290, 291, 295, 297, 298, 300–1, 358, 375–6, 392, 443, 524–5, 532, 538, 546, 599
词义，583，591
meaning of the word, 583, 591
巴洛克风格，290、292、293–302、316、322、374–5、425、426
baroque, 290, 292, 293–302, 316, 322, 374–5, 425, 426
英语，120–1，128–9，132–3，137，194–218，293–302，360，375，419，450–3，526
English, 120–1, 128–9, 132–3, 137, 194–218, 293–302, 360, 375, 419, 450–3, 526
法语，120–1, 128, 134, 137, 232, 281, 293–302, 375, 380, 395, 401–2, 527, 531–40, 599–600
French, 120–1, 128, 134, 137, 232, 281, 293–302, 375, 380, 395, 401–2, 527, 531–40, 599–600
德语，376，378，380，386–90，526
German, 376, 378, 380, 386–90, 526
希腊罗马，或一般意义上的“古典”，293–4、299、300、316、322、426
Greco-Roman, or ‘classical’ in general, 293–4, 299, 300, 316, 322, 426
希腊文，一般，128，131，134，136，137，141-2，188，198，207-8，222，225，230，236，294，297，300-1，335，337，361，375-6，378-9，380，392，419，459，489，494，533，542，552，599，648
Greek, general, 128, 131, 134, 136, 137, 141–2, 188, 198, 207–8, 222, 225, 230, 236, 294, 297, 300–1, 335, 337, 361, 375–6, 378–9, 380, 392, 419, 459, 489, 494, 533, 542, 552, 599, 648
意大利语，120–1, 127–43, 289–302, 424–7, 527
Italian, 120–1, 127–43, 289–302, 424–7, 527
模拟悲剧，504
mock tragedy, 504
波兰语，541
Polish, 541
Roman，105，131，230，281，299，301，451，570，598；另参见塞内卡。
Roman, 105, 131, 230, 281, 299, 301, 451, 570, 598; and see Seneca.
图拉真，347，568，633。
Trajan, 347, 568, 633.
Tranio，（205），625–6。
Tranio, (205), 625–6.
翻译, 40–6, 104–7, 112–14, 156–8, 329, 379, 393, 472, 479–90, 498
translation, 40–6, 104–7, 112–14, 156–8, 329, 379, 393, 472, 479–90, 498
伪造的翻译，328，430-1，458
bogus translations, 328, 430–1, 458
翻译的不足，271–2、277、282、371、498、642–3、693
inadequacy of translations, 271–2, 277, 282, 371, 498, 642–3, 693
并参见错译。（有关个别作者的翻译，请参阅各作者条目。）
and see mistranslations. (For translations of individual authors, see each author-entry.)
旅行者故事，56，304–5，307。
travellers’ tales, 56, 304–5, 307.
特伦特会议，259。
Trent, Council of, 259.
三元诗，222、236-9、633。
triadic poems, 222, 236–9, 633.
论坛报，标题，88，396，398。
tribune, the title, 88, 396, 398.
三冒号，112–13、184、334–5、347、561、657。
tricolon, 112–13, 184, 334–5, 347, 561, 657.
三部曲，542。
trilogy, 542.
Trimalchio，516，689。
Trimalchio, 516, 689.
剑桥大学三一学院，295。
Trinity College, Cambridge, 295.
牛津大学三一学院，136。
Trinity College, Oxford, 136.
Trippel，A.，664。
Trippel, A., 664.
特里普托勒摩斯，521。
Triptolemus, 521.
乔万·乔治·特里西诺，136、146。
Trissino, Giovan Giorgio, 136, 146.
—作品：坎佐尼，629
—works: canzoni, 629
意大利从哥特人手中解放出来，146、149、603、605
The Liberation of Italy from the Goths, 146, 149, 603, 605
诗学，143
Poetice, 143
索福尼斯巴，136，146，599，629。
Sophonisba, 136, 146, 599, 629.
特里斯坦与伊索尔德，58，91，555。
Tristan and Isolde, 58, 91, 555.
特里斯坦，法国作家，280
Tristan, French author, 280
莱奥帕尔迪的笔名，432。
Leopardi’s pseudonym, 432.
Triton，437，676。
Triton, 437, 676.
特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达，52，55，90，94，（5.77）。
Troilus and Cressida, 52, 55, 90, 94, (5.77).
特洛伊木马，371–2。
Trojan Horse, 371–2.
特洛伊战争，50–2、90、94、96–7、148、271、283、371–2、385、422、429、487、526、532、533–4、546、574–5、576。
Trojan war, 50–2, 90, 94, 96–7, 148, 271, 283, 371–2, 385, 422, 429, 487, 526, 532, 533–4, 546, 574–5, 576.
特洛伊人，50–1、54、64、154、371–2、400、487、564、573
Trojans, 50–1, 54, 64, 154, 371–2, 400, 487, 564, 573
英国，54，137。
in Britain, 54, 137.
游吟诗人，48，60，579–80，585。
troubadours, 48, 60, 579–80, 585.
特洛伊, 23, 27, 50–1, 53, 55, 83, 96, 144, 151–2, 156–7, 216–17, 300, 371–2, 429, （450), 468, 533–4, 546, 574–5, 600, 606, 665
Troy, 23, 27, 50–1, 53, 55, 83, 96, 144, 151–2, 156–7, 216–17, 300, 371–2, 429, (450), 468, 533–4, 546, 574–5, 600, 606, 665
神话，47、50-5、144、151、156、163、197、372、533、546、565、578、580、600、602。
the myth, 47, 50–5, 144, 151, 156, 163, 197, 372, 533, 546, 565, 578, 580, 600, 602.
纽约州特洛伊，400。
Troy, N.Y., 400.
特洛伊诺凡特，151。
Troynovant, 151.
真理，86，444。
Truth, 86, 444.
沙皇，头衔，6
Tsar, the title, 6
亚历山大，328
Alexander, 328
沙皇政府，351。
Tsarist government, 351.
Tuim，Jehan de，《朱利叶斯·凯撒的历史》，577。
Tuim, Jehan de, Li hystoire de Julius Caesar, 577.
塔利（=西塞罗），400。
Tully (= Cicero), 400.
Turberville，George，124–5。
Turberville, George, 124–5.
土耳其和土耳其人，4、6、12、17、19、236、（259）、346、353、362、365、378、405、423、435、556、661。
Turkey and the Turks, 4, 6, 12, 17, 19, 236, (259), 346, 353, 362, 365, 378, 405, 423, 435, 556, 661.
阿德里安尼斯·特内布斯，616、639。
Turnebus, Adrianiis, 616, 639.
英雄图努斯，150，154，156，609。
Turnus the hero, 150, 154, 156, 609.
讽刺作家图努斯，695。
Turnus the satirist, 695.
托斯卡纳，152
Tuscany, 152
托斯卡纳，424–5、658。
Tuscan, 424–5, 658.
特温，115。
Twyne, 115.
泰德，630。
Tyard, 630.
堤丢斯（Tydeus），580。
Tydeus, 580.
Tyl Ulenspiegel，181，306。
Tyl Ulenspiegel, 181, 306.
类型，印刷，17，561，589。
types, printing, 17, 561, 589.
暴君与暴政，132、180、326、361–2、378、384、391、406、421、423、424、425、426–7、429、436、540、548、599、680。
tyrants and tyranny, 132, 180, 326, 361–2, 378, 384, 391, 406, 421, 423, 424, 425, 426–7, 429, 436, 540, 548, 599, 680.
Tzara，Tristan，256。
Tzara, Tristan, 256.
尼古拉斯·尤德尔，拉尔夫·罗斯特-多斯特，138、600、624。
Udall, Nicholas, Ralph Roister-Doister, 138, 600, 624.
Ueberlieferungsgeschichte，695。
Ueberlieferungsgeschichte, 695.
尤利西斯：名字，696；参见奥德修斯。
Ulysses: the name, 696; and see Odysseus.
安德唐，124，164，648。
Underdown, 124, 164, 648.
冥界，49、77–8、148、153、291、388、510–14、516、529、535、573、607、698。
underworld, 49, 77–8, 148, 153, 291, 388, 510–14, 516, 529, 535, 573, 607, 698.
统一性，统一性的“规律”，137，142-3，298，301-2，533
unities, the ‘laws’ of unity, 137, 142–3, 298, 301–2, 533
行动，142，425，533
action, 142, 425, 533
时间，142，505–6，533
time, 142, 505–6, 533
位，142–3、505、533。
place, 142–3, 505, 533.
大学，11，50，57，66，181，257，326，368，409，466，467，492，493，495，499。
universities, 11, 50, 57, 66, 181, 257, 326, 368, 409, 466, 467, 492, 493, 495, 499.
都柏林大学学院，509，(518)。
University College, Dublin, 509, (518).
乌尔班八世，235。
Urban VIII, 235.
乌尔菲，Honoré d'，170–2
Urfé, Honoré d’, 170–2
阿莎蕊雅, 170, 172, 337, 343, 658
Astraea, 170, 172, 337, 343, 658
西尔瓦尼尔，641。
Sylvanire, 641.
尤蒂卡，400。
Utica, 400.
乌托邦，182–3、615。
Utopia, 182–3, 615.
Val，P.du，118。
Val, P. du, 118.
瓦伦斯和瓦伦提尼安，5。
Valens and Valentinian, 5.
瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯，《阿尔戈英雄纪》，101, 593。
Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica, 101, 593.
瓦莱里乌斯马克西姆斯，101，190。
Valerius Maximus, 101, 190.
瓦莱里，保罗·安布鲁瓦兹，501、503–4、508–9、518、696。
Valéry, Paul-Ambroise, 501, 503–4, 508–9, 518, 696.
——作品：《纳西斯颂歌》，697
—works: Cantate du Narcisse, 697
《水仙》残卷，501、504、509、697
Fragments of ‘Narcissus’, 501, 504, 509, 697
纳西斯·佩尔
Narcisse parle, 697
皮提亚女先知，501，509，697
The Pythian Prophetess, 501, 509, 697
年轻的命运，501，508–9，697。
The Young Fate, 501, 508–9, 697.
洛伦佐·瓦拉，114, 116–17。
Valla, Lorenzo, 114, 116–17.
瓦洛内，安东尼奥，125。
Vallone, Antonio, 125.
范布勒爵士约翰，291。
Vanbrugh, Sir John, 291.
Van Obstal 引述，373。
Van Obstal quoted, 373.
汪达尔人，346，557。
Vandals, 346, 557.
Varius，172，613。
Varius, 172, 613.
学者瓦罗，303，570，665
Varro, the scholar, 303, 570, 665
莎士比亚，197。
in Shakespeare, 197.
花瓶，291，417，677。
vases, 291, 417, 677.
藩属，参见封建制度。
vassals, see feudalism.
梵蒂冈，312
Vatican, 312
大法官府，18
the chancery, 18
图书馆，17–18，328，599
the library, 17–18, 328, 599
博物馆，16.
the museum, 16.
沃恩，239，633，676。
Vaughan, 239, 633, 676.
威尼斯和威尼斯人，135、230、427–8、477、560、588、618。
Venice and the Venetians, 135, 230, 427–8, 477, 560, 588, 618.
金星，63，91，99，169，195，212-13，241，420，442，455，458-9，507，523，563，595，605-6，620，682，704。
Venus, 63, 91, 99, 169, 195, 212–13, 241, 420, 442, 455, 458–9, 507, 523, 563, 595, 605–6, 620, 682, 704.
维纳斯·厄里西娜（507），697
Venus Erycina, (507), 697
美第奇，415
Medici, 415
米洛，447。
of Milo, 447.
威尔第，376，448
Verdi, 376, 448
命运之力，308。
La Forza del Destino, 308.
维吉尔的性格与生涯，72–5、172–3、465、477、486、584、698
Vergil, character and career, 72–5, 172–3, 465, 477, 486, 584, 698
姓名，584
name, 584
引文及改编，34、37、44、55–6、64、67–8、84–6、90、95、99、104、144、146–58、160、167–8、171、190、203、216–17、235、245、247、314、329、404、406–7、422、435、485–7、525、563–5、571、578、584、586、588、589、591、600、620、626、673、693
quotations and adaptations, 34, 37, 44, 55–6, 64, 67–8, 84–6, 90, 95, 99, 104, 144, 146–58, 160, 167–8, 171, 190, 203, 216–17, 235, 245, 247, 314, 329, 404, 406–7, 422, 435, 485–7, 525, 563–5, 571, 578, 584, 586, 588, 589, 591, 600, 620, 626, 673, 693
声誉, 59, 80, 82, 100, 128, 264, 267, 271, 324, 400, 577
reputation, 59, 80, 82, 100, 128, 264, 267, 271, 324, 400, 577
研究和欣赏，49，84，188，231，264，277，302，340，360，367，393，405，406-7，415，419，421，446，448，455，490，492，533，548-9，569，585，603，642，645，659，673-5，705
study and appreciation, 49, 84, 188, 231, 264, 277, 302, 340, 360, 367, 393, 405, 406–7, 415, 419, 421, 446, 448, 455, 490, 492, 533, 548–9, 569, 585, 603, 642, 645, 659, 673–5, 705
款式, 6, 53, 105, 159, 447
style, 6, 53, 105, 159, 447
但丁的老师，70–80, 102, 144, 153, 263, 387–8, 548, 584. 585–6
teacher of Dante, 70–80, 102, 144, 153, 263, 387–8, 548, 584. 585–6
译本，115–16、124、245、375、415、419、675、678、681。
translations, 115–16, 124, 245, 375, 415, 419, 675, 678, 681.
—作品：《埃涅阿斯纪》，25、51、53、54、55-6、64、68、71-4、77、79-80、85-6、90-1、99、115-16、135、144、147-8、150-1。 153–5、157–8、160、217、235、245、270、337、338、342、373、406、415、499、511、567、571、574、584、588–9、591、592、 600、604、665、681、693、698、704
—works: Aeneid, 25, 51, 53, 54, 55–6, 64, 68, 71–4, 77, 79–80, 85–6, 90–1, 99, 115–16, 135, 144, 147–8, 150–1. 153–5, 157–8, 160, 217, 235, 245, 270, 337, 338, 342, 373, 406, 415, 499, 511, 567, 571, 574, 584, 588–9, 591, 592, 600, 604, 665, 681, 693, 698, 704
维吉利亚附录，650
Appendix Vergiliana, 650
莫雷图姆，672，681
Moretum, 672, 681
布科利克人，68，86，124，139，163，167，170-1，172，173-4，245，280，406，525，592，600，611-13，678，705（布科利克人4:8，72-3，75，399，422，584，672，702）
Bucolics, 68, 86, 124, 139, 163, 167, 170–1, 172, 173–4, 245, 280, 406, 525, 592, 600, 611–13, 678, 705 (Buc. 4: 8, 72–3, 75, 399, 422, 584, 672, 702)
乔治亚州, 68, 74, 75, 79, 124, 188, 245, 399, 406, 435, 592, 597, 601, 678。
Georgia, 68, 74, 75, 79, 124, 188, 245, 399, 406, 435, 592, 597, 601, 678.
维尼奥，397。
Vergniaud, 397.
维罗纳，8，83–4，618，690。
Verona, 8, 83–4, 618, 690.
委罗内塞，291。
Veronese, 291.
凡尔赛，296，320，345，368，396。
Versailles, 296, 320, 345, 368, 396.
维多利亚主义，272，340，445，457，480，495，685，692。
Victorianism, 272, 340, 445, 457, 480, 495, 685, 692.
维达尔·德·诺亚，弗朗西斯科，117。
Vidal de Noya, Francisco, 117.
Vielfeld，J.，117。
Vielfeld, J., 117.
维也纳, 城市, 123, 368
Vienna, city, 123, 368
法院，308
court, 308
大学，11.
university, 11.
《维纳斯守夜》， 220，516。
Vigil of Venus, The, 220, 516.
维拉拉古特，安东尼奥，122。
Vilaragut, Antonio, 122.
恶棍，460，689。
villains, 460, 689.
维拉-罗伯斯，Heitor，166。
Villa-Lobos, Heitor, 166.
别墅，罗马，400-1。
villas, Roman, 400–1.
博韦的圣文森特，《历史之镜》，101，593，701。
Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, 101, 593, 701.
列奥纳多·达·芬奇，15, 178–9
Vinci, Leonardo da, 15, 178–9
《最后的晚餐》，372。
The Last Supper, 372.
文西格拉，安东尼奥，309。
Vinciguerra, Antonio, 309.
维吉尔 (Virgil)，参见维吉尔 (Vergil)。
Virgil, see Vergil.
《维吉尼亚》，74，584。
‘Virgilius’, 74, 584.
弗吉尼亚州，399-401。
Virginia, 399–401.
美德，146，167，395，411，427，604。
virtues, 146, 167, 395, 411, 427, 604.
西哥特人，478，558。
Visigoths, 478, 558.
阿达姆南的幻象，584
Vision, of Adamnan, 584
厄尔，584
of Er, 584
Jean Gerson，69 岁
of Jean Gerson, 69
坦代尔，584
of Tundale, 584
韦廷的幻象，584。
Visions of Wettin, 584.
维特里，菲利普·德，166。
Vitri, Philippe de, 166.
维特鲁威，129，180，264，598。
Vitruvius, 129, 180, 264, 598.
维韦斯，胡安·路易斯，656。
Vives, Juan Luis, 656.
沃图尔，280。
Voiture, 280.
伏尔泰的事业和性格，83，293，321
Voltaire, career and character, 83, 293, 321
教育。以及经典的使用，83、292、327-8、370、374-5、541-2、543、（555）、668
education. and use of the classics, 83, 292, 327–8, 370, 374–5, 541–2, 543, (555), 668
影响力和声誉，352，363，374-5，424，628
influence and reputation, 352, 363, 374–5, 424, 628
引自第 328 页、第 648 页、第 656 页。
quoted, 328, 648, 656.
—作品：《老实人》，307
—works: Candide, 307
《Des Délits et des peines》书评，328
Commentaire sur le livre ‘Des Délits et des peines’, 328
诗歌随笔, 668
Essai sur la poésie épique, 668
《亨利亚德》 374–5, 668
La Henriade, 374–5, 668
悲剧，293、374-5、425-6。
tragedies, 293, 374–5, 425–6.
沃斯，约翰·海因里希，反符号，701
Voss, Johann Heinrich, Anti-Symbolik, 701
路易丝668
Luise, 668
翻译，375.690。
translations, 375. 690.
火神，150，600，605–6，701。
Vulcan, 150, 600, 605–6, 701.
武加大圣经，见圣经，译本。
Vulgate, see Bible, translated.
“WB”，125。
“W. B.’, 125.
“WW”，121，624。
‘W. W.’, 121, 624.
瓦格纳，科西玛，689。
Wagner, Cosima, 689.
瓦格纳，理查德，437
Wagner, Richard, 437
经典的教育和运用，542，705。
education and use of the classics, 542, 705.
瓦格纳，歌剧，141，376，448，531，688
Wagner, operas, 141, 376, 448, 531, 688
名歌手，（368）
The Mastersingers, (368)
《尼伯龙根的指环》，23–4、141、271、542、705
‘The Ring of the Nibelungs, 23–4, 141, 271, 542, 705
特里斯坦与伊索尔德，58。
Tristan and Isolde, 58.
威尔士，文化，46，568，619
Wales, culture, 46, 568, 619
历史，568
history, 568
文学，22，27
literature, 22, 27
地雷（Cimbri = Cymry！），700。
mines (Cimbri = Cymry!), 700.
华莱士、卢、宾虚，340、404、463。
Wallace, Lew, Ben-Hur, 340, 404, 463.
游学文人，12，438，561，569。
wandering scholars, 12, 438, 561, 569.
战争, 243, 345, 386, 422, 465, 526, 540, 543, 574
war, 243, 345, 386, 422, 465, 526, 540, 543, 574
美国民用，463
American Civil, 463
巴洛克风格，287
baroque, 287
270 桶
of the bucket, 270
查理曼大帝，603
of Charlemagne, 603
第一世界，257，268，466–7，471，526
First World, 257, 268, 466–7, 471, 526
普法战争，692
Franco-Prussian, 692
法国-印度，403
French-Indian, 403
希腊和罗马，73，225，422，584
Greek and Roman, 73, 225, 422, 584
希腊-土耳其语，405
Greco-Turkish, 405
百年，93
Hundred Years, 93
路易十四时期，243、338–9
Louis XIV’s, 243, 338–9
中世纪和现代欧洲，一般来说，57-8、59、93、269、435、472
of medieval and modern Europe, generally, 57–8, 59, 93, 269, 435, 472
宗教，187，259，311
religious, 187, 259, 311
玫瑰，473
of the Roses, 473
第二次布匿战争，154
second Punic, 154
第二世界，471，534，538
Second World, 471, 534, 538
七年，659
Seven Years, 659
三十年，259，368以及参见十字军东征、罗马、特洛伊。
Thirty Years, 259, 368 and see Crusades, Rome, Troy.
战争贩子，511，534。
warmongers, 511, 534.
华纳，威廉，624。
Warner, William, 624.
Warshewiczki，Stanislas，124。
Warshewiczki, Stanislas, 124.
华盛顿特区，463。
Washington, D.C., 463.
华盛顿，乔治，399，672。
Washington, George, 399, 672.
托马斯·沃森·埃克·卡罗μπaθia，237
Watson, Thomas, Ek εkaroμπaθia, 237
tr. 《安提戈涅》，120。
tr. Antigone, 120.
瓦茨，艾萨克，《审判日》，249–50。
Watts, Isaac, Day of Judgment, 249–50.
韦伯斯特，约翰，129
Webster, John, 129
马尔菲公爵夫人，133。
The Duckess of Malfi, 133.
韦奇伍德，401，664。
Wedgwood, 401, 664.
Weland the Smith，10，（346），561。
Weland the Smith, 10, (346), 561.
韦尔费尔，弗朗茨，《特洛伊妇女》，526。
Werfel, Franz, The Trojan Women, 526.
韦斯特，丽贝卡，166。
West, Rebecca, 166.
威斯敏斯特大教堂，282
Westminster, Abbey, 282
学校，295。
School, 295.
西撒克逊福音，47。
West Saxon Gospels, 47.
惠斯勒，詹姆斯麦克尼尔，502。
Whistler, James McNeill, 502.
惠特比修道院，28，566
Whitby, Abbey, 28, 566
宗教会议，36，568。
synod of, 36, 568.
惠特曼，沃尔特，254，542。
Whitman, Walt, 254, 542.
惠廷顿，R.，119，120。
Whittington, R., 119, 120.
威德西斯，28岁。
Widsith, 28.
巴斯妻子，12，95，100。
Wife of Bath, 12, 95, 100.
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff，Ulrich von，458–9、484–5、490、654、688、691。
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ulrich von, 458–9, 484–5, 490, 654, 688, 691.
王尔德，奥斯卡，446, 525–6, 702
Wilde, Oscar, 446, 525–6, 702
《道林·格雷的画像》 526，685
The Picture of Dorian Gray, 526, 685
莎乐美，455，526。
Salomé, 455, 526.
Wilder, Thornton，《三月十五日》，340
Wilder, Thornton, The Ides of March, 340
我们的小镇，130。
Our Town, 130.
康奇斯的威廉，641。
William of Conches, 641.
莫尔贝克的威廉，595 岁。
William of Moerbeke, 595.
威廉三世，289–90。
William III, 289–90.
威廉姆斯，R.沃恩，《牧牛人休》，175–6
Williams, R. Vaughan, Hugh the Drover, 175–6
音乐小夜曲241。
Serenade for Music 241.
威尔逊，T.，122。
Wilson, T., 122.
学院，11，623。
College, 11, 623.
温克尔曼，约翰·约阿希姆，性格与事业，365，369–71，389，661–2
Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, character and career, 365, 369–71, 389, 661–2
教育和古典知识，369–71、372–4、379、661、664
education and knowledge of the classics, 369–71, 372–4, 379, 661, 664
影响，367，374，391，448，663-5。
influence, 367, 374, 391, 448, 663–5.
—作品：散文，664–5
—works: essays, 664–5
古代艺术史，371
A History of Art among the Ancients, 371
寄信人, 646
Sendschreiben, 646
关于模仿希腊作品的思考，369
Thoughts on the Imitation of Greek Works, 369
未出版的古代古迹，371。
Un-published Ancient Monuments, 371.
愿望实现，165，182，192，523-5。
wish-fulfilment, 165, 182, 192, 523–5.
女巫和巫术，133、146、148、206、208-9、388、455、511、584、678。
witches and witchcraft, 133, 146, 148, 206, 208–9, 388, 455, 511, 584, 678.
Wittig，J.，118。
Wittig, J., 118.
沃尔科特，约翰，638。
Wolcot, John, 638.
沃尔夫，弗里德里希·奥古斯特，383–4、448、488–9
Wolf, Friedrich August, 383–4, 448, 488–9
荷马简介，383–6、668–9、690。
Introduction to Homer, 383–6, 668–9, 690.
沃尔夫，雨果，歌曲，58，177，380，614。
Wolf, Hugo, songs, 58, 177, 380, 614.
伍德，格兰特，166。
Wood, Grant, 166.
伍德，罗伯特， 《荷马论文集》，370、379、383、384、448、664、668。
Wood, Robert, Essay on ... Homer, 370, 379, 383, 384, 448, 664, 668.
伍斯特，约翰·蒂普托夫特伯爵，119。
Worcester, John Tiptoft, earl of, 119.
华兹华斯，多萝西，676。
Wordsworth, Dorothy, 676.
华兹华斯，威廉，事业、观点和性格，249、356、408–12、418、427、(434)、516、679
Wordsworth, William, career, opinions, and character, 249, 356, 408–12, 418, 427, (434), 516, 679
教育和经典的使用，249，250，251-2，253，408-12，420，661，675-6，699
education and use of the classics, 249, 250, 251–2, 253, 408–12, 420, 661, 675–6, 699
影响力，241
influence, 241
引自，258，427。
quoted, 258, 427.
—作品：《快乐战士的性格》，411
—works: Character of the Happy Warrior, 411
远足, 411
The Excursion, 411
我像一朵云一样孤独地徘徊（516）
I wandered lonely as a Cloud, (516);
劳达米亚412
Laodamia, 412
丁登寺上方的线条，410
Lines composed … above Tintern Abbey, 410
颂歌——永生的暗示，251–2、253、411–12、675–6
Ode—Intimations of Immortality, 251–2, 253, 411–12, 675–6
责任颂，411，637
Ode to Duty, 411, 637
关于石蒜颂661、675 的注释
note on Ode to Lycoris 661, 675
彼得·贝尔（Peter Bell），382–3
Peter Bell, 382–3
序曲，410，639
The Prelude, 410, 639
隐士，359
The Recluse, 359
十四行诗，249，408，410，675，683
sonnets, 249, 408, 410, 675, 683
译文：《埃涅阿斯纪》，675
tr. Aeneid, 675
tr. Juvenal 8，675
tr. Juvenal 8, 675
未发表片段，411
unpublished fragment, 411
世界对我们来说太过沉重，377，437，439，662，676。
The World is too much with Us, 377, 437, 439, 662, 676.
沃顿，威廉，《对古代和现代学习的思考》，282–5。
Wotton, William, Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning, 282–5.
雷恩，克里斯托弗爵士，291。
Wren, Sir Christopher, 291.
写作，3、4、184、384–6、468、487、589。
writing, 3, 4, 184, 384–6, 468, 487, 589.
维尔茨堡，康拉德·冯，577。
Würzburg, Konrad von, 577.
怀亚特爵士托马斯，讽刺作品，310–11，650–1
Wyat, Sir Thomas, satires, 310–11, 650–1
普鲁塔克译，119
tr. Plutarch, 119
Vixi puellis，636。
Vixi puellis, 636.
Wyer，119。
Wyer, 119.
Wylkinson，J.，119。
Wylkinson, J., 119.
X，签名，558。
X, signing with, 558.
色诺芬，读，190，369，490，650
Xenophon, read, 190, 369, 490, 650
译文，117。
translated, 117.
—作品：《远征记》，490
—works: Anabasis, 490
回忆录，375。
Memoirs, 375.
薛西斯，68，176。
Xerxes, 68, 176.
Xylander，W.，119。
Xylander, W., 119.
耶鲁学院，491-2。
Yale College, 491–2.
叶芝，WB，511，518，696。
Yeats, W. B., 511, 518, 696.
爱德华·杨，远洋帝国，243
Young, Edward, Imperium pelagi, 243
夜思，429。
Night Thoughts, 429.
萨帕塔，路易斯，125。
Zapata, Luis, 125.
萨苏埃拉斯，130。
zarzuelas, 130.
宙斯，78、150-1、487、595、605；另参阅木星。
Zeus, 78, 150–1, 487, 595, 605; and see Jupiter.
黄道十二宫，150，170，522。
zodiac, 150, 170, 522.
Zoilus，270，574。
Zoilus, 270, 574.
左拉，埃米尔，437。
Zola, Émile, 437.